China

Special Report

Highlights Our market-based China growth indicator has risen meaningfully since mid-December, but mostly due to the equity components. For now, we regard this as a mixed signal, rather than a green light for Chinese stocks. Our research suggests that the odds of a serious earnings contraction for Chinese investable stocks over the coming year are high. Stocks are only likely to bottom near the end of the earnings adjustment process, if the 2014-2015 episode is a guide. Despite reasonable relative valuation, the long-term downtrend in sales-to-GDP suggests that Chinese stocks may be a “value trap” even over a multi-year time horizon. Feature Over the past several months BCA’s China Investment Strategy service has focused heavily on the cyclical condition of China’s economy, and whether any “green shoots” are evident from the key indicators that we track. We noted in last week’s report that our leading indicator for China’s old economy continues to point to slower growth over the coming months,1 a conclusion that is generally supported by the December trade, money, and credit data. In today's special report we address six questions concerning the outlook for Chinese stocks in light of passive outperformance versus the global benchmark over the past 3 months. We highlighted in last week’s report that investors should not view recent outperformance as a positive cyclical sign for Chinese stocks, and our answers to the questions below will hopefully provide readers with a fuller understanding of our neutral stance over a 6- to 12-month time horizon. The bottom line of our analysis is that a cyclical (6-12 month) overweight stance toward Chinese investable stocks versus the global benchmark remains uncompelling until the earnings contraction that is likely to occur this year is well underway. Chinese stocks offer reasonable-to-good valuation relative to global stocks, but may be cheap for a reason even over a multi-year time horizon. We remain tactically overweight Chinese investable stocks in recognition of the fact that investors may bid up the market in the lead-up to a possible trade deal with the U.S., but a legitimate improvement in domestic fundamentals is likely needed before we recommend investors upgrade their medium-term equity allocation to China. Q: Are the market signals from China-related assets bullish or bearish for Chinese stocks? A: Our market-based China growth indicator has risen meaningfully since mid-December, but mostly due to the equity components. For now, we regard this as a mixed signal, rather than a green light for Chinese stocks. Chart 1 presents our market-based China growth indicator, its four asset class subcomponents, and the range between the strongest and weakest components. Table 1 shows the change in the indicator and its 17 individual components since December 10, when the indicator clearly broke out. Chart 1Largely Driven By EM Equity Relative Performance Both the chart and the table make it clear that the recent rise in the indicator is not uniform. While it is true that most of the individual components have improved over the past month, the equity components and two currency measures (the inverse of the dollar and Asian currencies), especially CNY-USD have accounted for most of the gains. Table 1(Anomalous) Equity Relative Performance Has Driven The Recent Improvement In Our MBCGI As we noted in last week’s report, the Q4 outperformance of Chinese / emerging market stocks has been passive in nature, meaning that they have outperformed simply because developed market equities have collapsed. This, in combination with the fact that the strongest currency components have been linked to declining interest rate expectations in the U.S., tell us that the aggregate indicator has largely risen due to a 1) generalized selloff in global risk assets, 2) perceptions of easier Fed policy, and 3) a modest improvement in sentiment concerning the U.S.-China trade war. While it would not normally be the case that a global equity selloff would cause the equity component of our indicator to rise, December was atypical because many China-related assets had already declined in advance of the selloff. Are the latter two factors noted above reason enough move to an overweight stance towards Chinese stocks over the coming 6- to 12-months? In our view, the answer is “not yet”. While easier U.S. monetary policy is certainly welcome (particularly given our view that a recession is unlikely), it is not yet clear that either of the negative factors waiting on Chinese stocks in absolute terms will be resolved over the coming year. The first factor is the trade war with the U.S. We agree that the odds of some sort of a deal that avoids further tariff imposition have risen significantly over the past two months, more than we anticipated in the lead-up to the G20 meeting in Argentina. However, given the deep, structural nature of the dispute between the U.S. and China, we think it is dangerous to pre-emptively act on an agreement that may not come or may take much longer to be reached than investors currently hope. This risk is in addition to what is likely to be a deceleration in export growth over the coming few months regardless of the outcome of negotiations, as the export front-running effect that has boosted trade volume over the past several months wanes. But as we address in the next question, the second negative factor impacting Chinese stocks is the upcoming impact of a slowing domestic economy on Chinese earnings, an effect that is not likely to be impacted by the changes in the global economy implied by financial markets since mid-December. Q: What is the outlook for Chinese earnings growth over the coming year? A: Our research suggests that the odds of a serious earnings contraction over the coming year are high. Chart 2 presents an update to a model for Chinese ex-tech (or “old economy”) earnings growth that is part of our analytical toolkit.2 The model paints a rosy outlook for earnings growth, suggesting that it is set to decelerate over the coming year but will continue to grow at a double-digit rate. Chart 2The Li Keqiang Index Suggests Ex-Tech Earnings Growth Will Stay Positive... However, one problem with the approach used in Chart 2 is the fact that we have used the Li Keqiang index (LKI) as the independent variable in the model. Historically the LKI has reliably led ex-tech earnings growth, but we have highlighted several times over the past few months that the index is currently being supported by trade front-running activity that is very likely to wane, a view that is strongly consistent with the very negative December trade data that was released earlier this week. Chart 3 presents a different approach, namely the prediction of the odds of a serious investable equity earnings contraction over the coming 12-months (defined as earnings growth falling below -5%). The statistical approach taken in Chart 3 (logistic regression) is similar to that often employed by researchers attempting to predict the odds of a recession, and the chart shows that the model successfully warned of the two major earnings contractions over the past decade. Crucially, the odds of a major contraction did not rise about the 50% mark in 2012, when investable earnings growth decelerated significantly and fell briefly into negative territory. Chart 3...But Other Measures Imply High Odds Of An Outright Contraction The current message from the model is clear: the odds of a significant earnings contraction over the coming 12-months are as high as 70%, implying that the deceleration in 12-onth trailing earnings growth shown in panel 2 of Chart 3 is likely to continue. Q: If earnings are set to contract, when will investors anticipate a recovery? A: Near the end of the earnings adjustment process (for investable stocks), if the 2014-2015 episode is any guide. Chart 4 presents some perspective on the issue of when investors are likely to anticipate an eventual bottom in earnings if a contraction does indeed occur. The chart shows the level of 12-month forward earnings for investable and domestic stocks, and circles at what point stocks in each market bottomed during the massive selloff in the Chinese equity market from 2014-2015. Chart 4The Forward Earnings Adjustment Process Has Yet To Begin The chart shows that the domestic market bottomed roughly halfway through the earnings adjustment process, whereas the investable market bottomed almost at the end of the process. The chart also shows that this adjustment process has barely begun, which (in combination with Chart 3) currently argues against a cyclically overweight stance towards global stocks. Q: In the developed world (particularly the U.S.), elevated profit margins are viewed as a potential risk to earnings over the coming few years. Is profit margin mean-reversion a risk in China? A: Based on the absolute level of profit margins, no. Relative to the history of poor profitability for Chinese stocks, yes. Chart 5 shows the 12-month trailing profit margins for global and investable Chinese stocks. It shows how global margins have now moved past their previous cycle highs, a circumstance that is even more extreme in the case of the U.S. Chart 5Chinese Profit Margins Are Very Low, But Very Elevated Relative To Their History Investable Chinese margins are very low, which at first blush implies less risk of a mean-reversion assuming a common mean. However, panel 2 shows that Chinese investable margins are as high relative to their own history as they are for global stocks, and they have followed a similar pattern over the past few years. This suggests that the central tendency for Chinese margins is indeed significantly lower than it is for the global benchmark, and that the risk of mean reversion is similarly elevated in the face of a major economic shock. How is it possible that Chinese investable ROE has been similar or even higher than that of the global benchmark, but that profit margins are substantially lower? The answer, with very high likelihood, is leverage. Panel 1 of Chart 6 shows ROE for both markets, whereas panel 2 shows ROE divided by the profit margins shown in Chart 5. Using the DuPont approach to decomposing ROE, ROE divided by profit margins is equal to sales over equity, or the product of the asset turnover (sales/assets) and leverage (assets/equity) ratios. Panel 2 shows that product of turnover and leverage is more than twice that of global stocks, implying that Chinese companies are either extremely efficient in the use of their assets to generate sales, or they are very highly levered compared with global stocks. Chart 6High Chinese ROE The Result Of High Leverage The latter is overwhelmingly more likely. We presented evidence in our August 29 Special Report suggesting that Chinese state-owned enterprises (SOEs) now have a negative net return on borrowed funds,3 a situation that has been caused by persistent leveraging since 2010. Not only does this explain the low profitability of Chinese stocks, it also magnifies the risk of significant mean reversion beyond a 6-12 month time horizon if Chinese policymakers panic and aggressively stimulate credit to stabilize a slowing economy. Q: Are Chinese stocks relatively cheap? A: The domestic equity market, yes. The investable market, somewhat. We presented Charts 7 and 8 in our final report of 2018,4 which showed the following: The forward P/E ratio for both domestic and investable Chinese stocks has improved substantially over the past several months. In relative terms, Chinese stocks are not as cheap as they have ever been but, depending on the measure employed, usually haven’t been cheaper (at least over the past decade). The A-share market particularly stands out, with all four relative valuation measures near, at, or above their 2014 levels. Chart 7Chinese Stocks Have Become Cheaper In Absolute Terms…   Chart 8…And Relative To Global Stocks Since we published our December report, global stocks sold off severely, which has somewhat diminished the relative cheapness of investable Chinese stocks. But the bottom line for investors is that Chinese stocks are not expensive in absolute terms, relative to global stocks, or compared with the history of relative valuation. Q: Given reasonable-to-good valuation, are Chinese stocks a good long-term buy? A: Not necessarily. It is distinctly possible that Chinese investable stocks are an example of a “value trap”. When discussing equity valuations in our last report of the year, we also mused about whether Chinese stocks are a great long-term buy. We noted that valuation is normally a powerful predictor of 10-year future performance, but that deviations from this relationship can exist. Chart 9 shows a vivid example of such a deviation, by presenting the profile of investable and domestic equities versus U.S. and global stocks, all rebased to the start of the U.S. recession in December 2007. The chart shows that for every $100 invested in equities at the end of 2007, local currency prices have fallen to $52 for domestic stocks and $86 for investable stocks. This is in sharp contrast to $128 for global equities, and a whopping $176 for the S&P 500. Chart 9A (Largely) Lost Decade For Chinese Stocks Excessive Chinese stock market valuation at the end of the last economic cycle has certainly contributed to the divergence shown in Chart 9. But Chart 10 shows another, less discussed factor: Chinese fundamental performance has not kept up with GDP growth, in contrast to developed markets. The chart shows the indexed ratio of sales per share to nominal GDP growth for the U.S. and China, and highlights that the latter has not only trended downward over time but has collapsed over the past four years. Chart 10Are Chinese Stocks Really A Play On Higher Chinese Growth? At root, the secularly bullish narrative surrounding Chinese stocks is based on the fact that China’s rate of economic growth is considerably higher than that of the developed world. But if the fundamental performance of China’s listed equities cannot keep pace with the economy, are they such a compelling buy simply because they are not expensive? An alternative view is that Chinese stocks are cheap for a reason, i.e. that they are a value trap. In combination with the sizeable risks facing the Chinese economy from extremely elevated levels of corporate debt, the best answer that we can give investors looking out over a multi-year horizon is that Chinese stocks are a great long-term buy for those who do not share our structural concerns. On a risk-adjusted basis, we do not yet find the value proposition to be compelling, meaning that our recommended multi-year allocation to Chinese stocks is neutral. Jonathan LaBerge, CFA, Vice President Special Reports jonathanl@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1 Please see China Investment Strategy Weekly Report “Monitoring The (Weak) Pulse Of The Data”, dated January 9, 2019, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 2 Owing to the recent changes to the global industrial classification system (GICS), the chart shows Chinese earnings growth excluding the information technology and communication services sectors. 3 Please see China Investment Strategy Special Report “Chinese Policymakers: Facing A Trade-Off Between Growth And Leveraging”, dated August 29, 2018, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 4 Please see China Investment Strategy Weekly Report “Legacies of 2018”, dated December 19, 2018, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. Cyclical Investment Stance Equity Sector Recommendations

Special Report

Highlights So What? Our “Black Swan” risks for the year reveal several potential wars. Why? While we think it is premature to expect armed conflict over Taiwan, an outbreak of serious tensions is possible. Russia and Ukraine may have a shared incentive to go renew hostilities this year. Saudi Arabia has received a “blank cheque” from Donald Trump, so it may continue to be provocative. Everyone has forgotten about the Balkans … but tensions are building. A “Lame Duck” Trump could stage a military intervention in Venezuela. Feature Over the past three years, we have compiled a list of five geopolitical “Black Swans.” These are low-probability events whose market impact would be significant enough to matter for global investors. Unlike the great Byron Wien’s list of “Ten Surprises for 2018,” we do not assign these events a “better than 50% likelihood of happening.”1 Instead, we believe that the market is seriously underpricing these risks by assigning them only single-digit probabilities when the reality is closer to 10%-15%, a level at which a risk premium ought to be assigned. Furthermore, some of our events below are obscure enough that it is unclear how exactly to price them. But before we get to our list of the five things that keep us up at night,2 a quick note on the question for financial markets in 2019: Will the economic policy divergence between the U.S. and China continue? At the moment, momentum is building behind the narrative that both the U.S. and China have decided to reflate. In anticipation of this narrative switch, we closed our long DM / short EM equity trade on December 3, 2018 for a 15.70% return (originally opened on March 6, 2018). How sustainable is the EM outperformance relative to DM? Will the rest of the world “catch up” to U.S. growth momentum, thus hurting the U.S. dollar in the process? The global central bank – the Fed – is already expected to “back off,” even though members of the FOMC have simply pointed out that they remain data-dependent. Granting our BCA House View that the U.S. economy remains in decent health, U.S. economic data will continue to come in strong through the course of the year. This means that there is scope for a hawkish Fed surprise for the markets, given that the interest rate market already has dovish expectations, anticipating 4.33 basis points and 16.74 basis points of cuts over the next 12 and 24 months respectively (Chart 1). Meanwhile, the global demand engine – China – may disappoint in its reflationary efforts. We refer to China as the “global demand engine” because the combined imports and capex of China and other emerging markets dwarf that of the U.S. and EU (Chart 2 and Chart 3).3 Chinese imports alone make up $1.6 trillion, constituting 23% of the $7 trillion total of EM imports and about half of EM investment expenditures. Given that large swaths of EM are high-beta to the Chinese economy, the EM-plus-China slice of the global demand pie is leveraged to Beijing’s reflationary policies. Chart 2EM/China Imports Are Much Larger Than U.S.'s And EU's Combined Chart 3EM/China Capex Is As Large As U.S.'s And EU's Combined Chinese policymakers have gestured toward greater support for the economy. The communiqué published following the Central Economic Work Conference (CEWC) in December called for a broad stabilization of aggregate demand as a focus of macro policy over the course of 2019. The language was still not very expansionary, but Beijing has launched stimulus despite relatively muted communiqués in the past. The massive stimulus of early 2016, for instance, followed a mixed CEWC communiqué in December 2015. So everything depends on the forthcoming data. Broad money and credit growth improved marginally in December, while the State Council announced that local government bond issuance could begin at the start of the year rather than waiting until spring. Meanwhile, a coordinated announcement by the People’s Bank of China, the Ministry of Finance, and the National Development and Reform Commission declares that a larger tax cut is forthcoming – that is, in addition to the roughly 1% of GDP household tax cuts that went into effect starting late last year. Monetary policy remains very lax with liquidity injections and additional RRR cuts. Before investors become overly bullish, however, we would note that Chinese policymakers are focusing their reflationary efforts on fiscal spending and supply-side reforms like tax cuts. The problem with the latter is that household tax cuts will not add much to global demand, given that consumer goods make up just 15% of China’s imports (Table 1). The vast majority of Chinese imports stem from the country’s capital spending. Table 1China’s Consumer-Oriented Stimulus Will Boost Different Imports Than Past Stimulus Fiscal spending, meanwhile, is as large as the overall credit origination in the Chinese economy (Chart 4). But without a revival in credit growth, more spending will mainly serve to stabilize the economy, not light it on fire. It is likely that part of the fiscal pump-priming will be greater issuance of local government bonds. However, even the recently announced 1.39 trillion RMB quota for new bonds this year is not impressive. And even a 2 trillion RMB increase would only be equivalent to a single month of large credit expansion (Chart 5). Chart 4China: Credit Origination Is As Large As Government Spending   As such, tactically nimble investors could profit from a reflationary narrative that sees both the global central bank – the Fed – and the global fiscal engine – China – turning more dovish and supportive of growth. However, we agree with BCA’s Emerging Markets Chief Strategist Arthur Budaghyan, who is on record saying that “Going Tactically Long EM Is Akin To Collecting Pennies In Front Of A Steamroller.” The bottom line for investors is that 2019 is the first year in a decade where the collective intention of policymakers – across the world – is to prepare for the next recession, rather than to prevent a deflationary relapse. This cognitive shift may be slight, but it is important. The Fed and Beijing are engaged in a macroeconomic game of chicken. Each camp is trying to avoid having to over-reflate at the end of the cycle. For the Fed, the goal is to have room to cut rates sufficiently when the recession finally hits. For China, the goal is to ensure that its leverage does not get out of hand. Into this uncertain macroeconomic context we now insert the five Black Swans for 2019. To qualify for our list, the events must be: Unlikely: There must be less than a 20% probability that the event will occur in the next 12 months; Out of sight: The scenario we present should not be receiving media coverage, at least not as a serious market risk; Geopolitical: We must be able to identify the risk scenario through the lens of BCA’s geopolitical methodology. Genuinely unpredictable events – such as meteor strikes, pandemics, crippling cyber-attacks, solar flares, alien invasions, and failures in the computer program running the simulation that we call the universe – do not make the cut. Black Swan 1: China Goes To War With Taiwan One could argue that a military conflict between China and Taiwan in 2019 should not technically qualify for our list, as there has been chatter in the media about such an outcome. Indeed, our recent travels across Asia revealed that clients are taking a much greater interest in our longstanding view – since January 2016 – that Taiwan is the premier geopolitical Black Swan. We established this view well before President Trump won the election and received a congratulatory call from Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-wen, breaking diplomatic practice since 1979. Now, at the beginning of 2019, the exchange of barbs between the Chinese and Taiwanese presidents has raised tensions anew (Chart 6).4 Chart 6Taiwanese Geopolitical Risk Likely To Rise From Here Nonetheless, Taiwan makes the cut here because we doubt that most of our global clients take the issue seriously. Furthermore, we are concerned that – with fair odds of a U.S.-China trade truce lasting through 2019 – cross-strait tensions could fall out of sight. The basis of our view is that there is a unique confluence of political developments in Beijing, Washington, and Taipei that is conducive toward a diplomatic or military incident that could escalate tensions: Taiwan’s pro-independence Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), in addition to taking the presidency in 2016, won control of the legislature for the first time ever (Chart 7). This means that domestic political constraints on President Tsai Ing-wen’s administration are lower than usual. Tsai has angered Beijing by seeking stronger relations with the U.S. and refusing to endorse the 1992 Consensus, which holds that there is only “One China” albeit two interpretations. China’s General Secretary Xi Jinping has removed term limits and placed greater emphasis on the reunification of Taiwan. Xi has consolidated power domestically and has pursued a more aggressive foreign policy throughout his term, including in the South China Sea, where greater naval control would enable China to threaten Taiwan’s supply security. Xi’s blueprint for his “New Era” includes the reunification of China, and some have argued that there is a fixed timetable for reunification with Taiwan by 2050 or even 2035.5 Some recent military drills can be seen as warnings to Taiwan. U.S. President Trump called the One China Policy into question at the outset of his term in office (only later reaffirming it), and has presided over an increase in U.S. strategic pressure against China, such as the trade war and freedom of navigation operations, including in the Taiwan Strait. Trump’s National Security Adviser John Bolton and Assistant Defense Secretary Randall Schriver are seen as Taiwan hawks, while the just-concluded Republican Congress passed the Taiwan Travel Act and the Asia Reassurance Initiative Act (ARIA), which imply an upgrade to the U.S. commitment to Taiwan’s democracy and security.6 These three factors suggest that, cyclically, there is larger room than usual for incidents to occur that initiate a vicious cycle of tensions. The odds of a full-fledged war are still very low – the U.S. has reaffirmed the One China Policy in its recent negotiations with Beijing, which seem to be progressing, while China has not changed its official position on Taiwan. Beijing’s reunification timetable still has a comfortable 30 years to go. The Chinese economy has not collapsed, so there is no immediate need for Beijing to dive headlong into a nationalist foreign policy adventure that could bring on World War III. However, the odds of diplomatic incidents, or military saber rattling, that then trigger a dangerous escalation and a multi-month period of extremely elevated tensions are much higher than the market recognizes. This is because the U.S. and China may still see strategic tensions flare even if they make progress on a trade deal, while a failure on the trade front could spark a spillover into strategic areas. Any cross-strait incident would be relevant to global investors – and not just Taiwanese assets, which would suffer the brunt of economic sanctions – because the slightest increase in the odds of a full-scale war would be extremely negative for global risk appetite. Over the next 12 months, we would mostly expect Beijing to eschew high-profile provocations. The reason is that President Tsai is unpopular and the recent local elections in Taiwan saw her DPP lose seats to the more China-friendly Kuomintang (Chart 8). An aggressive posture could revive the DPP ahead of the January 2020 presidential election, the opposite of what Beijing wants.7 On the other hand, Beijing could decide to ignore the 1996 precedent and choose outright military intimidation. Or it could attempt to meddle in Taiwan’s domestic politics, as it has been accused of doing in the recent local elections.8 Meanwhile, the U.S. and Taiwan are the more likely instigators of an incident over these 12 months, knowingly or not. Washington and Taipei have a window of opportunity to achieve a few concrete objectives while Presidents Tsai and Trump are still in office – which cannot be guaranteed after 2020. A similar window of opportunity caused a market-relevant spike in China-South Korea tensions back in 2015-17, when the United States, seeing that the right-wing Park Geun-hye administration was falling out of power, attempted to rush through the deployment of the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) missile system in South Korea. As a result, China imposed economic sanctions on its neighbor (Chart 9). Chart 9China Hits South Korea Over THAAD Something similar could transpire over the next year if the U.S. sends a high-level official – say, Bolton, or Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, or even Vice President Mike Pence – to hold talks in Taiwan. Or if the U.S. stages a major show of force in the Taiwan Strait, as it threatened in October, or U.S. naval vessels call on Taiwanese ports. The U.S. could also announce bigger or better arms packages (Chart 10), such as submarine systems, which have been cleared by the Department of State. Given the elevated U.S.-China and China-Taiwan tensions overall, such an incident could cause a bigger escalation than the different participants expect – and even more so than the market currently expects. Chart 10U.S. Arms Sales To Taiwan Could Provoke Beijing Bottom Line: Cyclically, the period between now and the inauguration of the next Taiwanese president in May 2020 brings heightened risk of a geopolitical incident. Depending on what happens in 2020, tensions could rise or fall for a time. Yet structurally, as Sino-American strategic distrust continues to build, Taiwan will continually find itself at the center of the storm. Black Swan 2: Russia And Ukraine Agree To Go To War Tensions are mounting between Russia and Ukraine in the run-up to the March 31 Ukrainian presidential election. Incumbent President, Petro Poroshenko, has been trailing in the polls for a year. His rival is the populist Yulia Tymoshenko, who has been leading both first-round and second-round polling. Both Poroshenko and Tymoshenko have, at various points in their careers, been accused of being pro-Russian. Poroshenko’s business interests, as with most successful Ukrainian businesspeople, include considerable holdings in Russia. Tymoshenko, on the other hand, was imprisoned from 2011 to 2014 for negotiating a gas imports contract with Russia that allegedly hurt Ukrainian interests. With the most pro-Russian parts of Ukraine either cleaved off (Crimea) or in a state of lawlessness (Donetsk and Luhansk), the median voter in the country has become considerably more nationalist and anti-Russian. It therefore serves no purpose for any politician to campaign on a platform of normalizing relations with Moscow. In this context, the decision by the Patriarchate of Constantinople – the first-among-equals of the Christian Orthodox churches – to grant autocephaly (sovereignty) to the Orthodox Church of Ukraine in January is part of the ongoing evolution of Ukraine into an independent entity from Russia. This process could create tensions, particularly as parts of the country continue to be engaged in military conflict (Map 1). From Moscow’s perspective, the autocephaly grants Ukraine religious – and therefore some semblance of cultural – independence from Russia. This solidifies the loss of a 43-million person crown jewel from the Russian sphere of influence. Moscow is also not averse to stoking tensions. Although President Putin’s mandate will last until 2024, his popularity is nearly at the lowest level this decade. Orthodox monetary and fiscal policy, along with pension reforms, have sapped his political capital at home. In 2014, tensions over Ukraine spurred nationalist sentiment in Russia, rapidly increased popular support for both Putin and his government (Chart 11). Putin may calculate that another such recapitalization may be needed. Chart 11Non-Negligible Risk Of Russian Aggression The danger is therefore that domestic politics in both Ukraine and Russia may create a window of opportunity for a skirmish this quarter. Perhaps something akin to the naval tensions around the Kerch Strait that ultimately cost President Putin a summit with President Trump at the G20 meeting in December. While these incidents may benefit both sides domestically, and may even appear carefully orchestrated, they could also get out of hand in unpredictable ways. Bottom Line: While both Kiev and Russia may see a short-termed conflict as domestically beneficial, such an outcome could have unforeseen consequences. At the very least, it could sap already poor business confidence in neighboring Europe, as it did in 2014-2015. Black Swan 3: Saudi Arabia With A Blank Cheque One of the greatest geopolitical blunders of the twentieth century was Berlin’s decision to give its ally Austro-Hungary a “blank cheque.” Austro-Hungary was an anachronism at the turn of the century – a multiethnic empire held together by allegiance to a royal family. As such, the ideology of nationalism represented an existential threat, particularly given that 60% of the empire’s population was neither Austrian nor Hungarian. Following the assassination of its crown prince Archduke Franz Ferdinand by a pan-Slavist terrorist in Sarajevo, Vienna decided that a total destruction of Serbia was necessary for geopolitical and domestic political reasons. Today, Saudi Arabia is in many ways an anachronism itself. It is the world’s last feudal monarchy. Its leaders understand the risks and have begun an ambitious and multifaceted reform effort. Unlike Austro-Hungary, Saudi Arabia has learned to embrace nationalism. Riyadh is using the war in Yemen, as well as targeted actions against its own royal family and the religious establishment, to build a modern nation-state. The problem is that, much as nationalism was an ideological kryptonite for Vienna, democratic Islamism is an existential problem for Riyadh and its peers among the Gulf monarchies. Neighboring Qatar, a tiny peninsular kingdom enjoying an oversized geopolitical influence due to its natural gas wealth, has supported various groups across the Middle East that believe that democracy and conservative Islam are compatible. Turkey and Qatar have often cooperated in this effort, as the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) of Turkey has served as a model for many such Islamist parties in the region. Why Qatar hitched its geopolitical wagon to democratic Islamism is not clear. Perhaps its leaders felt that it was the only option unclaimed by an energy-rich sponsor. Regardless, Qatar’s support of the Muslim Brotherhood and other such groups has clearly irked Saudi Arabia and other Gulf monarchies, enough for them to kick Qatar out of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). In 2017, with the pro-Saudi Trump administration ascendant in the White House, Riyadh felt emboldened enough to break off all diplomatic relations with Qatar and impose an economic blockade. Since 2014, another dynamic has emerged in the region that raises further concerns: a scramble for material resources brought on by the end of +$100 per barrel oil prices. Saudi public expenditures have been steadily rising since 2008, both due to population growth, social welfare spending in the wake of Arab Spring rebellions, and astronomical defense spending to counter the rising influence of Iran. And yet, 2014 saw oil prices plunge to decade lows in a matter of months. Saudi Arabia’s fiscal breakeven oil price has doubled, in a decade, from under $40 per barrel to $83 per barrel in 2018 (Chart 12). Meanwhile, Qatar’s GDP is a quarter of that of Saudi Arabia, even though its population is less than 2% of Saudi Arabia’s. Chart 12Saudi Arabia Has A Fiscal Problem Rumors that the U.S. Defense Secretary James Mattis prevented a Saudi invasion of Qatar in 2018 have largely been dismissed by the mainstream media. But should they be? If allegedly “rogue elements” of the Saudi intelligence establishment can dismember a journalist in a consulate, why couldn’t “rogue elements” of its military stage a coup – or an outright invasion – in neighboring Qatar? Such an outcome would truly be extraordinary, but so was the annexation of Crimea in 2014. Meanwhile, President Trump offered an extraordinary level of support for Riyadh by issuing what we can only refer to as a “blank cheque” following Khashoggi’s murder. In the November 20 statement, President Trump essentially created a new policy doctrine of standing with Saudi Arabia “no matter what.”9 Two weeks later, Riyadh “thanked” the U.S. President by slashing the OPEC oil output by 1.2 million barrels per day. From this dynamic, it appears that Washington has made a similar strategic blunder in 2018 that Berlin did in 1914. A weakened, stressed, and threatened ally has been given a “blank cheque” by its stronger ally. Such a sweeping offer of support may lead to unintended consequences as the weaker ally feels that its material and geopolitical constraints can be overcome. In Saudi Arabia’s case, that could mean a more aggressive policy towards Qatar, or perhaps Iran. Particularly now that the White House has seen several realist members of the Trump cabinet – such as Mattis and former Secretary of State Rex Tillerson – replaced by Iran hawks and Trump loyalists. Bottom Line: A combination of less independent-minded cabinet members in the White House and a clear “blank cheque” from President Trump to Saudi Arabia could cause geopolitical risk to re-emerge in the Middle East. In the near term, this could increase the geopolitical risk premium on oil prices – as measured by the residual in Chart 13. Black Swan 4: The Balkans Become A Powder Keg … Again Bismarck famously said in 1888 – 26 years before the outbreak of the Great War, that “one day the great European War will come out of some damned foolish thing in the Balkans.” The Balkans are far less geopolitically relevant today than in the early twentieth century. They are also exhausted following a decade-long Yugoslav rigor mortis in the 1990s which yielded at least three regional wars and now six (or seven, depending who is counting) independent states. The problem is that tensions have not disappeared. Two frozen conflicts remain. First, Bosnia and Herzegovina is a sovereign country made up of two political entities, with the Serb-dominated Republika Srpska agitating for independence and aligning with Russia. Second, tensions between Serbia and Kosovo took a turn for the worse late last year as Kosovo imposed an economic embargo on trade with Serbia and called for the creation of a military. Has anything really changed over the course of the decade? We think there are three causes for alarm: Tensions between Russia and the West have become serious, with both camps looking to score tactical and strategic wins across the globe. With the Syrian Civil War all but over, a new battleground may emerge. While Republika Srpska is essentially an outright ally of Russia, Serbia continues to try to straddle the fine line between an EU enlargement candidate and geopolitical neutrality. However, this high-wire act is becoming untenable as… Enlargement fatigue sets in the EU. There is no doubt that the EU enlargement process froze Balkan conflicts. Countries like Serbia and Kosovo have an incentive to be on their best behavior so long as the prospect of eventual EU membership remains. But in the current environment of introspection, the EU may not have enough of a coherent geopolitical vision to deal with the Balkans without a crisis. The global economic cycle may be ending, leading to a global recession in the next 12-to-24 months. While our BCA House View remains that the next recession will be a mild one in the U.S., we think that EM and, by extension, frontier markets could be the eye of the storm in the next downturn. As investors abandon their “search for yield” in riskier geographies, they could exacerbate poor governance, political tensions, and geopolitical cleavages that have been frozen in place by the last economic cycle. Finally, U.S. policy towards the Balkans is unclear. In the past, the U.S. asked all countries in the region to accept the status quo and prepare for EU integration. But with the U.S. now adopting an antagonistic view towards the EU bloc, it is unclear what Washington’s message to the Balkans will be. After all, Trump has personally encouraged all other world leaders to don their own version of the “America First” slogan. The only problem in a place like the Balkans is that “Serbia first” – or Croatia and Kosovo first – is unlikely to go down smoothly in the neighborhood, given the last twenty – or even hundred – years. Bottom Line: The powder keg that is the Balkans has not been dried for decades. However, several tailwinds of stability are gone, replaced with macro headwinds. A renewed conflict on Europe’s doorstep could be the next great geopolitical crisis. If this were to occur, we would bank on greater European integration, especially in terms of military and foreign policy. However, it could also mark the first break in U.S.-EU foreign policy if the two decide to pick opposing sides in the region. Black Swan 5: Lame Duck Trump For our final Black Swan, we are sticking with one of our 2018 choices: a “Lame duck” presidency. “Lame duck” presidents – leaders whose popularity late in their terms have sunk so low that they can no longer affect policy – are said to be particularly adventurous in the foreign arena. While this adage has a spotty empirical record, there are several notable examples in recent memory.10 American presidents have few constitutional constraints when it comes to foreign policy. Therefore, when domestic constraints rise, U.S. presidents can seek relevance abroad. President Trump may become the earliest, and lamest, lame duck president in recent U.S. history. While his Republican support remains strong (Chart 14), his overall popularity is well below the average presidential approval rating at this point in the political cycle (Chart 15). Now there is also a Democrat-led House of Representatives to stymie his domestic policy and launch independent investigations into both his administration’s conduct and his personal finances and dealings. We would also add the Senate to the list of problems for President Trump. The electoral math was friendly towards the Republicans in 2018, with Democrats defending 10 Senate seats in states that President Trump won in 2016. In 2020, however, two-thirds of the races will be for Republican-held seats. As such, many Republican senators may begin campaigning early by moving away from President Trump. What kind of adventures would we expect to see President Trump embark on in 2019? Last year, we identified “China-U.S. trade war,” “Iran jingoism,” and “North Korea” as potentials. In many ways, 2018 was the year when all three mattered. Going forward, however, we think that trade war and the Middle East might take a backseat. First, the bear market in equities has raised the odds of a recession. As such, the potential cost of pursuing the trade war further has been increased. So has an aggressive policy towards Iran that dramatically boosts oil prices. Furthermore, President Trump has signaled that he is willing to withdraw from the Middle East, calling for a full withdrawal from Syria and telegraphing one from Afghanistan. Instead, we see President Trump potentially following in the footsteps of previous U.S. administrations and finding relevance in Latin America. A military intervention in Venezuela, to ostensibly support a coup against the current regime, would find little opposition domestically. First, there is no doubt that Venezuela has become a genuine humanitarian disaster. Second, its oil output is on a downward spiral already, with only 1 million b/d of production at risk due to a potential military conflict (Chart 16). Third, the new Bolsonaro administration in Brazil may even support an intervention, as well as neighboring Colombia. This is a change from the last twenty years, in which Latin American countries largely stuck together, despite ideological differences, in opposition to U.S. interference in the continent’s domestic affairs. Chart 16On A Downward Spiral Finally, even the anti-Trump U.S. foreign policy establishment may support an intervention. Not only is there the issue of human suffering, but Russia and China have used Venezuela as an anchor to build out influence in America’s sphere of influence. Furthermore, the potential promise of Venezuela’s eventual energy production is another reason to consider an American intervention (Chart 17). Bottom Line: American presidents rarely decide to go softly into that good night. It is very difficult to see President Trump become irrelevant. With tensions with China carrying a high economic cost and military interventions in the Middle East remaining politically toxic in the wake of Iraq and Afghanistan wars, perhaps President Trump will decide to go “retro,” in the sense of a throwback Latin America intervention.   Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Chief Geopolitical Strategist marko@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken, Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Please see, Blackstone, “Byron Wien Announces Ten Surprises For 2018,” dated January 2, 2018, available at blackstone.com. 2 A shoutout to another doyen of the financial industry, Alastair Newton! 3 Please see BCA Emerging Markets Strategy Special Report, “Deciphering Global Trade Linkages,” dated September 27, 2018, available at ems.bcaresearch.com. 4 Please see “Highlights of Xi’s speech at Taiwan message anniversary event,” China Daily, January 2, 2019, available at www.chinadaily.com.cn; and “President Tsai Issues Statement On China’s President Xi’s ‘Message To Compatriots In Taiwan,’” Office of the President, Republic of China (Taiwan), January 2, 2019, available at english.president.gov.tw. 5 Please see Xi Jinping, “Secure a Decisive Victory in Building a Moderately Prosperous Society in All Respects and Strive for the Great Success of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era,” section 3.12, October 18, 2017, available at www.xinhuanet.com; and Deng Yuwen, “Is China Planning To Take Taiwan By Force In 2020?” South China Morning Post, July 20, 2018, available at beta.scmp.com. 6 Please see United States, H.R. 535, Taiwan Travel Act, 115th Congress (2017-18), available at www.congress.gov and S. 2736, Asia Reassurance Initiative Act of 2018, 115th Congress (2017-18), available at www.congress.gov. 7 This is precisely what occurred when China chose missile tests in 1995-96 and drove voters toward the very candidate, Lee Teng-hui, that Beijing least desired. The popular Taipei Mayor Ko Wen-je may run for president in 2020, and Beijing may see him as preferable to President Tsai. He has spoken of China and Taiwan as being part of the same family and he has held city-to-city talks between Shanghai and Taipei despite the shutdown in direct talks between Beijing and Taipei. 8 Please see Andrew Sharp, “Beijing likely meddled in Taiwan elections, US cybersecurity firm says,” Nikkei Asian Review, November 28, 2018, available at asia.nikkei.com. 9 Please see “Statement from President Donald J. Trump on Standing with Saudi Arabia,” The White House, dated November 20, 2018, available at whitehouse.org. 10 President Clinton launched the largest NATO military operation against Yugoslavia amidst impeachment proceedings against him, while President George H. W. Bush ordered U.S. troops to Somalia a month after losing the 1992 election. Ironically, President George H. W. Bush intervened in Somalia in order to lock in the supposedly isolationist Bill Clinton, who had defeated him three weeks earlier, into an internationalist foreign policy. President George W. Bush ordered the “surge” of troops into Iraq in 2007 after losing both houses of Congress in 2006; President Obama arranged the Iranian nuclear deal after losing the Senate (and hence Congress) to the Republicans in 2014.   Geopolitical Calendar

Highlights EM equity and credit outperformance versus the U.S. in the past three months was an aberration in the cyclical and structural downtrend. Hence, the recent outperformance of EM assets provides a good entry point for investors to short EM/China assets against their U.S. counterparts. In our opinion, this strategy will work in the coming months regardless of whether global risk assets rebound or sell off – i.e., they are not dependent on market direction. Feature The fourth quarter of 2018 was marked by a precipitous plunge in global equities, led by the U.S. In the meantime, EM stocks have outperformed the global equity benchmark in the past three months. Will EM and U.S. stocks trade places again, or will EM continue to outperform U.S. and DM equities? By the end of December, global share prices had become extremely oversold, and investor sentiment was downbeat. A trifecta of confidence-boosting developments – the rapprochement between the U.S. and China in trade negotiations, the announcement of more policy stimulus in China and reassurances from Federal Reserve Chairman Jerome Powell that monetary policy tightening is not predetermined – have since led to a rebound in global stocks. A key question for asset allocators heading into 2019 is: Will EM continue to outperform the global equity index in this rebound? We do not think so. The odds are considerable that EM will resume its underperformance versus DM in general and the U.S. in particular. The fundamental rationale for staying bearish on EM is that global trade and manufacturing remain on a downward trajectory. Chart I-1 illustrates that EM risk assets sell off when global trade is slowing, especially when the weakness stems from China. Chart I-1EM Selloff Has Been Due To Slowdown In China Chinese policymakers are easing both fiscal and monetary policies, but the impact of their efforts on the economy is yet to be seen. Declining interest rates in China do not constitute a sufficient condition to buy EM risk assets. Importantly, EM stocks often drop when Chinese interest rates are falling, as that reflects a deteriorating growth outlook (Chart I-2). Chart I-2Lower Interest Rates In China Is Not A Reason To Buy EM In short, monetary and fiscal stimulus in China are not yet sufficient to revive the mainland’s business cycle. The latter is critical to the performance of EM risk assets. We will explore China’s fiscal and credit stimulus efforts in much more detail in the coming weeks. Finally, EM equity valuations are no better than those in the U.S. In particular, our EM/U.S. relative stock valuation indicator based on a 20% trimmed mean is currently neutral (Chart I-3). This valuation measure strips out the top and bottom 10% for EM as well as U.S. sub-sectors and computes an equally weighted average of the other 80%. Hence, it eliminates the outliers that for structural or industry specific reasons trade at much lower or higher multiples. Consequently, contrary to the common narrative in the investment industry, EM equities are not cheap versus U.S. ones. Chart I-3EM Equities Are Not Cheaper Than U.S. Ones Given our high conviction on the view that U.S. will outperform EM over the coming several months, we are reiterating a few of our long-standing strategic recommendations/pair trades: Short EM stocks / long the S&P 500; Short EM banks / long U.S. banks; Short EM high-yield corporate credit / long U.S. high-yield corporate credit; Short Chinese property developers / long U.S. homebuilders. In all four cases, the recent outperformance of EM assets provides a good entry point for investors who do not yet have these positions. In our opinion, these recommendations will work in the coming months regardless of whether global risk assets rebound or sell off – i.e., they are not dependent on market direction. No Turnaround In Global Trade/Manufacturing Global cyclical equity sectors have plunged significantly and their prices may be recovering/stabilizing due to oversold conditions. Yet there are few signs of improvement in global trade and manufacturing, and no indication of a significant turnaround in financial markets that are most sensitive to global trade and Chinese growth. Our Risk-On-to-Safe-Haven (RSH) currency ratio1 has relapsed again following a failed rebound attempt (Chart I-4, top panel). Interestingly, this ratio seems to be forming a head-and-shoulders pattern, suggesting the next big move could be to the downside. As we have shown in past reports, EM share prices correlate strongly with this indicator, and a major downleg in this indicator would be consistent with a major drop in EM stocks. Chart I-4No Buy Signal For EM From The Global Currency Markets Furthermore, the annual rate of change on this currency ratio leads the EM manufacturing PMI, and it presently foreshadows more downside in the latter (Chart I-4, bottom panel). Korean and Taiwanese exports contracted slightly in December from a year ago. As frontloading from U.S. import tariffs wanes, their exports will shrink further. Chips prices are falling, signaling that the slump of the global tech hardware sector is not yet over (Chart I-5). Chart I-5Chip Prices Are Still Plunging Continued deterioration in global trade and manufacturing is bad news for emerging Asia. The technical profile of Asian stock markets is also poor, raising the odds of a meltdown as cyclical economic conditions in the region deteriorate further. The region’s relative equity performance versus global and Latin American indexes is relapsing, having failed to break above long-term moving averages (Chart I-6). Chart I-6Underweight Emerging Asian Stocks Versus Both World And Latin America Odds are that emerging Asian stocks will drop in absolute terms, underperforming both the EM and global equity benchmarks. This will drag the EM index down further. We continue to recommend the following strategy: long Latin American stocks / short emerging Asian equities. The U.S. manufacturing leading indicator – the ISM manufacturing new orders-to-inventory ratio – remains in a downtrend (Chart I-7). Chart I-7The U.S. Selloff Has Been Partially Due To Manufacturing Slowdown The average of new and backlog orders from the Chinese manufacturing PMI survey has plunged to its previous lows (Chart I-8, top panel). The domestic orders component of the People’s Bank of China’s latest 5000 industrial enterprise survey is also in a free fall (Chart I-8, bottom panel). Chart I-8China: No Sign Of Bottom In Industrial Sectors Meanwhile, the impact of Chinese domestic demand on the rest of the world occurs via mainland imports. The leading indicator for imports – the manufacturing PMI import sub-component – has plunged to 46, well below the 50 boom-bust line (see Chart I-1, bottom panel on page 1). Within the investable Chinese equity universe, cyclical sectors exposed to capital spending are making new lows in absolute terms (Chart I-9, top and middle panels). At the same time property stocks are relapsing again (Chart I-9, bottom panel). Chart I-9China: Not Much Rebound In Cyclical Equity Sectors While the authorities are once again boosting infrastructure spending by allowing local governments to issue more special bonds, the mainland’s real estate market has ground to a halt. The latter will likely offset the former. Finally, the MSCI China All Shares index – which incorporates all Chinese stocks trading inside and outside the country – has not rebounded much, despite being oversold (Chart I-10, top panel). Chart I-10China All Share Index: Poor Performance Continues Notably, this index’s relative performance versus both DM and EM equity indexes has failed to break above its 200-day moving average, despite the announced policy stimulus (Chart I-10, middle and bottom panels). These are negative technical signposts that bode ill for the outlook for Chinese share prices. Bottom Line: Odds are high that the global trade/manufacturing or related equity sectors/segments will continue struggling in the months ahead. What About The U.S. Dollar? The trade-weighted U.S. dollar has been going sideways for several months. While lower U.S. interest rate expectations have weighed on the greenback, the global manufacturing slowdown and risk-off sentiment in financial markets have put a floor under its value. The dollar is a countercyclical currency, and it does well when global growth is weakening, and vice versa (Chart I-11). Chart I-11The U.S. Dollar Is A Counter-Cyclical Currency It is impossible to know how long this standstill phase in the currency markets will last. What we do know is that when it breaks one way or another, the move will be violent and large. We believe risks to the U.S. currency are to the upside. First, U.S. consumer spending growth remains robust, and the labor market is very tight. Unless the rest of the world plunges into a major growth slump, pulling the U.S. down with it, U.S. interest rate expectations should recover, lifting the dollar. Second, a further downshift in U.S. interest rate expectations will likely occur only if the global economic slowdown is so severe that it leads the market to price in Fed rate cuts. In this scenario, the greenback will rally violently as well. The basis is that the dollar tends to appreciate during global slumps and sell off amid global growth recoveries, as illustrated in Chart I-11. Third, the only scenario where the dollar could plunge is where global trade recovers briskly, driven by growth outside the U.S. in general and in China/EM in particular. This is the least-likely scenario at the current juncture, in our opinion. The trend in the dollar is critical to the relative performance between EM and U.S. stocks. Chart I-12 demonstrates that periods of EM equity underperformance versus the U.S. typically coincide with an appreciation in the trade-weighted greenback, and vice versa. Chart I-12When EM Stocks Outperform The Global Benchmark, U.S. Underperforms And Dollar Weakens And Vice Versa Bottom Line: The next big move in the U.S. dollar will likely be up, not down. Investment Considerations Global equity prices are already reflecting a lot of bad news; they are oversold, and investor sentiment on global growth has become downbeat (Chart I-13). This could create a window for global equities to rebound on a tactical basis. Chart I-13U.S./Global Stocks Are Oversold The majority of our colleagues at BCA believe global equities are primed for a cyclical rally. We within BCA’s EM team agree with the equity rebound narrative but on a tactical basis and believe that any rebound will be led by U.S. stocks – and that EM will lag. We are not convinced that global equities are in a cyclical bull market yet. The main difference between BCA’s house view and the EM team’s outlook is the risks related to China’s economy and their impact on global cyclical equity sectors. The U.S. is relatively unexposed to Chinese growth, EM economies, commodities producers, Japan and Germany. Therefore, U.S. stocks will outperform and the dollar will do well if Chinese growth continues disappointing. Ongoing trade talks between China and the U.S. may bring about some positive results, and the Fed may continue to sound more dovish. However, we contend that the main culprit behind the global equity selloff in 2018 was neither the trade war nor the Fed, but the slowdown in global trade/manufacturing (please refer to Chart 1 and 7 on pages 1 and 6, respectively). On this front, we do not foresee an imminent reversal, as argued above. The latest underperformance of the U.S. has created a good entry point for our relative strategies/trades to be short EM / long U.S. We reiterate the following strategies/trades (Chart I-14): Chart I-14Reiterating Four EM Vs. U.S. Strategies/Trades Short EM stocks / long the S&P 500; Short EM banks / long U.S. banks; Short EM HY corporate credit / long U.S. HY corporate credit; Short Chinese property developers / long U.S. homebuilders. Within the EM equity space, we continue to recommend underweighting emerging Asia while overweighting Latin America, Russia and Central Europe. In particular, we are reiterating our long Latin America / short Emerging Asian equities trade initiated on October 11, 2018 (please refer to Chart I-6 on page 5). The complete list of our country equity allocations is presented on page 12. Finally, the path of least resistance for the dollar is up. We continue to recommend shorting a basket of the following EM currencies against the dollar: ZAR, IDR, MYR, KRW, COP and CLP. Arthur Budaghyan, Senior Vice President Emerging Markets Strategy arthurb@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1      Average of CAD, AUD, NZD, BRL, CLP & ZAR total return indices relative to average of JPY & CHF total returns (including carry). Equity Recommendations Fixed-Income, Credit And Currency Recommendations

Dear Client, This Wednesday January 9th 2019, we are publishing a joint report co-written with BCA’s Geopolitical Strategy team. There will be no report on Friday. Best Regards, Mathieu Savary, Vice President Foreign Exchange Strategy mathieu@bcaresearch.com Highlights So What? U.S. President Donald Trump is not solely focusing on stock prices, but he does not want an entrenched bear market to develop under his watch. Why? Entrenched bear markets often herald recessions. A recession would seriously endanger Trump’s re-election chances. The Federal Reserve will not alter its course to please Trump, but it will pause in order to safeguard the economy. While at first the dollar will weaken in response to a Fed pause, economic fundamentals argue that the greenback will enjoy a last hurrah before a true bear market can begin. Feature Despite U.S. President Donald Trump’s legendary concern for the stock market, the S&P 500 is nonetheless down 6.7% since his G-20 truce with Chinese President Xi Jinping. We mark that date as notable on Chart I-1 – not because we think it caused the markets to plunge, but because many investors thought it would buoy equities into a Santa Claus rally. Further, many investors predicted that the G-20 truce would come about specifically because Trump wanted stocks to do well. Chart I-1Santa Did Not Show Up After The Buenos Aires Meeting There are so many methodological problems with this train of thought that it could be the main thrust of a PhD dissertation. But, for starters, the assertion that Trump is obsessed with stocks embeds causality into a dependent variable. In simple terms, it posits that the stock market’s performance is an end in of itself for President Trump, and thus he will do whatever it takes to prolong the bull market. Here’s a hint for the collective investment community: If something sounds too good to be true, it is almost definitely not true. The idea that the President of the United States, no matter how unorthodox… …Exclusively cares about the stock market… … And has the extraordinary power… ... and mental acumen… …to keep the stock market perpetually rising, is indeed too good to be true. First, President Trump has clearly shown that he does not exclusively care about the stock market, by shutting down the government midway through a bear market. Now, it is not clear to us how a federal government shutdown directly impacts the earnings of U.S. companies, but it is clear that it does not instill confidence among investors that Trump and the incoming Democrat-held House will be able to play nice together, or at least nice enough, to avert a potentially recession-inducing 2020 stimulus cliff (Chart I-2). Chart I-2Can Trump And The Democrats Play Nice Enough To Dodge The Cliff? BCA’s Geopolitical Strategy noted the danger of the government shutdown by calling it “the one true midterm-related risk.” The reasoning was that, “A lame duck Congress, or worse a Democratic Congress, will give President Trump all the reason he needs to grind things to a halt over his wall, with a view to 2020.” Further to this point, Trump has not exactly been a boon to the stock market since passing his signature legislation – the tax reform bill – at the end of 2017. Throughout 2018, he has focused his policy on a trade war with China, and we would also argue with a view towards the 2020 election. Now admittedly, the stock market completely and utterly ignored all bad news on the trade front (Chart I-3) – ironically, until a truce was called! – but the fact remains that President Trump did not listen to the almost-certain advice from his “globalist” advisors that a trade war could, at some point, hurt the S&P 500. Chart I-3The Market's Schizophrenic Relationship With The Trade War Second, the President of the United States of America is not a medieval king. He is not even the president of China nor even the prime minister of Canada (both policymakers with far more power inside their own political systems than the American president).1 The president is massively constrained in terms of economic policy by the Congress, a branch of government he only nominally has influence over. Further, his regulatory policy can be impeded by the bureaucracy and the courts. In addition, steering an economy as massive and multifaceted as that of the U.S. is not a one-man job. It is not a “job” at all. The best a president can do is set the conditions in place – through regulation, tax policy, and rhetoric – which stokes animal spirits in a positive direction. For much of 2017 and early 2018, President Trump did this. But the stock market, and the economy by extension, always wants more. More pro-business regulation and more reassuring rhetoric. President Trump generally gets an A on the former, but an F on the latter. Not only is the trade war a concern to investors, but so are a slew of other confidence-deflating comments by the president on FAANG regulation, the government shutdown, the White House staffing, the Fed’s independence, and foreign policy writ large. As for the question of mental acumen, President Trump may be a “stable genius,” but no single policymaker is able to influence equities. As an aside, we are shocked by how much the investment community has changed in the past eight years. When we began taking politics seriously in our investment strategy, back in 2011, it took a lot of convincing that systemic political analysis had a role to play with respect to one’s asset allocation. Now, investors are willing to bet their shirt on the actions of one politician. It is as if the investment community is trying to overcorrect for decades of ignoring politics as a valuable input in one single presidential term. So, what does this mean for U.S. equities from here on out? We agree with our clients that the one thing President Trump wanted to avoid was a bear market. We staunchly disagreed that equities could not correct significantly under his watch, and we shorted the S&P 500 outright in September, but we begrudgingly agreed that President Trump, as with all other presidents before him, would rather not deal with a bear market. Those tend to foreshadow a recession, and recessions tend to end re-election bids (Chart I-4). For much of 2019, we expect that President Trump will focus on ensuring that a recession does not occur ahead of his 2020 election bid. This is likely to become a defining motivating factor in all policy, whether domestic, foreign or trade. Can he be successful? It is not up to the U.S. President to determine when a recession hits, but the point is that he is likely to put his re-election bid above all other considerations. As such, we would expect that: The government shutdown will be resolved in January. A compromise will emerge to end the shutdown that falls short of president Trump’s demands. Ultimately, Trump needs Democrats to play ball with the White House and the Republican Senate in order to avert the stimulus cliff in 2020. Trade negotiations may produce a truce. There is a combined, subjective, probability of 70-75% that the ongoing trade negotiations produce either an outright deal (45-50%) or an extension of the talks with no further tariffs (25%). Trump is likely to back off from further trade antagonism, at least until the run-up to the 2020 election. There will be a parallel process where a China-U.S. tech war continues. Attacks on the Fed will cease. At least until the 2020 election, or until the recession actually hits. But with the Fed itself already signalling that it won’t be dogmatic, the reasons to go after the central bank will recede. Bottom Line: President Trump does not care about stock prices any more than other presidents have in the past. What matters to him is to avoid a protracted bear market in equity prices, as it would severely raise the probability of an upcoming recession, endangering his chances of re-election. This means the government shutdown will likely end this month, that the trade negotiations have a solid chance of producing a protracted truce, and that attacks on the Fed will ebb. Can The Dollar Rally Further? Is a U.S. president focused on avoiding a recession in order to get re-elected a good thing or a bad thing for the dollar? While stronger U.S. growth is inherently a positive for the dollar, the current juncture muddies the waters. To begin with, the risk of a correction in the U.S. dollar has risen considerably in recent weeks. The dollar is historically a momentum currency, implying that as much as strength begets further strength, weakness begets additional weakness.2 As a result, the fall in the DXY from 97.5 in December to 96 raises a red flag. This red flag is even more worrisome when looking at the dollar’s technical picture (Chart I-5). The 13-month rate-of-change has been forming a bearish divergence with prices, and both sentiment and net speculative positioning are holding at lofty levels. Not only does this confirm that on a tactical basis, the dollar is losing momentum, but it also highlights that if momentum deteriorates further, a large pool of potential sellers exist. Chart I-5Tactical Risks For The Greenback Policy too constitutes a risk. President Trump could relent on his attacks on the Fed, but as we mentioned, the Fed seems to also be relenting on its own hard-nosed approach to monetary policy. Last Friday, Fed Chairman Jerome Powell highlighted that policy was not on autopilot, and that monetary policy is ultimately data dependent. In fact, the Federal Open Market Committee is not antagonistic to a pause in its hiking campaign, nor to tweaking its balance-sheet policy if economic and financial conditions deteriorate further. The Fed moving away from hiking once every quarter should provide ammunition to sellers of the greenback. However, the interest rate market already has very muted expectations for the Fed, anticipating 6 basis points and 17 basis points of cuts over the next 12 and 24 months, respectively (Chart I-6). Thus, to be a durable headwind to the dollar, the Fed needs to be more dovish than what is already priced in. We doubt this will be the case: Chart I-6Scope For A Hawkish Fed Surprise In 2019 The ISM may have been weak, but the U.S. continues to generate a healthy level of job growth, and wages continue to accelerate (Chart I-7). Down the road, this will be inflationary. Consumption, or 68% of GDP, remains healthy. Real retail sales excluding motor vehicle and part dealers are still growing at a 4.3% pace. Robust job and wage growth will continue to support the ultimate driver of household spending: disposable income. Moreover, the household savings rate stands at 6% of disposable income, debt-servicing costs at 9.9%, and overall household debt has fallen to 100%, a level not seen since the turn of the century. The financial health of households insulates them against the negative impact of the tightening in financial conditions recorded this past fall.  Despite the recent deterioration in the ISM and the rise in credit costs, commercial and industrial loan growth continues to accelerate, with both the annual and the quarterly-annualized growth rates of this series rising the most in more than two years (Chart I-8). Chart I-7U.S. Wages Are Still Accelerating Chart I-8Positive Developments On The U.S. Credit Front Based on this combination, we would anticipate the Fed pausing in its hiking campaign for one to two quarters. This would nonetheless represent a more hawkish outcome than the one expected by the market, and thus would not be a dollar-bearish configuration. In our view, the biggest domestic risk for the Fed remains the housing market, which for most of this cycle has been the principal vehicle through which monetary policy has been transmitted to the economy. Housing has indubitably slowed, but the recent pick-up in the purchases component of the Mortgage Bankers Association index gives hope that this sector is making a trough as we write. What about tighter financial conditions: could they also threaten the dollar? After all, the tightening in FCI in the second half of 2018 is acting as a break on growth, diminishing the need for Fed hikes. If stocks and high-yield bonds sell off further, the Fed will likely hike less than we anticipate. However, a Fed pause and the more attractive valuations created by the recent selloff suggest that FCI should not deteriorate much more. Indeed, the 64-basis-point contraction in high-yield spreads since January 3rd shows that financial conditions have begun to ease. Our Global Investment Strategy team thinks that stocks are a buy, a view also consistent with an easing in U.S. FCI.3 As a result, we do not believe that U.S. financial conditions will force the Fed to cut rates, and thus will not create a handicap for the dollar. Finally, the most important factor for the dollar remains global growth. The dollar historically performs best when both global growth and inflation are decelerating (Chart I-9). Because the U.S. economy has a low exposure to both manufacturing and exports, it is a low-beta economy, relatively insulated from the global industrial cycle. Hence, when global growth decelerates, the U.S. suffers less than the rest. As a result, the U.S. syphons funds from the rest of the world, lifting the dollar in the process. Currently, the outlook for global growth remains poor. At the epicenter of it all lies China. Chinese manufacturing PMIs have fallen below 50. There are plenty of reasons to worry that the slowdown will not end here. Chinese consumers too are feeling the pinch, despite having been the recipient of much governmental support, including tax cuts (Chart I-10). Moreover, the fall in the combined fiscal and credit impulse also suggests that Chinese imports could suffer more in the coming months, creating a greater drag on the trading nations of the world (Chart I-11). Finally, China’s rising marginal propensity to save confirms these insights, pointing to slowing Chinese industrial activity and imports as well as deteriorating global export growth and industrial activity (Chart I-12).4 Chart I-10The Chinese Consumer Is Also Hungover   Chart I-11Chinese Credit Trends Point To Weaker Imports...   Chart I-12...And China's Rising Marginal Propensity To Save Corroborates This Risk Ultimately, these developments suggest that China needs to ease policy a lot more before growth can be revived. The reserve-requirement-ratio cuts announced last week are not enough to do the trick and may in fact only alleviate the traditional liquidity crunch associated with the Chinese New Year celebration – nothing more. Instead, we expect Chinese interest rates to continue to lag behind U.S. rates, a development historically associated with a strong dollar (Chart I-13). A tangible symptom that China’s reflation is positively affecting the global growth outlook will be when Chinese rates rise relative to U.S. ones. This is what is needed for the dollar to peak this cycle. We are not there yet. Continued weakness in the global PMI and German factory orders only gives more weight to this view. Chart I-13Rising U.S.-China Spreads Point To A Stronger Dollar Practically, we think a move in DXY to 94 or EUR/USD to 1.17 is likely in the coming weeks. However, the combined realization that the U.S. economy will not go into recession – and that therefore the Fed will not pause for the whole of 2019 – and that global growth has yet to bottom, means at those levels the dollar will be a buy. The yen is likely to suffer most in this context. If the markets begin pricing in a stronger U.S. economy than what is currently anticipated, U.S. 10-year yields will rise and the U.S. yield curve will steepen, hurting the JPY in the process. EUR/JPY is an attractive buy right now (Chart I-14). Chart I-14EUR/JPY Set To Rebound Bottom Line: As the market begins digesting the reality of a Fed pause, the dollar could experience some short-term vulnerability, pushing DXY toward 94 and EUR/USD toward 1.17. However, we would anticipate the dollar’s weakness to end at those levels. Interest rate markets are already pricing in Fed rate cuts, something we believe is not warranted. Moreover, financial conditions are set to ease, which will give comfort to the Fed that it can resume hiking. Finally, Chinese growth has more downside, which normally leads to a dollar-bullish environment.   Mathieu Savary, Vice President Foreign Exchange Strategy mathieu@bcaresearch.com   Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Chief Geopolitical Strategist marko@bcaresearch.com ​​ Footnotes 1 The comparison may not entirely be apt since not even the President of China was able to avert the stock market collapse in China in 2015. 2 Please see Foreign Exchange Strategy Special Report, titled “Riding The Wave: Momentum Strategies in Foreign Exchange Markets”, dated December 8, 2017, available at fes.bcaresearch.com 3 Please see Global Investment Strategy Special Report, titled “Market Alert: The Correction Cometh, The Correction Came: Upgrade Global Equities To Overweight”, dated December 19, 2018, available at gis.bcaresearch.com 4 Please see Foreign Exchange Strategy Weekly Report, titled “Fade The Green Shoots”, dated December 14, 2018, available at fes.bcaresearch.com