Capital Flows
In 2015, a 4.7 percent depreciation precipitated a US$483 billion outflow of Chinese FX reserves. Conversely, the RMB has declined by about 10% in 2018 without any meaningful capital outflows or FX reserve deployment (see chart). To be fair, forex reserves…
Highlights The ongoing selloff in EM risk assets and commodities resembles a domino effect. Given that domino effects transpire in bear markets - not corrections - we believe that EM risk assets and commodities are indeed in a bear market. We continue to recommend short positions in EM risk assets and underweighting EM versus DM. Finally, we rank individual developing countries in terms of their vulnerability to foreign portfolio capital outflows based on their share of foreign equity and domestic bond holdings. Feature The fundamental case for our negative stance on EM risk assets continues to rest on the following: A deepening slowdown in global trade due to weakening demand in Chinese and EM economies alongside the Federal Reserve's determination to tighten policy are creating a toxic mix for EM risk assets, a stronger U.S. dollar and negative spillovers into DM markets. With the exception of China's latest trade data, which were inexplicably strong,1 recent trade data out of Asia indicate the region's exports are faltering, as evidenced by slumping outward shipments of Taiwan and Korea (Chart I-1). Chart I-1No Improvement In Asian Exports Importantly, not only has capital spending decelerated in China but household spending growth has also slowed considerably. Chart I-2 illustrates that the marginal propensity to spend among mainland households has diminished, passenger car sales are contracting and the nominal growth rate of retail sales of consumer goods has plummeted from 10% last year to 4%. Chart I-2Chinese Consumer Is Decelerating That said, observing past and current economic data alone does not offer enough information to gauge whether a selloff is a correction or a bear market. To assess the potential for further downside in risk assets, one needs to exercise judgement on the growth outlook. The latter is often contingent on the presence of imbalances and excesses as well as potential policy responses and their effectiveness. We have elaborated on these topics - in particular why lingering excesses and imbalances in China/EM could make the present global cyclical downturn extensive - at great length in past reports2 and we will not repeat our arguments today. Instead, this week we focus on the nature and character of the equity selloff to understand whether this is a correction or a bear market. In addition, we estimate the degree of foreign investors' positioning in individual EM equity and local bond markets, with the aim of gauging risks of potential portfolio outflows. Domino Effects Occur During Bear Markets Bear markets evolve in phases resembling domino effect-like patterns, where some markets lead while others lag. In contrast, corrections are abrupt and the majority of markets drop concurrently. For example, the EM crises in 1997-'98 did not occur simultaneously across all EM countries. It began in July 1997 with Thailand, then spread to Korea, Malaysia and Indonesia and finally to the rest of Asia. By August 1998, Russian financial markets had collapsed, triggering the Long-Term Capital Management (LTCM) debacle. The last leg of the crisis appeared in Brazil and culminated in the real's devaluation in January 1999. Similarly, the U.S. financial/credit crisis commenced with the selloff in sub-prime securities in March 2007. Corporate spreads began widening, and bank share prices rolled over in June 2007. Next, the S&P 500 and EM stocks peaked in October 2007 (Chart I-3). Despite these developments, commodities prices and EM currencies continued to rally until the summer of 2008, finally collapsing in the second half of that year (Chart I-3, bottom panel). Chart I-3Domino Effect In 2007-08 We discussed the nature of the current EM selloff in our June 14 report titled, "EM: Sustained Decoupling, Or Domino Effect?" In that report,3 we argued that the selloff in EM risk assets fits the pattern of a bear market - not a correction. We also noted that the odds of U.S. stocks and corporate bonds remaining resilient in the face of a deepening EM selloff were low. In the past month, U.S. equities and corporate bonds have sold off, validating our thesis. In terms of market dynamics, the following observations are noteworthy: The selloff in global risk assets that commenced early this year resembles that of a domino effect, and therefore fits the pattern of a bear market. Following the initial selloff in early February, U.S. stocks recovered and made new highs, but EM risk assets and DM ex-U.S. share prices continued to riot. Since early October, the selloff has snared U.S. stocks and more recently U.S. corporate bonds. Within the EM universe, it began with Turkey and Argentina, then spread to Indonesia, South Africa and Brazil. Chinese, Korean and Taiwanese equities held up until the middle of June. By the second half of June, the selloff spread to these markets as well, causing severe damage. A similar rotational selloff developed in the commodities space. Precious metals prices were the first to drop; followed by industrial metals. While oil made new highs in October, crude oil prices have lately recoupled to the downside. Interestingly, crude oil prices have rolled over at their very long-term moving averages - a phenomenon that often marks a major top and is followed by a large decline (Chart I-4). Chart I-4A Major Top In Oil In terms of market indicators, some of our favorites are signaling more downside in share prices. First, China's narrow money (M1) growth has been a good marker for EM share prices; currently, it is extremely weak and has not yet turned up (Chart I-5). Chart I-5Chinese Money Supply & EM Stocks Second, both U.S. and EM share prices always deflate in tandem with a rise in their corporate bond yields, as illustrated in Chart I-6. Chart I-6Corporate Bond Yields Point To Lower Share Prices Importantly, yields on Chinese property companies' offshore bonds have surged and spreads have widened dramatically (Chart I-7). Such high cost of capital entails a dismal outlook for construction activity and industries that are exposed to it. These include global industrials and materials. Chart I-7A Stress In Chinese Real Estate Credit Table I-1 segregates the EM equity selloffs of the past 35 years into corrections (Table I-1A) and bear markets (Table I-1B). The duration of the corrections range from one to three months, while for bear markets it is three to 19 months. The current EM equity selloff is already 9.5 months old and its drawdown is 25%. As such, it qualifies as a bear market, not a correction. Table I-1 Interestingly, this year the global equity index has exhibited a very similar profile to its 2000 top - Chart I-8 overlays the MSCI global stocks index in U.S. dollars with its profile in 1997-2002. Global share prices peaked in January 2000, attempted a failed breakout in March, and after several months of moving sideways, began plunging in September 2000. The behavior of the equity market this year is very similar to what happened in 2000. Chart I-82018 Top = 2000 Peak? This does not mean the current global equity selloff will last as long as or will be as severe as it was in 2000-2002, but the similarities between these episodes are noteworthy. Some investors have hypothesized that a blow-off phase in global stocks will likely occur when the Fed halts its tightening. Although this is a plausible argument, it is important to note that the rally in global stocks from the early 2016 lows to the tops reached this year was of similar magnitude to the surge that occurred in global equities from their 1998 lows to their peak in 2000. Is a widely expected blow-off phase in global share prices behind us? Only time will tell. Finally, the U.S. equal-weighted stock index as well as share prices of Goldman Sachs and J.P. Morgan - the two financial behemoths leveraged to financial markets - have exhibited negative technical chart patterns (Chart I-9). These are also warnings signals for U.S. share prices and risk assets worldwide. Chart I-9Bearish Technicals In U.S. Stocks How far will this selloff go? Table I-2 compares the current selloff with the one in 2015, when global manufacturing and trade growth flirted with contraction and global cyclical sectors plunged due to a slowdown in China and EM. Table I-2Drawdown In Various Equity Indexes In 2015 And 2018 The current selloff is likely to be at least as bad, if not worse. This is because EM risk assets have entered this selloff more overbought than they were in 2015. We discuss the topic in the following section. Bottom Line: The selloff in EM risk assets and currencies has further to run. Stay short / underweight. EM Portfolio Outflows: Vulnerability Ranking The U.S. dollar is attempting to break out to new cyclical highs, and the odds are in its favor. Both the Fed's tightening and the ongoing global trade slowdown will foster the U.S. dollar rally. As EM currencies depreciate further, there will be considerable pressure on foreign investors to sell their EM assets. To gauge how vulnerable various developing countries are to foreign capital outflows, we have determined how individual countries rank with respect to their share of foreign equity and domestic bond holdings. Table I-3 ranks individual bourses by the share of foreign equity ownership in their largest companies accounting for at least two-thirds of market cap.4 Table I-3What Is The Share Of Foreign Ownership In Local Bourses? This ranking illustrates that South Africa, the Czech Republic, Taiwan, Russia and Hungary have the highest share of foreign holdings, while Colombia, Malaysia, Chile, Thailand and Indonesia have the lowest. China is not a part of this list because its investable stocks are traded in various jurisdictions, making it difficult to define foreign investor ownership. To put the current penetration of foreign ownership into historical perspective, Table I-4 juxtaposes the current share of foreign stock ownership for select bourses with the one from March 2015 - just before the freefall in EM share prices. The share of foreign ownership is larger now than back in March 2015 for Brazil, Turkey and India, while it is lower for Indonesia and unchanged for Russia. Table I-4Share Of Foreign Ownership In Stocks: March 2015 Vs. Today Foreign purchases of local currency bonds have been a major source of capital flows for developing countries as well. Critically, exchange rates substantially influence foreign investors' returns in EM local bonds, as illustrated in Chart I-10. Therefore, EM currency depreciation will lead to further outflows from their local bonds. Chart I-10Return On EM Domestic Bonds: In USD & Local Currency Table I-5 demonstrates that foreigners hold the largest share of domestic bonds in Peru, the Czech Republic, South Africa, Indonesia and Mexico. Meanwhile, India, Brazil, Korea, Thailand and Hungary have the lowest share of foreign investors in their local currency bonds. Table I-5Share Of Domestic Bonds Held By Foreigners The scatter plot in Chart I-11 brings together the share of foreign ownership of equities on the X axis with the share of foreign ownership of local currency bonds on the Y axis. Chart I-11EM Portfolio Outflow Vulnerability Assessment Based on this diagram, South Africa, the Czech Republic, Peru, Mexico and Russia seem to be the most at risk of foreign portfolio outflows, while Colombia, Malaysia, Thailand and India seem to be the least vulnerable. These rankings are only one of the indicators we look at when forming our asset allocation across EM countries. We are currently overweight equity markets in Korea, Thailand, Brazil, Mexico, Colombia, Chile, Russia and central Europe. Our equity underweights are Indonesia, India, the Philippines, Hong Kong, South Africa and Peru. In the local-currency bond space, we favor Korea, Thailand, Brazil, Mexico, Chile, Russia and central Europe. The markets to underweight or avoid are Indonesia, the Philippines, Malaysia, South Africa and India. A complete list of our overweights and underweights across EM equities, fixed-income, credit and currencies as well as specific trade recommendations can be found each week at the end of our reports (please see pages 11-12). Arthur Budaghyan, Senior Vice President Emerging Markets Strategy arthurb@bcaresearch.com Stephan Gabillard, Senior Analyst stephang@bcaresearch.com 1 Most likely they reflect the frontrunning of U.S. import tariffs. 2 Please see Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report "Is The EM Pendulum About To Swing Back?" dated November 8, 2018, the link is available on page 13. 3 Please see Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report "EM: Sustained Decoupling, Or Domino Effect?" dated June 14, 2018, available at ems.bcaresearch.com. 4 We weighted each company's share of foreign stock ownership by their respective market cap weight. The result is an equity market cap-weighted proxy for the share of foreign stock ownership by country. All of these data are from Bloomberg Finance L.P. and dates as of November 12, 2018. Equity Recommendations Fixed-Income, Credit And Currency Recommendations
Highlights Paradox 1: U.S. growth will slow, and this will force the Fed to raise rates MORE quickly. Paradox 2: China will try to stimulate its economy, and this will HURT commodities and other risk assets. Paradox 3: Global rebalancing will require the euro area and Japan to have LARGER current account surpluses. Feature Faulty Assumptions Investors assume that slower U.S. growth will cause the Fed to turn more dovish; efforts by China to stimulate its economy will boost market sentiment towards risk assets; and global rebalancing requires the euro area and Japan to reduce their bloated current account surpluses. In this week's report, we consider the possibility that all three assumptions are wrong. Let's start with the U.S. growth picture. U.S. Growth About To Slow? The U.S. economy grew by 4.1% in the second quarter, the fastest pace since 2014. The composition of growth was reasonably solid. Net exports boosted real GDP by 1.1 percentage points, but this was largely offset by a 1.0 point drag from a slower pace of inventory accumulation. As a result, domestic final demand increased at a robust rate of 3.9%, led by personal consumption (up 4.0%) and business fixed investment (up 7.3%). Unfortunately, the second quarter is probably as good as it gets for growth. We say this not because we expect aggregate demand growth to falter to any great degree. Quite the contrary. Consumer confidence is high and the labor market is strong, with initial unemployment claims near 49-year lows. The Bureau of Economic Analysis' latest revisions revealed a much higher personal savings rate than had been previously estimated (Chart 1). The savings rate is now well above levels that one would expect based on the ratio of household net worth-to-disposable income (Chart 2). This raises the odds that consumer spending will accelerate. Chart 1Households Are Saving More ##br##Than Previously Thought Chart 2Consumption Could Accelerate ##br##As The Savings Rate Drops Rising consumer demand will prompt businesses to expand capacity (Chart 3). Core capital goods orders surprised on the upside in June, with positive revisions made to past months. Capex intention surveys remain at elevated levels. So far, fears of a trade war have not had a major impact on business investment. Fiscal spending is also set to rise. Federal government expenditures increased by only 3.5% in Q2, far short of the 10%-plus growth rate that some forecasters were projecting. The effect of the tax cuts have also yet to make their way fully through the economy. Supply Matters Considering all these positive drivers of demand, why do we worry that growth could slow meaningfully later this year or in early 2019? The answer is that for the first time in over a decade, demand is no longer the binding constraint to growth - supply is. Today, there are fewer unemployed workers than job vacancies (Chart 4). The number of people outside the labor force who want a job is near all-time lows. Businesses are reporting increasing difficulty in finding qualified labor. Chart 3U.S. Companies Plan To Boost Capex Chart 4Companies Are Struggling To Fill Job Openings New business investment will add to the economy's productive capacity over time, but in the near term, the boost to aggregate demand from new investment spending will easily exceed the contribution to aggregate supply.1 The Congressional Budget Office estimates that potential real GDP growth is running at around 2%. What happens when the output gap is fully eliminated, and aggregate demand growth begins to eclipse supply growth? The answer is that inflation will rise. Instead of more output, we will see higher prices (Chart 5). Chart 5Inflationary Pressures Tend To Increase ##br##When Spare Capacity Is Absorbed Rising inflation will force the Fed to engineer an increase in real interest rates, even in the face of slower GDP growth. Such a stagflationary outcome is not good for equities, which is one reason why we downgraded our cyclical recommendation on risk assets from overweight to neutral in June. Higher-than-expected real interest rates will put upward pressure on the U.S. dollar. A stronger dollar will hurt U.S. companies with significant foreign exposure more than it hurts their domestically-oriented peers. If history is any guide, a resurgent greenback will also cause credit spreads to widen (Chart 6). Chinese Stimulus: Be Careful What You Wish For Chinese stimulus helped reignite global growth after the Global Financial Crisis and again during the 2015-2016 manufacturing downturn. With global growth slowing anew, will China once again come to the rescue? Not quite. China does not want to let its economy falter, but high debt levels, and an overvalued property market plagued by excess capacity, limit what the authorities can do (Chart 7). Chart 6A Stronger Dollar Usually Corresponds ##br##To Wider Corporate Borrowing Spreads Chart 7China: High Debt Levels Make ##br##Credit-Fueled Stimulus A Risky Proposition Granted, the government has loosened monetary policy at the margin and plans to increase fiscal spending. However, our China strategists feel these actions are more consistent with easing off the brake than pressing down on the accelerator.2 They note that the authorities continue to squeeze the shadow banking system, as evidenced by the continued deceleration in money and credit growth, as well as rising onshore spreads for the riskiest corporate bonds (Chart 8). The Specter Of Currency Wars If Chinese growth continues to decelerate, what options do the authorities have? One possibility is to double down on what they are already doing: letting the RMB slide. Chart 9 shows that the Chinese currency has weakened substantially more over the past six weeks than its prior relationship with the dollar would have suggested. Chart 8Chinese Credit Growth Has Been Slowing Chart 9The Yuan Has Weakened More Than Expected ##br##Based On the Broad Dollar Trend Letting the currency weaken is a risky strategy. Global financial markets went into a tizzy the last time China devalued the yuan in August 2015. The devaluation triggered significant capital outflows, arguably only compounding China's problems. This has led some commentators to conclude that the authorities would not make the same mistake again. But what if the real mistake was not that China devalued its currency, but that it did not devalue it by enough? Standard economic theory says that a country should always devalue its currency by enough to flush out expectations of a further decline. Perhaps China was simply too timid? Capital controls are tighter in China today than they were in 2015. This gives the authorities more room for maneuver. China is also waging a trade war with the United States. The U.S. exported only $188 billion of goods and services to China in 2017, a small fraction of the $524 billion in goods and services that China exported to the United States. China simply cannot win a tit-for-tat trade war with the United States. In contrast, China is better positioned to wage a currency war with the United States. The Chinese simply need to step up their purchases of U.S. Treasurys, which would drive up the value of the dollar. Efforts by China to devalue its currency would invite retaliation from the United States. However, since the Trump Administration seems keen on pursuing a protectionist trade agenda no matter what happens, the Chinese may see their decision to weaken the yuan as the least bad of all possible outcomes. Unlike traditional stimulus in the form of additional infrastructure spending and faster credit growth, a currency devaluation would roil financial markets, causing risk asset prices to plunge. Metal prices would take it on the chin, since a weaker RMB would make it more expensive for Chinese businesses to import commodities. China now consumes close to half of the world's supply of copper, zinc, nickel, aluminum, and iron ore (Chart 10). Investors should remain underweight emerging market equities relative to developed markets and shun the currencies of commodity-exporting economies. We are currently short AUD/CAD on the grounds that a China shock would hurt metal prices more than energy prices. The Canadian dollar is highly levered to the latter, while the Aussie dollar is more levered to the former. Global Rebalancing: It's Not About Getting To Zero We have argued before that China's high savings rate explains why the country has maintained a structural current account surplus, despite the economy's rapid GDP growth rate.3 Both the euro area and Japan also have an excessive savings problem, minus the mitigating effect of rapid trend growth. The euro area's excessive savings problem was masked during the nine years following the introduction of the euro by a massive credit boom across much of the region (Chart 11). Germany did not partake in that boom, but it was still able to export its excess savings to the rest of the euro area via a rising current account balance. Chart 10China Is A More Dominant Consumer ##br##Of Metals Than Oil Chart 11Germany Did Not Take Part ##br##In The Credit Boom Germany Needs A Spender Of Last Resort Chart 12 shows that Germany's current account surplus with other euro area members mirrored the country's increasing competitiveness vis-à-vis the rest of the region. In essence, the spending boom in southern Europe sucked in German exports, with German savings financing the periphery's swelling current account deficits. This is the main reason why German banks were hit so hard during the Global Financial Crisis: They were the ones who underwrote the periphery's spendthrift ways. That party ended in 2008. With the periphery no longer the spender of last resort in Europe, Germany had to find a way to export its savings to the rest of the world. But that required a cheaper currency, which Mario Draghi ultimately delivered in 2014 when he set in motion the ECB's own quantitative easing program. So where do we go from here? Germany's excess savings problem is not about to go away anytime soon. The working-age population is set to decline over the next few decades, which means that most domestically oriented businesses will have little incentive to expand capacity (Chart 13). The peripheral countries remain in belt-tightening mode. This will limit demand for German imports. Meanwhile, countries such as Spain have made significant progress in reducing unit labor costs in an effort to improve competitiveness and shift their current account balances back into surplus. Chart 12Competitiveness Gains In The 2000s Allowed ##br##Germany To Increase Its Current Account Surplus Chart 13Germans Need To Have More Children The ECB And The BOJ Can't Afford To Raise Rates The private sector financial balance in the euro area - effectively, the difference between what the private sector earns and spends - now stands near a record high (Chart 14). Fiscal policy also remains fairly tight. The IMF estimates that the euro area's cyclically-adjusted primary budget balance will be in a surplus of 0.9% of GDP in 2018-19, compared to a deficit of 3.8% of GDP in the United States (Chart 15). Chart 14Euro Area: Private Sector ##br##Balance Remains Elevated Chart 15The Euro Area's Fiscal Policy Is Tight If the public sector is unwilling to absorb the private sector's excess savings by running large fiscal deficits, those savings need to be exported abroad in the form of a current account surplus. Failure to do so will result in higher unemployment, and ultimately, further political upheaval. This means that the ECB has no choice other than to keep rates near rock-bottom levels in order to ensure that the euro remains cheap. Japan has been more willing than Europe to maintain large budget deficits, but the problem is that this has resulted in a huge debt-to-GDP ratio. The Japanese would like to tighten fiscal policy, starting with the consumption tax hike scheduled for October 2019. However, this may require the economy to have an even larger current account surplus, which can only be achieved if the yen weakens further. This, in turn, suggests that the Bank of Japan will not abandon its yield curve control policy anytime soon. We were not in the least bit surprised this week when Governor Kuroda poured cold water on the idea that the BoJ was contemplating raising either its short or long-term interest rate targets. The bottom line is that thinking about global imbalances solely in terms of current account positions is not enough. One should also think about the distribution of aggregate demand across the world. Countries with demand to spare such as the United States can afford to run current account deficits, while economies with insufficient demand such as the euro area and Japan should run current account surpluses. The key market implication is that interest rates will remain structurally higher in the United States, which will keep the dollar well bid. Peter Berezin, Chief Global Strategist Global Investment Strategy peterb@bcaresearch.com 1 This is partly because it can take a while for additional capital spending to raise aggregate supply. For example, it may take a few years to build an office tower or a new factory. Corporate R&D investment may not generate tangible benefits for a long time, especially in cases where the research is focused on something complicated (i.e., the design of new computer chips or pharmaceuticals). And even if investment spending could be transformed into additional productive capacity instantaneously, aggregate demand would still rise more than aggregate supply, at least temporarily. Here is the reason: The nonresidential private-sector capital stock is about 120% of GDP in the United States. As such, a one percent increase in investment spending would raise the capital stock by four-fifths of a percentage point. Assuming a capital share of income of 40% of national income, a one percent increase in the capital stock would lift output by 0.4%. Thus, a one-dollar increase in business investment would boost aggregate demand by one dollar in the year it is undertaken, while increasing supply by only 4/5*0.4 = roughly 32 cents. 2 Please see China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "China Is Easing Up On The Brake, Not Pressing The Accelerator," dated July 26, 2018. 3 Please see Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "U.S.-China Trade Spat: Is R-Star To Blame?" dated April 6, 2018. Strategy & Market Trends Tactical Trades Strategic Recommendations Closed Trades
Highlights The chaotic conclusion to last weekend's G7 summit in Charlevoix is a reminder that the specter of trade wars will not fade quietly into the night. A trade war would hurt the U.S., but would punish the rest of the world even more. The U.S. dollar typically strengthens when global trade slows. Despite President Trump's antics, the dollar is at little risk of losing its status as the world's premier reserve currency. Fiscal stimulus should keep U.S. growth above trend well into next year, allowing the Fed to maintain its once-per-quarter pace of rate hikes. We are currently overweight global equities, but we expect to shift to neutral before the end of the year. Feature Hit First, Ask Questions Later Donald's Trump's negotiating style - hit as hard as you can and then compromise - has worked well in dealing with tin-pot dictators, at least judging by the apparent outcome of this week's Singapore summit with Kim Jong-Un. It has also worked well throughout Trump's career as a real estate developer. However, as the breakdown of last weekend's G7 summit demonstrates, it is not clear if it is a winning strategy in the realm of international trade. Down-on-their-luck creditors may be willing to settle for twenty cents on the dollar when they had been promised one hundred, but governments have their citizens to answer to, and national pride often trumps (ahem) narrow financial interests in such matters. How Not To Fight A Trade War The U.S. is a fairly closed economy and hence a trade war probably would not have severe effects on growth. However, the way Trump is waging his war ensures that whatever impact it has on the domestic economy will be negative. This is not only because Trump's tariffs are certain to invite retaliation; it is also because Trump is targeting intermediate goods - goods that are used as inputs into production of final goods - for tariffs. Chart 1Rising Productivity In The Steel Sector ##br##Caused Employment To Decline Consider the case of steel. Today, the U.S. steel industry employs just 145,000 workers, down from 203,000 workers in 2000. In contrast, there are about two million workers employed in steel-consuming sectors of the economy.1 A reasonable rule-of-thumb from the international trade literature is that a one-percent increase in foreign prices causes domestic prices to rise by about half a percent. This is mainly because domestic producers end up capturing some of the gains from tariffs through higher profit margins. A 25% increase in steel tariffs would thus raise steel prices by around 12.5%. Higher steel prices will lead to higher prices for many American goods such as automobiles, some of which are exported abroad. It is actually quite conceivable that steel tariffs would reduce exports more than they would depress imports, leading to a wider trade deficit. Ironically, foreign competition probably explains only a small fraction of the decline in U.S. steel employment. The U.S. produces roughly as much steel now as it did in 2000 (Chart 1). What has changed is that output-per-worker in the steel industry has increased by a total of 43% since then. Blame technological progress, not trade. Trade Wars, The Fed, And The Dollar Chart 2The Dollar Tends To Strengthen ##br##When Global Trade Deteriorates Even if higher tariffs did produce a one-off increase in consumer and producer prices, slower GDP growth would likely prompt the Fed to moderate the pace of rate hikes. If the stock market declined in sympathy with slower growth and rising protectionist sentiment, the resulting tightening in financial conditions would further justify a go-slow approach to monetary normalization. All things equal, a more dovish-than-expected Fed would likely translate into a weaker dollar. All things are not equal, however. A trade war would probably hurt the rest of the world more than the U.S. This is partly because the rest of the world is more open to trade, but it is also because the rest of the world runs a trade surplus with the U.S., which makes it more vulnerable to a broad-based decline in trade volumes. Chart 2 shows that the dollar tends to strengthen when global trade is weakening. Reserve Currency Status In Jeopardy? An often-heard counterargument to the "protectionism is good for the dollar" view is that at some point, rising trade tensions could undermine the dollar's standing as the world's premier reserve currency. The U.S. has run a trade deficit almost continuously for 40 years, accumulating 40% of GDP in net liabilities to the rest of the world in the process (Chart 3). If foreign buyers decide to scale back their purchases of U.S. assets, the dollar could swoon. Chart 3U.S. External Deficit: 40 Years And Counting Trump's statement at the conclusion of the G7 summit that "We're like a piggy bank that everybody's robbing" seems to imply that he thinks that foreigners are living beyond their means by draining the U.S. of its wealth. The opposite is actually the case: The U.S. has been able to spend more than it earns for decades precisely because foreigners have been willing to deposit ever more money into the U.S. piggy bank. Fortunately for the greenback, America's status as the world's piggy bank of choice is unlikely to change any time soon. The euro area remains hopelessly divided. The Italian bond market - the biggest in Europe - has once again become the object of investor angst. Japan is drowning in a sea of government debt, with debt monetization probably the only viable solution. China would like to transform the renminbi into a global reserve currency, but opacity in government decision-making, and a still largely closed capital account, will limit any progress towards that goal for some time to come. China and other countries could try to "punish" the U.S. government by buying fewer Treasury bonds, but where would that get them? The average maturity of U.S. government debt is less than six years. The Fed, not China, largely sets rates at that portion of the yield curve. Granted, a decline in Treasury purchases would reduce the demand for dollars. However, that would just put upward pressure on the value of the renminbi. China does not want a stronger currency. For all the talk about how America's rivals are keen to reduce their dollar holdings, their share of global central bank reserves has actually climbed over the past two decades, largely because they have been gobbling up dollars to keep their own currencies from appreciating (Chart 4). Today, nearly two-thirds of global currency reserves are denominated in dollars, a higher proportion than when the Berlin Wall fell in 1989 (Chart 5). Chart 4Geopolitics Is Not Driving Demand For Treasurys Chart 5The Dollar Remains The Preferred Reserve Currency A Not So Exorbitant Privilege Chart 6The U.S. Term Premium Is ##br##Higher Than Elsewhere In any case, it's not clear how much the U.S. benefits from having a reserve currency. There is little evidence that U.S. long-term bond yields are lower than they would otherwise be because of foreign reserve accumulation. Chart 6 shows that the term premium - the difference between the yield on a long-term bond and the market's expectation of the average level of short-term rates over the life of the bond - is higher in the U.S. than in the rest of the world. If foreign central bank purchases were pushing down U.S. bond yields, one would expect to see the reverse pattern. The only tangible benefit the United States gets from having a reserve currency is that the U.S. Treasury can issue currency to foreigners who hold it as a store of value rather than spending it. This amounts to an interest-free loan to the U.S. government. This so-called "seigniorage revenue" is not trivial: Last year, foreigners increased their holdings of U.S. currency by $60 billion.2 However, this is still less than one-third of one percent of U.S. GDP. What Really Explains Why The U.S. Has A Current Account Deficit? It is often argued that the dollar's reserve currency status has allowed the U.S. to run large current account deficits. However, Australia has run even bigger current account deficits than the U.S., and it does not have a reserve currency. What matters in the end is whether people trust you to pay back your debts, not whether you have a reserve currency. The rate of return that a country offers investors is also important. As we explained in our weekly report on April 6th, an often-overlooked reason for why the U.S. and Australia run current account deficits is that both countries enjoy faster trend growth than most of their peers.3 Faster growth tends to push up the neutral real rate of interest, otherwise known as r-star. A country with a relatively low neutral rate needs to have an "undervalued" currency that is expected to appreciate over time in order to compensate investors for the subpar yield that its bonds provide. As sketched out in Chart 7, this results in current account surpluses for countries with low neutral rates, and current account deficits for countries with high neutral rates. Chart 7Interest Rates And Current Account Balances Commentators who claim that the euro is cheap are barking up the wrong tree. The euro needs to be cheap to entice investors into holding low-yielding German bunds and other safe-haven euro area bond markets. Indeed, one could argue that the euro is not cheap enough. Thirty-year U.S. Treasurys currently yield 3.07% while 30-year German bunds yield 1.16%, a difference of 191 basis points. Even if one allows for the fact that investors expect euro area inflation to be lower than in the U.S. over the next 30 years, EUR/USD would need to trade at a measly 84 cents today in order to compensate German bund holders for the inferior yield they will receive.4 The euro got a good clobbering yesterday following the release of the ECB's post-meeting statement, which established a timeline for ending asset purchases by the end of this year but promised no rate hikes for at least another 12 months. We continue to expect EUR/USD to hit 1.15, with a high likelihood that it goes even lower. Lessons From The Nixon Shock We are skeptical of the argument that threatening to raise tariffs is an effective tool for talking down one's currency. It is true that the Nixon Administration imposed an across-the-board 10% tariff in August 1971, which succeeded in forcing America's trading partners to revalue their currencies within the quasi-fixed exchange-rate Bretton Woods system that prevailed at that time. Such an arrangement would be difficult to orchestrate today. For one thing, the U.S. does not have the geopolitical sway that it once did. Moreover, when exchange rates are pegged, one can often revalue a currency to the upside while cutting interest rates (if investors expect a series of revaluations, they would be willing to hold government bonds even if they yielded less than those abroad). In today's world of flexible exchange rates, a country would need to be willing to tighten monetary policy to drive up its currency. Thus, it would get hit on two fronts: From a stronger currency and from higher interest rates. This additional cost to the economy lowers the odds that any country would voluntarily undertake such measures in the hope (probably futile anyway) of placating Trump. In any case, most of the dollar's weakness in the 1970s occurred after the December 1971 Smithsonian Agreement reversed Nixon's tariff hike. What followed was a period of trade liberalization on the back of successive GATT negotiation rounds. U.S. tariffs actually fell more in the 1970s than in the prior two decades (Chart 8). The fact that the dollar weakened during that period had more to do with the Fed, which permitted inflation to get out of hand by allowing real rates to remain in chronically negative territory. The dollar also suffered from the surge in oil prices, which produced a 35% deterioration in the U.S. terms of trade over the course of the decade (Chart 9). Chart 8Two Centuries Of U.S. Tarriffs Chart 9Dollar Weakness In the 1970s: Blame Deteriorating Terms Of Trade And A Dovish Fed It is possible that the Fed will repeat the mistakes of the 1970s, but this is more of a risk for the 2020s than a near-term concern. U.S. real yields have actually risen substantially relative to those abroad since last September (Chart 10). Chart 10The Dollar Is Once Again Responding ##br##To Real Rate Differentials The outcome of this week's FOMC meeting was on the hawkish side. The median number of dots in the newly released Summary of Economic Projections now point to four rate hikes this year, up from three hikes in the March projections. In addition, the Fed increased estimates for both growth and core inflation for this year. The decision to hold press conferences following every FOMC meeting will also give the Fed greater scope to expedite the pace of rate hikes. Investment Conclusions After panicking over every Trump tweet promising more protectionism earlier this year, markets have taken the recent news of escalating trade tensions in stride. Investors presumably think that Trump will water down his rhetoric, as he has periodically done over the past few months. Such a benign outcome is entirely possible. Trump left a fig leaf at the G7 summit in the form of a challenge to other members to eliminate their tariffs in exchange for the U.S. doing the same. Reaching such a deal would not be easy, but incremental progress towards this goal could be achieved. The overall level of tariff barriers within developed countries is already quite low. The U.S. actually stands at the top end of the spectrum -- average U.S. tariffs of 1.6% are double that of Canada, for example -- so the rest of the G7 would be wise to call Trump's bluff and agree to talks to further scale back trade barriers (Chart 11). This could give risk assets some breathing space for the next year or so. Yet, such a rosy outcome is far from guaranteed. Protectionism is popular among American voters, especially among Trump's base (Chart 12). Trump's obsession with the level of the stock market was a constraint on his protectionist rhetoric, but now that investors are content to look the other way, that constraint has loosened. Chart 11Tariffs: Who Is Robbing The U.S.? Chart 12Free Trade Is Not In Vogue In The U.S., And Is ##br##Especially Disliked Among Trump Supporters The fact that Trump's macroeconomic policies are completely at odds with his trade agenda does not help matters. Fiscal stimulus will boost aggregate demand, which will suck in more imports. An overheated economy will prompt the Fed to raise rates more aggressively than it otherwise would, leading to a stronger dollar. All this will result in a wider trade deficit. What will Trump tell voters two years from now when he is campaigning in Michigan and Ohio about why the trade deficit has widened rather than narrowed under his watch? Will he blame himself or America's trading partners? No trophy for getting that answer right. The effect of a trade war on the stock market would be grave. Multinational firms have large footprints abroad, the result of decades of investment in global supply chains. Equities represent a claim on the existing capital stock, not the capital stock that might emerge after a trade war has been fought. A trade war would result in a lot of stranded capital, forcing investors to mark down the value of the companies in their portfolios. In light of these risks, we expect to downgrade our recommendation on global equities from overweight to neutral before the end of the year. Peter Berezin, Chief Global Strategist Global Investment Strategy peterb@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see Lydia Cox and Kadee Russ, "Will Steel Tariffs put U.S. Jobs at Risk?," EconoFact, February 26, 2018. Steel-consuming industries are defined as those that devote more than 5% of their total costs to steel. 2 Considering that 80% of U.S. currency in circulation consists of $100 bills, it is safe to say that much of this overseas stash of cash belongs to those who acquired it through ill-gotten means. 3 Please see Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "U.S.-China Trade Spat: Is R-Star To Blame?," dated April 6, 2018, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 4 For this calculation, we assume that the fair value for EUR/USD is 1.32, which is close to the IMF's Purchasing Power Parity (PPP) estimate. The annual inflation differential of 0.4% is based on 30-year CPI swaps. This implies that the fair value for EUR/USD will rise to 1.49 after 30 years. If one assumes that the euro reaches that level by then, the common currency would need to trade at 1.49/(1.0191)^30=0.84 today. Tactical Global Asset Allocation Recommendations Strategy & Market Trends Tactical Trades Strategic Recommendations Closed Trades
Highlights The Swan Diagram depicts four different "zones of economic unhappiness," each one corresponding to a case where unemployment and inflation is either too high or too low, and the current account position is either too large or too small. The global economy has made significant progress in moving towards both internal and external balance over the past few years, but shortfalls remain. A number of large economies, including Japan, China, and Italy, continue to need stimulative fiscal policy to prop up domestic demand. In Italy's case, investor unease about the country's fiscal outlook is likely to raise borrowing costs for the government, curb capital inflows into the euro area, and push the ECB in a more dovish direction. All this will weigh on the euro. The U.S. should be tightening fiscal policy at this stage in the cycle. Instead, President Trump has pushed through significant fiscal easing. This is the main reason the 10-year Treasury yield hit a seven-year high this week. An overheated U.S. economy will pave the way for further Fed hikes, which will likely result in a stronger dollar. Rising U.S. rates and a strengthening dollar will hurt emerging markets. Turkey, South Africa, Brazil, and Indonesia are among the most vulnerable. Feature The Dismal Science, Illustrated Last week's report discussed the market consequences of the tug-of-war that policymakers often face in trying to achieve a variety of economic objectives with a limited set of policy instruments.1 In passing, we mentioned that some of these trade-offs can be depicted using the so-called Swan Diagram, named after Australian economist Trevor Swan. This week's report delves further into this topic by estimating where various economies find themselves inside the Swan Diagram, and what this may mean for their currency, equity, and bond markets. True to the reputation of economics as the dismal science, the Swan Diagram depicts four "zones of economic unhappiness" (Chart 1). Each zone represents a different way in which an economy can deviate from "internal balance" (low and stable unemployment) and "external balance" (an optimal current account position). This amounts to saying that an economy can suffer from one of the following: 1) high unemployment and an excessively large current account deficit; 2) high inflation and an excessively large current account surplus; 3) high unemployment and an excessively large current account surplus; and 4) high inflation and an excessively large current account deficit. Box 1 describes the logic behind the diagram. Chart 1Four Zones Of Unhappiness BOX 1 The Logic Behind The Swan Diagram As noted in the main text, the Swan Diagram depicts four different "zones of economic unhappiness," each one corresponding to a case where unemployment and inflation are either too high or too low, and the current account balance is either too large or too small. A rightward movement along the horizontal axis can be construed as an easing of fiscal policy, whereas an upward movement along the vertical axis can be thought of as an easing in monetary policy. All things equal, easier monetary policy is assumed to result in a weaker currency. The internal balance schedule, which corresponds to the ideal state where the economy is at full employment and inflation is stable, is downward sloping because an easing in fiscal policy must be offset by a tightening in monetary policy in order to keep the economy from overheating. The external balance schedule is upward sloping because easier fiscal policy raises aggregate demand, which results in higher imports, and hence a deterioration in the trade balance. A depreciation of the currency via an easing in monetary policy is necessary to bring imports back down. Any point to the right of the internal balance schedule represents too much inflation; any point to the left represents too much unemployment. Likewise, any point to the right of the external balance schedule represents a larger-than-acceptable current account deficit, whereas any point to the left represents an excessively large current account surplus. Note that according to the Swan Diagram, an economy that suffers from high unemployment may still need a weaker currency even if it already has a current account surplus. Intuitively, this is because a depressed economy suppresses imports, leading to a "stronger" current account balance than would otherwise be the case. We use two variables to estimate the degree to which an economy has diverged from internal balance: core inflation and the output gap (Chart 2). If the output gap is negative, the economy is producing less output than it is capable of. If the output gap is positive, the economy is operating beyond full capacity. All things equal, high core inflation and a large and positive output gap is symptomatic of an economy that is showing signs of overheating. Chart 2The Two Dimensions Of Internal Balance When it comes to estimating the extent to which an economy is deviating from external balance, we include both the current account position and the net international investment position (NIIP) in our calculations (Chart 3). The NIIP is the difference between an economy's external assets and its liabilities. If one were to sum all current account balances into the distant past and adjust for valuation effects, one would end up with the net international investment position. If a country has a positive NIIP, it can run a current account deficit over time by running down its accumulated foreign wealth.2 Chart 3The Two Dimensions Of External Balance Policy And Market Outcomes Within The Swan Diagram Chart 4 shows our estimates of where the main developed and emerging markets fall into the Swan Diagram. The top right quadrant depicts economies that need to tighten both monetary and fiscal policy. The bottom left quadrant depicts economies that need to ease both monetary and fiscal policy. The other two quadrants denote cases where either tighter fiscal/looser monetary policy or looser fiscal/tighter monetary policy are appropriate. In order to gauge progress over time, we attach an arrow to each data point. The base of the arrow shows where the economy was five years ago and the tip shows where it is today. Chart 4Policy Prescription Arising From The Swan Diagram From a market perspective, an economy's currency is likely to weaken if it finds itself in one of the two quadrants requiring easier monetary policy. Among developed economies, the best combination for equities in local-currency terms is usually an easier monetary policy and a looser fiscal policy. That is also the configuration that results in the sharpest steepening of the yield curve. Conversely, the worst outcome for developed market stocks in local-currency terms is tighter monetary policy coupled with fiscal austerity. That is also the policy package that is most likely to result in a flatter yield curve. In dollar terms, a stronger local currency will typically boost returns. This is particularly the case in emerging markets, where stock markets are likely to suffer in situations where the home currency is under pressure. A few observations come to mind: The global economy has made significant progress in restoring internal balance over the past five years. That said, negative output gaps remain in nearly half of the countries in our sample. And even in several cases where output gaps have disappeared, a shortfall in inflation suggests the presence of latent slack that official estimates of excess capacity may be missing. External imbalances have also declined over time. Since earth does not trade with Mars, the global current account balance and net international investment position must always be equal to zero. Nevertheless, the absolute value of current account balances, expressed as a share of global GDP, has fallen by half since 2006 (Chart 5). Chart 5Shrinking Global Imbalances The decline in China's current account balance has played a key role in facilitating the rebalancing of demand across the global economy. The current account showed a deficit in Q1 for the first time in 17 years. While several technical factors exacerbated the decline, the current account will probably register a surplus of only 1% of GDP this year, down from a peak of nearly 10% of GDP in 2007. The Chinese economy also appears to be close to internal balance. However, maintaining full employment has come at the cost of rapid credit growth and a massive quasi-public sector deficit, which the IMF estimates currently stands at over 12% of GDP (Chart 6). Thus, one could argue that a somewhat weaker currency and less credit expansion would be in China's best interest. Similar to China, Japan has been able to reach internal balance only through lax fiscal policy (Chart 7). The lesson here is that economies such as China and Japan which have a surfeit of savings - partly reflecting a very low neutral real rate of interest - would probably be better off with cheaper currencies rather than having to rely on artificial means of propping up demand. Chart 6China's 'Secret' Budget Deficit Chart 7The Cost Of Propping Up Demand Germany has overtaken China as the biggest contributor to current account surpluses in the world. Germany's current account surplus now stands at over 8% of GDP, up from a small deficit in 1999, when the euro came into inception. In contrast to China and Japan, Germany is running a fiscal surplus. Solely from its perspective, Germany would benefit from more fiscal stimulus and a stronger euro. The problem, of course, is that a stronger euro would not be in the best interest of most other euro area economies. While external imbalances within the euro area have decreased markedly over the past decade, they have not gone away (Chart 8). Investors also remain wary of fiscal easing in Southern Europe. This week's spike in Italian bond yields - fueled by speculation that a Five-Star/League government will abandon plans for fiscal consolidation - is a timely reminder that the bond vigilantes are far from dead (Chart 9). The Italian government's borrowing costs are likely to rise over the coming months, which will curb capital inflows into the euro area and push the ECB in a more dovish direction. All this will weigh on the common currency. Chart 8The Euro Club: Imbalances Have Been Decreasing Chart 9Uh Oh Spaghettio! The U.S. is the opposite of Germany. Unlike Germany, it has a large fiscal deficit and a current account deficit. The Swan Diagram says that the U.S. would benefit from tighter fiscal policy and a weaker dollar. President Trump and the Republicans in Congress have other plans, however. They have pushed through large tax cuts and significant spending increases (Chart 10). This will likely prompt the Fed to raise rates more aggressively than the market is currently discounting, leading to a stronger dollar. Chart 10The U.S. Budget Deficit Is Set To Widen Even If The Unemployment Rate Continues To Decline Rising U.S. rates and a strengthening dollar will hurt emerging markets, particularly those with current account deficits and negative net international investment positions. High levels of external debt could exacerbate any problems (Chart 11). On that basis, Turkey, South Africa, Brazil, and Indonesia are among the most vulnerable. Chart 11External Debt And Debt Servicing Across EM Investment Conclusions Chart 12The U.S. Economy Is Doing ##br##Better Than Its Peers The global economy is approaching internal balance, but this may produce some unpleasant side effects. Productivity growth is anaemic and the retirement of baby boomers from the workforce will reduce the pace of labor force growth. In such a setting, potential GDP growth in many countries is likely to remain subpar. If demand growth continues to outstrip supply growth, inflation will rise. Heightened stock market volatility this year has partly been driven by the realization among investors that the Goldilocks environment of above-trend growth and low inflation may not last as long as they had hoped. The U.S. economy has now moved beyond full employment, and bountiful fiscal stimulus could lead to further overheating. This is the main reason the 10-year Treasury yield reached a seven-year high this week. Continued above-trend growth is likely to prompt the Fed to raise rates more than the market expects, which should result in a stronger dollar. The fact that the U.S. economy is outperforming the rest of the world based on economic surprise indices and our leading economic indicators could give the dollar a further lift (Chart 12). A resurgent dollar will help boost competitiveness in developed economies such as Japan and Europe. Emerging markets will also benefit in the long run from cheaper currencies, but if the adjustment happens rapidly, as is often the case, this could exact a short-term toll. For the time being, investors should overweight developed over emerging markets in equity portfolios. Peter Berezin, Chief Global Strategist Global Investment Strategy peterb@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Tinbergen's Ghost," dated May 11, 2018. 2 To keep things simple, we assume that a country's Net International Investment Position (NIIP) shrinks to zero over 50 years. Thus, if a country has a positive NIIP of 50% of GDP, we assume that it should target a current account deficit of 1% of GDP; whereas if it has a negative NIIP of 50% of GDP, it should target a current account surplus of 1% of GDP. 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