Developed Countries

The media went on a hype spree last month forecasting copper prices to the tune of $20,000t ($9.07/lb) on the back of EV-driven demand and supply shortages. While they will likely be right at some point over the next 10 years, such bullishness reminded us of the Goldman Sachs’ $200/bbl crude oil forecast back in May of 2008, followed by Gazprom’s $250/bbl number in June of 2008. By February 2009 crude was trading at $30/bbl. Given this anecdotal evidence and our view about the Chinese economic slowdown, on June 1 we recommended investors to buy crude at the expense of copper (proxied by long S&P oil & gas exploration & production / short S&P metals & mining indexes) as a way to capitalize on the DM/China growth differential. Since then, at the time of writing, the crude/copper ratio is up 17%, while our sector-level proxy is up 18.5%. Bottom Line: We reiterate our long S&P oil & gas exploration & production / short S&P metals & mining market neutral trade. For the full rationale behind this trade, please refer to the following Special Report.  

Overweight (High-Conviction) We remain overweight the S&P real estate index both in our cyclical and high-conviction universes, and both positions are currently up 7% since inception. While our initial rationale for putting the trade on was the flip in the correlation between this relative share price ratio and the 10-year US Treasury yield from negative to positive, now there are new catalysts that underpin this GICS1 sector. First, real assets have historically been a good inflation hedge making the S&P real estate index a popular addition to one’s portfolio in the current inflationary regime. Second, given that the market expects some turbulence thanks to the global growth slowdown, investors are adding real estate holdings as a defensive play (Chart 2). Finally, Chart 1 bottom panel shows that the supply-side of the equation is constrained as US commercial construction spending has been lagging. The implication is that in relative terms, the supply of commercial REITs has been contracting, pushing prices higher (relative construction spending shown inverted).  Tack on the anecdotes that empty offices are converted into apartment buildings, and empty malls into e-commerce fulfillment centers, and there is plenty of room for growth and improvement in the industry. Bottom Line: We reiterate our cyclical and high-conviction S&P real estate overweight calls. Chart 1 Chart 2  

Highlights Economy – We think the current hiring logjam will prove to be temporary: Once schools fully re-open for in-person learning in August and September and enhanced unemployment benefits expire, restraints on labor supply should ease. Markets – We expect that employment will rebound quickly enough to support an initial rate hike in 2022, ahead of the bond market’s current expectations: Liftoff expectations will have to be pulled forward if nonfarm payrolls return to their pre-pandemic peak before the end of 2022. Strategy – Remain underweight duration to stay ahead of a repricing of Fed tightening: Rates may continue to consolidate or edge lower in the near term, but we still see them rising over the next twelve months. Feature The state of the labor market is the key uncertainty for US macro observers. Although the headline unemployment rate has come down nine percentage points from its 14.8% peak, retracing nearly 80% of its sudden increase, it overstates the healing that has occurred. 22 million people, or nearly 15% of employees, lost work in March and April 2020. Two-thirds of those jobs have been recovered, but 5% fewer Americans are employed now than at last February’s employment peak. Even if today’s much-reduced shortfall had marked the trough, it would represent a postwar drawdown surpassed only by the Great Recession (Chart 1). Chart 1An Especially Severe Bloodletting The economic implications of a plunge in employment follow from what we like to call the fundamental theorem of macroeconomics: my spending is your income and your spending is my income. The US economy has dodged those implications, thanks to a massive infusion of fiscal stimulus that featured three waves of direct assistance to households, but it will not be able to stand on its own until nonfarm payrolls close in on their previous peak. Financial markets will take some notice of payrolls’ impact on economic fundamentals, but they are mostly concerned about their effect on monetary policy settings. With the Fed’s inflation-related criteria for hiking rates largely met, its full-employment goal is set to take center stage. It is easy to envision a scenario in which bond yields and equity multiples begin taking their cue from payrolls’ ongoing progress. We center our examination of that progress on labor force participation, which is likely to inform the pace of payroll expansion and wage gains. The Incredible Shrinking Work Force Only 61.6% of civilians 16 and over are participating in the labor force, recovering less than half of the pandemic decline from 63.4% to 60.2%. The participation rate has been subject to a structural headwind since 2001 when the baby boomers, born between 1946 and 1964, began exiting their prime working years1 (Chart 2, top panel). Except for a modest decline in the wake of the global financial crisis, however, the labor force kept expanding, even during recessions (Chart 2, bottom panel), thanks to an expanding working-age population. The pandemic decline was large enough to overcome population growth, with the participation rate now at a (pre-pandemic) level it last hit in January 1977, when female prime-age participation was 17-1/2 percentage points lower than it is today. Chart 2Participation Took A Big Hit From The Pandemic Table 1Labor Force Growth Has Been Slowing For A While Labor force growth has been decelerating since the ‘70s (Table 1), when it was souped up by the first half of the baby boomers’ entry into their prime working years and the explosion in female participation. It tapered in the ‘80s as the growth in female participation moderated even as the rest of the boomers turned 25. After a middling decade of labor force expansion in the ‘90s, growth slowed sharply over the last two decades as one cohort of baby boomers exited their prime working years every year from 2001 through 2019. The demographic headwind from aging boomers never produced outright contraction like today’s, though, with the labor force plunging by 5% at last April’s trough, and still languishing 2.2% below its pre-pandemic peak today. Where Did All Those Workers Go? There is no smoking gun among demographic breakouts of those who have left the labor force, but the loss of external caregiving resources appears to have been a formidable obstacle to participation. Child care burdens tend to fall more heavily on women, married or unmarried, and the recovery in the participation rate of women with young children has consistently lagged the recovery for women without young children and men with or without young children (Chart 3). It currently sits nearly a percentage point below the other three gender/children categories. Participation rate data by age group suggests that increased adult caregiving burdens may also be playing a role in suppressing participation, based on the mean and median ages of 49.4 and 51, respectively, of adult caregivers.2 Among all workers, the 45-to-54 and 55-and-above cohorts accounted for an outsized share of labor force departures while the 35-to-44 cohort, which is less likely to have adult-care burdens, has experienced labor-force losses at one-fifth of its proportion of the labor force (Table 2). Though adult caregivers skew female (61%), there is not an observable difference in the change in male and female participation at the ages of 45 and above. Chart 3Remote Learning Is Weighing On Participation Table 2Pandemic Labor Force Changes By Age And Gender Cohorts As part of the Household Pulse Survey it began conducting in late April 2020 to track the effects of the pandemic on American households, the Census Bureau has asked the jobless why they are not working. Childcare has steadily gained share and together with eldercare accounted for 9% of responses in May (Chart 4). The largest factor last April and May – the coronavirus’ impact on businesses, covering business drop-offs, temporary and permanent closures and furloughs and layoffs – rapidly fell away and is down to just 11%. Retirements have taken up 11 percentage points of the slack, with 42% of May survey respondents saying they are retired (Chart 5). Chart 4Childcare, Eldercare And ... Chart 5"Retirement" Have Shrunk The Work Force The huge pickup in retirees matches the plunge in 55-and-over participation, but it flies in the face of longer-term trends. 55-plus participation surged during the nineties’ expansion and during all of the aughts, including the dot-com and the GFC recessions, both of which dealt a blow to retirement nest eggs (Chart 6). The 55-and-over participation rate had held remarkably steady around 40% over the last ten years and we are skeptical that so many older workers are exiting at a time when their share of the population is increasing along with life spans. We expect that many of these respondents’ stated retirements may prove to be as "final" as their favorite bands’ retirement tours. Chart 6Previous Equity Selloffs Forced Older Workers To Stay On The Job The Demand Picture Is Different This Time “Jobless recoveries” have become a fixture of the post-recession landscape of the last three decades, which have seen the time it takes to recover the previous cycle’s employment peak become increasingly protracted (Chart 7). We do not believe that we are in the throes of a jobless recovery now, however. The sluggish pace of hiring that followed the last three recessions has mainly been a function of weak demand. This time around,3 the issue appears to be a dearth of labor supply, as increasingly desperate employers report that they are unable to find capable workers to fill open positions. Chart 7It Takes A Long Time To Regain Peak Employment In A Jobless Recovery, ... Chart 8... But It Doesn't Look Like We're In One Now Chart 9Help Wanted Per the job openings component of the Job Openings and Labor Turnover Survey (JOLTS), there is very nearly one job for every unemployed worker. Although the JOLTS has only existed since 2000, the current level of demand is remarkably robust compared to each of the last two cycles (Chart 8). May’s NFIB survey of small businesses shows the percentage of firms with at least one job opening extended its all-time high (Chart 9, top panel) and hiring intentions over the next three months matched the high set late last cycle (Chart 9, bottom panel). Surging demand for workers is also evident in the record-high rate at which they’re quitting their jobs, presumably to hop to better ones (Chart 8, bottom panel). The Bond Market’s Take The Fed is at pains to avoid market disruptions from its inevitable future moves to tighten monetary policy from the pandemic’s emergency levels. It has explicitly laid out three criteria for hiking rates: year-over-year PCE inflation above 2%, PCE inflation on track to moderately exceed 2% for some time and labor market conditions consistent with its assessment of maximum employment. With both inflation criteria seemingly accomplished, attaining maximum employment shapes up as the swing factor. Maximum employment is a squishy concept that affords the Fed ample discretion in setting its liftoff date. Fed officials keep referring to the previous employment peak in their public comments, and we view it as a simple proxy for meeting its labor market condition. At the end of May, 7.6 million fewer people were working than at the cyclical employment peak in February 2020. At a monthly rate of 500,000 net payrolls gains, it would take fifteen months to get back to the pre-pandemic peak; at a 400,000 clip, it would take nineteen months. Sustaining monthly payrolls additions at the required 4.2% and 3.3% annualized rates for fifteen and nineteen months, respectively, may seem improbable, but it has been done before (Chart 10). The economy’s trend rate of growth was much faster in those past instances, but the employment decline was much larger now, like the fiscal aid meant to counter it. We expect that nonfarm payroll employment will recover its pre-pandemic peak level before the end of 2022. Chart 10It's Not Easy, But It Has Been Done Before Investment Strategy The 10-year Treasury bond yield spent much of April and May consolidating its August-to-March surge from 0.5% to 1.75% and has retraced about a quarter-point of it after its recent slide. It may well stay put or even ease a little more over the next month or so if the Fed sticks to its transitory inflation messaging and the hiring logjam stretches into the summer. We expect that it will eventually be broken, however, as school re-openings and the return of adult-care providers allow sidelined workers to come back to work and the end of enhanced employment benefits forces some lower-wage earners to clock in again. As the pace of hiring picks up in line with our expectations and increasingly points to a return to pre-pandemic employment sometime in the latter half of 2022, we expect that the fixed income markets will pull their liftoff date estimates forward. As market expectations get closer to our first-hike-in-2022 view, bond yields will rise and longer-maturity Treasuries will bear the brunt of the ensuing selloff. Over our cyclical 3-to-12-month timeframe, we therefore continue to recommend that investors underweight fixed income in multi-asset portfolios while maintaining large Treasury underweights and below-benchmark duration. There may well be a tactical opportunity to overweight duration in fixed income or equity portfolios, and our sister US Equity Strategy publication recommends overweighting growth sectors over value sectors to position for it. We do not disagree with our equity colleagues’ call but are keeping our asset allocation eyes fixed on the 12-month horizon.   Doug Peta, CFA Chief US Investment Strategist dougp@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 An individual is deemed to be in his/her prime-age employment years between the ages of 25 and 54. The baby boomers entered their prime working years from 1971 to 1989, and exited them from 2001 to 2019. 2Caregiving in the US 2020, AARP and The National Alliance for Caregiving. 3 The NBER’s business cycle dating committee declared that the last expansion ended in February 2020, but it has not yet made a judgment as to when the new one began. We assume it likely began in last year’s fourth quarter or this year’s first quarter.