Inflation/Deflation

Highlights Regulatory changes affecting Chinese platform companies are structural – rather than transitory – in nature. These companies might become quasi-SOEs and could be used by the government to achieve its national and geopolitical objectives. China’s regulatory clampdown will produce structurally lower corporate profitability and, thereby, reduce equity valuations for Chinese TMT companies. Chinese policymakers have begun easing monetary and fiscal policies. Money and credit growth will likely bottom in December or so. However, as in H2 2018 and H1 2019, policy will be eased only gradually. During this period EM ex-TMT stocks and industrial metal prices performed poorly. Mainstream EM (countries outside North Asia) will continue suffering from weak growth and rising political volatility, warranting a higher risk premium. The risk-reward tradeoff for EM financial markets is poor. Feature Over the past several days, I have held calls and roundtables with clients located in the EMEA region. In this report, we will share our answers to the most common client questions. Many clients were asking if the selloff in Chinese platform companies is nearing its end or whether much more weakness is to be expected. It is not surprising that with the Hang Seng Tech index down 35% from its February highs, there is great temptation to engage in bottom fishing. So, we start with questions relating to this topic. Chart 1Is This Time Different For Chinese TMT Stocks? Question: In 2018, the regulatory clampdown on Tencent and other video game companies lasted several months and created a major pullback in their share prices (Chart 1). However, authorities ultimately removed restrictions and these stocks rallied to new highs. Do you expect the same dynamics to emerge this time around? And if not, why? We are witnessing a structural regime shift in the Chinese government’s approach toward platform companies. These changes are much more profound and long lasting than those in 2018. They herald structurally lower corporate profitability and equity multiples for Chinese TMT companies. For these stocks, a bounce from oversold levels is possible over the near term and it could be sharp. However, the rebound will be short-lived, i.e., a cyclical or secular rally is unlikely. Investors – who have not sold – should use this rebound to pare back exposure to Chinese TMT stocks. Chart 2Chinese SOEs: Lackluster Share Price Performance Going forward, these platform companies will be managed in a similar fashion to Chinese state-owned enterprises (SOEs): with the interest of the entire nation in mind, and shareholder interests will take a back seat. China’s SOEs trade at very low multiples and their share prices have been treading water since 2009 (Chart 2). The secular bull market in Chinese TMT share prices is over and more de-rating is likely for the following reasons: Chinese platform/new economy companies possess unique big data that are important to the country’s development. Protecting big data becomes a priority in an era of US-China geopolitical confrontation and amid the elevated risk of cyber attacks. As a result, it is essential for the Chinese government to control companies that possesses big data. Limiting foreign shareholders’ access and decision making in regard to big data is also imperative. We do not believe that Chinese authorities will ever allow these new economy companies to operate as freely as they have in the past. Given platform company importance to both the domestic economy and geopolitical confrontation with the US, we will not be surprised if the government eventually establishes effective control over these platform companies – probably via its affiliated entities. Many of these platform companies are natural monopolies or oligopolies and their profitability should be regulated by authorities according to free market economic textbooks. We discussed this point in the recent report titled Chinese TMT Stocks: A Bad Dream Or A New Reality? Please click on the link to open the report. Going forward, return on equity will be lower than in the past for these stocks, heralding lower valuation multiples. Stocks of many Chinese platform companies trade in the US and are largely owned by US/international (non-Chinese) investors. Neither US nor Chinese authorities want to see shares of Chinese TMT companies trade in the US, albeit for completely different reasons. Chinese authorities want these companies to release little information to their foreign shareholders, especially regarding big data. In turn, the US securities regulator is keen for US investors not to be exposed to the risks of owning Chinese stocks for two main reasons: (1) these companies do not disclose full information and (2) China’s government meddles with the management of these enterprises. Given that authorities from both countries do not support the trading of Chinese stocks in the US, odds are high that the trading of Chinese TMT companies will move from the US to Hong Kong. Moreover, US authorities may recommend US funds avoid owing Chinese stocks. In short, increased government control over Chinese TMT companies and rising geopolitical tensions between the US and the Middle Kingdom may prompt many foreign investors to reduce their exposure to these stocks. This will have negative ramifications on their share prices. Chart 3Little Volatility Spillover From Offshore Into China's Onshore Markets Question: Don’t you think Chinese authorities may reverse their regulatory clampdown given that Chinese share prices have already dropped a great deal and further weakness could hurt investor and business sentiment? Chinese authorities will not reverse regulatory tightening on platform companies. If investor and business confidence on the mainland is hurt materially, regulators will reduce the intensity of their reforms but will not reverse them. Importantly, the carnage has so far been limited to Chinese offshore financial markets (Chart 3). Neither the onshore equity indexes, nor onshore corporate bonds have sold off much (Chart 3). The majority of platform companies are listed offshore and plunging share prices hurt foreign shareholders more than domestic retail and institutional investors. There is little reason for Chinese policymakers to worry about losses among foreign investors so long as the carnage does not spread to onshore markets. Question: Why would Chinese authorities damage their largest and most successful companies in the new economy sectors? Are they not critical amidst the US-China confrontation? Chinese policymakers understand the importance of platform companies to the country’s domestic growth outlook as well as its geopolitical ambitions. This explains why Chinese authorities seek to establish effective control over decision making in these companies. We elaborated on the strategic importance of big data above. Also, the largest platform companies, such as Alibaba, Tencent and Meituan, have in recent years been acquiring stakes in numerous businesses in Southeast Asia. Beijing might be thinking of using these platform companies to raise its geopolitical influence over other Asian nations and beyond. Many Asian nations will play a prominent role in the US-China confrontation. Whether they side with China or the US will affect the balance of geopolitical power in the region. In this context, having control over soft infrastructure (payment and data systems, among others) in these Asian economies will give Beijing a chance to influence their geopolitical choices, thereby giving China an advantage over the US. Therefore, the Chinese central government might be aiming to establish an effective control over these companies’ strategic decisions. In such a case, shareholder interests will take a back seat in these companies. Question: What about common prosperity initiatives and policies that the Chinese leadership has unveiled in recent weeks? Why now? President Xi will be elected for his third term in the fall of 2022. This constitutes a major political precedent in the Middle Kingdom’s modern history. President Xi wants to secure his support from the bulk of the population. Common prosperity policies entail income and wealth distribution from high-income to middle- and low-income households. Chart 4 and Chart 5 illustrate that there has so far been no equalization of income and wealth distribution. Chart 4China: Income Disparity Has Not Been Narrowing Chart 5Wealth Concentration Remains High In China   It is imperative for President Xi to achieve a meaningful change in income and wealth distribution in the next 12 months before his third term. President Xi’s power stems not from the top 10% of the population but from the remaining (and less wealthy) 90%. Hence, there will be little easing in the push toward common prosperity. If anything, the pace of these initiatives could escalate going forward. As a part of the common prosperity initiatives, companies with excess profitability will be compelled to perform a national duty in the form of financing social programs or providing donations. Large platform companies have already begun making large donations. This trend will intensify in the months ahead. In brief, profits will be distributed away from shareholders of these companies in favor of the general well-being of society. The positive is that low- and middle-income consumer spending in China will be supported by income transfer from companies and wealthy individuals. As a result, investors should favor the companies that sell to low- and middle-income households. Chart 6Chinese Growth Stocks Are Not Yet Cheap Going forward, the model of SOEs in China or Russia will be applicable to Chinese platform companies. SOEs in China, Russia and other EM countries often perform national duties at the expense of shareholders. Not surprisingly, their stocks have been trading at much lower multiples than private companies. Presently, Chinese TMT/growth stocks trade at a trailing P/E ratio of 33.5 (Chart 6). We do not expect platform companies’ P/E ratio to drop to the level of SOEs. However, a trailing P/E ratio of 33.5 for China’s TMT companies is still high given: the uncertainty around future business models; a lack of clarity around (still evolving) new regulation; government involvement in their management; the prioritization of national and geopolitical objectives over shareholder interest. Chart 7Mind These Gaps Question: Isn’t the slowdown in China’s business cycle already well known and priced in related financial markets? Yes, it is well known but we do not think it has been priced in China-exposed plays. There are several market relationships and indicators that lead us to believe so. Both panels in Chart 7 illustrate that industrial metals prices have diverged from the Chinese manufacturing PMI and onshore government bond yields. The latter two variables project the Chinese business cycle. Such a decoupling is unsustainable given that China accounts for 55% of global industrial metal consumption. We continue to expect meaningful downside in industrial metals prices which would hurt EM countries exporting commodities. China’s credit and fiscal spending impulse leads its business cycle by nine months and suggests that economic data will be weakening until Q2 2022 (Chart 8). Finally, net EPS revisions for EM-listed companies remain elevated (Chart 9). Chart 8China's Business Cycle Will Continue Decelerating Well Into Q1 2022 Chart 9EM EPS Growth Expectations Have Not Yet Been Downgraded   That said, one sentiment indicator that has dropped significantly and is now near its level during previous EM equity lows is the Sentix European investor sentiment index on EM equities (Chart 10). Chart 10European Investor Sentiment On EM Stocks Is Back To Its Previous Lows Net-net, the risk-reward tradeoff for EM equities and credit markets is not yet attractive. Chinese TMT stocks are vulnerable for reasons discussed above while EM financial markets exposed to China’s old economy are at risk due to decelerating Chinese economic growth. Question: When will authorities in China ease policy? What does it imply for Chinese and EM financial markets? Shouldn’t investors buy China/EM assets now in anticipation of macro policy easing in China? Yes, China has already started easing credit and fiscal policy and will ease more in the coming months. Chart 11 reveals that banks’ excess reserves at the PBOC have turned up and they lead the credit impulse by six months. In turn, the Chinese credit impulse in turn leads EM share price cycles by nine months (Chart 12). Chart 11China's Credit Impulse Will Bottom In Late 2021 Chart 12EM Equities Are Not Yet Out Of The Woods   All in all, even though Chinese policymakers have begun easing credit and fiscal policy, financial markets leveraged to the mainland’s old economy could still suffer as growth continues to disappoint in the months to come. Chart 13Chinese Easing In H2 2018 And H1 2019 Did Not Help Much EM Stocks And Metal Prices Importantly, policy easing will be implemented gradually, as in H2 2018 and H1 2019. During this period EM ex-TMT stocks and industrial metal prices performed poorly despite policy easing in China (Chart 13). Question: Given improvements in vaccine availability worldwide, will EM countries close their vaccination gap with developed countries in the coming months? If yes, wouldn’t it allow their economies to catch up, and their financial markets to outperform their DM peers? EM vaccination rates will rise as vaccines become available to developing countries. However, mainstream EM vaccination rates will still remain below those of advanced economies. This gap is due to higher levels of mistrust toward governments in developing countries than in advanced ones. Therefore, the pandemic will continue capping economic activity in mainstream EM. Importantly, the lack of fiscal stimulus, monetary policy tightening and weak banking systems in mainstream EM (i.e., excluding China, Korea and Taiwan) herald weak income and domestic demand growth in these economies. Years of poor income growth and lasting pandemic damage have caused political volatility to flare-up in some countries such as Colombia, Peru, Brazil, South Africa and Malaysia. This trend will likely continue foreshowing a higher risk premium in EM financial markets. Question: What is your inflation outlook for mainstream EM (excluding North Asia)? Will inflation continue to surprise to the upside and will their central banks hike rates enough so that their currencies do not depreciate? We discussed the inflation dynamics and the outlook for local rates for EM in the August 12 report. While commodity price inflation will subside, renewed currency deprecation is the key risk to the inflation outlook in mainstream EM. EM currencies will depreciate because China’s continued slowdown is bearish for EM currencies but bullish for the greenback. The basis is that the US sells little to China while EM are exposed to the Chinese business cycle. Also, domestic demand in mainstream EM will disappoint. That, along with rising political volatility, is negative for their currencies. Finally, high local rates in mainstream EM have often coincided with currency depreciation rather than appreciation. Question: What is the biggest risk in your view? The biggest risk to our view has been and remains TINA (There Is No Alternative). We have strong conviction on fundamentals but very little conviction on fund flows. Given that DM equity and credit markets are expensive and their government bond yields are very depressed, portfolio capital can go into EM financial markets that offer lower valuation than their DM counterparts even though they are not cheap in absolute terms. Our methodology is that fundamentals drive flows in the medium- to-long term. However, with the global financial system flush with liquidity, the importance of fundamentals has declined in recent years. Therefore, we are cognizant that EM markets might not sell off a lot and could bottom at a higher level than warranted by fundamentals. Still, we expect more downside in the coming months because fundamentals are much worse than most investors realize. Chart 14EM Credit Will Continue Underperforming Their US Peers Question: What is your recommended strategy across EM equities, currencies, and fixed-income markets? Global equity portfolios should continue underweighting EM, a recommendation from March 25, 2021. Within the EM equity universe, our overweights are Korea, India, China (preferring onshore to offshore equities), Mexico and Chile. Our underweights are Brazil, Colombia, Peru, South Africa, Turkey, the Philippines and Indonesia.  The risk-reward tradeoff for EM currencies remains poor. We continue shorting a basket of BRL, CLP, COP, PEN, ZAR, TRY, PHP, THB and KRW versus the US dollar. Within local markets we overweight Mexico, Russia, Korea, Malaysia, India, China and Chile. Regarding sovereign and corporate credit, we have downgraded EM credit versus US credit on March 25 and this strategy remains intact (Chart 14). The lists of our overweights, underweights and the ones warranting neutral allocation in EM equity, domestic bonds and credit portfolios are presented below and can always be found on the EMS website. Arthur Budaghyan Chief Emerging Markets Strategist arthurb@bcaresearch.com   Equities Recommendations Currencies, Credit And Fixed-Income Recommendations

Special Report

Highlights Commodity markets will face growing supply challenges over the next decade as the US and China prepare for war, if only to deter war. Chinese President Xi Jinping's push for greater self-reliance at home and supply chain security abroad is reinforced by the West’s focus on the same interests. The erosion of a single rules-based global trade system increases the odds of economic and even military conflict. The competition for security is precipitating a reforging of global supply chains and a persistent willingness to use punitive measures, which can escalate into boycotts, embargoes, and even blockades (i.e. not only Huawei). The risk of military engagements will rise, particularly along global chokepoints and sea lanes needed to transport vital commodities. Import dependency and supply chain risk are powerful drivers of decarbonization efforts, especially in China. On net, geopolitical trends will keep the balance of commodity-price risks tilted to the upside. Commodity and Energy Strategy remains long commodity index exposure on a strategic basis via the S&P GSCI and the COMT ETF.  Note: Even in the short term, a higher geopolitical risk premium is warranted in oil prices due to US-Iran conflict. Feature The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) under President Xi Jinping has embarked on a drive toward autarky, or economic self-sufficiency, that has enormous implications, especially for global commodities. Beijing believes it can maintain central control, harness technology, enhance its manufacturing prowess, and grow at a reasonable rate, all while bulking up its national security. The challenge is to maintain social stability and supply security through the transition. China lives in desperate fear of the chaos that reigned throughout most of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, which also enabled foreign domination (Chart 1). The problem for the rest of the world is that Chinese nationalism and assertive foreign policy are integral aspects of the new national strategy. They are needed to divert the public from social ills and deter foreign powers that might threaten China’s economy and supply security. Chart 1China Fears Any Risk Of Another ‘Century Of Humiliation’ The chief obstacle for China is the United States, which remains the world leader even though its share of global power and wealth is declining over time. The US is formally adopting a policy of confrontation rather than engagement with China. For example, the Biden administration is co-opting much of the Trump administration's agenda. Infrastructure, industrial policy, trade protectionism, and the “pivot to Asia” are now signature policies of Biden as well as Trump (Table 1).1 Table 1US Strategic Competition Act Highlights Return Of Industrial Policy, Confrontation With China Many of these policies are explicitly related to the strategic aim of countering China’s rise, which is seen as vitiating the American economy and global leadership. Biden’s Trump-esque policies are a powerful indication of where the US median voter stands and hence of long-term significance (Chart 2). Thus competition between the US and China for global economic, military, and political leadership is entering a new phase. China’s drive for self-reliance threatens the US-led global trade system, while the US’s still-preeminent geopolitical power threatens China’s vital lines of supply. Chart 2US Public’s Fears Are China-Centric Re-Ordering Global Trade The US’s and China’s demonstrable willingness to use tariffs, non-tariff trade barriers, export controls, and sanctions cannot be expected to abate given that they are locked in great power competition (Chart 3). More than likely, the US and China will independently pursue trade relations with their respective allies and partners, which will replace the mostly ineffective World Trade Organization (WTO) framework. The WTO is the successor to the rules-based and market-oriented system known as the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), which was formed following World War II. The GATT’s founders shared a strong desire to avoid a repeat of the global economic instability brought on by World War I, the Great Crash of 1929, and the retreat into autarky and isolationism that led to WWII. Chart 3US and China Imposing Trade Restrictions This inter-war period saw domestically focused monetary policies and punishing tariffs that spawned ruinous bouts of inflation and deflation. Minimizing tariffs, leveling the playing field in trading markets, and reducing subsidization of state corporate champions were among the GATT's early successes. The WTO, like the GATT before it, has no authority to command a state to change its economy or the way it chooses to organize itself. At its inception the GATT's modus vivendi was directed at establishing a rules-based system free of excessive government intrusion and regulation. If governments agreed to reduce their domestic favoritism, they could all improve their economic efficiency while avoiding a relapse into autarky and the military tensions that go with it.2 The prime mover in the GATT's founding and early evolution – the USA – firmly believed that exclusive trading blocs had created the groundwork for economic collapse and war. These trading blocs had been created by European powers with their respective colonies. During the inter-war years the revival of protectionism killed global trade and exacerbated the Great Depression. After WWII, Washington was willing to use its power as the global hegemon to prevent a similar outcome. Policymakers believed that European and global economic integration would encourage inter-dependency and discourage protectionism and war. The fall of the Soviet Union reinforced this neoliberal Washington Consensus. Countries like India and China adopted market-oriented policies. The WTO was formed along with a range of global trade deals. Ultimately the US and the West cleared the way for China to join the trading bloc, hoping that the transition from communism to capitalism would eventually be coupled with social and even political liberalization. The world took a very different turn as the United States descended into a morass of domestic political divisions and foreign military adventures. China seized the advantage to expand its economy free of interference from the US or West. The West failed to insist that liberal economic reforms keep pace.3 Moreover, when China joined the WTO in 2001, the organization was in a state of "regulatory stalemate," which made it incapable of dealing with the direct challenges presented by China.4 Today President Xi has consolidated control over the Communist Party and directs its key economic, political, and military policymaking bodies. He has deepened party control down to the management level of SOEs – hiring and firing management. SOEs have benefited from Xi’s rule (Chart 4). But now the West is also reasserting the role of the state in the economy and trade, which means that punitive measures can be brought to bear on China’s SOEs. Chart 4State-Owned Enterprises Benefit From Xi Administration What Comes After The WTO? The CCP has shown no interest in coming around to the WTO's founding beliefs of government non-interference in the private sector. For example, it is doubling down on subsidization and party control of SOEs, which compete against firms in other WTO member states. Nor has the party shown any inclination to accept a trade system based on the GATT/WTO founding members' Western understanding of the rule of law. These states represent market-based economies with long histories of case law for settling disputes. Specifically, China’s fourteenth five-year plan and recent policies re-emphasize the need to upgrade the manufacturing sector rather than rebalancing the economy toward household consumption. The latter would reduce imbalances with trade deficit countries like the US but China is wary of the negative social consequences of too rapidly de-industrializing its economy. It wants to retain its strategic and economic advantage in global manufacturing and it fears the social and political consequences of fully adopting consumer culture (Chart 5). Chart 5China’s Economic Plans Re-Emphasize Manufacturing, Not Consumption The US, EU, and Japan have proposed reform measures for the WTO aimed at addressing “severe excess capacity in key sectors exacerbated by government financed and supported capacity expansion, unfair competitive conditions caused by large market-distorting subsidies and state owned enterprises, forced technology transfer, and local content requirements and preferences.”5 But these measures are unlikely to succeed. China disagrees with the West’s characterization. In 2018-19, during the trade war with the US, Beijing contended that WTO members must “respect members’ development models.” China formally opposes “special and discriminatory disciplines against state-owned enterprises in the name of WTO reform.”6 In bilateral negotiations with the US this year, China’s first demand is that the US not to oppose its development model of “socialism with Chinese characteristics” (Table 2). Table 2China’s Three Diplomatic Demands Of The United States (2021) Yet it is hard for the US not to oppose this model because it involves Beijing using the state’s control of the economy to strengthen national security strategy, namely by the fusion of civil and military technology. Going forward, the Biden administration will violate the number one demand that Chinese diplomats have made: it will attempt to galvanize the democracies to put pressure on China’s development model. China’s demand itself reflects its violation of the US primary demand that China stop using the state to enhance its economy at the expense of competitors. If a breakdown in global trading rules is replaced by the US and China forming separate trading blocs with their allies and partners, the odds of repeating the mistakes of the inter-bellum years of 1918-39 will significantly increase. Tariff wars, subsidizing national champions, heavy taxation of foreign interests, non-tariff barriers to trade, domestic-focused monetary policies, and currency wars would become more likely. China’s Strategic Vulnerability The CCP has delivered remarkable prosperity and wealth to the average Chinese citizen in the 43 years since it undertook market reforms, and especially since its accession to the WTO in 2001 (Chart 6). China has transformed from an economic backwater into a $15.4 trillion (2020) economy and near-peer competitor to the US militarily and economically.7 This growth has propelled China to the top of commodity-importing and -consuming states globally for base metals and oil. We follow these markets closely, because they are critical to sustaining economic growth, regardless of how states are organized. Production of and access to these commodities, along with natural gas, will be critical over the next decade, as the world decarbonizes its energy sources, and as the US and China address their own growth and social agendas while vying for global hegemony. Decarbonization is part of the strategic race since all major powers now want to increase economic self-sufficiency and technological prowess. Chart 6CCPs Remarkable Success In Growing Chinas Economy Over recent decades China has become the largest importer of base metals ores (Chart 7) and the world's top refiner of many of these metals. In addition, it is the top consumer of refined metal (Chart 8). Chart 7China Is World’s Top Ore Importer Chart 8China Is Worlds Top Refined Metal Consumer By contrast, the US is not listed among ore importers or metals consumers in the Observatory of Economic Complexity (OEC) databases we used to map these commodities. This reflects not only domestic supplies but also the lack of investment and upgrades to the US's critical infrastructure over 2000-19.8 Going forward, the US is trying to invest in “nation building” at home. An enormous change has taken shape in strategic liabilities. In the oil market, the US went from being the world's largest importer of oil in 2000, accounting for more than 24% of imports globally, to being the largest oil and gas producer by 2019, even though it still accounted for more than 12% of the world's imports (Chart 9). In 2000, China accounted for ~ 3.5% of the world's oil imports and by 2019 it was responsible for nearly 21%. China is far behind per capita US energy consumption, given its large population, but it is gradually closing the gap (Chart 10). Overall energy consumption in China is much higher than in the US (Chart 11). Chart 9US Oil Imports Collapse As Shale Production Grows Chart 10Energy Use Per Capita In China Far From US Levels... Chart 11China Is World’s Largest Primary Energy Consumer China's impressive GDP growth in the twenty-first century is primarily responsible for China's stunning growth in imports and consumption of oil (Chart 12) and copper (Chart 13), which we track closely as a proxy for the entire base-metals complex. Chart 12Global Oil Demand Forecast Remains Steady Chinas GDP Drives Oil Consumption, Imports Chart 13Global Oil Demand Forecast Remains Steady Chinas GDP Drives Refined Copper Consumption And Ore Imports China’s importance in these markets points to an underlying strategic weakness, which is its dependency on imports. This in turn points to the greatest danger of the breakdown in US-China relations and the global trade system. The Road To War? China is extremely anxious about maintaining supply security in light of these heavy import needs. Its pursuit of economic self-sufficiency, including decarbonization, is driven by its fear of the US’s ability to cut off its key supply lines. China’s first goal in modernizing its military in recent years was to develop a naval force capable of defending the country from foreign attack, particularly in its immediate maritime surroundings. Historically China suffered from invaders across the sea who took advantage of its weak naval power to force open its economy and exploit it. Today China is thought to have achieved this security objective. It is believed to have a high level of capability within the “first island chain” that surrounds the coast, from the Korean peninsula to the Spratly Islands, including southwest Japan and Taiwan (Map 1).9 China’s militarization of the South China Sea, suppression of Hong Kong, and intimidation of Taiwan shows its intention to dominate Greater China, which would put it in a better strategic position relative to other countries. Map 1China’s Navy Likely Achieved Superiority Within The First Island Chain China’s capability can be illustrated by comparing its naval strength to that of the United States, the most powerful navy in the world. While the US is superior, China would be able to combine all three of its fleets within the first island China, while the US navy would be dispersed across the world and divided among a range of interests to defend (Table 3). China would also be able to bring its land-based air force and missile firepower to bear within the first island chain, as opposed to further abroad.10 Table 3China’s Naval Growth Enables Primacy Within First Island Chain In this sense China is militarily capable of conquering Taiwan or other nearby islands. President Xi Jinping had in fact ordered China’s armed forces be capable of doing so by 2020.11 Taiwan continues to be the most significant source of insecurity for the regime. True, a military victory would likely be a pyrrhic victory, as Taiwan’s wealth and tech industry would be destroyed, but China probably has the raw military capability to defeat Taiwan and its allies within this defined space. However, this military capability needs to be weighed against economic capability. If China seized military control of Taiwan, or Okinawa or other neighboring territories, the US, Japan, and their allies would respond by cutting off China’s access to critical supplies. Most obviously oil and natural gas. China’s decarbonization has been impressive but the reliance on foreign oil is still a fatal strategic vulnerability over the next few years (Chart 14). China is rapidly pursuing a Eurasian strategy to diversify away from the Middle East in particular. But it still imports about half its oil from this volatile region (Chart 15). The US navy is capable of interdicting China’s critical oil flows, a major inhibition on China’s military ambitions within the first island chain. Chart 14Chinas Energy Diversification Still Leaves Vulnerabilities Of course, if the US and its allies ever blockaded China, or if China feared they would, Beijing could be driven to mount a desperate attack to prevent them from doing so, since its economic, military, and political survival would be on the line. Chart 15China Still Dependent On Middle East Energy Supplies The obvious historical analogy is the US-Japan conflict in WWII. Invasions that lead to blockades will lead to larger invasions, as the US and Japan learned.12 However, the lesson from WWII for China is that it should not engage the US navy until its own naval power has progressed much further. In the event of a conflict, the US would be imposing a blockade at a distance from China’s naval and missile forces. When it comes to the far seas, China’s naval capabilities are extremely limited. Military analysts highlight that China lacks a substantial naval presence in the Indian Ocean. China relies on commercial ports, where it has partial equity ownership, for ship supply and maintenance (Table 4). This is no substitute for naval basing, because dedicated military facilities are lacking and host countries may not wish to be drawn into a conflict. Table 4China’s Network Of Part-Owned Ports Across The World: Useful But Not A Substitute For Military Bases Further, Beijing lacks the sea-based air power necessary to defend its fleets should they stray too far. And it lacks the anti-submarine warfare capabilities necessary to defend its ships.13 These capabilities are constantly improving but at the moment they are insufficient to overthrow US naval control of the critical chokepoints like the Strait of Hormuz or Strait of Malacca. While China’s naval power is comparable to the US’s Asia Pacific fleet (the seventh fleet headquartered in Japan), it is much smaller than the US’s global fleet and at a much greater disadvantage when operating far from home. China’s navy is based at home and focused on its near seas, whereas US fleet is designed to operate in the far seas, especially the Persian Gulf, which is precisely the strategic area in question (Chart 16).14 China is gradually expanding its navy and operations around the world, so over time it may gain the ability to prevent the US from cutting off its critical supplies in the Persian Gulf. But not immediately. The implication is that China will have to avoid direct military conflict with the United States until its military and naval buildup has progressed a lot further. Chart 16China’s Navy At Huge Disadvantage In Distant Seas Meanwhile Beijing will continue diversifying its energy sources, decarbonizing, and forging supply chains across Eurasia via the Belt and Road Initiative. What could go wrong? We would highlight a few risks that could cause China to risk war even despite its vulnerability to blockade: Chart 17China’s Surplus Of Males Undergirds Rise In Nationalism Domestic demographic pressure. China is slated to experience a dramatic bulge in the male-to-female ratio over the coming decade (Chart 17).15 A surfeit of young men could lead to an overshoot of nationalism and revanchism. This trend is much more important than the symbolic political anniversaries of 2027, 2035, and 2049, which analysts use to predict when China’s military might launch a major campaign. Domestic economic pressure. China’s turn to nationalism reflects slowing income growth and associated social instability. An economic crisis in China would be worrisome for regional stability for many reasons, but such pressures can lead nations into foreign military adventures. Domestic political pressure. China has shifted from “consensus rule” to “personal rule” under Xi Jinping. This could lead to faulty decision-making or party divisions that affect national policy. A leadership that carefully weighs each strategic risk could decay into a leadership that lacks good information and perspective. The result could be hubris and belligerence abroad. Foreign aggression. Attempts by the US or other powers to arm China’s neighbors or sabotage China’s economy could lead to aggressive reaction. The US’s attempt to build a technological blockade shows that future embargoes and blockades are not impossible. These could prompt a war rather than deter it, as noted above. Foreign weakness. China’s capabilities are improving over time while the US and its allies lack coordination and resolution. An opportunity could arise that China’s strategists believe they cannot afford to miss. Afghanistan is not one of these opportunities, but a US-Iran war or another major conflict with Russia could be. The breakdown in global trade is concerning because without an economic buffer, states may resort to arms to resolve disputes. History shows that military threats intended to discourage aggressive behavior can create dilemmas that incentivize aggression. The behavior of the US and China suggests that they are preparing for war, even if we are generous and assume that they are doing so only to deter war. Both countries are nuclear powers so they face mutually assured destruction in a total war scenario. But they will seek to improve their security within that context, which can lead to naval skirmishes, proxy wars, and even limited wars with associated risks of going nuclear. Investment Takeaways The pursuit of the national interest today involves using fiscal means to create more self-sufficient domestic economies and reduce international supply risks. Both China and the West are engaged in major projects to this end, including high-tech industrialization, domestic manufacturing, and decarbonization. These trends are generally bullish for commodities, even though they include trends like military modernization and naval expansion that could well be a prelude to war. War itself leads to commodity shortages and commodity price inflation, but of course it is disastrous for the people and economies involved. Fortunately, strategic deterrence continues to operate for the time being. The underlying geopolitical trend will put commodity markets under continual pressure. A final urgent update on oil and the Middle East: The US attempt to conduct a strategic “pivot” to Asia Pacific faces a critical juncture. Not because of Afghanistan but because of Iran. The Biden administration will have trouble unilaterally lowering sanctions on Iran after the humiliating Afghanistan pullout. The new administrations in both Iran and Israel are likely to establish red lines and credible threats. A higher geopolitical risk premium is thus warranted immediately in global oil markets. Beyond short-term shows of force, everything depends on whether the US and Iran can find a temporary deal to avoid the path to a larger war. But for now short-term geopolitical risks are commodity-bullish as well as long-term risks.   Robert P. Ryan Chief Commodity & Energy Strategist rryan@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1     There are also significant differences between Biden and Trump in other areas such as redistribution, immigration, and social policy. 2     See Ravenhill, John (2020), Regional Trade Agreements, Chapter 6 in Global Political Economy, which he edited for Oxford University Press, particularly pp. 156-9. 3    “As time went by, the United States realized that Communism not only did not retreat, but also further advanced in China, with the state-owned economy growing stronger and the rule of the Party further entrenched in the process." See Henry Gao, “WTO Reform and China Defining or Defiling the Multilateral Trading System?” Harvard International Law Journal 62 (2021), p. 28, harvardilj.org.  4    See Mavroidis, Petros C. and Andre Sapir (2021), China and the WTO, Why Multilateralism Still Matters (Princeton University Press) for discussion.  See also Confronting the Challenge of Chinese State Capitalism published by the Center for Strategic & International Studies 22 January 2021. 5    Gao (2021), p. 19. 6    Gao (2021), p. 24. 7     Please see China's GDP tops 100 trln yuan in 2020 published by Xinhuanet 18 January 2021. 8    We excluded 2020 because of the COVID-19 pandemic's effects on supply and demand for these ores, metals and crude oil. 9    See Captain James Fanell, “China’s Global Navy Strategy and Expanding Force Structure: Pathway To Hegemony,” Testimony to the US House of Representatives, May 17, 2018, docs.house.gov. 10   Fanell (2018), p. 13. 11    He has obliquely implied that his vision for national rejuvenation by 2035 would include reunification with Taiwan. Others suggest that the country’s second centenary of 2049 is the likely deadline, or the 100th anniversary of the People’s Liberation Army. 12    The US was a major supplier of oil to Japan, and in 1941 it froze Japan's assets in the US and shut down all oil exports, in response to Japan's military incursion into China in the Second Sino-Japanese War of 1937-45.  Please see Anderson, Irvine H. Jr. (1975), "The 1941 De Facto Embargo on Oil to Japan: A Bureaucratic Reflex," Pacific Historical Review, 44:2, pp. 201-231.  13   See Jeffrey Becker, “Securing China’s Lifelines Across the Indian Ocean,” China Maritime Report No. 11 (Dec 2020), China Maritime Studies Institute, digital-commons.usnwc.edu. 14   See Rear Admiral Michael McDevitt, “Becoming a Great ‘Maritime Power’: A Chinese Dream,” Center for Naval Analyses (June 2016), cna.org. 15   For discussion see Major Tiffany Werner, “China’s Demographic Disaster: Risk And Opportunity,” 2020, Defense Technical Information Center, discover.dtic.mil.  

This week I have been holding client calls and roundtables with clients located in the EMEA region. In next week’s report we will share our answers to the most common client questions. In the meantime, this week we are sending you a report about Peru that discusses the political situation and the outlook for the nation’s financial markets. Best regards, Arthur Budaghyan Highlights Do not bottom fish in Peruvian financial markets. Political volatility has not yet reached its apex. Clashes between the government and congress are inevitable. Either president Pedro Castillo will be impeached and massive protest will follow, or his party’s radical leftist agenda will be at least partially legislated. Neither scenario bodes well for Peru’s financial markets. Capital outflows and lower metal prices pose a threat to the exchange rate. Go short the sol versus the US dollar. Dedicated EM equity and fixed-income managers should continue underweighting Peru in their respective portfolios. Feature Chart 1Peru: Absolute And Relative Equity Performance Peru’s financial assets have plummeted due to the election of left-wing president Pedro Castillo. Some investors may be tempted to bottom fish in these markets due to their lower valuations and oversold conditions (Chart 1, top panel). Some may attempt to draw parallels with Brazil’s 2002 election of Lula da Silva which initially triggered a selloff in Brazilian financial markets followed by a substantial rally during the president’s two terms in office. Will that be the case with Peruvian markets? We do not think so. Unlike twenty years ago in Brazil, Peru is currently facing a much worse political and economic outlook. Overall, the political volatility as well as deteriorating macro fundamentals warrant a higher risk premium on Peruvian assets. Thus, we recommend investors underweight Peru within EM equity, local, and sovereign fixed-income portfolios (Chart 1, bottom panel). A Political Showdown Is Looming One could argue that Peruvian financial markets have hit a floor and that much of the bad news has already been priced. Another argument is that Castillo will not be able to pass sweeping socio-economic reforms because of strong opposition from congress. In our opinion, Peru has yet to reach peak political tensions, which may very well end with a bang. Given this heightened political uncertainty, investors should brace themselves for a rocky ride. We identify two main risks plaguing Peruvian politics. First, the unsustainable ideological divide within Castillo’s proposed cabinet between far-left militants and the pragmatic center-left. Second, the looming clash between a government that wants to upend the country’s socioeconomic system and a notoriously harsh congress keen on making the president’s job unbearable. Intra-Government Dichotomy The ideological divide in Castillo’s government is extreme. On one side is the Marxist-Leninist wing, headed by Free Peru’s party leader, Vladimir Cerrón, and prime minister candidate, Guido Bellido. On the other side is the left-to-center members, headed by Pedro Francke, the minister of finance candidate. The more extremist Marxist-Leninist camp constitutes the majority, while moderates are a minority. Critically, the Marxist-Leninist radicals will make few concessions to the moderate ministers, as the former believe they have a mandate from the people to upend the country’s socio-economic system. Nevertheless, the policies supported by the general public are more nuanced than that. According to a national Ipsos survey from August, 85% of respondents believe president Castillo should govern with technocrats in his governments’ key positions. Only 11% support him making the ideology of his party the centerpiece of his policies and promoting (radical) members of his party. This shows how Castillo’s victory was more of a national referendum against Fujimori and the corrupt political elites than support for a radical socialist government. We elaborated on this topic in our previous report on Peru. The wide ideological divide between the party and a few moderate members of the cabinet in key positions will make governing extremely difficult. Cracks are already beginning to form. Bellido and Francke hold different views on the role of the state in the economy. Bellido, on the one hand, has stated he supports state-owned companies in commodity-extracting sectors (particularly natural gas and hydroelectricity) and the drafting of a new constitution to give the state greater ownership of mining contracts. Francke, on the other hand, wants to reinstate fiscal spending caps and is less harsh with multinational companies, favoring an increase only in mining taxes. Furthermore, there is significant uncertainty around the government’s official fiscal plan, as Francke has avoided giving clear figures on fiscal expenditures and social programs. To make matters worse, there is growing concern that it is party leader Cerrón who is de facto in charge, and that he has an enormous influence on Castillo. Cerrón is unpopular among voters as a result of his criminal allegations, close ties to the Cuban regime, and often apologetic stance toward the Maoist terrorist group, Shining Path. Although he intended to run as the presidential candidate for Free Peru, he was banned from the election because of ongoing criminal accusations, which is why he handpicked Castillo as his replacement. Without a doubt, he intends to be heavily involved in government decision-making. According to the same Ipsos poll we cited earlier, 61% of Peruvians believe Cerrón is either de facto in charge of the government or holds considerable sway over Castillo. The biggest risk to financial markets will be the eventual dismissal or resignation of finance minister Francke. This may happen as he eventually realizes that the radicals will concede very little. This would also lead to a resignation of orthodox central bank governor Julio Velarde, who Francke has been able to convince to remain in his post. These two resignations would result in another riot in Peruvian markets, as the investment and business communities fully lose confidence in Castillo’s government.  An Inevitable Clash Between The Government And Congress Being president in Peru is a notoriously difficult job due to the large sway that congress has on legislation and governing. The outcome of this constant confrontation between the president and congress has been five different presidents in the past five years alone. Critically, this tension has never been higher. The government and congress hold diametrically opposed views on the broad vision and strategy for the nation and how the economy should be managed. On the one hand, congress is mainly composed of traditional centrist parties and the opposition holds a majority—Castillo’s coalition has only about 39% of the seats. On the other hand, the government has just been elected on a far-left reformist platform. In essence, both the government and congress have incentives and the determination to be as obstructive as possible for each other. As tensions ramp up and confrontation becomes inevitable, the risks of unrest and clashes between supporters of Castillo and congress will rise. Table 1Peru: Voters Support More Moderate Politicians In congress’s point of view, they have a mandate to serve as an opposing force to Castillo’s radicalism: There is some validity to this claim. The opposition holds a majority, and congress president Maricarmen Alva is by far more popular than the leaders of the Free Peru party like Cerrón and Bellido (Table 1). Given that Castillo’s ideology is a threat to the nation’s current socio-economic model and, thereby, to the political establishment, the majority in congress would prefer to block all radical legislation, including the appointments of controversial cabinet members. In addition, they will use all manner of accusations and alleged linkages between cabinet members and Shining Path to impeach Castillo. Congress needs only 87 votes, which means they need to convince only eight members from the governing alliance to impeach Castillo. In turn, the government argues it was elected to upend the country’s status quo and confront the unpopular political elites: Critically, the president has the ability to dissolve congress after two votes of no confidence, thereby putting pressure on congress to abide by the government’s radical proposals. This latter point and the fact that congress has little popular support provide leverage for the government over congress. Given the fact that current congressional members cannot be reelected, they might be more careful about how they maneuver, so that they do not provoke Castillo to dissolve congress. There are, therefore, two extreme possible outcomes. On one hand, congress may impeach the president, triggering a social revolt from Castillo’s hardline supporters against congress. On the other hand, congressional members may allow the passing of a leftist legislative agenda in order to maintain their seats, which would gravely reduce corporate profitability and productivity in Peru. Both scenarios would result in a collapse of investor and business confidence, leading to more capital flight and a riot in Peruvian financial markets. Bottom Line: Political volatility in Peru has not yet reached its apex. Clashes between the government and congress are inevitable, as well as among key cabinet members. Such elevated political volatility warrants a higher risk premium on Peruvian assets. Return Of Macro Instability Peru enjoyed a period of relative macro stability from the early 2000s until recently. Its currency, local interest rates, and sovereign spreads have fluctuated less than those in other Latin American countries. However, the nation’s economy and financial markets have entered a period of heightened volatility. Both domestic and external macro factors have turned into headwinds for the Peruvian economy and financial markets. Chart 2Peru: Business Confidence Will Continue Plummeting Domestically, the economic recovery has been uninspiring, and multiple indicators point to growth disappointments ahead: Business confidence took another serious hit with the election of Castillo and ensuing uncertainty (Chart 2). Imminent political volatility will further depress business confidence, and, consequently, capital expenditures and hiring in the coming months. This will curb household income growth and consumer spending. Peru remains one of the world’s deadliest COVID-19 hotspots (Chart 3, top panel). In addition, vaccination rates are the lowest among major Latin American economies (Chart 3, bottom panel). As the more infectious Delta variant becomes dominant, there will not be enough immunity to hold back new cases. Consequently, either the government will introduce lockdowns or people will voluntarily limit their activities, thereby inhibiting the nascent economic recovery. The unemployment rate remains far above its pre-pandemic level (Chart 4). Thus, household income remains very depressed. The latter does not bode well for debtors’ ability to service debt. Chart 3Peru: The Government Has Grossly Mismanaged The Pandemic Chart 4Peru: Labor Market Has Not Fully Recovered   As a result, loan delinquencies will rise anew, weighing on banks’ appetite to lend. Notably, local currency loans to the private sector will contract (Chart 5).    Chart 5Peru: Prepare For A Credit Slump Commercial banking profitability is also vulnerable, as president Castillo aims to strengthen the state bank (Banco de la Nación) by expanding its operations and undercutting private banking fees. Given financials of the bourse’s market cap, poor banking profitability is a major risk to this stock market. Unrelenting currency depreciation—see below for a more detailed analysis of the exchange rate—will prompt the central bank to hike rates further. This will not only weigh on new credit demand, but also augment loan delinquencies in the banking system. As a result, banks will become very risk averse and shrink their balance sheets. A credit crunch will ensue. Even though fiscal spending will be increased, it is unlikely to propel economic growth. The basis is that fiscal primary spending accounted for less than 15% of GDP before the pandemic and is now 17% due to the pandemic distortion (Chart 6). In the meantime, consumer spending constitutes 63% of GDP, capital spending 21%, and exports 25%. Externally, deteriorating balance of payments dynamics will weigh down on the currency: Peruvian assets tend to move with the country’s trade balance and global metal prices. The fact that Peruvian stock prices have plummeted in the face of rising industrial and precious metal prices supports a bearish thesis on this bourse (Chart 7). Chart 6Peru: Fiscal Expenditures Have Risen Due To The Pandemic Chart 7Rising Metal Prices Have Failed To Boost Peruvian Stocks Chart 8China's Slowdown Portends A Fall In Commodities Export revenue will contract as a result of a decline in commodity prices brought on by China’s slowing “old economy” (Chart 8). Precious and industrial metals together account for 66% of Peru’s merchandise exports. A meaningful decline in metal prices will erode the trade surplus and weigh on the exchange rate. Furthermore, Peru is already experiencing capital flight. Potential anti-market policies from this government could trigger more capital exodus. The capital account deficit will widen as both FDI and portfolio inflows fall due to the negative commodity outlook as well as political uncertainty (Chart 9). Foreigners still hold 45% of local currency bonds, and they will reduce their holdings (Chart 10). Chart 9Peru: FDI Inflows Will Decline Chart 10Peruvian Domestic Bonds: Will Banks Make Up For Foreign Investor Retrenchment? Chart 11Peru: The Dollarization Rate Has Room To Rise Currency depreciation will also be reinforced by locals converting their sol deposits into foreign currency. The dollarization rate—the ratio of foreign currency banking deposits to total deposits—will rise (Chart 11). A weakening currency will also lead to higher inflation expectations, to which the central bank will respond by raising rates. The monetary authorities already hiked the policy rate by 25 basis points this month due to higher-than-expected inflation and a rapidly depreciating currency. As Peru’s exchange rate continues to weaken, the central bank might also sell foreign currency reserves to prevent large fluctuations in the value of the currency. This foreign exchange intervention will, in turn, shrink banking system local currency liquidity and lift interbank rates (Chart 12). Chart 12FX Reserve Sales Will Shrink Banking Liquidity And Lift Interbank Rates In short, the central bank has enough international reserves to stabilize the exchange rate, but this will come at the cost of tighter liquidity and higher interest rates. The latter will only reinforce sluggish growth in domestic demand. Bottom Line: Heightened political volatility and lower metal prices are working against the Peruvian economy and its financial markets. Peru is experiencing large capital flight, which will exacerbate currency depreciation. Investment Recommendations Keep an underweight allocation to the Peruvian bourse within an EM equity portfolio. We recommend currency traders go short the Peruvian sol versus the US dollar. While the sol has already depreciated considerably, the domestic and external headwinds entail more downside. For fixed-income investors, we maintain an underweight allocation to Peruvian sovereign credit in an EM credit portfolio. The basis for this position is that the nation’s fiscal policy may undergo a major shift, entailing larger fiscal spending and wider budget deficits. We are downgrading local bonds from neutral to underweight in an EM domestic bond portfolio. Critically, the share of foreign ownership of Peruvian local fixed income remains one of the highest in the EM universe—it has only fallen from around 55% to 45% of domestic fixed-income instruments in the past six months (Chart 10 on page 9). Thus, there is a major risk that foreign investors will sell domestic bonds as the currency depreciates further, which will weigh down on local bonds. Juan Egaña Research Analyst juane@bcaresearch.com Footnotes

Highlights The post-pandemic investment phase is just a continuation of the post-credit boom investment phase. This is because the pandemic has just accelerated the pre-existing shifts to a more remote way of working, shopping and interacting as well as the de-carbonisation of the economy. Combined with no new credit boom, these ongoing trends will structurally weigh on the profits of old economy sectors, consumer prices, and bond yields. At the same time, these trends are a continuing structural tailwind for the profits in those sectors that facilitate the shift to a more digital and cleaner world. Our high-conviction recommendation is to stay structurally overweight growth sectors versus old economy sectors… …and to stay structurally overweight the US stock market versus the non-US stock market. Fractal analysis: PLN/USD, Hungary versus Emerging Markets, and sugar versus soybeans. Feature Chart of the WeekUS And Non-US Profits Go Their Starkly Separate Ways Many people use the US stock market as a proxy for the world stock market. Intuitively, this makes sense, because the US stock market is the largest in the world, and the S&P 500 and Dow Jones Industrials are well-known indexes that we can monitor in real time. In contrast, world equity indexes such as the MSCI All Country World are less familiar and do not move in real time. Yet to use the US stock market as a proxy for the world stock market is a mistake. Although the US comprises makes up half of the world stock market capitalisation, the other half is so different – the non-US yan to the US yin – that the US cannot represent the world. As we will now illustrate. US Profits Have Doubled While Non-US Profits Have Shrunk Over the past ten years, US and non-US stock market profits have gone their starkly separate ways. While US profits have nearly doubled, non-US profits languish 10 percent below where they were in 2011! (Chart of the Week) While US profits have nearly doubled, non-US profits languish 10 percent below where they were in 2011. Of course, in any comparison of this sort, a key issue is the starting point. In this first part of our analysis, we are defining the starting point as the point at which profits had recouped all their global financial crisis losses. For both US and non-US profits this point was in March 2011 (Chart I-2 and Chart I-3). Chart I-2Comparing Profit Growth Since The Full Recovery From The Financial Crisis Chart I-3Comparing Valuation Expansion Since The Full Recovery From The Financial Crisis Because the issue of the starting point of the analysis is contentious, we will look at a much earlier starting point later in the report. But first, here are the decompositions of the US and non-US stock market moves from March 2011. US stock market profits are up 93 percent, while the multiple paid for those profits (valuation) is up 75 percent. Compounding to a total price gain of 235 percent (Chart I-4). Chart I-4US Profits Up 93 Percent, Valuation Up 75 Percent Non-US stock market profits are down -9 percent, while the multiple paid for those profits is up 38 percent. Compounding to a total price gain of a measly 25 percent (Chart I-5). Chart I-5Non-US Profits Down -9 Percent, Valuation Up 38 Percent The aggregate world stock market profits are up 24 percent, while the multiple paid for those profits is up 57 percent. Compounding to a total price gain of 94 percent (Chart I-6). Chart I-6World Profits Up 24 Percent, Valuation Up 57 Percent The Post-Credit Boom Phase Favours The US Over The Non-US Stock Market In the post-credit boom phase, several important features of stock market performance are worth highlighting. In absolute terms, valuation expansion has lifted US stocks by twice as much as non-US stocks, 75 percent versus 38 percent. Yet even the 75 percent expansion in the US stock market valuation has played second fiddle to the 93 percent expansion in US stock market profits. Absent valuation expansion, non-US stocks would stand lower today than in 2011. But for non-US stocks, whose structural profit growth has been non-existent, valuation expansion has been the only instrument for structural gains. Indeed, absent valuation expansion, non-US stocks would stand lower today than in 2011. And absent valuation expansion at a world level, the world stock market would lose three quarters of its ten-year gain. What can explain the startling performance differential between US and non-US stocks on both profit and valuation expansions? As we have argued before, most of the difference does not come from the underlying (US versus non-US) economies, but instead comes from the company and sector compositions of the stock markets. The US stock market is heavily over-weighted to global growth companies and sectors – such as technology and healthcare (Chart I-7) – which, by definition, have experienced structural growth in their profits. In contrast, the non-US stock market is heavily over-weighted to global old economy companies and sectors – such as financials, energy, and resources (Chart I-8) – whose profits have stagnated, or entered structural downtrends (Chart I-9). Chart I-7The US Stock Market Is Heavily Over-Weighted To Growth Sectors Chart I-8The Non-US Stock Market Is Heavily Over-Weighted To Old Economy Sectors   Chart I-9Old Economy Sector Profits Have Gone Nowhere At the same time, when bond yields decline, companies whose profits are growing (and time-weighted into the distant future) see a greater increase in their net present values. Hence, companies in the global growth sectors have experienced a larger valuation expansion than those in the old economy sectors. In this way, the US stock market has outperformed the non-US stock market on both profit growth and valuation expansion. The key question is, will these post-credit boom trends continue? The answer depends on whether the post-pandemic world marks a new phase for investment, or whether it is just a continuation of the post-credit boom phase. The Post-Pandemic Phase Is A Continuation Of The Post-Credit Boom Phase Let’s now address the issue of the starting point of our analysis by panning out to 1990. This bigger picture from 1990 shows three distinct phases for investors (Chart I-10 and Chart I-11). Chart I-10Since 1990, There Have Been Three Distinct Investment Phases Chart I-11The Post-Pandemic Investment Phase Is A Continuation Of The Post-Credit Boom Phase The first phase was the 1990s build-up to the dot com boom. This phase clearly favoured growth sectors, and thereby the US stock market versus the non-US stock market. The second phase was the early 2000s credit boom. This phase clearly favoured sectors that facilitated the credit boom or benefited from its spending – notably, the old economy sectors of financials, energy, and resources. Thereby it favoured the non-US stock market versus the US stock market. The third and most recent phase is the post-credit boom phase. This phase has flipped the leadership back to growth sectors as the absence of structural credit growth has stifled financials as well as the capital-intensive old economy sectors that had previously benefited from the credit boom. Additionally, the structural disinflation that has comes from weak credit growth has dragged down bond yields and – as already discussed – given a much bigger boost to growth sector valuations. Since 1990, there have been three distinct phases for investors: the dot com boom; the credit boom; and the post-credit boom. Now we come to the key question. Did 2020 mark the end of the post-credit boom phase and the start of a new ‘post-pandemic’ phase? On the evidence so far, the answer is an emphatic no. Crucially, there is no new credit boom. A still highly indebted private sector is neither willing nor able to borrow. And although public sector debt surged during the pandemic, governments are now keen to temper or rein in deficits. In any case, Japan teaches us that government borrowing – which is bond rather than bank financed – does nothing for the banks or the broader financial sector. An equally important question is, has the pandemic reversed the societal and economic trends of the post-credit boom phase? The answer is no. Quite the contrary, the pandemic has accelerated the pre-existing shifts to a more remote way of working, shopping and interacting as well as the de-carbonisation of the economy. Combined with no new credit boom, these ongoing trends are structurally disinflationary for the profits of old economy sectors as well as for consumer prices. Thereby, they will continue to weigh on bond yields. At the same time, the trends are a continuing structural tailwind for the profits in those sectors that facilitate and enable the shift to a more digital and cleaner world. While we are open to the evolving evidence, the post-pandemic investment phase seems an extension of the post-credit boom phase. This means that structurally, there is no reason to flip out of growth sectors back to old economy sectors. It also means that structurally, there is no reason to switch from US to non-US stocks. Fractal Analysis Update This week’s fractal analysis highlights three potential countertrend moves based on fragile fractal structures. First, the recent rally in the US dollar could meet near-term resistance given its weakening 65-day fractal structure. A good way of playing this would be long PLN/USD (Chart I-12). Chart I-12PLN/USD Could Rebound Second, the strong outperformance of Hungary versus Emerging Markets – largely driven by one stock, OTP Bank – has become a crowded trade based on its 130-day fractal structure. This would suggest underweighting Hungary versus the Emerging Markets index (Chart I-13). Chart I-13Underweight Hungary Versus EM Finally, the sugar price has skyrocketed as extreme weather has disrupted output in the world’s top producer, Brazil. Given that supply bottlenecks ultimately ease, a recommended trade would be to short sugar versus soybeans, using ICE versus CBOT futures contracts (Chart I-14). Set the profit target and symmetrical stop-loss at 8 percent. Chart I-14Short Sugar Versus Soybeans Dhaval Joshi Chief Strategist dhaval@bcaresearch.com Fractal Trading System Fractal Trades 6-Month Recommendations Structural Recommendations Closed Fractal Trades Closed Trades Asset Performance Equity Market Performance   Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields ##br##- Euro Area Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields ##br##- Europe Ex Euro Area Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields ##br##- Asia Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields ##br##- Other Developed   Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations  

Highlights The baht will depreciate further, given the state of the economy and external accounts. Domestic demand was already relapsing, even before the latest surge in COVID-19 cases. Now, the recovery will be delayed more. The authorities have little to offer by way of fiscal or monetary support. Credit to the job-intensive SME sector has collapsed. The balance of payment dynamics remains negative for the currency. Investors should stay short the baht. Dedicated EM asset allocators should continue to be neutral on Thailand within respective equity and domestic bond portfolios. Feature Chart 1Thai Stocks Are Facing Several Headwinds Our negative view on the baht has played out as expected.1 The Thai currency is down 10% versus the dollar since its peak in February of this year. It has also been the worst performer in Asia. The country’s stock market is struggling and going down in both absolute terms and relative to their EM counterparts (Chart 1). Going forward, odds are that the baht will remain weak. A weak currency will continue to stifle both Thai stocks’ and local currency bonds’ relative performance. Investors should stay short the baht and remain neutral Thai equity and local currency bonds within their respective EM portfolios. Relapsing Growth Chart 2Surging New COVID-19 Cases... The latest spike in new COVID-19 cases has dashed hopes for any early recovery of the Thai economy (Chart 2). Earlier this month, the central bank revised down their GDP forecast for 2021 from 1.8% to 0.7%. We concur with this bearish outlook: Private consumption in real terms was languishing as of June this year at 10% below 2019 levels. Car sales, both personal and commercial, are even more downbeat (Chart 3). After the latest surge in new COVID-19 cases, those numbers must have weakened further. Incidentally, the country’s vaccination rate, at 26% of total population (7.5% fully vaccinated), remains low. It could be, therefore, several months before any meaningful recovery in consumer demand takes place. Faced with low demand, the country’s manufacturing and shipment volumes are also weak. They are both breaking down anew from well below the 2019 levels (Chart 4, top panel). Chart 3...Will Further Delay Domestic Demand Recovery Chart 4Manufacturers Are Saddled With High Inventory Amid Weak Orders...   Weak demand also means that businesses are stuck with high inventories. Indeed, there is a widening disparity between inventory levels and shipments (Chart 4, middle panel). Furthermore, order books have slipped back to levels not seen since the height of the COVID-19 scare early last year. The combination of high inventories and tumbling orders does not portend a manufacturing recovery anytime soon (Chart 4, bottom panel). Notably, jobs and wages are also weak. Employment in the manufacturing sector is well below pre-pandemic levels (Chart 5). This trend, in turn, is hurting household income and consumer demand, completing a vicious cycle of depressed demand, weak production, falling employment and household income, and further reduced demand. The softness of the economy is accentuating the disinflationary pressure that was already entrenched. Headline and core CPI in Thailand have stayed mostly below 1% over the past five years — the lower band of the central bank’s inflation target. Now, they are flirting with outright deflation. In fact, if the impact of food and oil prices is excluded, the prices are actually deflating (Chart 6). Chart 5...Which Is Hurting Jobs And Wage Growth Chart 6Thailand Is Flirting With Outright Deflation...   Outright deflation makes it harder for borrowers to service their debts, which then discourages both borrowing and spending — making the recovery much harder. Notably, the banks’ prime lending rates remain high at 5.4%, which means real prime lending rates are quite steep at 5% (deflated by core CPI). This is at a time of very low household income and business revenue growth expectations. This trend is a strong disincentive for borrowing and consuming /capital spending. Little Policy Support What is more concerning for the economy is that policymakers can offer little to boost the economy. Fiscal stimulus has waned: government expenditure, after a surge last year, is now contracting (Chart 7). The budget proposal for the next fiscal year (October 2021 - September 2022) that was passed by the parliament in June 2021 (first reading)2 stipulates a 5.7% cut in nominal spending. Part of the reason is that fiscal deficits have already ballooned to a staggering 8% of GDP — from an average of 2.5% in the past ten years. The IMF estimates that the fiscal thrust will be zero this year, and a negative 2.4% of GDP in 2022 (Chart 7, bottom panel). The monetary policy transmission is also paralyzed. Despite easing by the Bank of Thailand — the policy rate is at an all-time low of 0.5% since May last year — credit growth is dismal. Lenders are wary of rising NPLs and are holding back new credit: The share of impaired loans (NPLs plus Special Mention Loans) of total bank loans has dramatically increased to 10%. In the case of small and medium enterprises (SMEs), that ratio is 20%. By comparison, loss provisions are much lower, at just 5.2% as of June of this year (Chart 8, top panel). Chart 7...Yet, The Government Is Planning To Cut Fiscal Spending Chart 8Sharp Rise In Banks' Stressed Loans Amid Tanking Profits...   Notably, both operating and net profits of banks had already halved (as a % of assets) by June 2021 — as both interest and non-interest incomes dropped. Profits are slated to contract further, since banks will have to make greater provisions in the future as the recent surge in new cases will produce more loan delinquencies (Chart 8, bottom panel). The specter of rising NPLs has prompted banks to retrench loans. In particular, bank credit to SMEs has plunged by a massive 34% from 2019 levels (Chart 9). Before the pandemic, banks’ SME loans made up a significant 30% of GDP. Now, they are down to 21%. Credit retrenchment of this order to the job-intensive SME sector is going to have a significant negative ripple effect. Employment will shrink further as small businesses go bust. Shrinking jobs will dent household income, and, in turn, consumer demand. Incidentally, loans to other business segments are also not rising much. Bank loans to all non-financial corporates are growing rather minimally, at 1.5% year-over-year. Going into the pandemic, the Thai household sector was already highly leveraged. Over the past two decades, banks and other financial institutions have been lending ever more to households, shunning non-financial corporates. Households’ borrowing from banks have now risen to 40% of GDP; and those from other institutions another 50%. These loans had helped boost consumer demand all those years, but now, at a time when incomes are uncertain, households have very limited appetite to borrow more to spend. This means a consumer debt-fueled demand recovery is not in the cards (Chart 10). Chart 9...Induced Banks To Massively Reduce Credit To The Job-Intensive SME Sector Chart 10Thai Households Are Too Indebted To Borrow More And Spend   In brief, Thai businesses are in the middle of a toxic combination of contracting sales, absent fiscal support, slashed credit facilities, and rather high borrowing costs in real terms. Chart 11 shows that corporate profit margins of non-financial firms are struggling at a low level. It is no wonder that businesses are reluctant to invest, expand, and hire. The message is similar when we examined all companies included in the MSCI Thailand stock index. On the one hand, their EPS has fallen to 10-year lows. Thai stock prices, on the other hand, have not yet fallen as much as the shrinking EPS would imply (Chart 12, top panel). The consequence is that the valuations are remarkably stretched—near a 20-year high (Chart 12, bottom panel). Chart 11Low Margins Are Discouraging Thai Firms To Borrow, Invest, Or Hire Chart 12Thai Profits, At A Decade-Low, Are Also A Headwind For Stock Prices   All in all, for Thai share prices to stage a sustainable rally, an economic recovery is essential. The first indications of that usually come from an improving order book. The latter currently shows little glimmer of hope. But investors should keep an eye on this indicator, as Thai stocks’ performance is geared to the ebbs and flows of the business order book (Chart 13). Thailand Needs A Weaker Currency The state of the Thai economy not only warrants exchange rate depreciation, but also needs a much weaker currency to help an economic recovery. The country’s balance of payment is in deficit — for the first time since 2014. A crucial reason is that the baht is still expensive, which continues to weigh on exports. Of all the export-oriented Asian economies, Thai exports recovery has been the weakest (Chart 14). Chart 13Keep An Eye On The Order Book For A Sign In Stock Recovery Chart 14An Expensive Baht Held Back Thai Exports Recovery   The fact that a quarter of Thai exports go to other ASEAN countries — where demand has been and remains weak due to the lingering pandemic — doesn’t help either. As a result, the Thai trade surplus has narrowed significantly, and the current account has slipped into deficit (Chart 15, top and middle panels). The other main external revenue source of Thailand, tourism, continues to be near absent at 0.6% of GDP — a far cry from a high of 12% before the pandemic (Chart 15, bottom panel). What’s more, there is little hope of any recovery in the near future. The government now expects the number of foreign tourists this year to be as low as 0.3 million versus 40 million in 2019. On the capital account front, Thailand continues to hemorrhage both FDI and portfolio capital — just as it did the past several years. Despite that, the baht had remained strong until early this year, as a result of a substantial repatriation of bank deposits by Thai residents and, to a lesser extent, foreign borrowings. Those inflows prevented the Thai baht from depreciating. But such panic-stricken, one-off savings/deposit repatriations by Thai residents will certainly slow materially going forward (Chart 16). Chart 15The Thai Current Account Balance Will Struggle To Stay In Surplus... Chart 16...While The Capital Account Balance Will Slip Deeper Into Deficit...   There’s also little hope that FDI and portfolio inflows will pick up the slack. The reason is that the Thai economy is very weak and the return on capital is low. The latter discourages capital inflows. The fact that the baht continues to be an expensive currency in real terms, and therefore not as competitive as some of its neighbors’, doesn’t help either. The multi-nationals who are planning to re-locate out of China might find some other countries — where the currency is more competitive (such as in India, Malaysia, or the Philippines) — more attractive. Overall, the Thai capital account balance will likely slide deeper into deficit, at a time when the current account will also struggle to stay in surplus. The result will be a further deterioration in the country’s balance of payment, hurting the baht (Chart 17). Considered from another angle, if the return on capital on Thai assets is any guide, the baht could drop much more from its current levels (Chart 18). Chart 17...Putting Downward Pressure On The Baht Chart 18Thai Firms' Low Rates Of Return Point To More Baht Depreciation     The reality is that, given Thailand’s current macro backdrop, a cheaper currency is what the nation needs. That will help boost growth significantly by aiding exports and promoting import substitution. Since foreign trade makes up an impressive 90% of GDP, a boost therein could kickstart the entire economy. Another result of a weaker currency will be higher inflation, something the economy seriously needs. Higher inflation will contribute to lower real interest rates which, in turn, will encourage borrowing and spending. Higher spending and inflation will help achieve higher nominal sales, boost firms’ profits, employment, and eventually, household incomes. All in all, it could allow a productive cycle to unfold. Given all these possible benefits and given that policymakers have few other tools at their disposal at this juncture, chances are the central bank will let the baht depreciate more, albeit in an orderly fashion, in the months to come. What About Bonds? Chart 19Mantain A Neutral Allocation To Thai Domestic Bonds In An EM Basket Thai local currency bonds’ absolute return in US dollar terms, as expected, is highly dependent on the exchange rate (Chart 19, top panel). Given the weak currency outlook, foreign investors should refrain from holding Thai domestic bonds outright. For foreign asset allocators, however, the matter is more nuanced. Thai domestic bonds’ relative return versus that of overall EM did not depend on the baht movement alone. This is because Thailand has been a defensive market owing to the following: a traditionally strong current account, a manageable public debt (now 47% of GDP), and a relatively low holding of bonds by foreign investors (now 12% of total). A robust current account surplus for years meant that during periods of negative growth shocks, the baht often fell less than many other EM currencies — that is, in periods of distress, the baht helped boost the relative performance of Thai bonds vis-à-vis overall EM bonds in US dollar terms. Those periods of distress also saw Thai bond yields fall as the central bank was able to cut rates due to low inflation. In addition, during those periods, local investors moved from equities to government bonds. Since the holdings of local bond investors far outweighed those of foreign investors, Thai bond yields managed to go down, even when some foreign investors dumped EM and Thai domestic bonds. As a result of these factors, Thai bonds outperformed their EM counterparts during the commodity/EM slowdown in 2014-15, and again at the height of the COVID-19-scare in early 2020 — even though the baht fell versus the US dollar during those periods (Chart 19, middle panel). All that said, the reality in the ground has changed somewhat since early last year. The Thai current account is no longer in surplus, and, given the dismal tourism outlook and slowing trade surplus, it will probably stay that way for the foreseeable future. That will keep the baht relatively weak weighing on Thai bonds’ relative performance versus their EM peers. On the other hand, the grim outlook of the Thai economy and looming deflation risk means that Thai bond yields could fall going forward relative to their EM counterparts. That will be a tailwind for Thai domestic bonds’ relative outperformance versus their EM counterparts. There is, therefore, a good chance that the headwind from a relatively weaker baht could be somewhat compensated for by a drop in Thai local yields versus their EM peers. Indeed, the periods of the baht’s weakness usually coincided with Thai bonds’ relative yield compression (Chart 19, bottom panel). This calls for a neutral outlook for relative bond performance going forward. Investment Conclusions Currency: The baht outlook remains precarious. Investors would do well to remain short the baht versus the US dollar. Domestic Bonds: Thai bond yields will go down. The Bank of Thailand will have no choice but to cut rates further. Local investors should stay long bonds. For international dedicated EM fixed-income portfolios, we downgraded Thai bonds in February of this year, from overweight to neutral in an EM bond portfolio, in view of the impending baht weakness. That turned out to be a good decision. Going forward, investors should continue to have a neutral allocation on Thai bonds, as the headwind from the baht will be mitigated by the tailwind from relative bond yield compression. Foreign absolute-return investors, however, should avoid Thai bonds in view of expected currency depreciation. Chart 20A Vulnerable Baht Will Keep Foreign Equity Investors Away Stocks: A struggling economy offers little hope for corporate margins or profits recovery soon. A vulnerable currency makes Thai stocks even less appealing to foreign investors. Without their participation, it will be hard for this market to rise sustainably in absolute terms or outperform their EM counterparts (Chart 20). Thai equities are not cheap either: the P/Book ratio is at par with EM. That said, given the Thai market’s already very steep underperformance versus the EM equity benchmark, from a portfolio strategy point of view, we recommend investors stay neutral this market within an EM equity portfolio. Rajeeb Pramanik Senior EM Strategist rajeeb.pramanik@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Please refer to the EMS report “Thailand: Beset By A Vulnerable Baht,” dated February 24, 2021. 2 The budget bill has to pass the second and third readings expected in August before it goes for senate and royal approval.

Special Report

Dear Client, This week, the US Bond Strategy service is hosting its Quarterly Webcast (August 17 at 10:00 AM EDT, 15:00 PM BST, 16:00 PM CEST and August 18 at 9:00 HKT, 11:00 AEST). In addition, we are sending this Quarterly Chartpack that provides a recap of our key recommendations and some charts related to those recommendations and other areas of interest for US bond investors. Please tune in to the Webcast and browse the Chartpack at your leisure, and do let us know if you have any questions or other feedback. To view the Quarterly Chartpack PDF please click here. Scheduling Note: There will be no US Bond Strategy report next week. The following week (August 31), clients will receive a report written by our Global Fixed Income Strategist Rob Robis. The regular US Bond Strategy publication schedule will resume on September 8 with the publication of September’s Portfolio Allocation Summary. Best regards, Ryan Swift, US Bond Strategist

Highlights Going into the new crop year, we expect the course of the broad trade-weighted USD to dictate the path taken by grain and bean prices (Chart of the Week). Higher corn stocks in the coming crop year, flat wheat stocks and lower rice stocks will leave grain markets mostly balanced vs the current crop year.  Soybean stocks and carryover estimates from the USDA and International Grains Council (IGC) are essentially unchanged year-on-year (y/y). In the IGC's estimates, changes in production, trade, and consumption for the major grains and beans largely offset each other, leaving carryovers unchanged. Supply-demand fundamentals leave our outlook for grains and beans neutral.  This does not weaken our conviction that continued global weather volatility will tip the balance of price risk in grains and beans over the coming year to the upside. Our strategically bearish USD view also tips the balance of price risk in grains – and commodities generally – to the upside. We believe positioning for higher-volatility weather events and a lower US dollar is best done with index products like the S&P GSCI and the COMT ETF, which tracks a version of the GSCI optimized for backwardation.  Feature Chart of the WeekUSD Will Drive Global Grain Markets Chart 2Opening, Closing Grain Stocks Will Be Largely Unchanged Going into the new crop year, opening and closing stocks are expected to remain flat overall vs the current crop years, with changes in production and consumption largely offsetting each other in grain and bean markets (Chart 2).1 This will leave overall prices a function of weather – which no one can predict – and the path taken by the USD over the coming year. The IGC's forecast calls for mostly unchanged production and consumption for grains and beans globally, with trade volumes mostly flat y/y. This leaves global end-of-crop-year carryover stocks essentially unchanged at 594mm tons. The USDA expects wheat ending stocks at the end of the '21/22 crop year up a slight 0.5%; rice down ~ 4.5%, and corn up ~ 4%. Below we go through each of the grain and bean fundamentals, and assess the impact of COVID-19 on global trade in these commodities. We then summarize our overall view for the grain and bean complex, and our positioning recommendations. Rice The IGC forecasts higher global rice production and consumption, and, since they expect both to change roughly by the same amount, ending stocks are projected to remain unchanged in the '21/22 crop year relative to the current year (Chart 3). The USDA, on the other hand, is expecting global production to increase by ~ 1mm MT in the new crop year, with consumption increasing by ~ 8mm MT. This leaves ending inventories for the new crop year just under 8mm MT below '20/21 ending stocks, or 4.5%. Chart 3Global Rice Balances Roughly Unchanged Corn The IGC forecasts global corn production will rise 6.5% to a record high in the '21/22 crop year, while global consumption is expected to increase 3.6%. Trade volumes are expected to fall ~ 4.2%, leaving global carryover stocks roughly unchanged (Chart 4). In the USDA's modelling, global production is expected to rise 6.6% in the '21/22 crop year to 1,195mm MT, while consumption is projected to rise ~ 2.4% to 1,172mm MT. The Department expects ending balances to increase ~ 11mm MT, ending next year at 291.2mm MT, or just over 4% higher. Chart 4Corn Balances Y/Y Remain Flat Wheat The IGC forecasts global wheat production in the current crop year will increase by ~ 16mm MT y/y, which will be a record if realized. Consumption is expected to rise 17mm MT, with trade roughly unchanged. This leaves expected carryover largely unchanged at ~ 280mm MT globally (Chart 5). The USDA's forecast largely agrees with the IGC's in its ending-stocks assessment for the new crop year. Global wheat production is expected to increase 16.6mm MT y/y in '21/22, and consumption will rise ~ 13mm MT, or 1.7% y/y. Ending stocks for the new crop year are expected to come in at just under 292mm MT, or 0.5% higher. Chart 5Ending Wheat Stocks Mostly Unchanged Soybeans Both the IGC and USDA expect increases in soybean ending stocks for the '21/22 crop year. However, the USDA’s estimates for ending stocks are nearly double the IGC projections.2 We use the IGC's estimates in Chart 6 to depicts balances. USDA - 2021/22 global soybean ending stocks are set to increase by ~3 mm MT to 94.5 mm MT, as higher stocks from Brazil and Argentina are partly offset by lower Chinese inventories. US production is expected to make up more than 30% of total production, rising 6% year-on-year. Chart 6Higher Bean Production Meets Higher Consumption Impact Of COVID-19 On Ags Trade Global agricultural trade was mostly stable throughout the COVID-19 pandemic. China was the main driver for this resilience, accounting for most of the increase in agricultural imports from 2019 to 2020. Ex-China, global agricultural trade growth was nearly zero. During this period, China was rebuilding its hog stocks after an outbreak of the African Swine Flu, which prompted the government to grant waivers on tariffs in key import sectors, which increased trade under the US-China Phase One agreement. As a result, apart from COVID-19, other factors were influencing trade. Arita et. al. (2021) attempted to isolate the impact of COVID on global agricultural trade.3 Their report found that COVID-19 – through infections and deaths – had a small impact on global agricultural trade. Government policy restrictions and reduced mobility in response to the pandemic were more detrimental to agricultural trade flows than the virus itself in terms of reducing aggregate demand. Policy restrictions and lower mobility reduced trade by ~ 10% and ~ 6% on average over the course of the year. Monthly USDA data shows that the pandemic was not as detrimental to agricultural trade as past events. Rates of decline in global merchandise trade were sharper during the Great Recession of 2007 – 2009 (Chart 7). Many agricultural commodities are necessities, which are income inelastic. Furthermore, shipping channels for these types of commodities did not require substantial human interactions, which reduced the chances of this trade being a transmission vector for the virus, when governments declared many industries using and producing agricultural commodities as necessities. This could explain why agricultural trade was spared by the pandemic. Amongst agricultural commodities, the impact of the pandemic was heterogenous. For necessities such as grains or oilseeds, there was a relatively small effect, and in few instances, trade actually grew. For example, trade in rice increased by ~4%. The value of trade in higher-end items, such as hides, Chart 7COVID-19 Spares Ag Trade Chart 8Grains Rallied During Pandemic tobacco, wine, and beer fell during the pandemic. This was further proof of the income inelasticity of many agricultural products which kept global trade in this sector resilient. Indeed, the UNCTAD estimates global trade for agriculture foods increased 18% in 1Q21 relative to 1Q19. Over this period, Bloomberg's spot grains index was up 47.08% (Chart 8). Investment Implications We remain neutral grains and beans based on our assessment of the new crop-year fundamentals. That said, we have a strong-conviction view global weather volatility will tip the balance of price risk in grains over the coming year to the upside. Our strategically bearish USD view also tips the balance of price risk in grains – and commodities generally – to the upside. Weather-induced grain and bean prices volatility is supportive for our recommendations in the S&P GSCI and the COMT ETF, which tracks a version of the GSCI optimized for backwardation. These positions are up 5.8% and 7.9% since inception, and are strategic holdings for us.   Robert P. Ryan Chief Commodity & Energy Strategist rryan@bcaresearch.com Ashwin Shyam Research Associate Commodity & Energy Strategy ashwin.shyam@bcaresearch.com   Commodities Round-Up Energy: Bullish US natural gas prices remain well supported by increased power-generation demand due to heat waves rolling through East and West coasts, lower domestic production and rising exports. The US EIA estimates natgas demand for July rose 3.9 bcf/d vs June, taking demand for the month to 75.8 bcf/d. Exports – pipeline and LNG – rose 0.4 bcf/d to 18.2 bcf/d, while US domestic production fell to 92.7 bcf/d, down 0.2 bcf/d from June's levels. As US and European distribution companies and industrials continue to scramble for gas to fill inventories, we expect natgas to remain well bid as the storage-injection season winds down. We remain long 1Q22 call spreads, which are up ~214% since the position was recommended April 8, 2021 (Chart 9). Base Metals: Bullish Labor and management at BHP's Escondida copper mine – the largest in the world – have a tentative agreement to avoid a strike that would have crippled an already-tight market. The proposed contract likely will be voted on by workers over the next two days, according to reuters.com. Separately, the head of a trade group representing Chile's copper miners said prices likely will remain high over the next 2-3 years as demand from renewables and electric vehicles continues to grow. Diego Hernández, president of the National Society of Mining (SONAMI), urged caution against expecting a more extended period of higher prices, however, mining.com reported (Chart 10). We remain bullish base metals generally, copper in particular, which we expect to remain well-bid over the next five years. Precious Metals: Bullish US CPI for July rose 0.5% month-over-month, suggesting the inflation spike in June was transitory. While lower inflation may reduce demand for gold, it will allow the Fed to continue its expansionary monetary policy. The strong jobs report released on Friday prompted markets and some Fed officials to consider tapering asset purchases sooner than previously expected. The jobs report also boosted an increasing US dollar. A strong USD and an increase in employment were negative for gold prices on Monday. There also were media reports of a brief “flash crash” caused by an attempt to sell a large quantity of gold early in the Asian trading day, which swamped available liquidity at the time. This also was believed to trigger stops and algorithmic trading programs, which exacerbated the move. The potential economic impact of the COVID-19 Delta variant is the only unequivocally supportive development for gold prices. Not only will this increase safe-have demand for gold, but it will also prevent the Fed from being too hasty in tapering its asset purchases and subsequently raising interest rates. Chart 9 Chart 10 Footnotes 1     The wheat crop year in the US begins in June; the rice crop year begins this month; and the corn and bean crop years begin in September. 2     Historical data indicate this difference is persistent, suggesting different methods of calculating ending stocks.  The USDA estimates ending stocks for the '21/22 crop year will be 94.5mm tons, while the IGC is projecting a level of 53.8mm.  3    Please refer to ‘Has Global Agricultural Trade Been Resilient Under Coronavirus (COVID-19)? Findings from an Econometric Assessment. This is a working paper published by Shawn Arita, Jason Grant, Sharon Sydow, and Jayson Beckman in May 2021.   Investment Views and Themes Strategic Recommendations Tactical Trades Commodity Prices and Plays Reference Table Trades Closed in 2021 Summary of Closed Trades

Highlights US Treasuries: US Treasury yields are rising once again, in response to typical drivers – less dovish Fed commentary and upside growth surprises. The spread of the Delta variant in the US represents a potential near-term roadblock to additional yield increases, but the recent slowing of new cases in the UK and Europe is a positive sign that the US can see a similar result and avoid a major economic hit. Stay below-benchmark on US duration exposure. UK: The Bank of England is starting to prepare the markets for less accommodative monetary policy, with the UK economy holding up well as its Delta variant surge is losing momentum. UK Gilt yields are vulnerable to a hawkish repricing with only 48bps of rate hikes discounted by the end of 2024. Stay below-benchmark on UK duration exposure, and downgrade Gilts to underweight in global bond portfolios. A New Turning Point For Global Bond Yields? After seeing steady declines since the peak in late March that took the yield down to an intraday 2021 low of 1.13% last week, the 10-year US Treasury experienced a rebound back to 1.30% in a span of just three days. Yields in typically “high-beta” countries like Canada and Australia also saw significant increases. There were two main triggers for the pickup in US yields. Firstly, a speech from Fed Vice-Chair Richard Clarida was interpreted hawkishly, as he stated that he expects the conditions necessary for the Fed to begin lifting rates would be met by the end of 2022. Secondly, a better-than-expected July employment report confirmed the strength of the US labor market already evident in booming demand indicators like job openings. A third potential cause of the trough in yields can be found outside the US in the increasingly positive news on the spread of the Delta variant coming out of the UK. We would argue that the more relevant turning point for global bond yields in 2021 was not the late March peak in the US, but the mid-May peak in non-US developed market yields. The 10-year UK Gilt yield reached its 2021 apex on May 13, just as the spread of the Delta variant was starting to push UK COVID-19 case numbers sharply higher – despite the high vaccination rate in that country (Chart of the Week). This raised the fears that the “reopening boom” could stall, not only in the UK but other major economies, at a time when global growth momentum was already starting to cool off from the overheated pace in the first half of the year. Chart of the WeekThe "Delta Rally" In Bond Markets Is Fading The Delta variant wave continues to wash over the US, although primarily in regions with lower vaccination rates. There was little sign of any impact from the variant in the July US jobs data with just over one million new jobs added (including revisions to prior months) and the unemployment rate falling one-half of a percentage point to 5.4%, the lowest level since March 2020 (Chart 2). However, we will need to see more economic data from July and August to confirm that this latest wave is not having a material impact on the broad US economy beyond the regions with lower vaccination rates. New COVID-19 cases in the UK peaked in mid-July, and are rolling over in continental Europe, with relatively low hospitalization rates – a hopeful sign that the US Delta spread could also soon begin to lose momentum. We continue to believe that steady improvements in the US labor market will be the driver of higher US bond yields over at least the next 6-12 months, as falling unemployment will embolden the Fed to begin tapering asset purchases and, eventually, begin rate hikes towards the end of 2022. The technical backdrop for Treasuries has become less of a headwind to higher yields, with the 10-year yield falling back to its 200-day moving average and speculators closing a lot of short positioning in Treasury futures (Chart 3). If the US can follow the more positive news from across the Atlantic with regards to the spread of the Delta variant, this would remove another impediment to higher US bond yields. Chart 2Steady Progress Towards The Fed's Employment Goals Bottom Line: US Treasury yields are rising once again, in response to typical drivers – less dovish Fed commentary and upside growth surprises. Chart 3Technical Backdrop Less Of A Headwind To Higher US Yields The surge in Delta variant cases represents a potential near-term roadblock to additional yield increases, but the recent slowing of new cases in the UK and Europe may be a positive sign that the US will avoid a major economic hit. Stay below-benchmark on US duration exposure. A Gilt-Bearish Shift In Tone From The Bank Of England Chart 4Pressures Building On The BoE To Dial Back Stimulus BCA Research’s Global Fixed Income Strategy has had the UK on “downgrade watch” over the past few months. Improving growth momentum and recovering inflation have raised the risks of a more hawkish turn by the Bank of England (BoE), as evidenced by the elevated reading from our UK Central Bank Monitor (Chart 4). At the same time, the spread of the Delta variant injected a note of caution into an otherwise positive UK economic story. We now think it is time to move from “downgrade watch” to a full downgrade of our current neutral stance on UK Gilts. The BoE left its policy settings unchanged at last week’s policy meeting, but did provide strong indications that some removal of monetary accommodation would soon be necessary. The central bank noted that the UK economy was recovering from the pandemic shock at a faster-than-expected pace. In the August Monetary Policy Report (MPR) also released last week, the BoE maintained its 2021 real GDP growth forecast at 7.25% while slightly raising its 2022 growth estimate to 6%. UK GDP is now projected to fully recover to the pre-COVID level by the end of 2021. More importantly, the projections for the unemployment rate were lowered substantially. The central bank no longer expects much of an impact on unemployment when the UK government’s job-protecting furlough scheme expires in September. The BoE now expects unemployment to peak at 5.1% in Q3/2021 (Chart 5), a big change from the 6% projection in the May MPR, with the central bank noting that job vacancies are already back to pre-pandemic levels. The unemployment rate is projected to reach 4.25% in both 2022 and 2023. Chart 5Major Changes To The BoE's Forecasts The BoE baseline forecast now calls for UK headline CPI inflation to see a temporary surge to 4% in Q4/2021 – a significant change from the 2.5% peak in inflation projected in the May MPR - before returning back to close to 2% over the next two years. Yet the minutes of last week’s policy meeting noted that the medium-term risks surrounding inflation were “two-way”, a message that sounds a bit more concerning compared to the benign 2022/23 inflation projections. The BoE is now running the risk of underestimating how long the UK inflation uptrend can persist and force increases in interest rates – perhaps beginning as soon as mid-2022 – given the multiple factors that are pushing up inflation. A modest growth hit from the Delta variant The daily number of new cases has fallen by nearly one-half since the peak on July 20th, according to the Oxford University data (Chart 6). Hospitalizations are also rolling over at a peak that would be one-quarter the size of the January peak. If these trends continue, this latest wave of COVID will not have a lasting negative impact on the economy that would dampen inflation pressures. The modest dip in the UK manufacturing and services PMIs in June and July, when cases were rising, supports this conclusion. Accelerating wage growth UK job vacancies are now higher than the pre-pandemic peak, while the BoE’s Agents’ Survey of companies reports an increasing number of firms reporting recruitment difficulties across a broader range of industries (Chart 7). The job market frictions are similar to the dynamics currently at play in the US, where labor demand is booming but firms have struggled to fill openings because government pandemic support programs have dampened labor market participation. Chart 6The Biggest Threat To The Dovish BoE Stance Chart 7Good Help Is Hard To Find In The UK The BoE noted in the August MPR that its forecasts include the impact of labor market frictions that have temporarily raised the medium-term equilibrium rate of unemployment during the pandemic, resulting in a surge in wage growth. However, this effect is expected to fade as the economy normalizes and government support programs expire. For example, the BoE estimates that the UK government’s job retention “furlough” scheme, which pays a reduced wage to workers who cannot work because of COVID economic restrictions and which expires in September, has acted to dampen measured wage growth over the past year. At the same time, compositional effects, with pandemic job losses being skewed towards lower-paying roles, have had a far greater impact in lifting wage growth. The BoE estimates that the “underlying” pace of wage growth, excluding pandemic effects, is only 3.3% compared to the reported 7.2%, but is expected to rise towards 4.5% in Q3 as the labor market recovers. Yet if the employment frictions do not fade as rapidly as the BoE expects, perhaps due to persistent skills mismatches for existing job openings, then the inflationary pressures emanating from the UK jobs market may cause UK inflation to stay elevated for longer than the BoE is projecting. Continued recovery from the initial COVID shock Chart 8Recovering From The COVID Recession The BoE now expects UK real GDP to return to its pre-pandemic level in Q4 of this year (Chart 8). Much of the recovery in activity seen so far has been in services as pandemic restrictions have been lifted. Looking forward, consumer spending will be boosted by improving growth momentum in employment and incomes, further underpinned by a high levels of household savings accumulated during the pandemic. Business investment is also expected recover, given the robust reading from the BoE Agents’ Survey of investment intentions (bottom panel). The twin engines of consumption and investment will be enough to keep the UK economy growing at an above-trend pace in 2022, even with a modest expected drag from fiscal policy, which should help maintain some of the current cyclical inflationary pressures. Rising house prices UK house prices are experiencing another sharp uptick, with the Nationwide index up 10.3% year-over-year in Q2 (Chart 9). Demand for homes has been boosted by the UK government’s holiday on stamp duty, or housing transaction taxes, which began last year as a form of pandemic economic support. Housing transactions spiked in June as demand surged ahead of the expiry of the stamp duty holiday last month, and some payback is likely in the near-term. Yet UK housing demand has also been supported by the same factors boosting house prices in most developed economies - low interest rates, high household savings available for down payments and the increased need for space for those choosing to work from home. UK house price inflation thus could remain higher for longer than the BoE expects. Chart 9Is This House Price Surge 'Transitory' Or Policy Driven? Supply Chain Bottlenecks The BoE noted in the August MPR that overall UK import prices have risen faster than expected, especially with the British pound higher on a year-over-year basis. UK firms have faced rising input costs because of disruption to global supply chains from the pandemic. For example, the annual growth rate of import prices for manufactured components rose by 12.1% in May, a sharp contrast to the -5.4% deflation of consumer goods prices (Chart 10). The BoE projects UK overall import price inflation to turn negative in 2022 and 2023, a big part of its slowing inflation forecast. Some decrease is inevitable as price momentum in oil and other commodities cools from overheated levels seen in 2021. However, supply chain disruptions are a global phenomenon already persisting for longer than expected in other countries and could linger into 2022 if global growth stays above trend - potentially causing UK import price inflation to once again exceed the BoE’s expectations. Summing it all up, the pressure is clearly building on the BoE to dial back the massive monetary easing put in place last year in response to the pandemic. Not only is the economy now recovering far more rapidly than the BoE had been projecting, with inflation set to peak at a higher level, but there are other indications that monetary conditions may now be too loose like accelerating house prices. There are numerous upside risks to the BoE’s benign post-2021 inflation forecasts, especially with the central bank also projecting the UK to have a positive output gap in 2022 and 2023 (Chart 11). Chart 10BoE Betting On Waning Global Supply Bottlenecks Markets are not expecting much from the BoE in terms of interest rate increases. While the UK overnight index swap (OIS) curve is now discounting an initial 25bp rate hike in August 2022, only one other 25bp increase is expected by the end of 2024 (Table 1). Chart 11Domestic Price Pressures On The Rise The BoE has not been a very active central bank since the 2008 financial crisis, never raising the Bank Rate above 0.75% over that time, thus the markets now seem conditioned to think that the BoE will continue to do very little in the future. Table 1Markets Expect The BoE To Hike Before The Fed Chart 12Markets Expect Persistent Negative UK Real Rates That is evident when you look at longer-dated OIS rates compared to forward inflation rates from the UK CPI swap curve. The combined message from those markets is that the BoE is expected to maintain deeply negative real interest rates for at least the next decade, a major reason why the UK has persistently negative real bond yields (Chart 12). A lower equilibrium real interest rate (i.e. “r-star”) is consistent with the declining trend in the OECD’s estimate of UK potential real GDP growth over the past 20 years (Chart 13). Yet it is a stretch to think that the neutral UK real interest rate is now negative, especially given how rapidly UK growth and inflation have snapped back from the 2020 COVID recession. UK interest rate markets are highly vulnerable to any hawkish shift by the BoE – and outcome that the current growth and inflation dynamics suggest is increasingly likely over the next 6-12 months. The BoE has already started to process of dialing back monetary accommodation by slowing the pace of asset purchases in its quantitative easing (QE) program (Chart 14). While no decision on additional tapering was made last week, the BoE did dedicate three pages of the August MPR to a detailed discussion on how the future size of the BoE’s balance sheet would likely be reduced if the BoE were to begin raising interest rates. There has also been some political pressure on the UK to dial back QE, with the Chair of the Economic Affairs Committee in the UK House of Lords saying that the BoE was “addicted” to QE last month. BoE Governor Andrew Bailey has previously stated that he viewed QE as a regular part of a central banker’s toolkit, to be used opportunistically during periods of deep economic or financial market stress. That made sense in 2020 during the height of the pandemic, but is no longer the case now. Chart 13UK R-Star Is Still Positive We anticipate that the BoE will end the current QE program sometime in the next six months, with an initial 25bp rate hike occurring sometime in mid-2022. Chart 14UK QE: Expect More Tapering This would be a faster pace of tapering, with a quicker liftoff, than the Fed, although we expect the Fed to eventually raise rates by more than the BoE in the next interest rate cycle. Investment Conclusions Given our expectation that the BoE is starting to prepare the markets for an unwind of its pandemic policy settings, we come to the following fixed income and currency investment conclusions (Chart 15): Chart 15Summarizing Our UK Fixed Income Recommendations Chart 16A More Hawkish BoE Would Benefit The Pound Duration: Maintain a below-benchmark duration stance within dedicated UK bond portfolios, with too few rate hikes discounted Country Allocation: Downgrade UK Gilts to underweight in global bond portfolios Yield Curve: On a tactical (0-6 months) basis, the UK Gilt curve may re-steepen as UK and global growth stays resilient, but a more hawkish BoE will eventually result in a flatter Gilt curve Inflation-Linked: Inflation breakevens on UK index-linked Gilts are already quite elevated and are overvalued on our fair value models, while real yields are at deeply negative levels that are conditioned on a continually dovish BoE – a combination that suggests an underweight stance on UK linkers is appropriate. Corporate Credit: Stay neutral on a tactical basis, as solid UK growth will offset the impact of a shift to a less dovish BoE. Currency: Our currency strategists are positive on the British pound - which is undervalued on their models (Chart 16) - over the medium-term, with the BoE seemingly on a path to begin tightening monetary policy sooner than the ECB and perhaps even the Fed.     Robert Robis, CFA Chief Fixed Income Strategist rrobis@bcaresearch.com Recommendations The GFIS Recommended Portfolio Vs. The Custom Benchmark Index Duration Regional Allocation Spread Product Tactical Trades Yields & Returns Global Bond Yields Historical Returns

Dear Client, I will be on vacation next week. In lieu of our regular report, we will be sending you a Special Report written by my colleague Arthur Budaghyan, BCA Research’s Chief Emerging Markets Strategist. Arthur’s report will discuss the long-term outlook for industrial companies. He argues that the US is entering an industrial boom prompted by infrastructure stimulus and onshoring. This will benefit US industrial equities, or ones selling into the US on a multi-year horizon. I trust you will find it insightful. Best regards, Peter Berezin, Chief Global Strategist Highlights Investors keep asking whether the recent increase in US inflation is transitory. However, this is the wrong question to ask. Annualized core CPI inflation reached 10.6% in the second quarter. There is little doubt that inflation will fall from such elevated levels. The key question that investors should be asking is whether inflation will decline more or less than what the market is discounting. The widely watched 5-year/5-year forward TIPS inflation breakeven rate has sunk to 2.11%, below the Fed’s “comfort zone” of 2.3%-to-2.5%. Thus, the market already expects a substantial decline in inflation. Our sense is that US inflation will come down fast enough to allow the Fed to maintain a highly dovish policy stance, but not as fast as market expectations currently imply. As inflation surprises on the upside, long-term bond yields will rise. This should revive bank shares and other reflationary plays. The combination of a weaker US dollar, faster sequential Chinese growth, increased vaccine supplies, and favorable valuations should all help EM stocks later this year. Go long the Vanguard FTSE Emerging Markets ETF (VWO) versus the Vanguard S&P 500 ETF (VOO). The Right Question About Inflation Chart 1After A Spike In Q2, US Inflation Will Decelerate Investors remain focused on whether the recent bout of US inflation is transitory. However, this is not the correct question to be asking at the present juncture. The US core CPI rose by 10.6% at an annualized pace in Q2 relative to the first quarter (Chart 1). It is almost inevitable that inflation will come down from such high levels. The key question investors should be asking is whether inflation will decline more or less than what is already baked into market expectations. As Chart 2 shows, investors expect US inflation to come down rapidly over the next two years. The 5-year/5-year forward TIPS breakeven inflation rate – a good proxy for where investors expect inflation to be over the long haul – has sunk to 2.11% (Chart 3). This is below the Fed’s comfort zone of 2.3%-to-2.5%.1 Globally, long-term inflation expectations remain subdued (Chart 4). Chart 2Inflation Is Expected To Moderate Over The Coming Years Chart 3Inflation Expectations Have Fallen Back Below The Fed's Target Zone Chart 4Long-Term Inflation Expectations Remain Subdued       Inflation Will Fall, But… Our sense is that US inflation will come down fast enough to allow the Fed to maintain a highly dovish policy stance, but not as fast as market expectations currently imply. Broad-based inflationary pressures would make the Fed nervous. However, that is not what we are seeing. Wages have accelerated markedly in only a few relatively low-skilled sectors such as retail trade and leisure and hospitality (Chart 5). For the economy as a whole, wage growth is broadly stable (Chart 6). The expiration of extended unemployment benefits, the reopening of schools, and increased immigration should also boost labor supply in the fall. Chart 5Faster Wage Growth Has Been Confined To A Few Low-Wage Sectors Chart 6No Sign Of A Wage-Price Spiral... For Now     On the price front, more than two-thirds of the increase in the core CPI in June stemmed from pandemic-afflicted sectors (Chart 7). The price of the median item within the CPI index rose by just 2.2% year-over-year in June, somewhat below the pre-pandemic pace of inflation (Chart 8). Chart 7Most Of The Recent Increase In Inflation Is Pandemic-Related Chart 8The Median Price In The CPI Basket Is Up Only 2.2% … Not As Fast As The Market Expects While inflation will fall as pandemic effects recede, investors are overestimating how fast this will happen. US growth has undoubtedly peaked, but at a very high level. Economists surveyed by Bloomberg estimate that US GDP rose by 9.0% in Q2. Growth is expected to slow to 7.1% in Q3 and 5.1% in Q4, while averaging 4.2% in 2022 (Table 1). By any standard, these are very strong, above-trend growth rates. Table 1Growth Is Peaking, But At A Very High Level Chart 9Nearly 90% Of US Seniors Have Had At Least One Shot The current Delta-variant wave is unlikely to slow US growth by very much. Although vaccination rates among younger people are at middling levels, they are quite high for the elderly who are most at risk of serious illness. Close to 89% of Americans above the age of 65 have received at least one shot, and nearly 80% are fully vaccinated (Chart 9). The 65+ age group accounts for four-fifths of all Covid deaths in the United States. Widespread vaccination coverage for older Americans will take pressure off the hospital system, allowing the economy to remain open. Fiscal Support In The US And Abroad As we noted last week, Senate Democrats are likely to use the reconciliation process to both raise the debt ceiling and pass President Biden’s $3.5 trillion American Jobs and Families Plan. They are also likely to move forward on Biden’s proposed $600 billion in infrastructure spending, with or without Republican support. Meanwhile, much of the fiscal stimulus that has already been undertaken has yet to make its way through to the economy. US households are sitting on about $2.5 trillion in excess savings, about half of which stems from increased government transfers (Chart 10). Chart 10A Lot Of Excess Savings Chart 11Inventories Are At Low Levels   Satiating that demand has not been easy for many companies. Retail sector inventories are at record lows (Chart 11). The number of homes that have been authorized for construction but where building has yet to begin has increased by 62% since the start of the pandemic (Chart 12). By limiting production, supply-chain bottlenecks will push some spending towards the future. This will keep growth from decelerating more than it otherwise would. Outside the US, fiscal policy will remain supportive. All 27 EU countries ratified the €750 billion Next Generation fund on May 28th. The allocations from the fund for southern European countries are relatively large (Chart 13). Most of the money will be spent on public investment projects with high fiscal multipliers. Chart 12Growing Backlog Of New Home Construction Projects Chart 13EU Fiscal Policy: Allocations To Southern European Countries Are Relatively Large Chart 14Economic Growth In China Was Slow In H1 The Japanese government is contemplating sending stimulus checks to low-income citizens in advance of the general election due by October 22nd. It is an understandable move. Covid cases are rising again. As a result, the authorities have declared a state of emergency in Tokyo and barred spectators from attending the Olympic games in and around the city. Fortunately, the Japanese vaccination campaign has accelerated after a slow start. A third of the population has now received at least one shot. The government intends to vaccinate all eligible people by November.  Looking at quarter-over-quarter growth rates, Chinese growth averaged just 3.8% on an annualized basis in the first half of 2021 (Chart 14). Growth should pick up in the second half of the year thanks in part to increased fiscal spending. As of June, local governments had used only 28% of their annual bond issuance quotas, compared with 61% over the same period last year and 65% in 2019. Most of the proceeds from local government bond sales will likely flow into infrastructure projects.   Resumption Of The Dollar Bear Market Will Keep Inflation From Falling Too Far As a countercyclical currency, the US dollar usually weakens when global growth is strong (Chart 15). Short-term real interest rate differentials have moved sharply against the dollar, a trend that is unlikely to change anytime soon given the Fed’s dovish bias (Chart 16). While inflation in the US is not as sensitive to currency fluctuations as in most other countries, a weaker dollar will still lift tradeable goods prices (Chart 17). Chart 15The Dollar Is A Countercyclical Currency Chart 16Rate Differentials Are A Headwind For The Dollar Chart 17The Dollar And Inflation Structural Forces Turning More Inflationary Not only are cyclical forces likely to turn out to be less disinflationary than investors believe, but many of the structural factors that have suppressed inflation over the past 40 years are reversing direction: Chart 18Globalization Plateaued More Than A Decade Ago Globalization is in retreat: The ratio of global trade-to-manufacturing output has been flat for over a decade (Chart 18). Looking out, the ratio could even decline as more companies shift production back home in order to gain greater control over supply chains of essential goods. Baby boomers are leaving the labor force en masse. As a group, baby boomers hold more than half of US household wealth (Chart 19). They will continue to run down their wealth once they retire. However, since they will no longer be working, they will no longer contribute to national output. Continued spending against a backdrop of diminished production could be inflationary. Despite a pandemic-induced bounce, underlying productivity growth remains anemic (Chart 20). Slow productivity growth could cause aggregate supply to fall short of aggregate demand. Social stability is in peril, as exemplified by the recent dramatic increase in the US homicide rate. In the past, social instability and higher inflation have gone hand in hand (Chart 21). Perhaps most importantly, policymakers are deliberately aiming to run the economy hot. A tight labor market will eventually lift wage growth to a greater degree than what we have seen so far (Chart 22). Not only could higher wage growth push up inflation through the usual “cost-push” channel, but by boosting labor’s share of income, a tight labor market could spur aggregate demand. Chart 19Baby Boomers Have Accumulated A Lot Of Wealth Chart 20Trend Productivity Growth Has Been Disappointing Chart 21Historically, Social Unrest And Higher Inflation Move In Lock-Step     Chart 22A Tight Labor Market Eventually Bolsters Wages Investment Implications Chart 23Positive Earnings Revisions Are At High Levels The path to higher rates is lined with lower rates. The longer central banks keep interest rates below their neutral level, the more economies will overheat, and the more rates will eventually need to rise to bring inflation back down. For now, we are still in the warm-up phase to higher inflation. With long-term inflation expectations below target, central banks will be able to maintain accommodative monetary policies. This is good news for stocks, at least in the short-to-medium term. The recent wobble in equity markets has occurred despite a strong second quarter earnings season. According to the latest available data from I/B/E/S, 90% of S&P 500 companies have reported earnings above analyst expectations. Earnings have surprised on the upside by an average of 19.2%, compared to a historical average of 3.9%. Positive earnings revisions are at record high levels (Chart 23). Full year 2021 S&P 500 EPS estimates have risen 16% since the start of the year. Analysts have also raised their estimates for 2022 and 2023 (Chart 24). We continue to recommend that asset allocators favor stocks over bonds over a 12-month horizon.   Chart 24Analysts Have Been Revising Up Earnings Estimates This Year Chart 25The Gains Of Recent Winners Have Not Been Fully Mirrored In Relative Earnings Growth Chart 26Bank Shares Thrive In A Rising Yield Environment Tech stocks have outperformed the broader market over the past seven weeks. However, unlike during the pandemic, 12-month forward EPS estimates for tech have not risen in relation to other sectors (Chart 25). As long-term bond yields move back up, tech shares will underperform. In contrast, banks will benefit from higher yields (Chart 26).     Along the same lines, US stocks have outpaced other stock markets by more than one would have expected based on relative EPS trends. Notably, EM earnings have moved sideways versus the US since mid-2019. Yet, US stocks have outperformed EM by 17% over this period. Today, the forward P/E ratio for EM stands at 13.8, compared to 22.1 for the US (Chart 27). The combination of a weaker US dollar, faster sequential Chinese growth, increased vaccine supplies, and favorable valuations should all help EM stocks later this year. Go long the Vanguard FTSE Emerging Markets ETF (VWO) versus the Vanguard S&P 500 ETF (VOO).   Peter Berezin Chief Global Strategist pberezin@bcaresearch.com Chart 27Wide Valuation Gap Between US And Non-US Markets Footnotes 1 The Federal Reserve targets an average inflation rate of 2% for the personal consumption expenditures (PCE) index. The TIPS breakeven is based on the CPI index. Due to compositional differences between the two indices, CPI inflation has historically averaged 30-to-50 basis points higher than PCE inflation. This is why the Fed effectively targets a CPI inflation rate of about 2.3%-to-2.5%. Global Investment Strategy View Matrix Special Trade Recommendations Current MacroQuant Model Scores