Regulation
Executive Summary The US inflation surprise increases the odds of both congressional gridlock and recession, which increases uncertainty over US leadership past 2024 and reduces the US’s ability to lower tensions with China and Iran. Despite the mainstream media narrative, the Xi-Putin summit reinforces our view that China cannot reject Russia’s strategic partnership. The potential for conflict in Taiwan forces China to accept Russia’s overture. For the same reason the US and China cannot re-engage their economies sustainably, even if Biden and Xi somehow manage to reduce tensions after the midterm elections and twentieth national party congress. Russia could reduce oil exports as well as natural gas, intensifying the global energy shock. Ukraine’s counter-offensive and Europe’s energy diversification increase the risk of Russian military and economic failure. The Middle East will destabilize anew and create a new source of global energy supply disruptions. US-Iran talks are faltering as expected. Russian Oil Embargo Could Deliver Global Shock Asset Initiation Date Return LONG GLOBAL DEFENSIVES / CYCLICALS EQUITIES 2022-01-20 19.1% Bottom Line: Stay long US stocks, defensive sectors, and large caps. Avoid China, Taiwan, eastern Europe, and the Middle East. Feature Several notable geopolitical developments occurred over the past week while we met with clients at the annual BCA Research Investment Conference in New York. In this report we analyze these developments using our geopolitical method, which emphasizes constraints over preferences, capabilities over intentions, reality over narrative. We also draw freely from the many valuable insights gleaned from our guest speakers at the conference. China Cannot Reject Russia: The Xi-Putin Summit In Uzbekistan Presidents Xi Jinping and Vladimir Putin are meeting in Uzbekistan as we go to press and Putin has acknowledged China’s “questions and concern” about the war in Ukraine.1 They last met on February 4 when Xi gave Putin his blessing for the Ukraine invasion, promising to buy more Russian natural gas and to pursue a “no limits” strategic partnership (meaning one that includes extensive military cooperation). The meeting’s importance is clear from both leaders’ efforts to make it happen. Putin is leaving Russia despite rising domestic criticism over his handling of the Ukraine war and European energy war. Ukraine is making surprising gains in the battlefield, particularly around Kharkiv, threatening Russia’s ability to complete the conquest of Donetsk and the Donbas region. Meanwhile Xi is leaving China for the first time since the Covid-19 outbreak, despite the fact that he is only one month away from the most important political event of his life: the October 16 twentieth national party congress, where he hopes to clinch another five, ten, or fifteen years in power, expand his faction’s grip over the political system, and take over Mao Zedong’s unique title as chairman of the Communist Party. We do not yet know the full outcome of the Uzbek summit but we do not see it as a turning point in which China turns on Russia. Instead the summit reinforces our key point to investors all year: China cannot reject Russia. Russia broke energy ties with Europe and is fighting a proxy war with NATO. The Putin regime has lashed Russia to China’s side for the foreseeable future. China may not have wanted to move so quickly toward an exclusive relationship but it is not in a position to reject Russia’s diplomatic overture and leave Putin out to dry. The reason is that China is constrained by the US-led world order and like Russia is attempting to change that order and carve a sphere of influence to improve its national security. Beijing’s immediate goal is to consolidate power across the critical buffer territories susceptible to foreign interests. It has already consolidated Tibet, Xinjiang, Hong Kong, and to some extent the South China Sea, the critical approach to Taiwan. Taiwan is the outstanding buffer space that needs to be subjugated. Xi Jinping has taken it upon himself to unify China and Taiwan within his extended rule. But Taiwanese public opinion has decisively shifted in favor of either an indefinite status quo or independence. Hence China and Taiwan are on a collision course. Regardless of one’s view on the likelihood of war, it is a high enough chance that China, Taiwan, the US, and others will be preparing for it in the coming years. Chart 1US Arms Sales To Taiwan The US is attempting to increase its ability to deter China from attacking Taiwan. It believes it failed to deter Russia from invading Ukraine – and Taiwan is far more important to US economy and security than Ukraine. The US is already entering discussions with Taiwan and other allies about a package of severe economic sanctions in the event that China attacks – sanctions comparable to those imposed on Russia. The US Congress is also moving forward with the Taiwan Policy Act of 2022, which will solidify US support for the island as well as increase arms sales (Chart 1).2 Aside from China's military preparation – which needs to be carefully reviewed in light of Russia’s troubles in Ukraine and the much greater difficulty of invading Taiwan – China must prepare to deal with the following three factors in the event of war: 1. Energy: China is overly exposed to sea lines of communication that can be disrupted by the United States Navy. Beijing will have to partner with Russia to import Russian and Central Asian resources and attempt to forge an overland path to the Middle East (Chart 2). Unlike Russia, China cannot supply its own energy during a war and its warfighting capacity will suffer if shortages occur or prices spike. 2. Computer Chips: China has committed at least $200 billion on a crash course to build its own semiconductors since 2013 due to the need to modernize its military and economy and compete with the US on the global stage. But China is still dependent on imports, especially for the most advanced chips, and its dependency is rising not falling despite domestic investments (Chart 3). The US is imposing export controls on advanced microchips and starting to enforce these controls on third parties. The US and its allies have cut off Russia’s access to computer chips, leading to Russian shortages that are impeding their war effort. Chart 2China’s Commodity Import Vulnerability Chart 3China's Imports Of Semiconductors 3. US Dollar Reserves: China is still heavily exposed to US dollar assets but its access will be cut off in the event of war, just as the US has frozen Russian, Iranian, Venezuelan, and Cuban assets over the years. China is already diversifying away from the dollar but will have to move more quickly given that Russia had dramatically reduced its exposure and still suffered severely when its access to dollar reserves was frozen this year (Chart 4). Where will China reallocate its reserves? To developing and importing natural resources from Russia, Central Asia, and other overland routes. Chart 4China's US Dollar Exposure Russia may be the junior partner in a new Russo-Chinese alliance but it will not be a vassal. Russia has resources, military power, and regional control in Central Asia that China needs. Of course, China will maintain a certain diplomatic distance from Russia because it needs to maintain economic relations with Europe and other democracies as it breaks up with the United States. Europe is far more important to Chinese exports than Russia. China will play both sides and its companies will develop parallel supply chains. China will also make gestures to countries that feel threatened by Russia, including the Central Asian members of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). But the crucial point is that China cannot reject Russia. If the Putin regime fails, China will be diplomatically isolated, it will lose an ally in any Taiwan war, and the US will have a much greater advantage in attempting to contain China in the coming years and decades. Russo-Chinese Alliance And The US Dollar Many investors speculate that China’s diversification away from the US dollar will mark a severe downturn for the currency. This is of course possible, given that Russia and China will form a substantial anti-dollar bloc. Certainly there can be a cyclical downturn in the greenback, especially after the looming recession troughs. But it is harder to see a structural collapse of the dollar as the leading global reserve currency. The past 14 years have shown how global investors react to US dysfunction, Russian aggression, and Chinese slowdown: they buy the dollar! The implication is that a US wage-price spiral, a Russian détente with Europe, and a Chinese economic recovery would be negative for the dollar – but those stars have not yet aligned. Related Report Geopolitical StrategyThe Geopolitical Consequences Of The Ukraine War The reason China needs to diversify is because it fears US sanctions when it invades Taiwan. Hence reducing its holdings of US treasuries and the dollar signals that it expects war in future. But will other countries rush into the yuan and yuan-denominated bonds if Xi is following in Putin’s footsteps and launching a war of choice, with damaging consequences for the economy? A war over Taiwan would be a global catastrophe and would send other countries plunging into the safe-haven assets, including US assets. Nevertheless China will diversify and other countries will probably increase their yuan trade over time, just as Russia has done. This will be a cyclical headwind for the dollar at some point. But it will not knock the US off the premier position. That would require a historic downgrade in the US’s economic and strategic capability, as was the case with the United Kingdom after the world wars. China will continue to stimulate the economy after the party congress. A successful Chinese and global economic rebound next year – and a decision to pursue “jaw jaw” with the US and Taiwan rather than “war war” – would be negative for the dollar. Hence we may downgrade our bullish dollar view to neutral on a cyclical basis before long … but not yet and not on a structural basis. Bottom Line: Favor the US dollar and the euro over the Chinese renminbi and Taiwanese dollar. Underweight Chinese and Taiwanese assets on a structural basis. Ukraine’s Counter-Offensive And A Russian Oil Embargo Ukraine launched a counter-offensive against Russia in September and achieved significant early victories. Russians fell back away from Kharkiv, putting Izyum in Ukrainian hands and jeopardizing Russia’s ability to achieve its war aim of conquering the remaining half of Donetsk province and thus controlling the Donbas region of eastern Ukraine. Russian positions also crumbled west of the Dnieper river, which was always an important limit on Russian capabilities (Map 1). Map 1Status Of Russia-Ukraine War: The Ukrainian Counter-Offensive (September 15, 2022) Some commentators, such as Francis Fukuyama in the Washington Post, have taken the Ukrainian counter-offensive as a sign that the Ukrainians will reconquer lost territory and Russia will suffer an outright defeat in this war.3 If Russia cannot conquer the Donbas, its control of the “land bridge” to Crimea will be unsustainable, and it may have to admit defeat. But we are very skeptical. It will be extremely difficult for Ukrainians to drive the Russians out of all of their entrenched positions. US military officials applauded Ukraine’s counter-offensive but sounded a cautious note. The chief problem is that neither President Putin nor the Russian military can afford such a defeat. They will have to double down on the Donbas and land bridge. The war will be prolonged. Ultimately we expect stalemate, which will be a prelude to ceasefire negotiations. But first the fighting will intensify and the repercussions for global economy and markets will get worse. Russia’s war effort is also flagging because Europe is making headway in finding alternatives for Russian natural gas. Russia has cut off flows through the Nord Stream pipeline to Germany, the Yamal pipeline to Poland, and partially to the Ukraine pipeline system, leaving only Turkstream operating normally. Yet EU gas storage is in the middle of its normal range and trending higher (Chart 5). Chart 5Europe Handling Natural Gas Crisis Well … So Far Of course, Europe’s energy supply is still not secure. Cold weather could require more heating than expected. Russia has an incentive to tighten the gas flow further. Flows from Algeria or Azerbaijan could be sabotaged or disrupted (Chart 6). Chart 6Europe’s NatGas Supply Still Not Secure Chart 7Europe Tipping Into Recession Anyway Russia’s intention is to inflict a recession on Europe so that it begins to rethink its willingness to maintain a long-term proxy war. Recession will force European households to pay the full cost of the energy breakup with Russia all at once. Popular support for war will moderate and politicians will adopt more pragmatic diplomacy. After all they do not have an interest in prolonging the war to the point that it spirals out of control. Clearly the economic pain is being felt, as manufacturing expectations and consumer confidence weaken (Chart 7). Europe’s resolve will not collapse overnight. But the energy crisis can get worse from here. The deeper the recession, the more likely European capitals will try to convince Ukraine to negotiate a ceasefire. However, given Ukraine’s successes in the field and Europe’s successes in diversification, it is entirely possible that Russia faces further humiliating setbacks. While this outcome may be good for liberal democracies, it is not good for global financial markets, at least not in the short run. If Russia is backed into a corner on both the military and economic fronts, then Putin’s personal security and regime security will be threatened. Russia could attempt to turn the tables or lash out even more aggressively. Already Moscow has declared a new “red line” if the US provides longer-range missiles to Ukraine. A US-Russia showdown, complete with nuclear threats, is not out of the realm of possibility. Russia could also start halting oil exports, as it has threatened to do, to inflict a major oil shock on the European economy. Investors will need to be prepared for that outcome. Bottom Line: Petro-states have geopolitical leverage as long as global commodity supplies remain tight. Investors should be prepared for the European embargo of Russian oil to provoke a Russian reaction. A larger than expected oil shock is possible given the risk of defeat that Russia faces (Chart 8). Chart 8Russian Oil Embargo Could Deliver Global Shock US-Iran Talks Falter Again This trend of petro-state geopolitical leverage was one of our three key views for 2022 and it also extends to the US-Iran nuclear negotiations, which are faltering as expected. Tit-for-tat military action between Iran and its enemies in the Persian Gulf will pick up immediately – i.e. a new source of oil disruption will emerge. If global demand is collapsing then this trend may only create additional volatility for oil markets at first, but it further constrains the supply side for the foreseeable future. It is not yet certain that the talks are dead but a deal before the US midterm looks unlikely. Biden could continue working on a deal in 2023-24. The Democratic Party is likely to lose at least the House of Representatives, leaving him unable to pass legislation and more likely to pursue foreign policy objectives. The Biden administration wants the Iran deal to tamp down inflation and avoid a third foreign policy crisis at a time when it is already juggling Russia and China. The overriding constraints in this situation are that Iran needs a nuclear weapon for regime survival, while Israel will attack Iran as a last resort before it obtains a nuclear weapon. Yes, the US is reluctant to initiate another war in the Middle East. But public war-weariness is probably overrated today (unlike in 2008 or even 2016) and the US has drawn a hard red line against nuclear weaponization. Iran will retaliate to any US-Israeli aggression ferociously. But conflict and oil disruptions will emerge even before the US or Israel decide to launch air strikes, as Iran will face sabotage and cyber-attacks and will need to deter the US and Israel by signaling that it can trigger a region-wide war. Chart 9If US-Iran Talks Fail, Iraq Will Destabilize Further Recent social unrest in Iraq, where the nationalist coalition of Muqtada al-Sadr is pushing back against Iranian influence, is only an inkling of what can occur if the US-Iran talks are truly dead, Iran pushes forward with its nuclear program, and Israel and the US begin openly entertaining military options. The potential oil disruption from Iraq presents a much larger supply constraint than the failure to remove sanctions on Iran (Chart 9). A new wave of Middle Eastern instability would push up oil prices and strengthen Russia’s hand, distracting the US and imposing further pain on Europe. It would not strengthen China’s hand, but the risk itself would reinforce China’s Eurasian strategy, as Beijing would need to prepare for oil cutoffs in the Persian Gulf. Iran’s attempts to join the Shanghai Cooperation Organization should be seen in this context. Ultimately the only factor that could still possibly convince Iran not to make a dash for the bomb – the military might of the US and its allies – is the same factor that forces China and Russia to strengthen their strategic bond. The emerging Russo-Chinese behemoth, in turn, acts as a hard constraint on any substantial reengagement of the US and Chinese economies. The US cannot afford to feed another decade of Chinese economic growth and modernization if China is allied with Russia and Central Asia. Of course, we cannot rule out the possibility that the Xi and Biden administrations will try to prevent a total collapse of US-China relations in 2023. If China is not yet ready to invade Taiwan then there is a brief space for diplomacy to try to work. But there is no room for long-lasting reengagement – because the US cannot simply cede Taiwan to China, and hence China cannot reject Russia, and Russia no longer has any options. Bottom Line: Expect further oil volatility and price shocks. Sell Middle Eastern equities. Favor North American, Latin American, and Australian energy producers. Investment Takeaways Recession Risks Rising: The inflation surprise in the US in August necessitates more aggressive Fed rate hikes in the near term, which increases the odds of rising unemployment and recession. US Policy Uncertainty Rising: A recession will greatly increase the odds of US political instability over the 2022-24 cycle and reduce the incentive for foreign powers like Iran or China to make concessions or agreements with the US. European Policy Uncertainty Rising: We already expected a European recession. Russia’s setbacks make it more likely that it will adopt more aggressive military tactics and economic warfare. Chinese Policy Uncertainty Rising: China will continue stimulating next year but its economy will suffer from energy shocks and its stimulus is less effective than in the past. It will likely increase economic and military pressure on Taiwan, while the US will increase punitive measures against China. It is not clear that it will launch a full scale invasion of Taiwan – that is not our base case – but it is possible so investors need to be prepared. Long US and Defensives: Stay long US stocks over global stocks, defensive sectors over cyclicals, and large caps over small caps. Buy safe-havens like the oversold Japanese yen. Long Arms Manufacturers: Buy defense stocks and cyber-security firms. Short China and Taiwan: Favor the USD and EUR over the CNY. Favor US semiconductor stocks over Taiwanese equities. Favor Korean over Taiwanese equities. Favor Indian tech over Chinese tech. Favor Singaporean over Hong Kong stocks. Matt Gertken Chief Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Tessa Wong and Simon Fraser, “Putin-Xi talks: Russian leader reveals China's 'concern' over Ukraine,” BBC, September 15, 2022, bbc.com. 2 US Senate Foreign Relations Committee, “The Taiwan Policy Act of 2022,” foreign.senate.gov. 3 Greg Sargent, “Is Putin facing defeat? The ‘End of History’ author remains confident,” Washington Post, September 12, 2022, washingtonpost.com. Strategic Themes Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Regional Geopolitical Risk Matrix
Executive Summary Liquidity Will Shrink Further In Hong Kong The HKD is facing its most critical test in several decades. While the peg is likely to survive (Feature Chart), the economic costs for Hong Kong SAR will be far reaching. Critically, monetary policy in Hong Kong SAR is being tailored behind a hawkish Fed, while economic ties with China increasingly warrant easier policy settings. This tug of war will be resolved via a reset in domestic spending and asset prices. Equity shares have been the first shoe to drop. Real estate values and consumer spending will be next. A hypothetical delinking of the peg will see the HKD depreciate since it is expensive on a real effective exchange rate basis. Longer term, the rising use of the RMB in Hong Kong SAR will render the peg a relic. It will also fit with China’s aims to internationalize the RMB.. Bottom Line: The HKD peg is likely to survive in the near term, but the economic repercussions from maintaining the linked exchange-rate system will trigger a rethinking by the Hong Kong Monetary Authority (HKMA) and mainland authorities. Eventually, HKD could be replaced by the CNY. For now, HKD interest rates are slated to rise further, which will have ramifications for domestic spending and asset prices. Feature Chart 1HKD Has Been Tracking Interest Rates The Hong Kong dollar (HKD) has been trading on the weak side of its convertibility band since May. In theory, this suggests there is intense pressure for the peg to be delinked, which should lead to a much weaker exchange rate. In practice, interest rates in Hong Kong have failed to keep up with the surge in US rates, which has led to widening interest rate differentials between Hong Kong and the US. As a result, investors have embarked on a massive carry trade, funding USD purchases with HKDs (Chart 1). HKD’s weakness has raised questions about whether the exchange rate could face a crisis of confidence. This will be a severe blow to the HKMA whose sole role is currency stability, with the HKD being the underlying bedrock of Hong Kong’s financial system. In this report, we suggest that the HKD will survive this crisis, just as it has navigated previous shocks since 1983. The brunt of the adjustment will be domestic, first from Hong Kong equities, but spreading to real estate and consumer spending. Longer term, the HKD might become a relic as transactions in Hong Kong are increasingly conducted in RMB. Will The Peg Be Sustained? Historically, currency pegs more often than not fail. Specific to the HKD, the peg is facing its most critical test in decades but is likely to survive for a few reasons. First, every HKD that the region of Hong Kong has ever printed is backed by USD reserves, to the tune of 1.8 times. Quite simply, FX reserves are much higher than the Hong Kong monetary base (Chart 2). This suggests the HKMA’s “convertibility promise” remains credible. Second, Hong Kong also ranks favorably when looking at the ratio of broad money supply to FX reserves. Every 42.3 cents of broad money creation can be backed by foreign currency, a ratio much higher than China and on par with Singapore (Chart 3). With a monetary base fully backed by FX reserves and a broad money-to-FX reserve ratio largely in line with other linked exchange rate systems, our bias is that the peg will remain in place at least over a cyclical horizon (12-18 months). Chart 2In Theory, The HKMA Can Defend The Peg Chart 3The HKMA Ranks Favorably To The PBoC This credibility will come at a huge cost to the domestic economy, however. By having a fixed exchange rate system and an open capital account, Hong Kong has given up control over domestic monetary policy. Consequently, it must import monetary policy from the US. As interest rates rise in the US, demand for US dollar deposits from Hong Kong concerns goes up, putting downward pressure on the exchange rate. To maintain the convertibility ratio, the HKMA must drain the system of Hong Kong dollars to lift domestic interest rates. This is quite visible not only from the drop in foreign exchange reserves, but also the drawdown in the aggregate balance of domestic banks parked at the HKMA (Chart 4). From May 11 through August, the HKMA has absorbed a total of HKD 213 billion, shrinking the aggregate balance in the banking system by more than 60%. Chart 4Liquidity Will Shrink Further In Hong Kong Historically, the aggregate balance has had to drop much more to restore an equilibrium between interest rates in the US and Hong Kong SAR. The implication is that liquidity will continue to be drained from the system to ultimately defend the peg, and local interest rates will rise. There is one important caveat: Hong Kong SAR’s net international investment position stands at 580% of GDP, much higher than broad money supply. As such, the Hong Kong SAR does not have a solvency problem. What it faces is too much domestic liquidity, which is pushing HKD interest rates lower (Chart 5). Chart 5The HKD Is Facing A Liquidity, Rather Than A Solvency Crisis Ramifications Of The USD Peg When the HKD was tied to the US dollar in 1983, it made economic sense. Hong Kong SAR’s economy was more linked via trade to the US, compared to China (Chart 6). As such, stability vis-à-vis the US dollar was a vital appeal for traders, financiers, and all industries tied to the Hong Kong hub. Since then, there has been a tectonic shift in economic dependence. Exports to China now account for almost 60% of the total, while those to the US have fallen well below 8%. Quite simply, Hong Kong SAR still imports monetary policy from the US, while it is increasingly dependent on the Chinese economy. Nonetheless, there have been a few adjustments. The use of the RMB in Hong Kong SAR has been gradually gaining momentum. RMB deposits have risen to over HKD 800bn. As a share of narrow money supply (M1), it is almost 50% (Chart 7). There are also over 140 licensed banks in Hong Kong allowed to engage in RMB-based business. Chart 6Hong Kong And China Are Tied To The Hip Chart 7Hong Kong Is Transitioning Into A Defacto RMB System These links extend beyond just banking turnover. First introduced in 2014, the southbound trading links between China and Hong Kong SAR have become a major conduit for mainland investors to gain exposure to foreign firms. The China-Hong Kong stock connect has now handled over 2.6tn RMB in cumulative flows. This represented as high as 40% of the equity turnover in Hong Kong SAR (Chart 8). Capital account transactions have also been progressively relaxed, and the issuance of RMB bonds has been rising rapidly since 2008. Chart 8Lots Of Financial Links Between The HKD and RMB Hong Kong SAR’s strengthening ties with China comes with some good news. The increase in Chinese domestic liquidity is lowering the cost of capital for local enterprises. At the same time, it might also be fuelling very low domestic interest rates, forcing locals to chase higher rates elsewhere. This does not affect the peg if people sell the RMB to buy other currencies, including the dollar or maybe even the HKD. The bad news is that Hong Kong has now become a high-beta play on China as both economies are inexorably interlinked. Chart 9 shows that consumers in Hong Kong SAR tend to have much more volatile spending patterns compared to China, especially when economic growth is about to slow. One reason is that Hong Kong concerns are highly levered notably to the property market (Chart 10). For example, the debt service ratio in Hong Kong SAR sits at 32% of disposable income, much higher than China or other indebted economies (Chart 11). This makes the economy very vulnerable to rising interest rates. Chart 9Hong Kong Is Economically More Volatile Than China Chart 10Hong Kong Cannot Escape A Hard Landing (Part 1) Chart 11Hong Kong Cannot Escape A Hard Landing (Part 2) The bottom line is that as the HKMA withdraws domestic liquidity, this will reassert downward pressure on business activity and asset prices, particularly real estate. With private consumption a whopping 65% of GDP, household deleveraging will also prove to be a formidable headwind for domestic spending. Outside interest rates, Hong Kong SAR remains a trade hub. If global trade slows down meaningfully, this will lead to a deterioration in the current account. This triple whammy from slowing global trade, rising interest rates and consumer deleveraging could prove indigestible for Hong Kong assets. Policy Options Chart 12The Government Could Bail Out Hong Kong As highlighted above, the HKD peg will remain in place for the foreseeable future, but this will come at a huge cost. The advantage of the HKD peg is that the choice of the nominal anchor, the US dollar, renders it credible. As a financial hub, this is crucial for Hong Kong. Meanwhile, such an anchor also imposes fiscal discipline since government deficits cannot be monetized by money printing. In the case where the government tries to be profligate, the rise in inflation will lower real rates and lead to capital outflows. This will force the HKMA to sell US dollars and absorb local currency. Indeed, over the past several years, government debt in Hong Kong has been close to nil (Chart 12). The drawback of a fixed exchange-rate regime is that Hong Kong SAR has relinquished control over independent monetary policy. Such a union was justified when the economic cycles between the US and Hong Kong SAR were in sync, but now the region needs easier policy settings. The roadmap of the late 1990s could be what is in store for Hong Kong SAR. In short, the peg survived but the region went through a severe internal devaluation. During the Asian crisis, property prices fell by more than 60%. If that were to occur today, it would herald a prolonged period of high unemployment and stagnant wages to realign the region’s competitiveness with its trading partners. Hong Kong SAR stocks have already borne the brunt of an internal adjustment and are trading at very cheap multiples (Chart 13). The MSCI Hong Kong stock index is composed of mostly financials (47% of market cap) and property stocks (21% of market cap). As HKD rates are rising, loan growth in Hong Kong SAR is contracting and net interest margins have collapsed (Chart 14). This does not bode well for the near-term performance of financials. Chart 13Markets Have Already Discounted A Pessimistic Scenario For Hong Kong Shares Chart 14Banks In Hong Kong Are Facing A Tough ##br##Reckoning The good news is that similar to the late 1990s, banks are unlikely to go bust. Hong Kong SAR banks are well capitalized and delinquency rates are quite low, suggesting a banking crisis is unlikely to be a source of pain for the HKD peg (Chart 15). In fact, Hong Kong SAR banks rank favorably among their global peers in terms of capital adequacy (Chart 16). Chart 15Banks In Hong Kong Are Well Capitalized (Part 1) Chart 16Banks In Hong Kong Are Well Capitalized (Part 2) Specific to the currency, Hong Kong is also running recurring current account surpluses. This is boosting its FX reserves (Chart 17). That lends credibility to the peg in the near term. The bad news is that as the domestic economy slows down, and global trade comes close to a standstill, these surpluses could evaporate. One cost to Hong Kong is that the peg to the US dollar has made HKD incrementally expensive. Our model shows that the real effective exchange for HKD is about 2.5 standard deviations above fair value (Chart 18). Our view on the US dollar is that we could see depreciation over a 12-to-18-month horizon, but an overshoot in the near term is quite likely. A drop in the US dollar will help realign competitiveness in the HKD. Meantime, the market has also been pushing the currency towards the weaker side of its convertibility band. Chart 17Balance Of Payments Remain Favorable For The HKD Chart 18The HKD Is Expensive Longer term, as Hong Kong SAR continues to become more entwined with China, a peg to the CNY will make sense. This process will be the initial step in the region’s official embrace of the RMB system. That said, the process will be gradual since the US dollar remains very much a reserve currency, and the relevance of Hong Kong SAR as a financial center hinges upon easy access to the USD. What is more likely is that any re-pegging to the RMB will come many years down the road, when the yuan has become a fully convertible currency. The de-pegging of the HKD from the USD or adjusting the peg is as much a political discussion as an economic one. Political conditions for this change are not yet present given such a change will have major ramifications for the economy of Hong Kong SAR and will likely also reverberate through financial asset prices. One can imagine a scenario where HKD yields are forced to adjust to a new nominal anchor. Investors have been convinced through almost 30 years of history to treat the HKD as a proxy for the US dollar. That said, the economic pain associated with maintaining the HKD-USD peg will ensure authorities accelerate the use of RMBs in Hong Kong, with a goal of eventually adopting the yuan as the de facto currency. Adopting a currency board akin to Singapore is another option that makes sense, especially since this would give the HKMA scope to link to cheaper currencies, such as the yen and euro. That said, this is unlikely to be politically palatable, especially for Beijing. A link to the yuan that already does this job makes sense. Finally, there is always the option to fully float the peg, but this would probably increase currency volatility. This is unlikely in the near term. The Goldilocks scenario for policymakers is when the US dollar eventually depreciates against major currencies, easing financial conditions for Hong Kong SAR concerns. This will dovetail nicely with the goals of the monetary authorities, maintain credibility while easing financial concerns for a very levered economy. Investment Conclusions The HKD peg will remain in place, but the financial dislocations will lead to significant internal devaluation in Hong Kong SAR. As US interest rates rise, the HKD will be under considerable pressure. The HKMA will have no choice but to allow HKD interest rates to rise. This will tip the property market and thrust the economy into deflation and a recession. Chinese bonds are the best hedge against this risk. Avoid property and financial shares for the time being. Were the peg to break today, the HKD will depreciate according to our valuation models. This suggests markets are right to push the HKD-linked rate towards the weaker end of the convertibility band. Despite the economic and financial pain, the HKMA will not abandon the peg. That means carry trades will continue to make money. Using the HKD as a funding currency still makes sense in the near term. In long run, the economic pain associated with maintaining the HKD-USD peg will make authorities in Beijing accelerate the use of the RMB in Hong Kong’s special administrative region. The eventual goal will be for Hong Kong SAR to adopt the yuan as its currency. Chester Ntonifor Foreign Exchange Strategist chestern@bcaresearch.com Qingyun Xu, CFA Associate Editor qingyunx@bcaresearch.com
Executive Summary Chinese Onshore Stocks Are Less Impacted By External Factors We are upgrading Chinese onshore stocks from underweight to neutral relative to global stocks. At the same time, we are closing our tactical trade of long Chinese investable stocks/short global stocks. In the near term, Russia’s armed invasion of Ukraine will spark a further selloff in global risk assets. Volatility in Chinese onshore stock prices will remain high; A-share prices in absolute terms may also drop but should fall by less than their peers in European and emerging markets. On the other hand, Chinese offshore stocks are more vulnerable to geopolitical risks compared with their onshore counterparts. There are tentative signs that home prices may be stabilizing, although demand for housing remains in deep contraction. Chinese policymakers remain vigilant in preventing the property market from overheating and credit creation from overshooting. However, the ongoing Russia/Ukraine incursion has the potential to catalyze a larger stimulus package in China. If the escalating geopolitical crisis threatens the global economy, China’s authorities will likely strengthen policy supports at home to buttress the country’s domestic political, economic and financial conditions. Bottom Line: Chinese onshore stocks will weather the ongoing geopolitical storm better than their offshore and global peers. China’s economy is also less negatively impacted by the Russia/Ukraine hostilities. If the crisis deepens, China’s leadership will likely step up measures to support its economy and ensure stable domestic financial and political dynamics. Feature The conflict between Russia and Ukraine unnerved global financial markets in the past few weeks. Chinese offshore stocks were not insulated from the geopolitical event; the MSCI China Index declined by about 4% in February, in-line with the selloff in global stocks. Chart 1Chinese Onshore Financial Markets Held Up Relatively Well Last Month The current global geopolitical environment, however, has turned us a bit more positive on Chinese onshore stocks in relative terms. In the near term, the onshore market should hold up better than its offshore and European counterparts. China’s closed capital market prevents panic capital outflows and its large current account surplus as well as favorable real interest rate differentials help to maintain strength in the RMB (Chart 1). On a cyclical basis, China’s domestic economic fundamentals will continue to drive prices in the A-share market. China’s aggregate economy is less affected by the Russia/Ukraine conflict than Europe. Energy supplies from Russia to China will likely continue and may even accelerate, mitigating the risks of energy shock-induced inflation spikes. As such, we are upgrading Chinese onshore stocks from underweight to neutral in a global portfolio, both in tactical and cyclical time horizons. We remain cautious about the size of Chinese stimulus for the year and, therefore, are neutral in our cyclical view on Chinese onshore stocks relative to global equities. Despite some nascent signs of reflation and an easing of housing policy in a few Chinese cities, aggregate property demand remains weak and overall policy easing in the sector has been marginal. Nonetheless, the situation surrounding Ukraine and the global sanctions against Russia are highly fluid and may provide some ground for Chinese policymakers to ramp up stimulus at home. If the conflict intensifies and derails the European/global economy, Beijing will be more inclined to adopt measures to ensure the stability of its domestic economy, financial markets and political dynamics. Meanwhile, we are closing our long MSCI China/short MSCI global tactical trade. Chinese offshore stocks are more vulnerable to geopolitical tensions and risk-off sentiment among global investors. The Russia Incursion Has Limited Direct Impact On China’s Economy Chinese stocks were not immune last week to the global financial market’s gyrations triggered by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. While Russia’s attack on its neighbor will create short-term disruptions on the prices of global commodities and China’s A-shares, the cyclical performance of Chinese onshore stocks is tied to the country’s domestic economic fundamentals. The military conflict between Russia and Ukraine should have a limited knock-on effect on China’s business cycle dynamics for the following reasons: Russia and Ukraine together account for less than 3% of Chinese total exports as of 2021, limiting the negative impact from reduced demand in the region on China’s current account balance. Chart 2Ukraine: China’s Major Source Of Agricultural Commodity Supplies Russia’s incursion of Ukraine may have consequences on China’s food prices. Ukraine is a major agricultural commodity exporter to China, hence a prolonged military conflict may disrupt agricultural supplies and push up imported food prices in China (Chart 2). In this scenario, we expect that Beijing will provide subsidies to ease pressures on domestic food prices due to supply shocks, rather than tighten monetary policy to reduce demand. China is unlikely to experience shocks linked to possible energy disruptions. Russia is a core exporter of energy to China and supplies of crude oil, natural gas and coal have increased in recent years (Chart 3). We do not expect that Russia’s energy supply to China will be disrupted. Indeed, following the 2014 Russia’s invasion of Crimea, Russia’s crude oil exports to China increased by 40% (Chart 3, top panel). We anticipate that oil prices will fall from the current level in the second half of the year, limiting the upshot from higher oil prices on Chinese inflation. So far, the US and EU have announced tough sanctions on Russia’s non-energy sectors, but they have avoided halting Russia’s energy exports. In the unlikely scenario that energy flows from Russia to Europe are disrupted in any meaningful and long-lasting way, either through European sanctions or a Russian embargo, Russia would probably turn to China to absorb its energy exports. Given that Russia cannot easily replace Europe with any other alternative market, particularly natural gas, China would gain an upper hand in price negotiations with the Russians (Chart 4). Thus, a steady supply of cheap natural gas and other forms of energy would be a net positive for China’s economy. Chart 4Russia Cannot Easily Replace Europe With Any Alternative Consumer Other Than China Chart 3Russia's Ties With China On Energy Supplies Will Likely Strengthen Meanwhile, oil’s current price spike may widen the gap in profits between China’s upstream and downstream industrial enterprises (Chart 5). However, the effect from higher oil prices on Chinese downstream manufacturers should be temporary. Our Commodity and Energy Strategists believe that the Russian invasion will prompt increased production from core OPEC producers. These production increases would reduce prices from last week’s $105 per barrel level to $85 per barrel by the second half of 2022 and keep it at that level throughout 2023 (Chart 6). Chart 6Crude Oil Price Risk Premium Will Abate But Not Disappear Chart 5Rising Oil Prices May Temporarily Widen Profit Gaps Between China's Up- And Downstream Industries Bottom Line: Russia’s invasion of Ukraine should have a limited direct impact on China’s domestic economy, inflation and monetary policy. Tentative Signs Of Home Price Stabilization Although the property market is showing some signs of improvement, the aggregate demand for homes remains very sluggish. Recently released housing data in China show some slight progress, as fewer cities reported a month-on-month drop in new home prices in January (Chart 7). The monthly average new home prices among China’s 70 cities were broadly flat last month following four consecutive months of falling prices. Tier 1 and Tier 2 cities had the largest increases in home prices, whereas prices in other regions continued to contract through January, albeit to a lesser degree (Chart 7, bottom panel). The minor improvement in home prices reflects recently implemented measures to help shore up the flagging market. Last month, the PBoC cut the policy rate by 10 bps and reduced the one- and five-year loan prime rates by 10 bps and 5 bps, respectively. Moreover, last week several regional banks lowered the down payments on mortgages for homebuyers. Chart 8...Demand For Housing Remains In Deep Contraction Chart 7Although There Are Some Early Signs Of Stabilization In Home Prices... Nonetheless, the aggregate demand for housing remains weak. China’s 100 largest developers experienced a roughly 40% year-on-year plunge in total sales in January, indicating that recent easing measures failed to revive the downbeat sentiment among homebuyers (Chart 8). Bottom Line: Policymakers will remain vigilant in not inducing another surge in house prices and will continue to target steady home prices. As such, it is too early to upgrade our cyclical view on China’s property market, stimulus and economic recovery. Investment Conclusions We are upgrading Chinese onshore stocks to neutral relative to global equities (both tactically and in the next 6 to 12 months), while closing our tactical trade of long MSCI China/short MSCI global index. Chart 9Chinese Onshore Stock Prices Are Largely Driven By Domestic Rather Than External Factors... Given the limited impact of the Russia/Ukraine conflict on China’s domestic economy and the low correlation to the global equity index, Chinese onshore stock prices may also fall in absolute terms in the coming weeks, but not by as much as their offshore and European counterparts (Chart 9). Furthermore, while we maintain a cautious cyclical outlook for China’s stimulus, the ongoing geopolitical crisis has the potential to provide a catalyst for Chinese policymakers to stimulate the domestic economy more forcefully. If the clash evolves into a real risk to the European economy and global financial markets, odds are high that Chinese policymakers will step up stimulus measures to ensure domestic stability. In this scenario, Chinese onshore stocks will likely outperform global equities. In the past, Chinese authorities refrained from a credit overshoot when the business cycle slowed in an orderly manner, but they stimulated substantially following an exogenous shock. For example, China rolled out massive stimulus packages after the 2008 Global Financial and the 2011/12 European credit crises. Beijing did not directly respond to Russia’s 2014 annexation of Crimea with additional monetary support to China’s domestic economy. However, the Chinese authorities started to aggressively stimulate when a collapse in domestic demand coincided with a global manufacturing recession in 2015. Chart 10...Whereas Chinese Offshore Stocks Are More Vulnerable To Global Risk-Off Sentiment The PBoC’s outsized liquidity injection in the interbank system last Friday is also a sign that Beijing is willing to accelerate policy easing if the geopolitical backdrop meaningfully worsens. Regarding Chinese investable stocks, we maintain our cyclical underweight stance relative to global equities. In the near term, risk-off sentiment among global investors will undermine the performance of Chinese offshore stocks in both absolute and relative terms (Chart 10). Over a longer time horizon (6 to 12 months), growth stocks will likely underperform value stocks when global stocks recover. Thus, the tech-heavy MSCI China Index is less attractive to investors compared with other emerging and developed market equities that are more value-centric. Jing Sima China Strategist jings@bcaresearch.com Strategic Themes Cyclical Recommendations Tactical Recommendations