Developed Countries
As expected, the Bank of Canada raised its key overnight interest rate by 50bps to 1.5% on Wednesday, its second consecutive half-point hike. The post-meeting statement highlighted that at 6.8% in April, CPI inflation exceeds the central bank’s forecast.…
Executive Summary EU Embargoes Russian Oil The EU imposed an embargo on 90% of Russian oil imports, which will provoke retaliation. Russia will squeeze Europe’s economy ahead of critical negotiations over the coming 6-12 months. Russian gains on the battlefield in Ukraine point to a ceasefire later, but not yet – and Russia will need to retaliate against NATO enlargement. The Middle East and North Africa face instability and oil disruptions due to US-Iran tensions and Russian interference. China’s autocratic shift is occurring amid an economic slowdown and pandemic. Social unrest and internal tensions will flare. China will export uncertainty and stagflation. Inflation is causing disparate effects in South Asia – instability in Pakistan and Sri Lanka, and fiscal populism in India. Asset Initiation Date Return Long Brazilian Financials / Indian Equities (Closed) Feb 10/22 22.5% Bottom Line: Markets still face three geopolitical hurdles: Russian retaliation; Middle Eastern instability; Chinese uncertainty. Feature Global equities bounced back 6.1% from their trough on May 12 as investors cheered hints of weakening inflation and questioned the bearish consensus. BCA’s Global Investment Strategy correctly called the equity bounce. However, as BCA’s Geopolitical Strategy service, we see several sources of additional bad news. Throughout the Ukraine conflict we have highlighted two fundamental factors to ascertain regarding the ongoing macroeconomic impact: Will the war cut off the Russia-EU energy trade? Will the war broaden beyond Ukraine? Chart 1Russian-Exposed Assets Will Suffer More In this report we update our views on these two critical questions. The takeaway is that the geopolitical outlook is still flashing red. The US dollar will remain strong and currencies exposed to Russia and geopolitical risk will remain weak (Chart 1). In addition, China’s politics will continue to produce uncertainty and negative surprises this year. Taken together, investors should remain defensive for now but be ready to turn positive when the market clears the hurdles we identify. The fate of the business cycle hangs in the balance. Energy Ties Eroding … Russia Will Retaliate Over Oil Embargo Chart 2AEU Embargoes Russian Oil Europe is diversifying from Russian oil and natural gas. The European Union adopted a partial oil embargo on Russia that will cut oil imports by 90% by the end of 2022. It also removed Sberbank from the SWIFT banking communications network and slapped sanctions on companies that insure shipments of Russian crude. The sanctions will cut off all of Europe’s seaborne oil imports from Russia as well as major pipeline imports, except the Southern Druzhba pipeline. The EU made an exception for landlocked eastern European countries heavily dependent on Russian pipeline imports – namely Hungary, Slovakia, the Czech Republic, and Bulgaria (Chart 2A). Focus on the big picture. Germany changed its national policy to reduce Russian energy dependency for the sake of national security. From Chancellors Willy Brandt to Angela Merkel, Germany pursued energy cooperation and economic engagement as a means of lowering the risk of war with Russia. Ostpolitik worked in the Cold War, so when Russia seized Crimea in 2014, Merkel built the Nord Stream 2 pipeline. But Merkel’s policy failed to persuade Russia that economic cooperation is better than military confrontation – rather it emboldened President Putin, who viewed Europe as divided and corruptible. Chart 2BRussia Squeezes EU’s Natural Gas Russia’s regime is insecure and feels threatened by the US and NATO. Russia believed that if it invaded Ukraine, the Europeans would maintain energy relations for the sake of preserving overall strategic stability. Instead Germany and other European states began to view Russia as irrational and aggressive and hence a threat to their long-term security. They imposed a coal ban, now an oil ban the end of this year, and a natural gas ban by the end of 2027, all formalized under the recently announced RePowerEU program. Russia retaliated by declaring it would reduce natural gas exports to the Netherlands and probably Denmark, after having already cut off Finland, Poland, and Bulgaria (Chart 2B). As a pretext Russia points to its arbitrary March demand that states pay for gas in rubles rather than in currencies written in contracts. This ruble payment scheme is being enforced on a country-by-country basis against those Russia deems “unfriendly,” i.e. those that join NATO, adopt new sanctions, provide massive assistance to Ukraine, or are otherwise adverse. Chart 3Russia Actively Cutting Gas Flows Russia and Ukraine are already reducing natural gas exports through the Ukraine and Turkstream pipelines while the Yamal pipeline has been empty since May – and it is only a matter of time before flows begin to fall in the Nord Stream 1 pipeline to Germany (Chart 3). German government and industry are preparing to ration natural gas (to prioritize household needs) and revive 15 coal plants if necessary. Europe is attempting to rebuild stockpiles for the coming winter, when Russian willingness and capability to squeeze natural gas flows will reach a peak. The big picture is demonstrated by game theory in Diagram 1. The optimal situation for both Russia and the EU is to maintain energy exports for as long as possible, so that Russia has revenues to wage its war and Europe avoids a recession while transitioning away from Russian supplies (bottom right quadrant, each side receives four points). The problem is that this solution is not an equilibrium because either side can suffer a sudden shock if the other side betrays the tacit agreement and stops buying or selling (bottom left and top right quadrants). Diagram 1EU-Russia Standoff: What Does Game Theory Say? The equilibrium – the decision sets in which both Russia and the EU are guaranteed to lose the least – is a situation in which both states reduce energy trade immediately. Europe needs to cut off the revenues that fuel the Russian war machine while Russia needs to punish and deter Europe now while it still has massive energy leverage (top left quadrant, circled). Once Europe diversifies away, Russia loses its leverage. If Europe does not diversify immediately, Russia can punish it severely by cutting off energy before it is prepared. Russian energy weaponization is especially useful ahead of any ceasefire talks in Ukraine. Russia aims for Ukrainian military neutrality and a permanently weakened Ukrainian state. To that end it is seizing territory for the Luhansk and Donetsk People’s Republics, seizing the southern coastline and strategic buffer around Crimea, and controlling the mouth of the Dnieper river so that Ukraine is forever hobbled (Map 1). Once it achieves these aims it will want to settle a ceasefire that legitimizes its conquests. But Ukraine will wish to continue the fight. Map 1Russian Invasion Of Ukraine, 2022 Russia will need leverage over Europe to convince the EU to lean on Ukraine to agree to a ceasefire. Something similar occurred in 2014-15 when Russia collaborated with Germany and France to foist the Minsk Protocols onto Ukraine. If Russia keeps energy flowing to EU, the EU not only gets a smooth energy transition away from Russia but also gets to keep assisting Ukraine’s military effort. Whereas if Russia imposes pain on the EU ahead of ceasefire talks, the EU has greater interest in settling a ceasefire. Finally, given Russia’s difficulties on the battlefield, its loss of European patronage, and potential NATO enlargement on its borders, Moscow is highly likely to open a “new front” in its conflict with the West. Josef Stalin, for example, encouraged Kim Il Sung to invade South Korea in 1950. Today Russia’s options lie in the Middle East and North Africa – the regions where Europe turns for energy alternatives. Not only Libya and Algeria – which are both inherently fertile ground for Russia to sow instability – but also Iran and the broader Middle East, where a tenuous geopolitical balance is already eroding due to a lack of strategic understanding between the US and Iran. Russia’s capabilities are limited but it likely retains enough influence to ignite existing powder kegs in these areas. Bottom Line: Investors still face a few hurdles from the Ukraine war. First, the EU’s expanding energy embargo and Russian retaliation. Second, instability in the Middle East and North Africa. Hence energy price pressures will remain elevated in the short term and kill more demand, thus pushing the EU and the rest of the world toward stagflation or even recession. War Contained To Ukraine So Far … But Russia To Retaliate Over NATO Enlargement At present Russia is waging a full-scale assault on eastern and southern Ukraine, where about half of Donetsk awaits a decision (Map 2). If Russia emerges victorious over Donetsk in the summer or fall then it can declare victory and start negotiating a ceasefire. This timeline assumes that its economic circumstances are sufficiently straitened to prevent a campaign to the Moldovan border.1 Map 2Russia May Declare Victory If It Conquers The Rest Of Donetsk There are still ways for the Ukraine war to spill over into neighboring areas. For example, the Black Sea is effectively a Russian lake at the moment, which prevents Ukrainian grain from reaching global markets where food prices are soaring. Eventually the western maritime powers will need to attempt to restore freedom of navigation. However, Russia is imposing a blockade on Ukraine, has more at stake there than other powers, and can take greater risks. The US and its allies will continue to provide Ukraine with targeting information against Russian ships but this assistance could eventually provoke a larger naval conflict. Separately, the US has agreed to provide Ukraine with the M142 High Mobility Artillery Rocket System (HIMARS), which could lead to attacks on Russian territory that would prompt a ferocious Russian reaction. Even assuming that the Ukraine war remains contained, Russia’s strategic conflict with the US and the West will remain unresolved and Moscow will be eager to save face. Russian retaliation will occur not only on account of European energy diversification but also on account of NATO enlargement. Finland and Sweden are attempting to join NATO and as such the West is directly repudiating the Putin regime’s chief strategic demand for 22 years. Finland shares an 830 mile border with Russia, adding insult to injury. The result will be another round of larger military tensions that go beyond Ukraine and prolong this year’s geopolitical risk and uncertainty. Russia’s initial response to Finland’s and Sweden’s joint application to NATO was to dismiss the threat they pose while drawing a new red line. Rather than forbidding NATO enlargement, Russia now demands that no NATO forces be deployed to these two states. This demand, which Putin and other officials expressed, may or may not amount to a genuine Russian policy change. Russia’s initial responses should be taken with a grain of salt because Turkey is temporarily blocking Finland’s and Sweden’s applications, so Russia has no need to respond to NATO enlargement yet. But the true test will come when and if the West satisfies Turkey’s grievances and Turkey moves to admit the new members. If enlargement becomes inevitable, Russia will respond. Russia will feel that its national security is fundamentally jeopardized by Sweden overturning two centuries of neutrality and Finland reversing the policy of “Finlandization” that went so far in preventing conflict during the Cold War. Chart 4Military Balances Stacking Up Against Russia Russia’s military options are limited. Russia has little ability to expand the war and fight on multiple fronts judging by the army’s recent performance in Ukraine and the Red Army’s performance in the Winter War of 1939. This point can be illustrated by taking the military balance of Russia and its most immediate adversaries, which add up to about half of Russian military strength even apart from NATO (Chart 4). Russian armed forces already demonstrated some pragmatism in April by withdrawing from Kyiv and focusing on more achievable war aims. Unless President Putin turns utterly reckless and the Russian state fails to restrain him, Russia will opt for defensive measures and strategic deterrence rather than a military offensive in the Baltics. Hence Russia’s military response will come in the form of threats rather than outright belligerence. However, these threats will probably include military and nuclear actions that will raise alarm bells across Europe and the United States. President Dmitri Medvedev has already warned of the permanent deployment of nuclear missiles in the Kaliningrad exclave.2 This statement points to only the most symbolic option of a range of options that will increase deterrence and elevate the fear of war. Otherwise Russia’s retaliation will consist of squeezing global energy supply, as discussed above, including by opening a new front in the Middle East and North Africa. Instability should be expected as a way of constraining Europe and distracting America. Higher energy prices may or may not convince the EU to negotiate better terms with Russia but they will sow divisions within and among the allies. Ultimately Russia is highly unlikely to sacrifice its credibility by failing to retaliate for the combination of energy embargo and NATO enlargement on its borders. Since its military options are becoming constrained (at least its rational ones), its economic and asymmetrical options will grow in importance. The result will be additional energy supply constraints. Bottom Line: Even assuming that the war does not spread beyond Ukraine – likely but not certain – global financial markets face at least one more period of military escalation with Russia. This will likely include significant energy cutoffs and saber-rattling – even nuclear threats – over NATO enlargement. China’s Political Situation Has Not Normalized China continues to suffer from a historic confluence of internal and external political risk that will cause negative surprises for investors. Temporary improvements in government policy or investor sentiment – centered on a relaxation of “Zero Covid” lockdowns in major cities and a more dovish regulatory tone against the tech giants – will likely be frustrated, at least until after a more dovish government stance can be confirmed in the wake of the twentieth national party congress in October or November this year. At that event, Chinese President Xi Jinping is likely to clinch another ten years in power and complete the transformation of China’s governance from single-party rule to single-person rule. This reversion to autocracy will generate additional market-negative developments this year. It has already embedded a permanently higher risk premium in Chinese financial assets because it increases the odds of policy mistakes, international aggression, and ultimately succession crisis. The most successful Asian states chose to democratize and expand free markets and capitalism when they reached a similar point of economic development and faced the associated sociopolitical challenges. But China is choosing the opposite path for the sake of national security. Investors have seen the decay of Russia’s economy under Putin’s autocracy and would be remiss not to upgrade the odds of similarly negative outcomes in China over the long run as a result of Xi’s autocracy, despite the many differences between the two countries. China’s situation is more difficult than that of the democratic Asian states because of its reviving strategic rivalry with the United States. US Secretary of State Antony Blinken recently unveiled President Biden’s comprehensive China policy. He affirmed that the administration views China as the US’s top strategic competitor over the long run, despite the heightened confrontation with Russia.3 The Biden administration has not eased the Trump administration’s tariffs or punitive measures on China. It is unlikely to do so during a midterm election year when protectionist dynamics prevail – especially given that the Xi administration will be in the process of reestablishing autocracy, and possibly repressing social unrest, at the very moment Americans go to the polls. Re-engagement with China is also prohibited because China is strengthening its strategic bonds with Russia. President Biden has repeatedly implied that the US would defend Taiwan in any conflict with China. These statements are presented as gaffes or mistakes but they are in fact in keeping with historical US military actions threatening counter-attack during the three historic Taiwan Strait crises. The White House quickly walks back these comments to reassure China that the US does not support Taiwanese independence or intend to trigger a war with China. The result is that the US is using Biden’s gaffe-prone personality to reemphasize the hard edge (rather than the soft edge) of the US’s policy of “strategic ambiguity” on Taiwan. US policy is still ambiguous but ambiguity includes the possibility that a president might order military action to defend Taiwan. US attempts to increase deterrence and avoid a Ukraine scenario are threatening for China, which will view the US as altering the status quo and penalizing China for Russia’s actions. Beijing resumed overflights of Taiwan’s air defense identification zone in the wake of Biden’s remarks as well as the decision of the US to send Senator Tammy Duckworth to Taiwan to discuss deeper economic and defense ties. Consider the positioning of US aircraft carrier strike groups as an indicator of the high level of strategic tensions. On January 18, 2022, as Russia amassed military forces on the Ukrainian border – and the US and NATO rejected its strategic demands – the US had only one publicly acknowledged aircraft carrier in the Mediterranean (the USS Harry Truman) whereas it had at least five US carriers in East Asia. On February 24, the day of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the US had at least four of these carriers in Asia. Even today the US has at least four carriers in the Pacific compared to at least two in Europe – one of which, notably, is in the Baltics to deter Russia from attacking Finland and Sweden (Map 3). The US is warning China not to take advantage of the Ukraine war by staging a surprise attack on Taiwan. Map 3Amid Ukraine War, US Deters China From Attacking Taiwan Of course, strategic tensions are perennial, whereas what investors are most concerned about is whether China can secure its economic recovery. The latest data are still disappointing. Credit growth continues to falter as the private sector struggles with a deteriorating demographic and macroeconomic outlook (Chart 5). The credit impulse has entered positive territory, when local government bonds are included, reflecting government stimulus efforts. But it is still negative when excluding local governments. And even the positive measure is unimpressive, having ticked back down in April (Chart 6). Chart 5Credit Growth Falters Amid Economic Transition Chart 6Silver Lining: Credit Impulse Less Negative Bottom Line: Further monetary and fiscal easing will come in China, a source of good news for global investors next year if coupled with a broader policy shift in favor of business, but the effects will be mixed this year due to Covid policy and domestic politics. Taken together with a European energy crunch and Middle Eastern oil supply disruptions, China’s stimulus is not a catalyst for a sustainable global equity market rally this year. South Asia: Inflation Hammers Sri Lanka And Pakistan Since 2020 we have argued that the global pandemic would result in a new wave of supply pressures and global social unrest. High inflation is blazing a trail of destruction in emerging markets, notably in South Asia, where per capita incomes are low and political institutions often fragile. Chart 7South Asia: Surging Inflation Sri Lanka has been worst affected (Chart 7). Inflation surged to an eye-watering 34% in April and is expected to rise further. Surging inflation has affected Sri Lanka disproportionately because its macroeconomic and political fundamentals were weak to begin with. The tourism-dependent Sri Lankan economy suffered a body blow from terrorist attacks in 2019 and the pandemic in 2020-21. Then 2022 saw a power struggle between Sri Lanka’s President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and members of the national assembly including Prime Minister (PM) Mahinda Rajapaksa. The crisis hit a crescendo when the country defaulted on external debt obligations last month. These events weigh on Sri Lanka’s ability to transition from a long civil war (1983-2009) to a path of sustained economic development. While the political crisis has seemingly stabilized following the appointment of new Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, we remain bearish on a strategic time horizon. This is mainly because the new PM is unlikely to bring about structural solutions for Sri Lanka’s broken economy. Moreover, Sri Lanka holds more than $50 billion of foreign debt, or 62% of GDP. Another country that has been dealing with political instability alongside high inflation in South Asia is Pakistan, where inflation hit a three-year high in April (see Chart 7 above). The latest twist in Pakistan’s never-ending cycle of political uncertainty comes from the ousted Prime Minister Imran Khan. The former PM, who commands an unusual popular support group due to his fame as a cricketer prior to entering politics, is demanding fresh elections and otherwise threatening to hold mass protests. Pakistan’s new coalition government and Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, who came to power amid parliamentary intrigues, are refusing elections and ultimatums. From a structural perspective Pakistan is characterized by a weak economy and an unusually influential military. Now it faces high inflation and rising food prices – indeed it is one of the countries that is most dangerously exposed to the Russia-Ukraine war as it depends on these two for over 70% of its grain imports. Bottom Line: MSCI Sri Lanka has underperformed the MSCI EM index by 58.3% this year to date. Pakistan has underperformed the same index by 41.6% over the same period. Against this backdrop, we remain strategic sellers of both bourses. Instability in these countries is also one of the factors behind our strategic assessment of India as a country with a growing domestic policy consensus. South Asia: India’s Fiscal Populism And Geopolitics Inflation is less rampant in India, although still troublesome. Consumer prices nearly jumped to an 8-year high in April (see Chart 7). With a loaded state election calendar due over the next 12-18 months, the jump in inflation naturally triggered a series of mitigating policy responses. Ban On Wheat Exports: India produces 14% of the world’s wheat and 11% of grains, and exports 5% and 7%, respectively. India’s exports could make a large profit in the context of global shortages. But Prime Minister Narendra Modi is entering into the political end of the business cycle, with key state elections due that will have an impact on the ruling party’s political standing two years before the next federal election. He fears political vulnerability if exports continue amid price pressures at home. The emphasis on food security is typical but also bespeaks a lack of commitment to economic reform. Chart 8India's Real Interest Rates Fall Surprise Rate Hikes: The Reserve Bank of India (RBI) increased the policy repo rate by 40 basis points at an unscheduled meeting on May 4, thereby implementing its first rate hike since August 2018. With real rates in India lower than those in China or Brazil (Chart 8), the RBI will be forced to expedite its planned rate hikes through 2022. Tax Cuts On Fuel: India’s central government also announced steep cuts in excise duty on fuel. This is another populist measure that reduces political pressures but fails to encourage the private sector to adjust. These measures will help rein in inflation but the rate hikes will weigh on economic growth while the tax cuts will add to India’s fiscal deficit. Indeed, India is resorting to fiscal populism with key state elections looming. Geopolitical risk is less of a concern for India – indeed the Ukraine war has strengthened its bargaining position. In the short run, India benefits from the ability to buy arms and especially cheap oil from Russia while the EU imposes an embargo. But over the long run its economy and security can be strengthened by greater interest from the US and its allies, recently highlighted by the fourth meeting of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) and the launch of the US’s Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF). These initiatives are modest but they highlight the US’s need to replace China with India and ASEAN over time, a trend that no US administration can reverse now because of the emerging Russo-Chinese strategic alliance. At the same time, the Quad underscores India’s maritime interests and hence the security benefits India can gain from aligning its economy and navy with the other democracies. Bottom Line: Fiscal populism in the context of high commodity prices is negative for Indian equities. However, our views on Russia, the Middle East, and China all point to a sharper short-term spike in commodity prices that ultimately drives the world economy deeper into stagflation or recession. Therefore we are booking a 22.5% profit on our tactical decision to go long Brazilian financials relative to Indian equities. Matt Gertken Chief Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Ritika Mankar, CFA Editor/Strategist ritika.mankar@bcaresearch.com Chart 9Russia: GeoRisk Indicator Chart 10Other Measures Of Russian Geopolitical Risk Chart 11China: GeoRisk Indicator Chart 12United Kingdom: GeoRisk Indicator Chart 13Germany: GeoRisk Indicator Chart 14France: GeoRisk Indicator Chart 15Italy: GeoRisk Indicator Chart 16Canada: GeoRisk Indicator Chart 17Spain: GeoRisk Indicator Chart 18Australia: GeoRisk Indicator Chart 19Taiwan: GeoRisk Indicator Chart 20Korea: GeoRisk Indicator Chart 21Turkey: GeoRisk Indicator Chart 22South Africa: GeoRisk Indicator Chart 23Brazil: GeoRisk Indicator Footnotes 1 Recent diplomatic flaps between core European leaders and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky reflect Ukraine’s fear that Europe will negotiate a “separate peace” with Russia, i.e. accept Russian territorial conquests in exchange for economic relief. 2 Dmitri Medvedev explicitly states ‘there can be no more talk of any nuclear-free status for the Baltic - the balance must be restored’ in warning Finland and Sweden joining NATO. Medvedev is suggesting that nuclear weapons will be placed in this area where Russia has its Kaliningrad exclave sandwiched between Poland and Lithuania. Guy Faulconbridge, ‘Russia warns of nuclear, hypersonic deployment if Sweden and Finland join NATO’, April 14, 2022, Reuters. 3 See Antony J Blinken, Secretary of State, ‘The Administration’s Approach to the People’s Republic of China’, The George Washington University, Washington D.C., May 26, 2022, state.gov. Additionally, see President Joe Biden’s remarks on China and getting involved military to defend Taiwan in a joint press conference with Japan’s Prime Minister Kishida Fumio. ‘Remarks by President Biden and Prime Minister Kishida Fumio of Japan in Joint Press Conference’, Akasaka Palace, Tokyo, Japan, May 23, 2022, whitehouse.gov. Strategic Themes Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Regional Geopolitical Risk Matrix Section III: Geopolitical Calendar
On Monday, EU leaders agreed to a sixth round of sanctions on Russia which includes a partial embargo on oil imports that will take full effect by the end of the year. The ban applies to crude oil and petroleum products delivered by sea – which account for…
The EU agreement to embargo oil imports from Russia (see Market Focus) marks an escalation of economic warfare between Russia and the West. It raises the odds that Moscow will retaliate by incrementally cutting off its natural gas supplies to the EU. In…
According to BCA Research’s Global Fixed Income Strategy & US Bond Strategy services energy bonds offer the most compelling combination of valuation and fundamental support within US investment grade. Despite the strong outperformance of high-yield…
BCA Research’s US Equity Strategy service does not expect US consumers to lend a “spending hand” to support economic growth. Inflation continues to put pressure on US consumers. Negative real wage growth is sapping their confidence and is cutting into…
Investors’ attention appears to have shifted from concerns that inflation is too elevated to worries about the global growth outlook. The US inflation surprise index is rolling over and both market-based as well as survey-based measures of inflation…
German HICP rose from 7.8% y/y to 8.7% y/y in May, exceeding expectations of 8.1% y/y. Accelerating goods prices led the increase, while services inflation eased in May. Notably, energy and food prices surged 38.3% y/y and 11.1% y/y, respectively. Food and…
Executive Summary Selloffs across financial markets and evidence of decelerating growth have reminded us to play it close to the vest, but they haven't made us bearish. The stability of intermediate- and long-run inflation expectations suggests that the inflation genie has not yet gotten out of the bottle and that the Fed will be able to hold off on squashing the expansion until late 2023 or early 2024. Households' willingness to dip into their excess savings to maintain their spending in the face of inflationary pressures bodes well for the economy for the remaining year and a half that the excess savings cushion can be expected to last. The definitive causes of reduced labor force participation continue to elude researchers but we expect participation will improve over the rest of the year as the low-paid workers responsible for the exodus return to the grind. The Fed Fever Has Broken Bottom Line: Investors have no end of things to worry about, but we remain disposed to see the glass as half-full. We expect the expansion to continue at least into the second half of 2023 and that risk assets will generate positive excess returns over Treasuries and cash for the next twelve months. Feature We have begun meeting clients face-to-face again, in addition to continuing with conference calls. Our discussions with investors and colleagues highlight how uncertain the market and economic landscapes remain. Conditions remain especially uncertain and our views depend on the flow of data; as more pieces of the puzzle emerge, the way we assemble it is subject to change. Conviction Levels In Uncertain Times You are among the optimists at BCA and have been for a while. Are the equity selloff and the current slowdown making you nervous? Do you still see the glass as half-full? It’s our job to be nervous. The way we see the money management ecosystem, managers are responsible for worrying for their clients and we’re responsible for worrying for the managers. We continually ask how we could be getting it wrong and actively seek out information that challenges our view. We are neither foolish nor inexperienced enough to be overconfident; we’re always looking over our shoulder and our head has been on a swivel ever since the pandemic arrived. Related Report US Investment StrategyIt All Depends On Whom You Ask The recent equity decline and growth deceleration have not materially changed our already low conviction level. All investment researchers look backward to look forward. That is to say that we review past interactions between macro variables and financial assets for guidance about future interactions. We even build regression models to formalize our empirical studies, though we keep them in their proper place. We know that models have blind spots and do not rely solely on them any more than we would change lanes on the highway based only on a glance at our rear-view mirrors. A central challenge of the last two-plus years has been that real-time conditions are so unusual that there is little historical framework for evaluating them. Much of what has occurred over that stretch has lacked a close precedent: vast swaths of the economy had not previously been idled in the interest of public safety; Congress did not appropriate 25% of a year’s GDP for distribution to households, businesses and state and local governments in any prior 13-month stretch; job losses had not been so starkly concentrated among unskilled workers while leaving knowledge workers largely unscathed; aggregate household savings and net worth have never risen so much, so fast; and central banks have launched campaigns that would make William McChesney Martin’s head spin, much less Walter Bagehot’s. The scope of the economic challenges and the novelty of the policy responses limit the usefulness of analytical methods that depend on the notion that the future will largely resemble the past. It is therefore too soon to tell if we should be more nervous. As we write, the S&P 500 has blasted 8% off its intraday lows five sessions ago and incoming economic data continue to resist a blanket bullish or bearish interpretation. We empathize with investors’ impatience; one would think that the key macro questions should be settled by now, given how long we’ve been discussing them. They are not settled, though, and we will revisit open debates as new data arrive. The Term Structure Of Inflation Expectations Real-time inflation prints are terrible and much more concerning than tame inflation expectations. Why are you focusing almost exclusively on inflation expectations? We have been keeping a close eye on the course of inflation expectations over time, or their term structure, ever since inflation began to emerge from its extended hibernation. As unsettling as it has been to witness 40-year highs in inflation, we have taken solace from the fact that market prices have uniformly indicated that businesses and investors expect that inflation will recede to familiar levels over the longer run. As indicated by the arrows in the right-hand column, long-term inflation expectations are considerably lower than near-term expectations as implied by the TIPS and nominal Treasury markets (Table 1, top panel) and directly indicated by CPI swaps (Table 1, bottom panel). Expressed as a continuous time series, neither the Treasury (Chart 1, top panel) nor the CPI swaps (Chart 1, bottom panel) market has wavered in its view that high inflation will not persist beyond the near term. Table 1The Inflations Expectations Curve Is Sharply Inverted That is important because it suggests that neither businesses nor investors will need to adjust their strategies to accommodate a lasting upward inflection in price pressures. For businesses, that means that they don’t foresee a need to fight tooth and nail to pass along increased costs. Investors continue to be content with nominal long-term Treasury yields vastly below current year-over year inflation, investment-grade corporate yields that are about half of it and high-yield corporate yields that are a percentage point below it. Chart 1Investors And Businesses Don't Foresee A Lasting Change ... Chart 2... And Neither Do Households Although high inflation seems to have spooked the households responding to University of Michigan consumer sentiment survey takers, they remain unperturbed about its long-run direction. The difference between University of Michigan respondents’ long-run and near-term inflation expectations remains around multi-year lows (Chart 2), as 5-year expectations have held steady at 3% for three straight months. The inference that University of Michigan survey respondents expect high inflation to be fleeting is supported by their views on the advisability of big-ticket purchases. The share of respondents who deem it a bad time to buy a car because prices are (temporarily) high remains near all-time high levels (Chart 3, middle panel), while those who think buying now is auspicious because prices won’t come down is near all-time lows (Chart 3, top panel). The difference between the two continues to set record lows (Chart 3, bottom panel). The consensus view on consumer durables purchases is the same – now is a bad time to buy because high prices won’t last (Chart 4). The economic takeaway is that consumers are willing to bide their time until prices come back to earth and will not exacerbate upward price pressures by clamoring to buy before prices go even higher. Chart 3Consumers Are Willing To Wait Out Supply-And-Demand Imbalances, ... Chart 4... Instead Of Exacerbating Them By Rushing To Buy Now Bottom Line: Economic participants adjust their behavior based on their long-run inflation expectations. If they think the current fever will break, businesses, investors and consumers will not act in ways that fuel a self-reinforcing cycle in which high prices beget still higher prices. The longer that economic actors expect inflation pressures will abate, the greater the chance that they will. Interest Rates And The Fed You’ve been calling for interest rates to stop backing up, but it still feels like they only want to rise. It has been quite a ride from 1.72% on 10-year Treasuries from the beginning of March to 3.12% at the beginning of May, but we have gotten 40 basis points of retracement over the last three weeks (Chart 5). The nearly unanimous view that rates would keep rising was a contrarian sign that the move may have been played out. Reduced expectations for Fed rate hikes have also played a part in bringing yields down. After peaking at 3.45% on May 3rd, the day before the FOMC wrapped up its May meeting, the expected fed funds rate in twelve months is down to 3.09% (Chart 6). Chart 5The Benchmark Treasury Yield ... Chart 6... Has Moved With Rate-Hike Expectations Chart 7Everything, All At Once While the prevailing view among commentators is that the Fed waited too long to begin removing monetary accommodation, financial markets have moved swiftly to price in a policy shift. Chair Powell and his colleagues have been taking every opportunity to communicate their seriousness about combating inflation and financial conditions have responded to their public relations campaign without delay (Chart 7, top panel) – yields have backed up (Chart 7, second panel), spreads have widened (Chart 7, third panel), stocks have fallen (Chart 7, fourth panel) and the dollar has surged (Chart 7, bottom panel). Our Global Investment Strategy colleagues argue that the Fed may soon perceive that tighter financial conditions threaten its soft landing goals and dial back the hawkish rhetoric if inflation eases in line with our house view. The Fed’s hawkish surprises might be behind us for the time being. Lightning Round You have argued that households will be more inclined to spend their excess pandemic savings than hoard them and that those savings will provide a buffer against inflation’s bite. The latest Personal Income Report showed that April’s savings rate was nearly half of its pre-pandemic level; are you now worried that the savings are going too fast to cushion the economy? We stand by our view that households will spend their excess savings and continue to think our guesstimate that they will spend half of them will prove to be conservative. We consider the declining savings rate – 6% in January, 5.9% in February, 5% in March and 4.4% in April, versus February 2020’s 8.3% – to be good news, indicating that socked-away stimulus payments are having the beneficial time-release effect of keeping the consumer afloat despite high inflation. We calculate that April’s accelerated consumption as a share of disposable income amounted to $60 billion of dis-savings relative to our no-pandemic baseline estimate, knocking excess savings down to $2,150 billion. At that rate, one-half of the excess balance will last for another 17 months. Will labor force participation ever get back to its pre-pandemic levels? If it doesn’t, upward wage pressures could be greater than you expect, and a wage-price spiral could be brewing. No one has satisfactorily determined why participation remains muted. It seems most likely to us that COVID fears, as indicated by the Census Bureau’s Household Pulse Survey, are the principal driver. Lavish stimulus measures may have played a role as well, though their tailwind has surely faded for households at the bottom rungs of the wealth and income distribution. We expect that participation will recover across the rest of the year as COVID morphs from acute threat to manageable nuisance and as the low-income workers who account for the shrinkage in the labor force (Chart 8) are pressed by financial exigency to return to the grind (Chart 9). Chart 8Those Who Have Left The Work Force ... Chart 9... May Have To Come Back Soon What is your view on inflation? If you think recession fears are overblown, you must not think inflation will be bad enough over the rest of the year to induce the Fed to kill the expansion. The difference between our view and the recession-is-imminent crowd’s is merely one of timing. We expect inflation will abate enough over the rest of the year that the Fed won’t have to break up the party until late 2023/early 2024. We do think, however, that Congress and the Fed overstimulated demand in the wake of the pandemic and sowed the seeds for the eventual end of the expansion and the bull markets in equities and credit. We don’t think the overstimulation will manifest itself until late 2023 or early 2024, however, so we expect that the expansion and the bull markets in risk assets will trundle along for another year. Housekeeping We planned to dial up the risk exposures in our ETF portfolio this week, in line with BCA’s recent tactical equity upgrade to overweight from neutral. It isn’t always easy to make tactical recommendations on a weekly publication schedule and while waiting out a five-and-a-half-hour flight delay at O'Hare last Friday, we wished that we could have pushed a button to increase our equity allocation. Now that the S&P 500 has rallied over 6.5% week-to-date as we go to press, we are going to hold off on making any adjustments until next week at the earliest. With apparent short-term resistance just 1% away at 4,200 (the previous triple-bottom support level), we expect that we may find a better entry point and are willing to wait patiently for it. Doug Peta, CFA Chief US Investment Strategist dougp@bcaresearch.com

