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Highlights Biden’s first 100 days are characterized by a liberal spend-and-tax agenda unseen since the 1960s. It is not a “bait and switch,” however. Voters do not care about deficits and debt. At least not for now. The apparent outcome of the populist surge in the US and UK in 2016 is blowout fiscal spending. Yet the US and UK also invented and distributed vaccines faster than others. US growth and equities have outperformed while the US dollar experienced a countertrend bounce. While growth will rotate to other regions, China’s stimulus is on the wane. Of Biden’s three initial geopolitical risks, two are showing signs of subsiding: Russia and Iran. US-China tensions persist, however, and Biden has been hawkish so far. Our new Australia Geopolitical Risk Indicator confirms our other indicators in signaling that China risk, writ large, remains elevated. Cyclically we are optimistic about the Aussie and Australian stocks. Mexico’s midterm elections are likely to curb the ruling party’s majority but only marginally. The macro and geopolitical backdrop is favorable for Mexico. Feature US President Joe Biden gave his first address to the US Congress on April 28. Biden’s first hundred days are significant for his extravagant spending proposals, which will rank alongside those of Lyndon B. Johnson’s Great Society, if not Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s New Deal, in their impact on US history, for better and worse. Chart 1Biden's First 100 Days - The Market's Appraisal The global financial market appraisal is that Biden’s proposals will turn out for the better. The market has responded to the US’s stimulus overshoot, successful vaccine rollout, and growth outperformance – notably in the pandemic-struck service sector – by bidding up US equities and the dollar (Chart 1). From a macro perspective we share the BCA House View in leaning against both of these trends, preferring international equities and commodity currencies. However, our geopolitical method has made it difficult for us to bet directly against the dollar and US equities. Geopolitics is about not only wars and trade but also the interaction of different countries’ domestic politics. America’s populist spending blowout is occurring alongside a sharp drop in China’s combined credit-and-fiscal impulse, which will eventually weigh on the global economy. This is true even though the rest of the world is beginning to catch up in vaccinations and economic normalization. As for traditional geopolitical risk – wars and alliances – Biden has not yet leaped over the three initial foreign policy hurdles that we have highlighted: China, Russia, and Iran. In this report we will update the view on all three, as there is tentative improvement on the Russian and Iranian fronts. In addition, we will introduce our newest geopolitical risk indicator – for Australia – and update our view on Mexico ahead of its June 6 midterm elections. Biden’s Fiscal Blowout From a macro point of view, Biden’s $1.9 trillion American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA) was much larger than what Republicans would have passed if President Trump had won a second term. His proposed $2.3 trillion American Jobs Plan (AJP) is also larger, though both candidates were likely to pass an infrastructure package. The difference lies in the parts of these packages that relate to social spending and other programs, beyond COVID relief and roads and bridges. The Republican proposal for COVID relief was $618 billion while the Republicans’ current proposal on infrastructure is $568 billion – marking a $3 trillion difference from Biden. In reality Republicans would have proposed larger spending if Trump had remained president – but not enough to close this gap. And Biden is also proposing a $1.8 trillion American Families Plan (AFP). Biden’s praise for handling the vaccinations must be qualified by the Trump administration’s successful preparations, which have been unfairly denigrated. Similarly, Biden’s blame for the migrant surge at the southern border must be qualified by the fact that the surge began last year.1 A comparison with the UK will put Biden’s administration into perspective. The only country comparable to the US in terms of the size of fiscal stimulus over 2019-21 so far – excluding Biden’s AJP and AFP, which are not yet law – is the United Kingdom. Thus the consequence of the flare-up of populism in the Anglo-Saxon world since 2016 is a budget deficit blowout as these countries strive to suppress domestic socio-political conflict by means of government largesse, particularly in industrial and social programs. However, populist dysfunction was also overrated. Both the US and UK retain their advantages in terms of innovation and dynamism, as revealed by the vaccine and its rollout (Chart 2). Chart 2Dysfunctional Anglo-Saxon Populism? No sharp leftward turn occurred in the UK, where Prime Minister Boris Johnson and his Conservatives had the benefit of a pre-COVID election in December 2019, which they won. By contrast, in the US, President Trump and the Republicans contended an election after the pandemic and recession had virtually doomed them to failure. There a sharp leftward turn is taking place. Going forward the US will reclaim the top rank in terms of fiscal stimulus, as Biden is likely to get his infrastructure plan (AJP) passed. Our updated US budget deficit projections appear in Chart 3. Our sister US Political Strategy gives the AJP an 80% chance of passing in some form and the AFP only a 50% chance of passing, depending on how quickly the AJP is passed. This means the blue dashed line is more likely to occur than the red dashed line. The difference is slight despite the mind-boggling headline numbers of the plans because the spending is spread out over eight-to-ten years and tax hikes over 15 years will partially offset the expenditures. Much will depend on whether Congress is willing to pay for the new spending. In Chart 3 we assume that Biden will get half of the proposed corporate tax hikes in the AJP scenario (and half of the individual tax hikes in the AFP scenario). If spending is watered down, and/or tax hikes surprise to the upside, both of which are possible, then the deficit scenarios will obviously tighten, assuming the economic recovery continues robustly as expected. But in the current political environment it is safest to plan for the most expansive budget deficit scenarios, as populism is the overriding force. Chart 3Biden’s Blowout Spending Biden’s campaign plan was even more visionary, so it is not true that Biden pulled a “bait and switch” on voters. Rather, the median voter is comfortable with greater deficits and a larger government role in American life. Bottom Line: The implication of Biden’s spending blowout is reflationary for the global economy, cyclically negative for the US dollar, and positive for global equities. But on a tactical time frame the rotation to other equities and currencies will also depend on China’s fiscal-and-credit deceleration and whether geopolitical risk continues to fall. Russia: Some Improvement But Coast Not Yet Clear US-Russia tensions appeared to fizzle over the past week but the coast is not yet clear. We remain short Russian currency and risk assets as well as European emerging market equities. Tensions fell after President Putin’s State of the Nation address on April 21 in which he warned the West against crossing Russia’s “red lines.” Biden’s sanctions on Russia were underwhelming – he did not insist on halting the final stages of the Nord Stream II pipeline to Germany. Russia declared it would withdraw its roughly 100,000 troops from the Ukrainian border by May 1. Russian dissident Alexei Navalny ended his hunger strike. Putin attended Biden’s Earth Day summit and the two are working on a bilateral summit in June. Chart 4Russia's Domestic Instability Will Continue De-escalation is not certain, however. First, some US officials have cast doubt on Russia’s withdrawal of troops and it is known that arms and equipment were left in place for a rapid mobilization and re-escalation if necessary. Second, Russian-backed Ukrainian separatists will be emboldened, which could increase fighting in Ukraine that could eventually provoke Russian intervention. Third, the US has until August or September to prevent Nord Stream from completion. Diplomacy between Russia and the US (and Russia and several eastern European states) has hit a low point on the withdrawal of ambassadors. Fourth, Russian domestic politics was always the chief reason to prepare for a worse geopolitical confrontation and it remains unsettled. Putin’s approval rating still lingers in the relatively low range of 65% and government approval at 49%. The economic recovery is weak and facing an increasingly negative fiscal thrust, along with Europe and China, Russia’s single-largest export destination (Chart 4). Putin’s handouts to households, in anticipation of the September Duma election, only amount to 0.2% of GDP. More measures will probably be announced but the lead-up to the election could still see an international adventure designed to distract the public from its socioeconomic woes. Russia’s geopolitical risk indicators ticked up as anticipated (Chart 5). They may subside if the military drawdown is confirmed and Biden and Putin lower the temperature. But we would not bet on it. Chart 5Russian Geopolitical Risk: Wait For 'All Clear' Signal Bottom Line: It is possible that Biden has passed his first foreign policy test with Russia but it is too soon to sound the “all clear.” We remain short Russian ruble and short EM Europe until de-escalation is confirmed. The Russian (and German) elections in September will mark a time for reassessing this view. Iran: Diplomacy On Track (Hence Jitters Will Rise) While Russia may or may not truly de-escalate tensions in Ukraine, the spring and summer are sure to see an increase in focus on US-Iran nuclear negotiations. Geopolitical risks will remain high prior to the conclusion of a deal and will materialize in kinetic attacks of various kinds. This thesis is confirmed by the alleged Israeli sabotage of Iran’s Natanz nuclear facility this month. The US Navy also fired warning shots at Iranian vessels staging provocations. Sporadic attacks in other parts of the region also continue to flare, most recently with an Iranian tanker getting hit by a drone at a Syrian oil terminal.2 The US and Iran are making progress in the Vienna talks toward rejoining the 2015 nuclear deal from which the US withdrew in 2018. Iran pledged to enrich uranium up to 60% but also said this move was reversible – like all its tentative violations of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPA) so far (Table 1). Iran also offered a prisoner swap with the US. Saudi Arabia appears resigned to a resumption of the JCPA that it cannot prevent, with crown prince Mohammed bin Salman offering diplomatic overtures to both the US and Iran. Table 1Iran’s Nuclear Program And Compliance With JCPA 2015 Still, the closer the US and Iran get to a deal the more its opponents will need to either take action or make preparations for the aftermath. The allegation that former US Secretary of State John Kerry’s shared Israeli military plans with Iranian Foreign Minister Javad Zarif is an example of the kind of political brouhaha that will occur as different elements try to support and oppose the normalization of US-Iran ties. More importantly Israel will underscore its red line against nuclear weaponization. Previously Iran was set to reach “breakout” capability of uranium enrichment – a point at which it has enough fissile material to produce a nuclear device – as early as May. Due to sabotage at the Natanz facility the breakout period may have been pushed back to July.3 This compounds the significance of this summer as a deadline for negotiating a reduction in tensions. While the US may be prepared to fudge on Iran’s breakout capabilities, Israel will not, which means a market-relevant showdown should occur this summer before Israel backs down for fear of alienating the United States. Tit-for-tat attacks in May and June could cause negative surprises for oil supply. Then there will be a mad dash by the negotiators to agree to deal before the de facto August deadline, when Iran inaugurates a new president and it becomes much harder to resolve outstanding issues. Chart 6Iran Deal Priced Into Oil Markets? Hence our argument that geopolitics adds upside risk to oil prices in the first half of the year but downside risk in the second half. The market’s expectations seem already to account for this, based on the forward curve for Brent crude oil. The marginal impact of a reconstituted Iran nuclear deal on oil prices is slightly negative over the long run since a deal is more likely to be concluded than not and will open up Iran’s economy and oil exports to the world. However, our Commodity & Energy Strategy expects the Brent price to exceed expectations in the coming years, judging by supply and demand balances and global macro fundamentals (Chart 6). If an Iran deal becomes a fait accompli in July and August the Saudis could abandon their commitment to OPEC 2.0’s production discipline. The Russians and Saudis are not eager to return to a market share war after what happened in March 2020 but we cannot rule it out in the face of Iranian production. Thus we expect oil to be volatile. Oil producers also face the threat of green energy and US shale production which gives them more than one reason to keep up production and prevent prices from getting too lofty. Throughout the post-2015 geopolitical saga between the US and Iran, major incidents have caused an increase in the oil-to-gold ratio. The risk of oil supply disruption affected the price more than the flight to gold due to geopolitical or war risk. The trend generally corresponds with that of the copper-to-gold ratio, though copper-to-gold rose higher when growth boomed and oil outperformed when US-Iran tensions spiked in 2019. Today the copper-to-gold ratio is vastly outperforming the oil-to-gold on the back of the global recovery (Chart 7). This makes sense from the point of view of the likelihood of a US-Iran deal this year. But tensions prior to a deal will push up oil-to-gold in the near term. Chart 7Biden Passes Iran Test? Likely But Not A Done Deal Bottom Line: The US-Iran diplomacy is on track. This means geopolitical risk will escalate in May and June before a short-term or interim deal is agreed in July or August. Geopolitical risk stemming from US-Iran relations will subside thereafter, unless the deadline is missed. The forward curve has largely priced in the oil price downside except for the risk that OPEC 2.0 becomes dysfunctional again. We expect upside price surprises in the near term. Biden, China, And Our Australia GeoRisk Indicator Ostensibly the US and Russia are avoiding a war over Ukraine and the US and Iran are negotiating a return to the 2015 nuclear deal. Only US-China relations utterly lack clarity, with military maneuvering in the Taiwan Strait and South China Sea and tensions simmering over the gamut of other disputes. Chart 8Biden Still Faces China Test The latest data on global military spending show not only that the US and China continue to build up their militaries but also that all of the regional allies – including Japan! – are bulking up defense spending (Chart 8). This is a substantial confirmation of the secular growth of geopolitical risk, specifically in reaction to China’s rise and US-China competition. The first round of US-China talks under Biden went awry but since then a basis has been laid for cooperation on climate change, with President Xi Jinping attending Biden’s virtual climate change summit (albeit with no bilateral summit between the two). If John Kerry is removed as climate czar over his Iranian controversy it will not have an impact other than to undermine American negotiators’ reliability. The deeper point is that climate is a narrow basis for US-China cooperation and it cannot remotely salvage the relationship if a broader strategic de-escalation is not agreed. Carbon emissions are more likely to become a cudgel with which the US and West pressure China to reform its economy faster. The Department of Defense is not slated to finish its comprehensive review of China policy until June but most US government departments are undertaking their own reviews and some of the conclusions will trickle out in May, whether through Washington’s actions or leaks to the press. Beijing could also take actions that upend the Biden administration’s assessment, such as with the Microsoft hack exposed earlier this year. The Biden administration will soon reveal more about how it intends to handle export controls and sanctions on China. For example, by May 19 the administration is slated to release a licensing process for companies concerned about US export controls on tech trade with China due to the Commerce Department’s interim rule on info tech supply chains. The Biden administration looks to be generally hawkish on China, a view that is now consensus. Any loosening of punitive measures would be a positive surprise for Chinese stocks and financial markets in general. There are other indications that China’s relationship with the West is not about to improve substantially – namely Australia. Australia has become a bellwether of China’s relations with the world. While the US’s defense commitments might be questionable with regard to some of China’s neighbors – namely Taiwan (Province of China) but also possibly South Korea and the Philippines – there can be little doubt that Australia, like Japan, is the US’s red line in the Pacific. Australian politics have been roiled over the past several years by the revelation of Chinese influence operations, state- or military-linked investments in Australia, and propaganda campaigns. A trade war erupted last year when Australia called for an investigation into the origins of COVID-19 and China’s handling of it. Most recently, Victoria state severed ties with China’s Belt and Road Initiative. Despite the rise in Sino-Australian tensions, the economic relationship remains intact. China’s stimulus overweighed the impact of its punitive trade measures against Australia, both by bidding up commodity prices and keeping the bulk of Australia’s exports flowing (Chart 9). As much as China might wish to decouple from Australia, it cannot do so as long as it needs to maintain minimum growth rates for the sake of social stability and these growth rates require resources that Australia provides. For example, global iron ore production excluding Australia only makes up 80% of China’s total iron ore imports, which necessitates an ongoing dependency here (Chart 10). Brazil cannot make up the difference. Chart 9China-Australia Trade Amid Tensions Chart 10China Cannot Replace Australia This resource dependency does not necessarily reduce geopolitical tension, however, because it increases China’s supply insecurity and vulnerability to the US alliance. The US under Biden explicitly aims to restore its alliances and confront autocratic regimes. This puts Australia at the front lines of an open-ended global conflict. Chart 11Introducing: Australia GeoRisk Indicator (Smoothed) Our newly devised Australia GeoRisk Indicator illustrates the point well, as it has continued surging since the trade war with China first broke out last year (Chart 11). This indicator is based on the Australian dollar and its deviation from underlying macro variables that should determine its course. These variables are described in Appendix 1. If the Aussie weakens relative to these variables, then an Australian-specific risk premium is apparent. We ascribe that premium to politics and geopolitics writ large. A close examination of the risk indicator’s performance shows that it tracks well with Australia’s recent political history (Chart 12). Previous peaks in risk occurred when President Trump rose to power and Australia, like Canada, found itself beset by negative pressures from both the US and China. In particular, Trump threatened tariffs and the Australian government banned China’s Huawei from its 5G network. Today the rise in geopolitical risk stems almost exclusively from China. There is potential for it to roll over if Biden negotiates a reduction in tensions but that is a risk to our view (an upside risk for Australian and global equities). Chart 12Australian GeoRisk Indicator (Unsmoothed) What does this indicator portend for tradable Australian assets? As one would expect, Australian geopolitical risk moves inversely to the country’s equities, currency, and relative equity performance (Chart 13). Australian equities have risen on the back of global growth and the commodity boom despite the rise in geopolitical risk. But any further spike in risk could jeopardize this uptrend. Chart 13Australia Geopolitical Risk And Tradable Assets An even clearer inverse relationship emerges with the AUD-JPY exchange rate, a standard measure of risk-on / risk-off sentiment in itself. If geopolitical risk rises any further it should cause a reversal in the currency pair. Finally, Australian equities have not outperformed other developed markets excluding the US, which may be due to this elevated risk premium. Bottom Line: China is the most important of Biden’s foreign policy hurdles and unlike Russia and Iran there is no sign of a reduction in tension yet. Our Australian GeoRisk Indicator supports the point that risk remains very elevated in the near term. Moreover China’s credit deceleration is also negative for Australia. Cyclically, however, assuming that China does not overtighten policy, we take a constructive view on the Aussie and Australian equities. Biden’s Border Troubles Distract From Bullish Mexico Story The biggest criticism of Biden’s first 100 days has been his reduction in a range of enforcement measures on the southern border which has encouraged an overflow of immigrants. Customs and Border Patrol have seen a spike in “encounters” from a low point of around 17,000 in 2020 to about 170,000 today. The trend started last year but accelerated sharply after the election and had surpassed the 2019 peak of 144,000. Vice President Kamala Harris has been put in charge of managing the border crisis, both with Mexico and Central American states. She does not have much experience with foreign policy so this is her opportunity to learn on the job. She will not be able to accomplish much given that the Biden administration is unwilling to use punitive measures or deterrence and will not have large fiscal resources available for subsidizing the nations to the south. With the US economy hyper-charged, especially relative to its southern neighbors, the pace of immigration is unlikely to slacken. From a macro point of view the relevance is that the US is not substantially curtailing immigration – quite the opposite – which means that labor force growth will not deviate from its trend. What about Mexico itself? It is not likely that Harris will be able to engage on a broader range of issues with Mexico beyond immigration. As usual Mexico is beset with corruption, lawlessness, and instability. To these can be added the difficulties of the pandemic and vaccine rollout. Tourism and remittances are yet to recover. Cooperation with US federal agents against the drug cartels is deteriorating. Cartels control an estimated 40% of Mexican territory.4 Nevertheless, despite Mexico’s perennial problems, we hold a positive view on Mexican currency and risk assets. The argument rests on five points: Strong macro fundamentals: With China’s fiscal-and-credit impulse slowing sharply, and US stimulus accelerating, Mexico stands to benefit. Mexico has also run orthodox monetary and fiscal policies. It has a demographic tailwind, low wages, and low public debt. The stars are beginning to align for the country’s economy, according to our Emerging Markets Strategy. US and Canadian stimulus: The US and Canada have the second- and third-largest fiscal stimulus of all the major countries over the 2019-21 period, at 9% and 8% of GDP respectively. Mexico, with the new USMCA free trade deal in hand, will benefit. US protectionism fizzled: Even Republican senators blocked President Trump’s attempted tariffs on Mexico. Trump’s aggression resulted in the USMCA, a revised NAFTA, which both US political parties endorsed. Mexico is inured to US protectionism, at least for the short and medium term. Diversification from China: Mexico suffered the greatest opportunity cost from China’s rise as an offshore manufacturer and entrance to the World Trade Organization. Now that the US and other western countries are diversifying away from China, amid geopolitical tensions, Mexico stands to benefit. The US cannot eliminate its trade deficit due to its internal savings/investment imbalance but it can redistribute that trade deficit to countries that cannot compete with it for global hegemony. AMLO faces constraints: A risk factor stemmed from politics where a sweeping left-wing victory in 2018 threatened to introduce anti-market policies. President Andrés Manuel López Obrador (known as AMLO) and his MORENA party gained a majority in both houses of the legislature. Their coalition has a two-thirds majority in the lower house (Chart 14). However, we pointed out that AMLO’s policies have not been radical and, more importantly, that the midterm election would likely constrain his power. Chart 14Mexico’s Midterm Election Looms These are all solid points but the last item faces a test in the upcoming midterm election. AMLO’s approval rating is strong, at 63%, putting him above all of his predecessors except one (Chart 15). AMLO’s approval has if anything benefited from the COVID-19 crisis despite Mexico’s inability to handle the medical challenge. He has promised to hold a referendum on his leadership in early 2022, more than halfway through his six-year term, and he is currently in good shape for that referendum. For now his popularity is helpful for his party, although he is not on the ballot in 2021 and MORENA’s support is well beneath his own. Chart 15AMLO’s Approval Fairly Strong MORENA’s support is holding at a 44% rate of popular support and its momentum has slightly improved since the pandemic began. However, MORENA’s lead over other parties is not nearly as strong as it was back in 2018 (Chart 16, top panel). The combined support of the two dominant center-right parties, the Institutional Revolutionary Party and the National Action Party, is almost equal to that of MORENA. And the two center-left parties, the Democratic Revolution Party and Citizen’s Movement, are part of the opposition coalition (Chart 16, bottom panel). The pandemic and economic crisis will motivate the opposition. Chart 16MORENA’s Support Holding Up Despite COVID Traditionally the president’s party loses seats in the midterm election (Table 2). Circumstances are different from the US, which also exhibits this trend, because Mexico has more political parties. A loss of seats from MORENA does not necessarily favor the establishment parties. Nevertheless opinion polling shows that about 45% of voters say they would rather see MORENA’s power “checked” compared to 41% who wish to see the party go on unopposed.5 Table 2Mexican President’s Party Tends To Lose Seats In Midterm Election While the ruling coalition may lose its super-majority, it is not a foregone conclusion that MORENA will lose its majority. Voters have decades of experience of the two dominant parties, both were discredited prior to 2018, and neither has recovered its reputation so quickly. The polling does not suggest that voters regret their decision to give the left wing a try. If anything recent polls slightly push against this idea. If MORENA surprises to the upside then AMLO’s capabilities would increase substantially in the second half of his term – he would have political capital and an improving economy. While the senate is not up for grabs in the midterm, MORENA has a narrow majority and controls a substantial 60% of seats when its allies are taken into account. In this scenario AMLO could pursue his attempts to increase the state’s role in key industries, like energy and power generation, at the expense of private investors. Even then the Supreme Court would continue to act as a check on the government. The 11-seat court is currently made up of five conservatives, two independents, and three liberal or left-leaning judges. A new member, Margarita Ríos Farjat, is close to the government, leaving the conservatives with a one-seat edge over the liberals and putting the two independents in the position of swing voters. Even if AMLO maintains control of the lower house, he will not be able to override the constitutional court, as he has threatened on occasion to do, without a super-majority in the senate. Bottom Line: AMLO will likely lose some ground in the lower house and thus suffer a check on his power. This will only confirm that Mexican political risk is not likely to derail positive underlying macro fundamentals. Continue to overweight Mexican equities relative to Brazilian.   Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com   Appendix 1 The market is the greatest machine ever created for gauging the wisdom of the crowd and as such our Geopolitical Risk Indicators were not designed to predict political risk but to answer the question of whether and to what extent markets have priced that risk. Our Australian GeoRisk Indicator (see Chart 11-12 above) uses the same simple methodology used in our other indicators, which avoid the pitfall of regression-based models. We begin with a financial asset that has a daily frequency in price, in this case the AUD, and compare its movement against several fundamental factors – in this case global energy and base metal prices, global metals and mining stock prices, and the Chilean peso. Australia is a commodity-exporting country. It is the largest producer of iron ore and is among the largest producers of coal and natural gas. It is also a major trading partner for China. Due to the nature of its economy the Australian dollar moves with global metal and energy prices and the global metals and mining equity prices. Chile, another major commodity producer also moves with global metal prices, hence our inclusion of the peso in this indicator. The AUD has a high correlation with all of these assets, and if the changes in the value of the AUD lag or lead the changes in the value of these assets, the implication is that geopolitical risk unique to Australia is not priced by the market. We included the peso as Chile is not as affected as Australia by any conflict in the South China Sea or Northeast Asia, which means that a deviation of the AUD from CLP represents a unique East Asia Pacific risk. Our indicator captures the involvement of Australia in a few regional and international conflicts. The indicator climbed as Australia got involved in the East Timor emergency and declined as it exited. It continued declining even as Australia joined the US in the Afghanistan and Iraq wars, which showed that investors were unperturbed by faraway wars, while showing measurable concern in the smaller but closer Timorese conflict. Risks went up again as the nation erupted in labor protests as the Howard government made changes to the labor code. We see the market pricing higher risk again during the 2008 financial crisis, although it was modest and Australia escaped the crisis unscathed due to massive Chinese stimulus. Since then, investors have been climbing a wall of worry as they priced in Northeast Asia-related geopolitical risks. These started with the South Korean Cheonan sinking and continued with the Sino-Japanese clash over the Senkaku islands. They culminated with the Chinese ADIZ declaration in late 2013. In 2016, Australia was shocked again when Donald Trump was elected, and investor fears were evident when the details of Trump-Turnbull spat were made public. The risk indicator reached another peak during the trade wars between the US and the rest of the world. Investors were not worried about COVID-19 as Australia largely contained the pandemic, but the recent Australian-Chinese trade war pushed the risk indicator up, giving investors another wall of worry. If the Biden administration forces Australia into a democratic alliance in confrontation with autocratic China then this risk will persist for some time.   Jesse Anak Kuri Associate Editor Jesse.Kuri@bcaresearch.com We Read (And Liked) ... The Narrow Corridor: States, Societies, And The Fate Of Liberty This book is a sweeping review of the conditions of liberty essential to steering the world away from the Hobbesian war of all against all. In this unofficial sequel to the 2012 hit, Why Nations Fail: The Origins Of Power, Prosperity, And Poverty, Daron Acemoglu (Professor of Economics at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology) and James A. Robinson (Professor of Global Conflict Studies at the University of Chicago) further explore their thesis that the existence and effectiveness of democratic institutions account for a nation’s general success or failure. The Narrow Corridor6 examines how liberty works. It is not “natural,” not widespread, “is rare in history and is rare today.” Only in peculiar circumstances have states managed to produce free societies. States have to walk a thin line to achieve liberty, passing through what the authors describe as a “narrow corridor.” To encourage freedom, states must be strong enough to enforce laws and provide public services yet also restrained in their actions and checked by a well-organized civil society. For example, from classical history, the Athenian constitutional reforms of Cleisthenes “were helpful for strengthening the political power of Athenian citizens while also battling the cage of norms.” That cage of norms is the informal body of customs replaced by state institutions. Those norms in turn “constrained what the state could do and how far state building could go,” providing a set of checks. Though somewhat fluid in its definition, liberty, as Acemoglu and Robinson show, is expressed differently under various “leviathans,” or states. For starters, the “Shackled Leviathan” is a government dedicated to upholding the rule of law, protecting the weak against the strong, and creating the conditions for broad-based economic opportunity. Meanwhile, the “Paper Leviathan” is a bureaucratic machine favoring the privileged class, serving as both a political and economic brake on development and yielding “fear, violence, and dominance for most of its citizens.” Other examples include: The “American Leviathan” which fails to deal properly with inequality and racial oppression, two enemies of liberty; and a “Despotic Leviathan,” which commands the economy and coerces political conformity – an example from modern China. Although the book indulges in too much jargon, it is provocative and its argument is convincing. The authors say that in most places and at most times, the strong have dominated the weak and human freedom has been quashed by force or by customs and norms. Either states have been too weak to protect individuals from these threats or states have been too strong for people to protect themselves from despotism. Importantly, many states believe that once liberty is achieved, it will remain the status quo. But the authors argue that to uphold liberty, state institutions have to evolve continuously as the nature of conflicts and needs of society change. Thus society's ability to keep state and rulers accountable must intensify in tandem with the capabilities of the state. This struggle between state and society becomes self-reinforcing, inducing both to develop a richer array of capacities just to keep moving forward along the corridor. Yet this struggle also underscores the fragile nature of liberty. It is built on a precarious balance between state and society; between economic, political, and social elites and common citizens; between institutions and norms. If one side of the balance gets too strong, as has often happened in history, liberty begins to wane. The authors central thesis is that the long-run success of states depends on the balance of power between state and society. If states are too strong, you end up with a “Despotic Leviathan” that is good for short-term economic growth but brittle and unstable over the long term. If society is too strong, the “Leviathan” is absent, and societies suffer under a pre-modern war of all against all. The ideal place to be is in the narrow corridor, under a shackled Leviathan that will grow state capacity and individual liberty simultaneously, thus leading to long-term economic growth. In the asset allocation process, investors should always consider the liberty of a state and its people, if a state’s institutions grossly favor the elite or the outright population, whether these institutions are weak or overbearing on society, and whether they signify a balance between interests across the population. Whether you are investing over a short or long horizon, returns can be significantly impacted in the absence of liberty or the excesses of liberty. There should be a preference among investors toward countries that exhibit a balance of power between state and society, setting up a better long-term investment environment, than if a balance of power did not exist.   Guy Russell Research Analyst GuyR@bcaresearch.com GeoRisk Indicator China Russia UK Germany France Italy Canada Spain Taiwan – Province Of China Korea Turkey Brazil Australia Footnotes 1 "President Biden’s first 100 days as president fact-checked," BBC News, April 29, 2021, bbc.com. 2 "Oil tanker off Syrian coast hit in suspected drone attack," Al Jazeera, April 24, 2021, Aljazeera.com. 3 See Yaakov Lappin, "Natanz blast ‘likely took 5,000 centrifuges offline," Jewish News Syndicate, jns.org. 4 John Daniel Davidson, "Former US Ambassador To Mexico: Cartels Control Up To 40 Percent Of Mexican Territory," The Federalist, April 28, 2021, thefederalist.com. 5 See Alejandro Moreno, "Aprobación de AMLO se encuentra en 61% previo a campañas electorales," El Financiero, April 5, 2021, elfinanciero.com. 6 Penguin Press, New York, NY, 2019, 558 pages. Section III: Geopolitical Calendar

Special Report

Highlights The US fiscal outlook has deteriorated substantially over the past two decades, as a consequence of the fiscal response to both the global financial crisis and the COVID-19 pandemic. US government debt-to-GDP is now nearly as high as it was at the end of the Second World War, and is projected by the US Congressional Budget Office (CBO) to explode higher over the coming 30 years. Some investors argue that extreme levels of government debt now virtually guarantee that interest rates will remain structurally low, and we test this claim alongside a scenario that limits the projected rise in the primary deficit. We find that US fiscal reform, when it eventually occurs, will likely be negative for health care stocks. We also note that even in a scenario where the US limits the size of its future primary budget deficit, net interest outlays will likely rise to elevated levels compared to history. A comparison with the Canadian experience in the 1990s suggests a structurally negative outlook for the US dollar, from an overvalued starting point. Finally, we note that the US fiscal outlook does not necessarily prevent an increase in interest rates over the coming few years in a scenario where investors raise their expectations for the neutral rate of interest, a possibility that we discussed in last month’s report. This scenario is not our base case view, but it is plausible and should actively be monitored by investors over the coming one to two years. For now, we do not expect that rising interest rates pose a risk to stocks over the coming 6-12 months. Investors should remain cyclically overweight equities within a multi-asset portfolio, and should maintain a below-benchmark level of duration on a risk-adjusted basis. In 2001, US government debt held by the public as a share of GDP stood at 31.5%, after having fallen roughly 16 percentage points from early 1993 levels. Today, as a result of both the global financial crisis and the COVID-19 pandemic, the debt to GDP ratio has risen to a whopping 100%, and is projected to rise meaningfully higher over the coming decades. Feature In this report we review the long-term US fiscal outlook in the wake of the pandemic, with a focus on the implications for interest rates. Some investors argue that extreme levels of government debt now virtually guarantee that interest rates will remain structurally low, and we test this claim alongside a scenario that limits the projected rise in the primary deficit. We find that US fiscal reform, when it eventually occurs, will likely be negative for health care stocks, whose fundamental performance has outstripped that of the broad equity market since the mid-1990s (reflecting pricing power that stands to be curtailed through regulation). We also note that even in a scenario where the US limits the size of its future primary budget deficit, net interest outlays will likely rise to elevated levels compared to history. A comparison with the Canadian experience in the 1990s suggests a structurally negative outlook for the US dollar, from an overvalued starting point. Finally, we note that the US fiscal outlook does not necessarily prevent an increase in interest rates over the coming few years in the hypothetical scenario that we described in last month’s report,1 i.e., an environment where the narrative of secular stagnation is challenged and investor expectations for the neutral rate rise closer to trend rates of economic growth. This scenario is not our base case view, but it is plausible and should actively be monitored by investors over the coming one to two years. For now, investors should remain cyclically overweight equities within a multi-asset portfolio, and should maintain a below-benchmark level of duration on a risk-adjusted basis. Debt Sustainability, And The CBO’s Baseline Projection When analyzing the US fiscal outlook, the Congressional Budget Office’s Long-Term Budget Outlook report is typically the reference point for investors. The report provides annual projections for the budget deficit and the debt-to-GDP ratio for the next three decades, as well as a breakdown of the projected deficit into its primary (i.e., non-interest) and net interest components. Charts II-1 and II-2 present the most recent baseline projections from the CBO, which clearly present a dire long-term outlook. The deficit and debt-to-GDP ratio are projected to be relatively stable over the next decade, but explode higher over the subsequent 20 years. In 2051, the CBO’s baseline projects that the budget deficit will be roughly 13% of GDP, with net interest costs accounting for approximately two-thirds of the deficit. Chart II-1The CBO’s Fiscal Outlook Is Extremely Negative Chart II-2In 2051, The CBO Projects A 13% Annual Budget Deficit In order to understand what is driving the CBO’s dire long-term budget and debt forecast, it is important to review the government debt sustainability equation shown below. The equation highlights that the change in a government’s debt-to-GDP ratio is approximately equal to 1) the primary deficit plus 2) net interest costs as a share of GDP, the latter being defined as the product of last year’s debt-to-GDP ratio and the difference between the average interest rate on the debt and the rate of GDP growth. Δ Debt-To-GDP Ratio ≈ Primary Deficit As A % Of GDP2 + (r-g)*(Prior Period Debt-To-GDP Ratio) Where: r = Average interest rate on government debt and g = Nominal GDP growth The equation highlights that expectations of a persistently rising debt-to-GDP ratio must occur either because of expectations of a persistent primary deficit, or expectations that interest rates will persistently exceed the rate of economic growth (or some combination of the two). This underscores why debt sustainability analysis often focuses on the primary budget balance, as a country’s debt-to-GDP ratio will be stable if no primary deficit exists and interest costs are at or below the prevailing rate of economic growth. Chart II-3 illustrates the source of the CBO’s projected rise in debt-to-GDP beyond 2031, by presenting the two components of the debt sustainability equation alongside the projected annual change in the debt-to-GDP ratio. The chart makes it clear that while the CBO is forecasting a sizeable primary deficit to continue, it is projected to grow at a slower pace than the debt-to-GDP ratio itself. The increasing rate at which the debt-to-GDP ratio is projected to grow in the latter years of the CBO’s forecast period is clearly driven by the interest rate component, meaning that “r” is projected to be greater than “g”. Chart II-4 presents this point directly, by highlighting that the CBO is forecasting the average interest rate on government debt to exceed that of nominal GDP growth in 2038, and to continue to exceed growth (by an increasing amount) thereafter. Chart II-3Decomposing The CBO's Projected Change In The Debt-To-GDP Ratio Chart II-4The CBO's Projections Rest, In Part, On Rates Eventually Exceeding Growth   Three Adjustments To The CBO’s Baseline We make three adjustments to the CBO’s baseline in order to assess how the US fiscal outlook shifts under an interest rate path that is different than that projected by the CBO. First, we adjust the CBO’s projected budget deficit over the coming few years based on deficit forecasts from our US Political Strategy service following the passage of the American Recovery Plan act.3 Chart II-5We Test The Effect Of An Initially Higher, But More Sustainable, Rate Path Next, we adjust the interest component of the total budget deficit based on a new path for short- and long-term interest rates that models a scenario in which the neutral rate of interest rises to, but not above, GDP growth (Chart II-5). In last month’s report we outlined a scenario in which this could feasibly occur,1 and the hypothetical path for interest rates shown in Chart II-5 thus incorporates both the negative budgetary impact of an earlier rise in interest rates and the positive budgetary impact of “r” never rising above “g”. We explicitly exclude any crowding out effect on long-term interest rates, based on the view that term premia are likely to remain muted in a world of low potential economic growth, unless a fiscal crisis appears to be imminent (see Box II-1). Box II-1 Arguing Against The CBO’s Crowding Out Assumption The CBO’s projection that interest rates will ultimately rise above the rate of economic growth rests on the view that increased government spending will absorb savings that would otherwise finance private investment (a “crowding out” effect). We agree that crowding out can occur over the course of the business cycle, especially in a scenario where increased government spending pushes output above its potential (creating a cyclical acceleration in inflation and eventually an increase in interest rates). But the CBO is assuming that high government debt-to-GDP ratios will crowd out private investment on a structural basis, and on this basis we disagree. First, Chart Box II-1 highlights that there is essentially no empirical relationship across countries between a country’s debt-to-GDP ratio and its long-term government bond yield. Japan is a clear outlier in the chart, but including Japan implies that the relationship is negative, not positive. Chart Box II-1There Is No Empirical Relationship Between Debt-To-GDP And Interest Rates In addition, given that central banks directly control interest rates at the short-end of the curve, a structural crowding out effect can only manifest itself in the form of an elevated term premium embedded in longer-term government bond yields. Our bet is that term premia are likely to stay low in a world of low falling nominal growth, as evidenced by the experience of the past decade.4 Finally, we model the impact of two changes, beginning in 2031, that would work towards reducing the primary deficit: an increase in average government revenue to 20% of GDP (its peak level reached in 2000), and a slower pace of increase on major health care program spending. Despite the fact that population aging will increase mandatory spending on social security and health care over the coming three decades, the CBO has highlighted that the majority of the increase in spending towards these programs is projected to occur due to rising health care costs per person (Chart II-6). We thus model the impact of medical care cost control by limiting the rise in net mandatory outlays on health care programs between 2021 and 2051 to roughly half of what the CBO baseline projects. This adjustment does not prevent mandatory spending on health care programs from rising, given the strong political challenges involved in limiting spending increases that are caused by an aging population. Chart II-6The US Structural Primary Balance Is Heavily Impacted By Medical Costs Charts II-7 and II-8 illustrate how these three adjustments impact the long-term US fiscal outlook. Relative to the CBO’s baseline projections, the American Recovery Plan (ARP) budget deficit forecasts from our US Political Strategy service imply that the debt-to-GDP ratio will be approximately three to four percentage points higher over the very near term, and roughly ten points higher over the long term. Chart II-7Even With Higher Rates, The Fiscal Outlook Is Meaningfully Less Bad… Relative to this new baseline, an increase in interest rates to, but not above, the projected rate of nominal economic growth increases the debt-to-GDP ratio by an additional ten percentage points (20 points higher versus the CBO’s baseline) in the middle of the forecast period, but it lowers the debt-to-GDP ratio over the longer run by eliminating the effect of outsized interest rates magnifying a persistent primary deficit. Still, the debt-to-GDP ratio is projected to rise to a whopping 207% of GDP by 2051 in this scenario, with a budget deficit in excess of 10% of GDP. The third adjustment shown in Charts II-7 and II-8 underscores the impact on the US fiscal outlook of actions aimed at reducing the primary deficit. Increases in government revenue and the prevention of rising health care costs per person results in the debt-to-GDP ratio that is 64 percentage points lower in 2051 than in our normalized interest rate scenario. The budget deficit in this scenario still increases to approximately 6% of GDP thirty years from today, but in this case most of the deficit is due to the net interest component rather than the primary deficit, meaning that the debt-to-GDP ratio would be increasing at a much slower rate if interest rates were no higher than the rate of economic growth. Chart II-8 highlights that net interest spending in this scenario would rise to 4.5% of GDP, which would be meaningfully higher than the prior high of roughly 3% in the late 1980s and early 1990s. Chart II-8...With Higher Taxes And Medical Cost Control Chart II-9A Meaningful, But Not Unprecedented, Rise In Net Interest Outlays But that is far from unprecedented or necessarily consistent with a fiscal crisis. Chart II-9 also shows that Canada’s public debt charges rose to 6.5% of GDP in the early 1990s without triggering a public debt crisis. It is true that Canada subsequently embarked on a painful fiscal consolidation program in order to reduce its public debt burden, but this, in part, occurred because of a cyclically-adjusted primary deficit of approximately 3% - twice as large as that projected for the US in 2051 in our adjusted scenario shown in Charts II-7 and II-8. Revenue And Health Care Cost Reform Our third adjustment to the CBO’s long-term budget outlook involved changes to revenue and health care cost control to reduce the US’ projected primary deficit. Are these adjustments achievable? In our view, the answer is yes: As noted above, our scenario modeled these changes taking place a decade from today, which allows for policymakers and stakeholders to have a substantial amount of time to act and adjust to these changes. On the revenue front, we noted above that US government revenue has reached 20% of GDP in the past, in the year 2000. Chart II-10 highlights that while raising taxes will likely reduce US competitiveness, the US maintains a sizeable tax advantage relative to other advanced economies, and that this was true prior to the tax cuts that took place under the Trump administration. On the health care cost front, Chart II-11 highlights that US healthcare expenditure is much larger as a share of GDP than other countries, which was not the case prior to the 1980s. Chart II-12 highlights that this cost difference is entirely due to inpatient (i.e., hospital) and outpatient (i.e., drug) costs. While it is not clear what form it will take, it seems likely that future reforms by policymakers to eliminate rising health care costs per person will occur and can be achieved. Chart II-10The US Government Can Afford To Raise Revenue Chart II-11The US Spends Much More On Health Care Than Other Countries   Chart II-12The US Significantly Outspends The World On Hospital And Drug Costs The key point for investors is not whether these changes should or should not occur, but whether there are any feasible scenarios in which spiraling government debt and interest payments are avoided without the Fed purposely maintaining monetary policy at levels persistently below the rate of economic growth – and thus risking major inflationary pressure. Our analysis above highlights that there are; the question is when policymakers will choose to act and in what form. A potential tipping point may be when US government spending on net interest as a % of GDP exceeds its prior high, which occurs in 2026 in the scenario modeled in Chart II-8. In a scenario where reforms fail to materialize or where financial markets force policymakers to act, a fiscal risk premium could certainly emerge in longer-term government bond yields, which could lead the Fed to maintain lower short-term interest rates than it otherwise would. But this scenario is only likely to emerge after interest rates converge towards rates of economic growth, as US government debt will remain highly serviceable for some time if "r" remains meaningfully lower than "g". Investment Conclusions There are three potential investment implications of our research. First, the fact that rising medical costs have such a significant impact on the CBO’s projections of the primary deficit implies that fiscal reform, when it eventually occurs, will be negative for US health care stocks. Chart II-13 highlights that US health care sector earnings have outperformed broad market earnings since the mid-1990s, and that the sector has consistently delivered an above-average return on equity. This historical performance likely reflects the sector’s pricing power, which stand to be curtailed through regulatory efforts in a world where rising health care costs per person collide with fiscal belt-tightening. Interestingly, Chart II-12 highlighted that US per capita spending on medical goods is not significantly higher than in other developed markets, suggesting that the health care equipment & supplies industry may fare better over a very long term time horizon than overall health care. Second, Charts II-7 and II-8 highlighted that even if the US does raise revenue as a share of GDP and limits excessive growth in medical costs, a primary deficit will still exist and net interest outlays will still rise to elevated levels compared to what has historically been the case. We noted that Canada experienced a higher public debt burden in the 1990s and did not suffer from a fiscal crisis, but Chart II-14 highlights that the fiscal situation did weigh on the Canadian dollar, which progressively traded 10-20% below its PPP-implied fair value level over the course of the 1990s. Thus, the implication is that eventual fiscal reform in the US may be structurally negative for the US dollar, from an overvalued starting point (panels 3 and 4 of Chart II-14). Chart II-13Eventual Fiscal Reform Will Likely Be Negative For Health Care Stocks Chart II-14The US Fiscal Outlook, Even With Some Reforms, Is Dollar-Negative   Finally, our scenario analysis highlights that very elevated levels of government debt do not guarantee that interest rates will remain structurally low, especially over the next decade when the US primary deficit is projected to remain relatively stable. For investors focused on forecasting the direction of 10-year Treasury yields from the perspective of valuation, it should be noted that the next decade is the relevant projection period for the Fed funds rate, not what occurs to net interest outlays in the two decades that follow. Over the very long run, it is true that there may ultimately be very strong political pressure on the Fed to keep interest rates below the prevailing rate of economic growth, as policymakers in 2030 will be able to avoid a structural adjustment to the primary deficit of roughly 1.1-1.3% of GDP for every percentage point that average interest rates on government debt are below nominal GDP growth. However, we noted above that this pressure is unlikely to build before the second half of this decade even in a scenario where interest rates rise significantly over the coming few years, and it remains an open questions whether the Fed will acquiesce to this pressure given its strong potential to fuel excess private sector leveraging. Over the coming one to two years, the key conclusion is that the US fiscal outlook is not likely to prevent an increase in interest rates over the coming few years in the hypothetical scenario that we described in last month’s report, i.e., an environment where the narrative of secular stagnation is challenged and investor expectations for the neutral rate rise closer to trend rates of economic growth. This remains a risk to our overweight stance towards risky assets and is not our base case view. But it does highlight the importance of monitoring long-dated rate expectations over the coming year, and argues, on a risk-adjusted basis, for a below-neutral duration stance within a fixed-income portfolio. Jonathan LaBerge, CFA Vice President The Bank Credit Analyst Footnotes 1 Please see The Bank Credit Analyst Special Report "R-star, And The Structural Risk To Stocks," dated March 31, 2021, available at bca.bcaresearch.com 2 Presented in this fashion, a budget deficit (surplus) is recorded with a positive (negative) sign. 3 For more information, please see US Political Strategy report “Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda,” dated April 1, 2021, available at usp.bcaresearch.com 4 Please see “Term premia: models and some stylised facts”, by Cohen, Hördahl, and Xia, BIS Quarterly Review, September 2008.

Highlights After staging a tentative rebound in the first three months of the year, the US dollar has resumed its weakening trend. We expect the greenback to drift lower over the next 12 months, as global growth momentum rotates from the US to the rest of the world, the Fed maintains its ultra-accommodative monetary stance, and the US struggles to finance its burgeoning trade deficit. China will provide adequate fiscal and monetary support for its economy, which will buoy commodity prices, the yuan, and other EM currencies. The Canadian dollar should strengthen as the Bank of Canada continues to shrink its balance sheet with the goal of lifting rates by the end of 2022. EUR/USD is on track to rise to 1.25 by year-end. The pound will strengthen against the euro. While the yen’s defensive nature will limit any gains in the currency, a cheap valuation and relatively high Japanese real rates will keep downside risks in check. Global Growth Momentum To Rotate From The US To The Rest Of The World Sizable upward revisions to US growth projections gave the US dollar a modest boost in the first quarter of 2021 (Chart 1). According to Bloomberg consensus estimates, US real GDP grew by 5.4% in the first quarter, spurred on by massive fiscal stimulus and a speedy vaccination rollout. In contrast, real GDP in the euro area, the UK, and Japan contracted (Table 1). Chart 1A Dovish Fed Kept The Dollar From Strengthening Much This Year Despite Strong US Growth Vis-À-Vis The Rest Of The World Table 1Growth In Major Advanced Countries Is Expected To Start Catching Up To The US Later This Year While economic momentum still favors the US in the second quarter, the gap with other countries will narrow dramatically. The US economy is on track to expand by 8.1% in the current quarter. Bloomberg consensus expects the euro area to grow by 7.4%, the UK by 17.4%, and Japan by 4.7%. Looking out to the third quarter, both the euro area and the UK are poised to grow faster than the US. Continental Europe, in particular, should see much stronger growth in the second half of 2021 following a sluggish start to the vaccine rollout. Enough Vaccines For All? The vaccination campaign has gotten off to a slow start in most emerging markets. The spread of more contagious Covid-19 variants has led to a surge in infections in some regions. Notably, India is reporting over 300,000 new cases a day. Matters should improve on the pandemic front for many developing economies later this year. Assuming that vaccine makers are able to achieve their production targets, the Duke University Global Health Innovation Center estimates that 12 billion vaccine doses will be produced in 2021. This would be enough to vaccinate 75% of the world’s population, close to most measures of “herd immunity.” China Will Maintain Ample Policy Support Chart 2Real Rate Differentials Moved In Favor Of The Dollar At The Long End Of The Curve In Q1, But Not At The Short End Investor concerns that the Chinese authorities are about to reverse stimulus measures are overblown. Jing Sima, BCA’s chief China strategist, expects the general government budget deficit to average 8% of GDP in 2021, largely unchanged from 2020 levels. She sees credit growth falling from 15% in 2020 to 12% this year (in line with her estimate of nominal GDP growth). Given that China’s debt-to-GDP ratio stands at 270%, credit growth of 12% would leave the outstanding stock of credit roughly 33 trillion yuan (32% of GDP) higher at the end of 2021 compared to end-2020. That is a lot of new credit formation, all of which should buoy commodity prices, the yuan, and other EM currencies. Rate Differentials Remain Dollar Bearish Despite strong US growth, US 2-year real rates have continued to decline in relation to rates abroad. Long-term yield differentials did rise in favor of the US in the first three months of the year, giving the dollar a lift. However, long-term differentials have since reversed course, which helps account for the dollar’s renewed weakness (Chart 2). The Fed’s dovish stance explains why stronger growth has given so little support to the dollar. The 10-year Treasury yield generally tracks the expected Fed funds rate two-to-three years out (Chart 3). At present, the markets are as hawkish relative to the median Fed dot as they have ever been (Chart 4). Chart 3Bond Yields Are Unlikely To Rise Much Unless The Market Lifts Its Estimate Of Where The Fed Funds Rate Will Be 2-To-3 Years Out Chart 4The Market Is Very Hawkish Relative To The Fed Dots This doesn’t mean that market expectations cannot get more hawkish from here. However, for this to happen, the Fed would need to start aggressively talking up the prospect of tapering asset purchases and accelerating the timeline to hiking rates. This does not seem probable to us. Chart 5Prime-Age Employment Remains Well Below Pre-Pandemic Levels The prime-age employment-to-population ratio is still 3.7 percentage points below pre-pandemic levels (Chart 5). Overall US employment is about 5% below where it was in January 2020. Among workers earning less than $20 per hour, employment is down more than 10% (Chart 6). While some firms have complained about a shortage of workers, this likely reflects the combination of generous unemployment benefits (which expire in September) and lingering fears about catching the virus from work (which will abate as more people are vaccinated). Just as was the case following the Great Recession – when market commentary was rife with talk about a permanent increase in “structural unemployment” – concerns that the pandemic has led to lasting labor market damage will prove to be largely unfounded.   Chart 6US Employment Still Down About 5% From Its Pre-Pandemic Levels   The Dollar Faces Balance Of Payments Pressures The dollar is not a cheap currency. It is 13% overvalued based on Purchasing Power Parity exchange rates (Chart 7). One of the consequences of the dollar’s overvaluation has been a persistent trade deficit. As Chart 8 shows, the US trade deficit in goods and services has widened sharply since early 2020. Chart 7The Dollar Is Expensive Based On Its PPP Fair Value Chart 8The Widening US Trade Deficit Excessively large budget deficits drain national savings, leading to a larger current account deficit. Hence, the dollar has usually weakened whenever the government has eased fiscal policy beyond what was necessary to close the output gap (Chart 9). Foreigners have been net sellers of Treasurys this year. To a large extent, equity inflows have supported the dollar (Chart 10). However, if growth rotates from the US to the rest of the world, non-US stock markets are likely to outperform. This could cause foreign equity inflows into the US to turn into outflows. The dollar would then need to weaken to make US stocks more attractive in foreign-currency terms. Chart 9The Dollar Usually Weakens Whenever The Government Eases Fiscal Policy Beyond What Is Necessary To Close The Output Gap Chart 10Equity Inflows Supported The Dollar This Year   Technicals Point To A Weaker Dollar For many investment decisions, being a contrarian is a smart strategy. This does not apply to trading the US dollar, however. The dollar is a high momentum currency (Chart 11). When it comes to the dollar, you want to be a trend follower. Chart 11The Dollar Is A High Momentum Currency   Chart 12 shows that a simple trading rule that bought the dollar index when it was trading above its moving average would have made money, whereas a rule that bought the index when it was below its moving average would have lost money. While trading rules using short-term moving averages work best, even long-term moving average rules yield profitable results. Chart 12ATrading The Dollar: Follow Momentum (I) Chart 12BTrading The Dollar: Follow Momentum (II)   Today, the dollar is trading below all of its various moving averages, which points to further downside for the currency. The dollar’s momentum status extends to sentiment. In general, the dollar is more likely to strengthen when sentiment is already bullish. On the flipside, the dollar is more likely to weaken when sentiment is bearish. At present, dollar sentiment is bearish, which increases the odds of further dollar weakness (Chart 13). Chart 13ABeing A Contrarian Doesn’t Pay When It Comes To Trading The Dollar (I) Chart 13BBeing A Contrarian Doesn't Pay When It Comes To Trading The Dollar (II)   Chart 14Seasonality In The FX, Bond, And Equity Markets Finally, the dollar has tended to exhibit seasonal fluctuations. In general, the greenback has strengthened in the first half of the year and weakened in the second half (Chart 14). It is not entirely clear what explains this phenomenon, but it is worth noting that since 1985, almost all of the cumulative decline in Treasury yields has occurred in the back half of the year. Cyclical Currencies Are Most Likely To Strengthen Against The US Dollar Cyclical (i.e., high-beta) currencies will fare best against the US dollar over the next 12 months. In the EM space, strong global growth will benefit the Mexican peso, Chilean peso, Brazilian real, South African rand, Korean won, and the Indonesian rupiah. In the developed economy sphere, the Swedish krona, Norwegian krone, and Australian and Canadian dollars are poised to appreciate the most. We are particularly bullish on the loonie. The Bank of Canada announced on Wednesday that it will reduce the weekly pace of government bond purchases from C$4 billion to C$3 billion. Even before this announcement, the BoC’s balance sheet was shrinking following the decision to scale back repo operations and discontinue several other asset purchase programs. The BoC also indicated that it expects the Canadian economy to return to full employment in the second half of 2022, which should set the stage for the first rate hike by the end of next year. We expect EUR/USD to reach 1.25 by year-end. The British pound will strengthen to 1.50 against the dollar and 1.20 against the euro. Chart 15 shows that GBP/USD has closely tracked the rise and fall of global equities. Notably, the pound is 15% undervalued against the euro based on real 2-year interest rate differentials (Chart 16). Chart 15GBP/USD Has Closely Tracked Global Equities Chart 16The Pound Is Undervalued Against The Euro Based On Real Short-Term Interest Rate Differentials   The Japanese yen is a highly defensive currency. Hence, stronger global growth will pose a headwind to the yen. Nevertheless, the yen is quite cheap, trading at a 20% discount to its Purchasing Power Parity exchange rate (Chart 17). Moreover, real yields are higher in Japan than they are in the other major economies, reflecting ongoing deflationary pressures (Chart 18). On balance, we expect the yen to move sideways against the US dollar over the next 12 months. Chart 17The Yen Is Quite Cheap Chart 18Real Yields Are Higher In Japan Than In The Other Major Economies   Equity Implications Of A Weaker Dollar Cyclical stocks tend to outperform defensives when the dollar is weakening. To the extent that cyclicals are overrepresented in stock market indices outside the US, a weaker dollar favors non-US equities (Chart 19). Chart 19Cyclical Stocks Tend To Outperform Defensives When The Dollar Is Weakening Chart 20Value Stocks Generally Do Best In A Weak Dollar Environment Value stocks also tend to do best in a weak dollar environment (Chart 20). As such, we recommend that investors overweight cyclicals, non-US, and value stocks over the next 12 months.   Peter Berezin Chief Global Strategist pberezin@bcaresearch.com Global Investment Strategy View Matrix Special Trade Recommendations Current MacroQuant Model Scores

Special Report

Highlights Cryptocurrencies have a long march ahead to be able to displace fiat currencies. While cryptocurrencies are improving tremendously as a medium of exchange, they lag fiat as a store of value and a unit of account. Contrary to popular belief, fiat money has outperformed anti-fiat assets over time as a store of value. Many central banks will replicate the advantages and success of bitcoin through the issuance of central bank digital currencies (CBDCs). Cryptocurrencies are unlikely to disappear anytime soon and can be wonderful speculative investments. However, conservative investors should stick with gold and silver. Feature Chart I-1Spectacular Returns From Cryptocurrencies The rise in the prices of various cryptocurrencies1 has taken many investors by surprise. $1000 invested in bitcoin at the start of 2012 is worth around $10 million today. If you were lucky enough to get in on the first day of trading, when it was worth a fraction of a cent, your initial $1000 investment will be worth around $60 billion today. Meanwhile, many other cryptocurrencies are also sporting legendary returns, not even replicable in the most obscure corners of the options market (Chart I-1). There is some merit to cryptocurrencies, or more specifically, blockchain technology that is the bedrock of their invention. In this decentralized, peer-to-peer system, the need for an intermediary to validate transactions and arbitrate disputes is eliminated. This can greatly reduce transaction costs, especially when compared to banking/legal fees. The autonomy and anonymity that comes with their use is also a desirable feature. For example, anti-fiat enthusiasts welcome the fact that the creation, distribution, and use of cryptocurrencies is outside the purview of central banks. As this asset class continues to garner popularity and capture the imagination of investors, the implications run the gamut from potential future returns (or losses) to the impact on other asset classes. For currency investors, the key question is whether any of these seemingly attractive features have a sizeable impact on the value and use of other developed market currencies. In short, will cryptocurrencies displace fiat? To answer this question, we have to start from the very basic definition of what money is.  Is Bitcoin Money? The three basic functions of money are a store of value, unit of account and a medium of exchange. On at least two of these three basic functions, bitcoin fails. Bitcoin has been improving as a medium of exchange. The ability to swap fiat currency into bitcoins and back is fairly easy. More importantly, more and more merchants are accepting bitcoin as a form of payment. Globally, the turnover of cryptocurrencies is about $200 billion or roughly 3% of overall foreign exchange turnover. This is higher than daily trading in the Mexican peso, the New Zealand dollar, and the Swedish krona, an impressive feat (Chart I-2). This is also evidenced by the rise in the market capitalization of cryptocurrencies, to around $2 trillion today (Chart I-3). Chart I-2An Improving Medium Of Exchange Chart I-3Gold Versus Cryptocurrencies However, as Peter Berezin, our Chief Global Strategist has pointed out, this does not necessarily trump the use of fiat money.2  The Visa network, for example, handles over 5,000 times more transactions a second than the bitcoin mempool (the pool of unconfirmed transactions). Meanwhile, if one were to take a vacation in exotic places like Manila or Mumbai, what medium of exchange will one hold? Cryptocurrency, gold or the US dollar? Experience tells us you will be much better off holding greenbacks or even gold. Bitcoin is certainly not a store of value. The drawdown in cryptocurrency prices has been around 80% a year or 40%-50% over three months. This is much more volatile than currencies such as the Turkish lira or Argentinian peso, from countries fraught with political instability and economic fragility (Chart I-4). It appears that the lack of central bank oversight is a vice and not a virtue. Stability in a currency allows for confidence in savings, future purchases, and investment decisions. A monetary system based on cryptocurrencies deprives citizens of this basic tenet.   Chart I-4Bitcoin Is A Poor Store Of Value Bitcoin’s inherent volatility also makes it unsuitable as a unit of account. Prices quoted in bitcoin units will need to be revised daily. Although not a parallel comparison, this is reminiscent of hyperinflationary Zimbabwe, where retail store prices were adjusted several times a day to reflect the rapid depreciation in the currency. This is hardly a monetary regime suitable for the developed world, or any other economy for that matter. In a nutshell, cryptocurrencies do not yet satisfy the basic functions of money. Yes, they are portable, divisible, fungible and in limited supply. However, they have yet to gain wider acceptance, and are not a store of value nor a unit of account. As such, they remain speculative investments rather than money. The Demise Of Fiat Is Exaggerated Even if bitcoin is not money, the question remains whether it should be held in currency portfolios as insurance against fiat money debasement. After all, central bank quantitative easing since the global financial crisis has benefited other monetary assets such as gold and silver. Should investors also accumulate cryptocurrencies? The answer will depend on the type of investor. Dedicated currency investors need not worry about bitcoin. As a starting point, the US dollar very much remains the reserve currency today. About 60% of global reserve allocation is in USD. This position has often been challenged over the last few decades but has never been threatened (Chart I-5). This puts cryptocurrencies a long way from the starting line. Chart I-5The US Dollar Remains King It is worth noting that over time, fiat assets have done much better than anti-fiat alternatives. Using Bank of England data from the 19th century, we can see that over time, government bonds did much better than gold, or even stocks and real estate (Chart I-6). The reason is that most currencies provide a yield, while cryptocurrencies and gold do not. Chart I-6Fiat Versus Anti-Fiat Assets Chart I-7The DXY Has Faced Strong Resistance At 100 If one is worried about the path of the US dollar (like us), there are many other established fiat currencies to choose from. Since 2015, global allocation of FX Reserves to US dollars has fallen from almost 66% to around 60% today. The rotation has favored other currencies such as the Japanese yen, Chinese yuan and even gold (Chart I-7). From a longer-term perspective, this will place a durable floor under developed market currencies. Cryptocurrencies Versus Gold The degree to which cryptocurrencies can benefit from a shift away from dollars will depend on whether private investors or central banks drive the outflows. Central banks have a natural imperative to defend fiat currencies, since these are the very tools they use to implement monetary policy. As such, when diversifying out of dollars, their choice is other fiat currencies or gold, the latter having been a monetary standard for centuries. Private investors, some wanting to cut the cord to a centralized monetary system, may chose cryptocurrencies. Since the peak in the DXY index in 2020, both gold and US Treasuries are down significantly, while bitcoin has catapulted to new highs (Chart I-8). This has occurred because of a change in leadership, where the biggest sellers of US Treasuries have not been official concerns, but private investors (Chart I-9). Foreign central banks still dominate the holding of US Treasuries, to the tune of 60% versus 40% for private investors (bottom panel). But the bulk of outflows has been coming from private investors. Chart I-8Bitcoin Thrives When Mainstream Havens Are Rolling Over Chart I-9A Treasury Liquidation From ##br##Private Investors Central banks (the biggest holders of US Treasuries) tend to have stronger hands. This is because central banks are ideological while private investors can be swayed by momentum. For example, China and Russia have a geopolitical imperative to diversify out of dollars. As a result, Russia now has almost 25% of its foreign exchange reserves in gold and China almost 4%. A conservative investor looking to diversify out of fiat currency should naturally choose gold, which is backed by strong buyers. For more speculative investors, a simple rule of thumb could work: Buy cryptocurrencies when they drop 50% and sell when they overtake their previous highs. As we showed in Chart I-3, cryptocurrencies drop at least 40%-50% every year or so, providing ample opportunity to accumulate long positions. It is worth noting that my colleagues have a different approach. Dhaval Joshi, who heads our Counterpoint product, suggests holding cryptocurrencies in inverse proportion to their relative volatility to gold. In other words, given that bitcoin is three times more volatile than gold, your anti-fiat portfolio should have a 25% allocation to cryptocurrencies.3 Peter Berezin, our Chief Global Strategist, will not touch bitcoin. We tend to agree that cryptocurrencies could be a playable mania but would not recommend this asset class for the longer term. Central Bank Digital Currencies   One argument for why cryptocurrencies may not survive over the longer term is that there is a natural limit to how much widespread acceptance they will achieve before central banks start clamping down on them. The first reason will be due to the loss in seigniorage revenue for central banks. Between 2009 and 2019, the US and China generated about $140bn a year in seigniorage revenue (Chart I-10). These are non-negligible sums, which the rapid proliferation of cryptocurrencies threaten. Moreover, as the turnover in cryptocurrencies overtakes global trading in various domestic currencies, many countries are moving to ban bitcoin transactions (Table I-1). Chart I-10Seigniorage Revenue Is Significant Table 1A Rising List Of Cryptocurrency Bans Second, the use of cryptocurrencies can encourage the proliferation of illegal activities. This is a well-known flaw, and something governments will push back against. Meanwhile, many central banks are moving to establish their own digital currencies. Some of these could be based off the same blockchain technology that underpins bitcoin. This will provide many of the advantages of using a cryptocurrency without some of the known pitfalls. Map I-1 highlights that most G10 central banks have a digital currency plan. Map I-1Many Central Banks Are Planning A Digital Currency Some advocates for bitcoin point to its limited supply (21 million coins) as evidence for monetary prudence. Even the gold standard had more flexibility, since gold mining expanded about 2% a year. Yet that still proved to be extremely deflationary. A monetary standard that includes both paper currency and CBDCs provides the flexibility that central bankers need to smooth out economic cycles. A bitcoin-based standard will take us back to the middle ages. Once CDBCs become mainstream, the need for alternative cryptocurrencies will not disappear but fall greatly. This will also happen as the number of cryptocurrencies being created will likely balloon, given the very impressive price rallies in recent years. The IPO of Coinbase, an exchange for trading cryptocurrencies, may have heralded the peak in sentiment. Investment Conclusions The dollar faces many headwinds over the next 12 months. A rebound in global growth that begins to favor non-US economies will benefit pro-cyclical currencies. The Federal Reserve’s liquidity injections have assuaged the dollar shortage that held markets hostage last year. Interest rates are now moving against the dollar. Meanwhile, the greenback is expensive (Chart I-11), with a negative balance of payments backdrop. Chart I-11The US Dollar Is Expensive Chart I-12Hold Precious Metals Our favorite vehicles to play against coming weakness in the dollar have been the Scandinavian currencies, precious metals and commodity currencies. Within the precious metals sphere, we like both gold and silver but are short the gold/silver ratio as a hedged trade with little downside and much upside (Chart I-12). In particular, precious metals benefit from reserve diversification out of US dollars. In this light, cryptocurrencies could have intermittent rallies. However, given the regulatory and structural issues they face, we will not be holders for the long term.   Chester Ntonifor Foreign Exchange Strategist chestern@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 We use bitcoin and cryptocurrencies interchangeably in this text. We do acknowledge that there are various other cryptocurrencies and these are shown in Chart 1. 2 Please see Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "Bitcoin: A Solution In Search Of A Problem," dated February 26, 2021. 3 Please see Counterpoint Strategy Special Report, "Why Cryptocurrencies Are Here To Stay And Bitcoin Is Worth $120,000," dated April 8, 2021. Currencies U.S. Dollar Chart II-1USD Technicals 1 Chart II-2USD Technicals 2 March housing starts came in at 1.7 million, versus expectations of 1.6 million. This was a 19.4% month-on-month rise. Building permits were equally strong at 1.8 million for the month of March. The University of Michigan sentiment indicator rose to 86.5 in April from 84.9. The jump in the current conditions component from 93 to 97.2 was noteworthy. Initial jobless claims continue to decline, coming in at 547K for the week of April 17. Existing home sales remained strong at 6 million, even though they fell 3.7% month-on-month. The DXY Index fell by 0.3% this week. Speculators pared back a bit of their bullish positioning on the dollar. The overhang of a risk-off event continues to anchor dollar bulls, but interest rate differentials are now moving against the greenback. Report Links: Arbitrating Between Dollar Bulls And Bears - March 19, 2021 The Dollar Bull Case Will Soon Fade - March 5, 2021 Are Rising Bond Yields Bullish For The Dollar? - February 19, 2021 The Euro Chart II-3EUR Technicals 1 Chart II-4EUR Technicals 2 Recent euro area data have been mixed. The trade balance came in at €18.4 billion in February, versus €24.2 billion the previous month. This supported a current account balance of €25.9 billion. Construction output fell 5.8% year-on-year in February. Consumer confidence came in at -8.1 in April, versus -10.8 in March. The euro rose by 0.3% this week. The ECB kept monetary policy on hold this week, leaving the deposit facility rate at -0.5% and the marginal lending facility at 0.25%. This garnered little market reaction. With a few euro area countries under lockdown, this was the correct stance. Covid-19 will continue to dictate the near-term path of policy and the euro, but we remain bullish longer term. Report Links: Relative Growth, The Euro, And The Loonie - April 16, 2021 Portfolio And Model Review - February 5, 2021 On Japanese Inflation And The Yen - January 29, 2021 Japanese Yen Chart II-5JPY Technicals 1 Chart II-6JPY Technicals 2 Recent data from Japan have been robust. Exports surged 16.1% year-on-year in March. Imports were also robust at +5.7% year-on-year. This boosted the trade balance to ¥298 billion. Tokyo condominiums for sale are rising 45% year-on-year. Supermarket sales rose 1.3% year-on-year in March. This is a tentative but positive sign of a consumption recovery. The Japanese yen rose 0.6% this week. The yen has been the best performing currency this week, a sign that sentiment was overly bearish and the currency was much oversold. Our intermediate-term indicator remains at bombed-out levels and speculators are still short the yen. This provides further upside for this defensive currency. As a portfolio hedge, we are short EUR/JPY. Report Links: The Dollar Bull Case Will Soon Fade - March 5, 2021 On Japanese Inflation And The Yen - January 29, 2021 The Dollar Conundrum And Protection - November 6, 2020 British Pound Chart II-7GBP Technicals 1 Chart II-8GBP Technicals 2 There was an avalanche of positive data from the UK this week. Rightmove house prices came in at 5.1% year on year in April. The labor report was mixed. While the UK lost 73 thousand jobs in February, this was below expectations of a 145 thousand loss. Core CPI came in at 1.1% in March. The RPI index came in at 1.5% year-on-year, in line with expectations. The CBI business optimism survey came in at 38 in April, versus -22 the previous month. Cable rose by 0.4% this week. The UK economy continues to benefit from its strong vaccination campaign. With the prospect of the rest of the world catching up, this trade is now long in the tooth. In short, we are neutral the pound in the short term, but remain bullish longer-term. Report Links: Portfolio And Model Review - February 5, 2021 The Dollar Conundrum And Protection - November 6, 2020 Revisiting Our High-Conviction Trades - September 11, 2020 Australian Dollar Chart II-9AUD Technicals 1 Chart II-10AUD Technicals 2 There was scant data out of Australia this week. The NAB business confidence index came in at 17 in Q1 versus 14 the prior quarter. The Australian dollar fell by 0.6% against the US dollar this week. The Aussie came out of the Covid-19 crisis as one of the best performing currencies, so some measure of consolidation is to be expected. Our intermediate-term indicator continues to blast downward, while sentiment towards the Aussie remains quite elevated. However, we believe that this will be a healthy consolidation in what could prove to be a multi-year bull market in the Australian dollar. Report Links: The Dollar Bull Case Will Soon Fade - March 5, 2021 Portfolio And Model Review - February 5, 2021 Australia: Regime Change For Bond Yields & The Currency? - January 20, 2021 New Zealand Dollar Chart II-11NZD Technicals 1 Chart II-12NZD Technicals 2 There was scant data out of New Zealand this week. CPI came in at 1.5% in Q1, in line with expectations. The Kiwi fell by 0.2% against the US dollar this week. Like Australia, New Zealand has managed the Covid-19 crisis quite well and the new travel bubble between the two countries will help lift economic activity. From a technical perspective however, room for further consolidation in the Kiwi remains. Our intermediate-term indicator continues to drift lower, while speculators are slightly long the cross. In our models, the Kiwi also appears overvalued. We were long AUD/NZD but were stopped out this week for modest profits. We will look to reestablish the trade. Report Links: Portfolio And Model Review - February 5, 2021 Currencies And The Value-Versus-Growth Debate - July 10, 2020 Updating Our Balance Of Payments Monitor - November 29, 2019 Canadian Dollar Chart II-13CAD Technicals 1 Chart II-14CAD Technicals 2 The recent data out of Canada has been quite strong. Foreigners continue to flock into Canadian capital markets, to the tune of C$8.5bn in February. Housing starts came in at 335 thousand in March, the highest since the 70s. The Teranet house price index rose 10.8% year-on-year in March. The CPI release for March was better than expected. Headline was at 2.2%, the core median was at 2.1% and the trimmed mean came in at 2.2%. The Canadian dollar rose by 0.3% this week. The Bank of Canada kept rates on hold, but trimmed asset purchases. This follows a very generous budget from the Liberal party earlier this week. The loonie loved the news and Canadian government bonds sold off. We remain bullish CAD/USD on valuation grounds, spillovers from US fiscal stimulus and a constructive oil backdrop.  Report Links: Relative Growth, The Euro, And The Loonie - April 16, 2021 Will The Canadian Recovery Lead Or Lag The Global Cycle? - February 12, 2021 Currencies And The Value-Versus-Growth Debate - July 10, 2020 Swiss Franc Chart II-15CHF Technicals 1 Chart II-16CHF Technicals 2 The recent data out of Switzerland has been quite strong. Producer and import prices fell by 0.2% year-on-year in March. This is a tremendous improvement from the previous 1.1% drop. M3 money supply continues to expand at a robust 5.6% clip. Exports rose 4.5% month-on-month in March. Watch exports surged 37% year-on-year. The Swiss franc rose 0.5% this week. The Swiss franc is the second best performing currency this week after the yen. With US interest rates stabilizing, the rationale for CHF carry trades is slowly fading. Our intermediate-term indicator shows the franc at bombed-out levels, and speculators are still short. This provides some margin for further upside. We are long EUR/CHF, but with very tight stops. Report Links: Portfolio And Model Review - February 5, 2021 The Dollar Conundrum And Protection - November 6, 2020 On The DXY Breakout, Euro, And Swiss Franc - February 21, 2020 Norwegian Krone Chart II-17NOK Technicals 1 Chart II-18NOK Technicals 2 There was scant data out of Norway this week. Industrial confidence came in at 8.2 in Q1, versus a prior reading of 3.1. The Norwegian krone was flat against the US dollar this week. Norway is setting the tone in terms of what monetary policy and sovereign wealth management could look like for many countries in the coming years. First, the Norges Bank announced they would be testing digital currency solutions over the coming two years. This is the way forward for central banks. Second, the sovereign wealth fund, the biggest in the world, is using its influence to effect policy changes towards the environment. Should the returns from its investments pay off in the years ahead, this could generate powerful repatriation flows for Norway. We are strategically bullish the NOK. Report Links: Portfolio And Model Review - February 5, 2021 Revisiting Our High-Conviction Trades - September 11, 2020 A New Paradigm For Petrocurrencies - April 10, 2020 Swedish Krona Chart II-19SEK Technicals 1 Chart II-20SEK Technicals 2 There was no data out of Sweden this week. The Swedish krona rose by 0.2% this week. Swedish 2-year real rates recently punched above US levels, suggesting downward pressure on the krona should soon be abating. Our intermediate-term indicator suggests weakness in the krona is mostly done, while the currency appears cheap in most of our models. The handicap for Sweden is successfully dealing with the pandemic, after having a model that stood apart from what other countries were following. Over the longer-term, we are bullish SEK, just like the NOK, against both the euro and the dollar. Report Links: Revisiting Our High-Conviction Trades - September 11, 2020 Updating Our Balance Of Payments Monitor - November 29, 2019 Where To Next For The US Dollar? - June 7, 2019 Trades & Forecasts Forecast Summary Core Portfolio Tactical Trades Limit Orders Closed Trades

Special Report

Highlights The Greens are likely to win control of Germany’s government in the September 26 federal elections. At least they will be very influential in the new coalition. Germany has achieved may of its long-term geopolitical goals within the EU. There is consensus on dovish monetary and fiscal policy and hawkish environmental policy. The biggest changes will come from the outside. The US and Germany have a more difficult relationship. While they both oppose Russian and Chinese aggression, Germany will resist American aggression. The Christian Democrats have a 65% chance of remaining in government which would limit the Greens’ controversial and ambitious tax agenda. The 35% chance of a left-wing coalition will frontload fiscal stimulus for the sake of recovery. The economy is looking up and a Green-led fiscal easing would supercharge the recovery. However, coalition politics will likely fail to address Germany’s poor demography, deteriorating productivity, and large excess savings. On a cyclical basis, overweight peripheral European bonds relative to bunds; EUR/USD; and Italian and Spanish stocks relative to German stocks. Feature Chart 1Germans Turn To A Young Woman And A Green Germany is set to become the first major country to be led by a green party. At very least the German election on September 26 will see an upset in which the ruling party under-performs and the Greens over-perform (Chart 1). At 30%, online betting markets are underrating the odds that Annalena Baerbock will become the first Green chancellor in 2022 – and the first elected chancellor to hail from a third party (Chart 2). The “German question” – the problem of how to unify Germany yet keep peace with the neighbors – lay at the heart of Europe for the past two centuries but today it appears substantially resolved: a peaceful and unified Germany stands at the center of a peaceful and mostly unified Europe. There are a range of risks on the horizon but this positive backdrop should be acknowledged. Chart 2Market Waking Up To Baerbock’s Bid For Chancellorship All of the likeliest scenarios for the German election will reinforce the current situation by perpetuating policies that aim for Euro Area solidarity. Even the green shift is already well underway, though a Green-led government would supercharge it. Nevertheless this year’s election is important because it heralds a leftward shift in Germany and will shape fiscal, energy, industrial, and trade policy for at least the coming four years. A left-wing sweep would generate equity market excitement in the short run – a positive fiscal surprise to supercharge the post-pandemic rebound – but over the long run it would bring greater policy uncertainty because it would cause a break with the past and possibly a structural economic shift (Chart 3). The Greens are in favor of substantial increases in taxation and regulation as well as big changes in industrial and energy policy. In the absence of a left-wing sweep, coalition politics will be a muddle and Germany’s existing policies will continue. Chart 3German Policy Uncertainty On The Rise Regardless of what happens within Germany, the geopolitical environment is increasingly dangerous. Germany will try to avoid getting drawn into the US’s great power struggles with Russia and China but it may not have a choice. Germany’s Geopolitics The difficulty of German unification stands at the center of modern European history. Because of the large and productive German-speaking population, unification in 1871 posed a security threat to the neighbors, culminating in the world wars. The peaceful German reunification after the Cold War created the potential for the EU to succeed and establish peace and prosperity on the continent. This arrangement has survived recent challenges. Germany’s relationship with the EU came under threat from the financial crisis, the Arab Spring and immigration influx, Brexit, and President Trump’s trade tariffs. But in the end these events cemented the reality that German and Europe are strengthening their bonds in the face of foreign pressures. Germany achieved what it had long sought – preeminence on the continent – by eschewing a military role, sticking to France economically, and avoiding conflict with Russia. Since Germany has achieved many of its long-sought strategic objectives it has not fallen victim to a nationalist backlash over the past ten years like the US and United Kingdom. However, Germany is not immune to populism or anti-establishment sentiment. The two main political blocs, the Christian Democrats and the Democratic Socialists, have suffered a loss of popular support in recent elections, forcing them into a grand coalition together. Anti-establishment feeling in Germany has moved the electorate to the left, in favor of the Greens. The Greens have risen inexorably over the past decade and have now seized the momentum only five months before an election (Chart 4). Yet the Greens in Germany are basically an establishment political party. They participate in 11 out of 16 state governments and currently hold the top position in Baden-Württemberg, Germany’s third most populous and productive state. From 1998-2005 they participated in government, getting their hands dirty with neoliberal structural reforms and overseas military deployments. Moreover the Greens cannot rule alone but will have to rule within a coalition, which will mediate their more controversial policies. Chart 4Greens Surge, Christian Democrats Falter Today Germany is in lock step with France and the EU by meeting three key conditions: full monetary accommodation (the German constitutional court’s challenges to the European Central Bank are ineffectual), full fiscal accommodation (Chancellor Angela Merkel agreed to joint debt issuance and loose deficit controls amid the COVID-19 crisis as well as robust green energy policies), and full security accommodation (German rearmament exists within the context of NATO and European security aspirations are undertaken in lock-step with the French). These conditions will not change in the 2021 election even assuming that the Greens take power at the head of a left-wing coalition. Bottom Line: Germany has virtually achieved its grand strategic aims of unifying and ruling Europe. No German government will challenge this situation and every German government will strive to solidify it. The greatest risks to this setup stem from abroad rather than at home. The Return Of The German Question? Germany’s geopolitical position can be summarized by Chart 5, which shows popular views toward different countries and institutions. The Germans look positively upon the EU and global institutions like the United Nations and less so NATO. They look unfavorably upon everything else. They take an unfavorable view toward Russia, but not dramatically so, which shows their lack of interest in conflict with Russia – they do not want to be the battleground or the ramparts of another major European war. They dislike the United States and China even more, and equally. Even if attitudes toward the US have improved since the 2020 election the net unfavorability is telling. Chart 5Germany More Favorable Toward Russia Than US? Since the global financial crisis, and especially Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2014, Germany has built up its military. This buildup is taking place under the prodding of the United States and in step with NATO allies, who are reacting to Russia’s military action to restore its sphere of influence in the former Soviet space (Chart 6). Germany’s military spending still falls short of NATO’s 2% of GDP target, however. It will not be seen as a threat to its neighbors as long as it remains integrated with France and Europe and geared toward deterring Russia. Chart 6Germany And NATO Increase Military Spending Chart 7Watch Russo-German Relations For Cracks In Europe’s Edifice Russia’s aggressiveness should continue to drive the Germans and Europeans into each other’s arms. This could change if Putin pursues diplomacy over military coercion, for then he could split Germany from eastern Europe. The possibility is clear from Russia’s and Germany’s current insistence on completing the Nord Stream 2 pipeline despite American and eastern European objections. The pipeline is set to be completed by September, right in time for the elections – in no small part because the Greens oppose it. If the US insists on halting the pipeline then a crisis will erupt with Russia that will humiliate Merkel and the Christian Democrats. But the US may refrain from doing so in the face of Russian military threats (odds are 50/50). The Russian positioning over 100,000 troops on the border with Ukraine this year – and now reportedly ordering them to return to base by May 1 – amounts to a test of Russo-German relations. Putin can easily expand the Russian footprint in Ukraine and tensions will remain elevated at least through the Russian legislative elections in September. Germans would respond to another invasion with sanctions, albeit likely watering down tougher sanctions proposed by the Americans. What would truly change the game would be a Russian conquest of all of Ukraine. This is unlikely – precisely because it would unite Germany, the Europeans, and the Americans solidly against Russia, to its economic loss as well as strategic disadvantage (Chart 7). China’s rise should also keep Germany bound up with Europe. The Germans fear China’s technological and manufacturing advancement, including Chinese involvement in digital infrastructure and networks. The Greens are critical of the way that carbon-heavy Chinese goods undercut the prices of carbon-lite German goods. Baerbock favors carbon adjustment fees, a pretty word for tariffs. However, the Germans want to maintain business with China and are not very afraid of China’s military. Hence there is a risk of a US-German split over the question of China. If Germany should consistently side with Russia and China over US objections then it risks attracting hostile attention from the US as well as from fellow Europeans, who will eventually fear that German power is becoming exorbitant by forming relations with giants outside the EU. But this is not the leading risk today. The US is courting Germany and seeking to renew the trans-Atlantic alliance. Meanwhile Germany needs US support against Russia’s military and China’s trade practices. US-German relations will improve unless the US forces Germany into an outright conflict with the autocratic powers. Bottom Line: The US and Germany have a more difficult relationship now than in the past but they share an interest in deterring Russian aggression and Chinese technological and trade ambitions. Biden’s attempt to confront these powers multilaterally is limited by Germany’s risk-aversion. Scenarios For The 2021 Election There are several realistic scenarios for the German election outcome. Our expectation that the Greens will form a government stems from a series of fundamental factors. Opinion polling has now clearly shifted in favor of our view, with the Greens gaining the momentum with only five months to go. Grouping the political parties into ideological blocs shows that the race is a dead heat. Our bet is that momentum will break in favor of the opposition Greens, which we explain below. Meanwhile the Free Democrats should perform well, stealing votes from the Christian Democrats. The right-wing Alternative für Deutschland (AfD), while not performing well, is persistent enough to poach some votes from the Christian Democrats. These are “lost” votes to the conservatives as none of the parties will join it in a coalition (Chart 8). Chart 8Germany's Median Voters Shifts To the Left The Christian Democrats bear all the signs of a stale and vulnerable government. They have been in power for 16 years and their performance in state and federal elections has eroded recently, including this year (Table 1). The public is susceptible to the powerful idea that it is time for a change. Chancellor Merkel’s approval rating is still around 60%, but in freefall, and her successful legacy is not enough to save her party, which is showing all the signs of panic: succession issues, indecision, infighting, corruption scandals. The Greens will be “tax-and-spend” lefties but the coalition matters in terms of what can actually be legislated (Table 2).1 Table 1AChristian Democrats Fall, Greens Rise, In Recent State Elections Table 1BChristian Democrats Fall, Greens Rise, In Recent State Elections Table 2Policy Platforms Of The Green Party The fact that Christian Democrats and their Bavarian sister party, the Christian Social Union, saw such a tough race for chancellor candidate is an ill omen. Moreover the party’s elites went for the safe choice of Merkel’s handpicked successor, Armin Laschet, over the more popular Markus Soeder (Chart 9), in a division that will likely haunt the party later this year. Chart 9Christian Democrats And Christian Social Union Divided Ahead Of Election Laschet has received a bounce in polls with the nomination but it will be temporary. He has not cut a major figure in any polling prior to now. Chart 10Dissatisfaction Points To Government Change He has quarreled openly with Merkel and the coalition over pandemic management. He was not her first choice of successor anyway – that was Annagret Kramp-Karrenbauer, who fell from grace due to controversy over the faintest hint of cooperation with the AfD. There is a manifest problem filling Merkel’s shoes. Even more important than coalition infighting is the fact that Germany, like the rest of the world, has suffered a historic shock to its economy and society. The pandemic and recession were then aggravated by a botched vaccine rollout. General dissatisfaction is high, another negative sign for the incumbent party (Chart 10). Of course, the election is still five months away. The vaccine will make its way around, the economy will reopen, and consumers will look up – see below for the very positive macro upturn that Germany should expect between now and the election. Voters have largely favored strict pandemic measures and Merkel will have long coattails. This Christian Democrats and Christian Social Union have ruled modern Germany for all but 15 years and have not fallen beneath 33% of the popular vote since reunification. The Greens have frequently aroused more energy in opinion polling than at the voting booth. With these points in mind, we offer the following election scenarios with our subjective probabilities: Green-Red-Red Coalition – Greens rule without Christian Democrats – 35% odds. Green-Black Coalition – Greens rule with Christian Democrats – 30% odds. Black-Green Coalition – Christian Democrats rule with Greens – 25% odds. Grand Coalition (Status Quo) – Christian Democrats rule without Greens – 10% odds. Our subjective probabilities are based on the opinion polls and online betting cited above but adjusted for the Greens’ momentum, the Christian Democrats’ internal divisions, the “time for change” factor, and the presence of a historic exogenous economic and social shock. Geopolitical surprises could occur before the election but they would most likely reinforce the Greens, since they have taken a hawkish line against Russia and China. Bottom Line: The Greens are likely to lead the next German government but at very least they will have a powerful influence. Policy Impacts Of Election Scenarios The makeup of the ruling coalition will determine the parameters of new policy. Fiscal policy will change based on the election outcome – both spending and taxes. The Greens will be “tax-and-spend” lefties but the coalition matters in terms of what can actually be legislated.2 The Greens’ idea is to “steer” the rebuilding process through environmental policy. But if the left lacks a strong majority then the Greens’ more controversial and punitive measures will not get through. Transformative policies will weigh heavily on the lower classes (Chart 11). Chart 11Ambitious Climate Policy Will Face Resistance The policy dispositions of the various chancellor candidates help to illustrate Germany’s high degree of policy consensus. Table 3 looks at the candidates based on whether they are “hawkish” (active or offensive) or “dovish” (passive or defensive) on a given policy area. What stands out is the agreement among the different candidates despite party differences. Nobody is a fiscal or monetary hawk. Only Baerbock can be classified as a hawk on trade.3 Nobody is a hawk on immigration. Nearly everyone is a hawk on fighting climate change. And attitudes are turning more skeptical of Russia and China, though not outright hawkish. Table 3Policy Consensus Among German Chancellor Candidates Germany will not abandon its green initiatives even if the Greens underperform. The current grand coalition pursued a climate package due to popular pressure even with the Greens in opposition. Germans are considerably more pro-environment even than other Europeans (Chart 12). The green shift is also happening across the world. The US is now joining the green race while China is doubling down for its own reasons. See the Appendix for current green targets and measures, which have been updated in the wake of a slew of announcements before Biden’s Earth Day climate summit on April 22-23. Chart 12Germans Care Even More About Environment Than Other Europeans Any coalition will raise spending more than taxes since it will be focused on post-COVID economic recovery. There has been a long prelude to Germany’s proactive fiscal shift – it has staying power and is not to be dismissed. A Christian Democratic coalition would try to restore fiscal discipline sooner than otherwise but there is only a 5% chance that it will have the power to do so according to the scenarios given above. The rest of Europe will be motivated to spend aggressively while EU fiscal caps are on hold in 2022, especially if the German government is taking a more dovish turn. Even more than the US and UK, Germany is turning away from the neoliberal Washington Consensus. But Germans are not experiencing any kind of US-style surge of polarization and populism. At least not yet. It may be a risk over the long run, depending on the fate of the Christian Democrats, the AfD, and various internal and external developments. Bottom Line: Germany has a national consensus that consists of dovish monetary, fiscal, trade, and immigration policies and hawkish (pro-green) environmental policy. Germany is turning less dovish on geopolitical conflicts with Russia and China. Given that a coalition government is likely, this consensus is likely to determine actual policy in the wake of this year’s election. A few things are clear regardless of the ruling coalition. First, Germany is seeking domestic demand as a new source of growth, to rebalance its economy and deepen EU integration. Second, Germany is accelerating its green energy drive. Third, Germany cannot accept being in the middle of a new cold war with Russia. Fourth, Germany has an ambivalent policy on China. Germany’s Macro Outlook Even before considering the broader fiscal picture, the outlook for German economic activity over the course of the coming 12 to 24 months was already positive. Our base case scenario for the September election, which foresees a coalition government led by the Green Party, only confirms this optimistic view. However, Germany is still facing significant long-term challenges, and, so far, there has not been a political consensus to address these structural headwinds adequately. The Greens offer some solutions but not all of their proposals are constructive and much will depend on their parliamentary strength. Peering Into The Near-Term… Germany’s economy is set to benefit from the continued recovery of the global business cycle, which is a view at the core of BCA Research’s current outlook.4 Germany remains a trading and manufacturing powerhouse, and thus, it will reap a significant dividend from the continued global manufacturing upswing. Manufacturing and trade amount to 20% and 88% of Germany’s GDP, the highest percentage of any major economy. Alternatively, according to the OECD, foreign demand for German goods accounts for nearly 30% of domestic value added, a share even greater than that for a smaller economy like Korea (Chart 13). Moreover, road vehicles, machinery and other transport equipment, as well as chemicals and related products, account for 53% of Germany’s exports. These products are all particularly sensitive to the global business cycle. They will therefore enhance the performance of the German economy over the next two years. Trade with the rest of Europe constitutes another boost to Germany’s economy going forward. Shipments to the euro area and the rest of the EU account for 34% and 23% of Germany’s exports, or 57% overall. Right now, the lagging economy of Europe is a handicap for Germany; however, Europe has more pent-up demand than the US, and the consumption of durable goods will surge once the vaccination campaign progresses further (Chart 14). This will create a significant boon for Germany, since we expect European consumption to pick up meaningfully over the coming 12 to 18 months.5 Chart 13Germany Depends On Global Trade Chart 14Europe Has More Pent-Up Demand Than The US Chart 15Vaccination Progress Domestic forces also point toward a strong Germany economy, not just foreign factors. The pace of vaccination is rapidly accelerating in Germany (Chart 15). The recent announcement of 50 million additional doses purchases for the quarter and up to 1.8 billion more doses over the next two years by the EU points to further improvements. A more broad-based vaccination effort will catalyze underlying tailwinds to consumption. German household income will also progress significantly. The Kurzarbeit program was instrumental in containing the unemployment rate during the crisis, which only peaked at 6.4% from 5% in early 2020. However, the program could not prevent a sharp decline in total hours worked of 7%, since by definition, it forced six million employees to work reduced hours (Chart 16). One of the great benefits of the program is that it prevents a rupture of the link between workers and employers. Thus, the economy suffers less frictional unemployment as activity recovers and household income does not suffer long lasting damage. Meanwhile, the German government is likely to extend the support for households and businesses as a result of the delayed use of the debt-brake. The Greens propose revising the debt brake rather than restoring it in 2022 like the conservatives pledge to do. Chart 16Kurtzarbeit Saved The Day The balance-sheet strength of German households means that they will have the wherewithal to spend these growing incomes. Residential real estate prices are rising at an 8% annual pace, which is pushing the asset-to-disposable income ratio to record highs. Meanwhile, the debt-to-assets ratio, and the level of interest rates are also very low, which means that the burden of serving existing liabilities is minimal (Chart 17). In this context, durable goods spending will accelerate, which will lift overall cyclical spending, even if German households do not spend much of the EUR120 billion in excess savings built up over the past year. As Chart 18 shows, while US durable goods spending has already overtaken its pre-COVID highs, Germany’s continues to linger near its long-term trend. Thus, as the economy re-opens this summer, and income and employment increase, the concurrent surge in consumer confidence will allow for a recovery in cyclical spending. Chart 17Strong Household Balance Sheets Chart 18Germany Too Has More Pent-up Demand Than The US Chart 19Positive Message From Many Indicators Various economic indicators are already pointing toward the coming German economic boom.Manufacturing orders are strong, and economic sentiment confidence is rising across most sectors. Meanwhile, consumer optimism is forming a trough, and new car registrations are climbing rapidly. Most positively, the stocks of finished goods have collapsed, which suggests that production will be ramped up to fulfill future demand (Chart 19). Bottom Line: The German economy is set to accelerate in the second half of the year and into 2022. As usual, Germany will enjoy a healthy dividend from robust global growth, but the expanding vaccination program, as well durable employee-employer relations, strong household balance sheets, and significant pent-up demand for durable goods will also fuel the domestic economy. Our base case scenario that fiscal policy will remain accommodative in the wake of a political shift to the left in Berlin in September will only supercharge this inevitable recovery. … And The Long-Term In contrast to the bright near-term perspective, the long-term outlook for the German economy remains poor. The policies of any new ruling coalition are unlikely to address the problems of Germany’s poor demography, deteriorating productivity, and large excess savings. There is potential for a productivity boost in the context of a global green energy and high-tech race but for now that remains a matter of speculation. The most obvious issue facing Germany is its ageing population, counterbalanced by its fertility rate of only 1.6. Over the course of the next three decades, Germany’s dependency ratio will surge to 80%, driven by an increase in the elderly dependency ratio of 20% (Chart 20). The working age population is set to decline by 18% by 2050, which will curtail potential GDP growth. The outlook for German productivity growth is also poor. Germany’s productivity growth has been in a long-term decline, falling from 5% in 1975 to less than 1% in 2019. Contrary to commonly-held ideas, from 1999 to 2007, German labor productivity growth has only matched that of France or Spain; since 2008, it has lagged behind these two nations, although it has bested Italy. One crucial reason for Germany’s uninspiring productivity performance is a lack of investment. Some of this reflects the country’s austere fiscal policy. For example, in 2019, Germany’s public investment stood at 2.4% of GDP, which compares poorly to the OECD’s average of 3.8%, or even to that of the US, where public investment stood at 3.6% of GDP. This poor statistic does not even account for the depreciation of the German public capital stock. Since the introduction of the euro, net public investment has averaged 0.03% of GDP. The biggest problem remains at the municipal level. From 2012 to 2019, federal and state level net investment averaged 0.2% of GDP, while municipal net investment subtracted 0.2% of GDP on average. Hopefully, the new government will be able to address this deficiency of the German economy. The Greens are most proactive but they will face obstacles. The bigger problem for German productivity is corporate capex. Corporate investments have been low in this country. Since the introduction of the euro, the contribution of capital intensity to productivity in Germany has equaled that of Italy and has underperformed France and Spain. As a result, the age of the German capital stock is at a record high and stands well above the US or Eurozone average (Chart 21). Chart 20Germany Has Poor Demographics Chart 21Germany's Capital Stock Is Ageing The make-up of Germany’s capex aggravates the productivity-handicap. According to a Bundesbank study, the contribution to labor productivity from information and communication technology (ICT) capital spending has averaged 0.05 percentage points annually from 2008 to 2012. On this metric, Germany lagged behind France and the US, but still bested Italy. From 2013 to 2017, the contribution of ICT investment to productivity fell to 0.02 percentage points, still below France and the US, but in line with Italy. Looking at the absolute level of ICT or knowledge-based capital (KBC) investment further highlights Germany’s challenge. In 2016, total investment in ICT equipment, software and database, R&D and intellectual property products, and other KBC assets (which include organizational capital and training) represented less than 8% of GDP. In France, the US, or Sweden, these outlays accounted for 11%, 12%, and 13% of GDP, respectively (Chart 22, top panel). This lack of investment directly hurts Germany’s capacity to innovate. The bottom panel of Chart 22 shows that, for the eight most important categories of ICT patents (accounting for 80% of total ICT patents), Germany remarkably lags behind the US, Japan, Korea, or China. Chart 22Germany Lags In ICT investment A major source of Germany’s handicap in ICT and KBC investment comes from small businesses, which have been particularly reluctant to deploy capital. A study by the OECD shows that, between 2010 and 2019, the gap of ICT tools and activities adoption between Germany’s small and large companies deteriorated relative to the OECD average (Chart 23). The lack of venture capital investing probably exacerbates these problems. In 2019, venture capital investing accounted for 0.06% of Germany’s GDP. This is below the level of venture investing in France or the UK (0.08% and 0.1% of GDP, respectively), let alone South Korea, Canada, Israel, or the US (0.16%, 0.2%, 0.4% and 0.65%, respectively). The Greens claim they will create new venture capital funds but their capability in this domain is questionable. Chart 23The Lagging ICT Capabilities Of Small German Businesses Since Germany’s productivity growth is likely to remain sub-par compared to rest of the OECD and to lag behind even that of France or the UK, the only way for Germany to protect its competitiveness will be to control costs. This means that Germany cannot allow its recent loss of competitiveness to continue much further (Chart 24). Thus, low productivity growth will limit Germany’s real wages. Chart 24Germany's Competitiveness Is Declining This wage constraint will negatively impact consumption. Beyond a pop over the coming 12 to 24 months, German consumption is likely to remain depressed, as it was in the first decade and a half of the century, following the Hartz IV labor market reforms that also hurt real wages. The Greens for their part aim to boost welfare payments, raise the minimum wage, and reduce enforcement of Hartz IV. Bottom Line: German excess savings will remain wide on a structural basis. Without a meaningful pick-up in capex, German nonfinancial businesses will remain net lenders. Meanwhile, households that were worried about their financial future in a world of low real-wage growth will also continue to save a significant share of their income. Consequently, the excess savings Germany developed since the turn of the millennia are here to stay (Chart 25). In other words, Germany will continue to sport a large current account surplus and exert a deflationary influence on Europe and the rest of the world. The policy prescribed by the various parties contesting the September election will not necessarily result in new laws that will reverse the issues of low capex and low ICT investment. The Greens will worsen the over-regulation of the economy. Barring a policy revolution that succeeds in all its aims (a tall order), we can expect more of the same for Germany – that is, a slowly declining economy. Chart 25Too Much Savings, Not Enough Investments Chart 26Germany Scores Well On Renewable Power That being said, some bright spots exist. Germany is becoming a leader in renewable energy, and it can capitalize on the broadening of this trend to enlarge its export market (Chart 26). Investment Implications Bond Markets The economic outlook for Germany and the euro area at large is consistent with the underweighting of German bunds within European fixed-income portfolios. Bunds rank among the most expensive bond markets in the world, which will make them extremely vulnerable to positive economic surprise in Europe later this year, especially if Germany’s fiscal policy loosens up further in the wake of the September election (Chart 27). Moreover, easier German fiscal policy should help European peripheral bonds, especially the inexpensive Italian BTPs that the ECB currently buys aggressively. Thus, we continue to overweight BTPs, and add Greek and Portuguese bonds to the list. Chart 27German Bunds Are Expensive Chart 28German Yields Already Embed Plenty Pessimism About Europe Relative to US Treasurys, the outlook for Bunds is more complex. On the one hand, the ECB will not tighten policy as much as the Fed later this cycle; moreover, European inflation is likely to remain below US levels this year, as well as through the business cycle. On the other hand, Bunds already embed a significantly lower real terminal rate proxy and term premium than Treasury Notes (Chart 28). Netting it all out, BCA Research Global Fixed Income Strategy service believes Bunds should outperform Treasurys this year, because they have a lower beta, which is a valuable feature in a rising yield environment.6 We will closely monitor risks around this view, because it is likely that the European economic recovery will be the catalyst for the next up leg in global yields, in which case German bunds could temporarily underperform. On a structural basis, as long as Germany’s productivity issues are not addressed by Berlin, German Bunds are likely to remain an anchor for global yields. Germany will remain awash in excess savings, which will act as a deflationary anchor, while also limiting the long-term upside for European real rates. Excess savings results in a large current account surplus; thus, Germany will continue to export its savings abroad and act as a containing factor for global yields. The Euro The medium-term outlook points to significant euro upside. Our expectation of a European and German positive growth surprise over the coming 12 months is consistent with an outperformance of the euro. The fact that investors have been moving funds out of the Eurozone and into the US at an almost constant rate for the past 10 years only lends credence to this argument (Chart 29). Our view on Germany’s fiscal policy contributes to the euro’s luster. Greater German budget deficits help European economic activity and curtail risk premia across the Eurozone. This process is doubly positive for the euro. First, lower risk premia in the periphery invite inflows into the euro area, especially since Greek, Portuguese, Italian, or Spanish yields offer better value than alternatives. Second, stronger growth and lower risk premia relieve pressure on the ECB as the sole reflator for the Eurozone. At the margin, this process should boost the extremely depressed terminal rate proxy for Europe and help EUR/USD. Robust global economic activity adds to the euro’s appeal, beyond the positive domestic forces at play in Europe. The dollar is a countercyclical currency; thus, global business cycle upswings coincide with a weak USD, which increases EUR/USD’s appeal. Nonetheless, if the boost to global activity emanates from the US, then the dollar can strengthen. This phenomenon was at play in the first quarter of 2021. However, the global growth leadership is set to move away from the US over the next 12 months, which implies that the normal inverse relationship between the dollar and global growth will reassert itself to the euro’s benefit. The European balance of payments dynamics will consolidate the attraction of the euro. Germany’s and the Eurozone’s current account surplus will remain wide, especially in comparison to the expanding twin deficit plaguing the US. Beyond the next 12 to 24 months, the lack of structural vigor of Germany’s and Europe’s economy is likely to shift the euro into a safe-haven currency, like the yen and the Swiss franc. A strong balance of payments and low interest rates (all symptoms of excess savings) are the defining features of funding currencies, and will be permanent attributes of the euro area if reforms do not address its productivity malaise. The Eurozone’s net international position is already rising and its low inflation will put a structural upward bias to the Euro’s purchasing power parity estimates (Chart 30). Those developments have all been evident in Japan and Switzerland, and will likely extinguish the euro’s pro-cyclicality as time passes. Chart 29Investors Already Underweight European Assets Chart 30Upward Bias In The Euro's Fair Value Chart 31Germany Has Not Outperformed The Rest Of The Eurozone German Equities In absolute terms, the DAX and German equities still possess ample upside over the next 12 to 24 months. BCA Research is assuming a positive stance on equities, and a high beta market like Germany stands to benefit.7 Moreover, the elevated sensitivity to global economic activity of German equities accentuate their appeal. BCA Research likes European stocks, and German ones are no exception.8 The more complex question is how to position German equities within a European stock portfolio. After massively outperforming from 2003 to 2012, German equities have moved in line with the rest of the Eurozone ever since (Chart 31). Moreover, German equities now trade at a discount on all the major valuation metrics relative to the rest of the Eurozone (Chart 31, bottom panel). The global macro forces that dictate the outlook for German equities relative to the rest of the Eurozone are currently sending conflicting messages. On the one hand, German equities normally outperform when commodity prices rally or when the euro appreciates (Chart 32). On the other hand, however, German equities also underperform when global yields rise, or following periods when Chinese excess reserves fall, such as what we are witnessing today. With this lack of clarity from global forces, the answer to Germany’s relative performance question lies within European economic dynamics. Germany is losing competitiveness relative to the rest of the Eurozone (Chart 24 page 22) which suggests that German stocks will benefit less than their peers from a stronger euro in comparison to their performance in the last decade. Moreover, German equities outperform when the German manufacturing PMI increases relative to that of the broad euro area. The gap between the German and euro area manufacturing PMI stands near record highs and is likely to narrow as the rest of the Eurozone catches up. This should have a bearing on the performance of German stocks (Chart 33). Chart 32Mixed Global Backdrop For Germany's Relative Performance Chart 33A European Economic Catch-Up Would Hurt German Equities Finally, sectoral dynamics may prove to be the ultimate arbiter. Table 4 highlights the limited difference in sectoral weightings between Germany and the rest of the Eurozone, which helps explain the stability in the relative performance over the past nine years. However, the variance is greater between Germany and specific European nations. In this approach, BCA’s negative stance on growth stocks correlates with an overweight of Germany relative to the Netherlands. Moreover, our positive outlook on financials and bond yields suggests that Germany should underperform Italian and Spanish stocks. Table 4Sectoral Breakdown Across Europe Major Bourses   Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com   Mathieu Savary, Chief European Investment Strategist Mathieu@bcaresearch.com Appendix: Global Climate Policy Commitments Footnotes 1 See Matthew Karnitschnig, "German Conservatives Mired In ‘The Swamp,’" Politico, March 24, 2021, politico.eu. 2 The Greens are interested in a range of taxes, including a carbon tax, a digital services tax, and a financial transactions tax. They are also interested in industrial quotas requiring steel and car makers to sell a certain proportion of carbon-neutral steel and electric vehicles. See an excellent interview with Ms. Baerbock in Ileana Grabitz and Katharina Schuler, "I don’t have to convert the SUV driver in Prenzlauer Berg," Zeit Online, January 2, 2020, zeit.de. 3 See her comments to Zeit Online. 4 Please see BCA Research Global Investment Strategy Strategy Outlook "Second Quarter 2021 Strategy Outlook: Inflation Cometh?", dated March 26, 2021, available at gis.bcareseach.com. 5 Please see BCA Research European Investment Strategy Special Report "A Temporary Decoupling", dated April 5, 2021, available at eis.bcareseach.com. 6 Please see BCA Research Global Fixed Income Strategy Strategy Report "Harder, Better, Faster, Stronger", dated March 16, 2021, available at gfis.bcareseach.com. 7 Please see BCA Research Global Income Strategy Strategy Outlook "Second Quarter 2021 Strategy Outlook: Inflation Cometh?", dated March 26, 2021, available at gis.bcareseach.com. 8 Please see BCA Research European Income Strategy Strategy Report "Time And Attraction", dated April 12, 2021, available at eis.bcareseach.com.

Highlights Surging Covid-19 cases to unprecedented levels have unsettled India’s equity and currency markets. Worryingly, the number of new cases in India might stay exceptionally high for a while due to several potential ongoing super-spreader events. Yet, the country’s medium- and longer-term outlooks remain positive. Asset allocators with less tolerance for volatility may tactically downgrade India to neutral in an EM equity portfolio. Long-term investors should continue overweighting the Indian bourse. Feature New COVID-19 cases in India have skyrocketed in the past few weeks – far surpassing previous peaks. The country now accounts for 40% of daily new cases globally (Charts 1 and 2). This has raised the possibility of fresh lockdowns and, as a result, Indian stocks and the currency have begun to sell off. Chart 1Daily COVID-19 Cases Have Lately Skyrocketed In India … Chart 2… Accounting For 40% Of Global Cases And 20% Of Deaths … We have been overweight India in an EM equity portfolio because of the country’s positive cyclical and structural outlook. Even though our views have not changed, we believe the parabolic surge in COVID-19 cases is likely to cause near-term volatility in Indian equity and currency markets. As such, we recommend that asset allocators who have less tolerance for volatility tactically downgrade Indian equities to neutral for the next couple of months. Below we elaborate the reasons for this near-term downgrade, as well as the reasons for our more upbeat view over the medium to long term. New Cases Might Stay High Chart 3… And Raising The Specter Of Another Stringent Lockdown Being a densely populated country with less than ideal living conditions, the attempts to control the spread of COVID-19 via social distancing measures is extremely difficult in India. Yet, the authorities tried to do exactly that last spring by imposing the most stringent lockdown measures anywhere in the world (Chart 3). The result was a complete collapse in economic activity: year-over-year industrial production fell by a half, and GDP contracted by 22% in the second quarter of 2020 from a year ago. Now facing an unprecedented surge in new cases, markets are apprehensive that even a partial lockdown will scuttle the nascent recovery in the economy. Worryingly, the number of new cases in India might stay exceptionally high for a while. The reason is that there are several potential super-spreader events going on. The country is undergoing state-level elections in five states where the candidates are canvassing in front of gatherings of tens of thousands of people. Currently, there is also a religious congregation taking place where up to three million pilgrims have assembled. Chart 4Should Morbidity And Mortality Rates Rise, A Harsh Lockdown May Become Inevitable The morbidity and mortality rates have not yet risen (Chart 4). This is a key metric and will likely determine the stringency of the authorities’ lockdown measures. Even though the Prime Minister has declared that stern lockdowns would be last-resort measures, the possibility cannot be excluded if hospitalization and mortality rates begin to rise. The following has also added to investor concerns: The fact that equity valuations are much higher now than they were last spring makes the market even more prone to a setback (Chart 5). Indian stocks have benefitted from a record amount of foreign portfolio inflows over the past 12 months – totaling $ 34 billion. The risk is therefore high that some of these flows might reverse in the near term if the threat of renewed lockdowns is realized. That will be a headwind for both stock market and the rupee (Chart 6). Finally, a rising US dollar, and a likely general underperformance of EM stocks over the next several months, will also encourage outflows from India. Chart 5Elevated Valuations Have Added To The Vulnerability Of Indian Stocks Chart 6A Reversal In Foreign Portfolio Inflows Will Cause Both Stocks And The Rupee To Fall Cyclical Outlook Remains Positive Beyond the near-term jitters, India’s cyclical outlook remains positive. The recovery has been solid as indicated by the following metrics: The number of E-way bills issued (a barometer of business activity) as part of the Goods & Services Tax (GST) collection mechanism keeps rising steadily. GST collection itself has also been strong – validating the same message (Chart 7). Manufacturing and Services PMIs printed over 55 in March – indicating robust expansion of activity. Order books of companies, as indicated by both RBI and Dun & Bradstreet surveys, look strong. These indicators herald an improvement in industrial production going forward (Chart 8). Chart 7Underlying Economic Recovery In India Has Been Robust So Far … Chart 8… Supported By Strong Order Books … In short, all of the above points to an ameliorating top lines (sales) for the corporates in the coming months, barring stringent lockdowns. Meanwhile, firms’ profits margins have also recovered meaningfully. An RBI survey of over 2600 companies shows that both gross and net profit margins had risen to above pre-pandemic levels by December 2020 (Chart 9). Given the wide margins, a recovery in sales levels will lead to accelerating profits in the quarters ahead. In a sign that profit re-acceleration is not far off, firms have begun to invest in new plants and machinery. Capital spending had already turned positive during the last quarter of 2020 versus the same period of 2019. Imports of capital goods have also begun to rise – corroborating new capex plans of the firms (Chart 10). Chart 9… And Healthy Profit Margins … Chart 10… Which Have Encouraged Firms To Resume Capital Spending New capital expenditure is undertaken only when firms are confident of strengthening demand. Besides, capex usually comes on the heels of rising profits. Higher capital goods imports and capital spending therefore indicate that the companies are optimistic of both sales and profits going forward. On its part, the central bank has ensured that the liquidity in the banking system remains abundant by engaging in plenty of open market operations. Bank credit growth, at 6.3%, is still low, but appears to have bottomed. Excluding the credit to large corporations – who have in recent years been replacing bank credit by local currency debt issuances – the credit growth rate is 9% (Chart 11). Odds are that beyond the near-term jitters due to rising COVID-19 cases, credit will accelerate in line with recovering economic activity. That will be bullish for bank stocks. Incidentally, banks make up the largest chunk of Indian equity index. Finally, Indian small caps continue to outperform their large cap counterparts (Chart 12). Smaller firms in India are much more vulnerable to a slowdown in growth and tighter credit conditions. The fact that they keep outperforming suggests that investors do not expect a major or lasting impact of the latest pandemic outbreak on the economy. Chart 11Bank Credit Will Rise As The Expansion Continues Chart 12Small Caps Outperformance Suggest Investors Are Sanguine About Growth And Credit Conditions Beyond the cyclical recovery, we are bullish on India’s longer-term outlook as well. The reason for that is India is one of the rare EM countries undertaking meaningful structural reforms. The country’s demographics are also highly favorable. We will elaborate on these and other structural issues in greater detail in our future reports. Investment Conclusions Indian stocks and the currency have entered a period of turbulence as surging COVID-19 cases prompt profit taking/selling. EM equity portfolios with low tolerance for volatility should therefore consider tactically downgrading this bourse to neutral for a couple of months. Absolute return investors (in US$ terms) should also brace for near-term volatility in Indian share prices. Over the medium-to-long term however, Indian stocks will likely outperform their EM peers as well as rally in absolute terms (Chart 13). Indian bank stocks are also suffering from the ongoing volatility. However, given Indian private banks’ higher efficiency and better balance sheets vis-à-vis banks elsewhere in the EM, long-term investors should continue to stick with our recommended trade of long Indian banks/ short EM banks (Chart 14). Chart 13Beyond The Near-Term Volatility, Indian Stocks Will Outperform Their EM Peers … Chart 14… So Will Indian Bank Stocks Vis-à-vis EM Banks Fixed income investors should continue receiving 10-year swap rates in India. With the abundant rainfall, food prices will decline. This will keep inflation under check. The rising COVID-19 cases and a potential lockdown are disinflationary in nature and will push down swap rates.   Rajeeb Pramanik Senior EM Strategist rajeeb.pramanik@bcaresearch.com