South Africa

Special Report

Highlights The ruling African National Congress will be difficult to displace in upcoming elections given the large economic role it plays in the public sector and in low-income households. Low growth outcomes will continue as the government navigates allocating state funds more efficiently, amid rising public debt, weak macroeconomic fundamentals and a fresh undertaking of fiscal austerity. The African National Congress is primed to claw back some lost voter support with President Ramaphosa at the helm. But Ramaphosa will also put a stop to fiscal austerity ahead of the 2024 general election. Our new South Africa Geopolitical Risk Indicator captures moments of significant political risk in the past and currently signals that the country is facing a geopolitical and political risk level last seen in 2016. The political status quo will remain for now, which is positive for investors. But China’s economic troubles and South Africa’s eventual need to inflate away its debt pose long-term risks for investors. Feature In the wake of COVID-19, South Africa has witnessed an increase of civil unrest. Severe looting in July 2021 only lasted a couple of days and was mostly contained to the central and eastern parts of the country but it nearly brought the country to a stand-still. The imprisonment of former President Jacob Zuma and a harsh lockdown amid resurging COVID-19 cases at the time fanned flames already lit by long-standing structural economic issues. The country has been stuck in a low growth trap for several years and government is facing constraints from rising debt levels. Yet the ruling party (the African National Congress, or ANC) will be difficult to displace in upcoming municipal elections and future general elections. It plays a large role in the public sector and low-income households depend heavily on government grants. Moreover, the ruling party also enjoys a “liberator” status, with voters pledging support to the ANC based on the party’s historical achievement of playing a major role in ending the apartheid regime. Unless the party implodes from within – possible but unlikely – the ANC will continue to rule, which is also the best outcome for investors at the current juncture. Low Growth Continues Amid High Debt The South African economy was straining before the pandemic and will continue to underperform going forward. Plagued by rampant corruption, misused state funds, and a lack of political leadership, the public sector has dragged on growth for several years now. Coupled with poor productivity in the primary and secondary sectors, South Africa’s economy faces headwinds which will affect future growth outcomes for years to come (Chart 1A).   In the mining sector, the country’s top foreign exchange earner, output has been in a structural decline since 1980 even as the country has benefited from several commodity price booms (Chart 1B). More recently, Ramaphosa’s 2018 investment drive to rebuild South African industries has failed to galvanize a turnaround.1 Manufacturing is much of the same story as mining. Output has been in decline from 1990 and has reached its lowest level since mid-1960 (Chart 1C). The National Union of Metal Workers have recently undertaken a protracted strike that has lasted three weeks already – with many industry bodies citing the dangers of irreparable harm to production and severe job losses should the strike continue for much longer. Other factors such as intermittent electricity outages across the country will subtract from productivity going forward. Chart 1BPrimary Sector Productivity In Structural Downfall... Chart 1C...Followed By The Secondary Sector Chart 2Public Debt Is Ballooning Fast From longstanding misuse of public funds comes the ballooning public government debt (Chart 2). Our colleagues over at the BCA Emerging Markets Strategy team have assessed the state of fiscal policy and debt in South Africa and the outlook is bleak. The government is currently pursuing fiscal austerity measures to rein in debt. However, these measures are unlikely to be enough and will become politically untenable over time. Otherwise, to stabilize debt, policy makers will have to inflate their way out of debt servicing costs or increase fiscal spending to boost nominal GDP growth. According to the 2021 budget speech, real spending is projected to contract each year over the next three years. This marks the first cut to nominal noninterest government expenditure in at least 20 years. Other items such as health care will see spending cuts over the next three years and remain lower than 2013 levels. Social protection and job creation initiatives will also see spending cuts. Another large budgetary item that will see spending cuts is the public sector wage bill. The government has reiterated its commitment to curb this growing expense. Recent negotiations with civil servants saw only a 1.5% wage increase over the next year compared to an average growth rate of 7% over the last five years. Chart 3Government Spending Important To Demand Austerity measures will lower public sector demand and ultimately growth. However, if successful, they will bolster both potential economic growth and the ruling party’s support. The problem is the timing of the general election in 2024. The economic backdrop in the country remains weak. Assuming more civil unrest takes place, government finances will be burdened with picking up the cost again and appeasing the masses through higher social spending. Austerity measures will presumably be relaxed ahead of the 2024 vote. Government debt needs to be curtailed considering that debt servicing costs are the second largest expenditure item of the country’s national economic budget. But given how large the public sector contributes to local demand (Chart 3), the ANC will see pushback by trade unions and those that have been in its growing employ. However, pushback will not necessarily translate into an irreversible breakdown of political support. Trade unions have been part and parcel of the ANC since the party’s inception. The party will have to strike a balance to keep the unions on its side. Bottom Line: Under Ramaphosa’s leadership, government austerity measures will continue at least over the short to medium term but will most likely be balanced to ensure the ANC maintains control through the 2024 elections. Ramaphosa Strengthens The ANC Civil unrest is nothing new in South Africa. There have been various displays of civil unrest and riots in recent years. The most recent civil unrest led to over 300 civilian casualties, the deadliest since the apartheid era. However, casualties were mostly a result of public stampeding civilian-on-civilian violence. The government did not play a major role in these deaths compared to the Marikana massacre of 2012.2 Even then, despite the ANC facing backlash from the immediate community, the party suffered no major fallout nationally. Recent unrest was more widely spread this time around and serves as an early warning signal to the ANC that social risks are high and not abating. But as things stand, these events will not displace the ANC from power. Such events would need to occur more regularly across the entire country, for them to pose a real threat to ANC rule. Since taking the helm of the ruling party in late 2017, Ramaphosa is viewed a lot more favorably than his predecessor, Zuma, by most South Africans. Ramaphosa is more business friendly, transparent, and is at least trying to weed out corruption in government. The public view of Ramaphosa’s handing of COVID-19 has been improving. Even supporters of the Democratic Alliance, the official opposition, and the Economic Freedom Fighters, a radical far-left party, have shown a large improvement in their approval of Ramaphosa’s handling of the pandemic (Chart 4). The Economic Freedom Fighter’s growth has largely been driven by disgruntled ANC supporters in recent years. Seeing supporters of the Economic Freedom Fighters improve their approval of Ramaphosa is positive for the ANC in upcoming elections. The ANC has two significant backstops to any deep erosion of their voter base: feudalism and social grants. Feudalism is defined as a socioeconomic structure in which people work for a leader of a community or tribe who in return, give them protection and use of land. It still runs deep in South Africa and across its cultures and tribes. It gives life to the ANC, a strong base that the Economic Freedom Fighters will always have a tough time chipping away at. Rural voters matter most to the ANC and mostly live under feudal rule. Tribal leaders and village chiefs play a major part in everyday life for rural people. There is overwhelming support among these leaders for the ANC because the ruling party provides them with access to land, among other things. By contrast, the Democratic Alliance and the Economic Freedom Fighters have had little success in penetrating these barriers. Support for both of these parties is driven by urban dwellers. The overarching royal Zulu family is the biggest factor contributing to feudalism. The Zulu family will always support the ANC and ensure their people do too. The Zulus are the largest tribe of black South Africans and have significant interests in the ANC maintaining power, such as access to land and financial resources. Obviously they have historic ties to the founding of the ANC and past leaders of the ANC, including Zuma (but not Ramaphosa). Additionally, the tripartite alliance of trade unions, the South African Communist Party, and the ANC has always ensured that workers represented in labor unions across the country voted for the ANC. The candidate elected president of the ANC, and ultimately the country, has always had the backing of trade unions, represented by the largest, the Congress of South African Trade Unions.3 The Congress of South African Trade Unions has never waived their support of the ANC in any elections and have shown no interest in supporting any other parties. The social grants system is the second backstop. The ANC provides social payments to 22% of the population, of which approximately 76% of recipients vote for the ANC (Chart 5, top panel). That’s a significant amount of the population that will forego a large part of their economic livelihoods if they vote for the Economic Freedom Fighters or another party to rule the country. In the current climate of COVID-19, foregoing government grants in order to vote for another party will not happen. Voters are increasingly worried about losing their social grants if another party comes into power (Chart 5, bottom panel). While other parties like the Economic Freedom Fighters have promised to more than double the going social grant rate if they come to power, social grant recipients and ANC voters at large have not budged on this “promise.” A sure thing today is better than a gamble tomorrow. But, if the fiscal standing of the country teeters into a position whereby the ANC fails to meet its growing social grant liabilities, then the Economic Freedom Fighters will gain the most, even if its promises will be extremely difficult to back up. Upcoming municipal elections in November 2021 will put to the test whether the ANC will shed support like it did in the 2016 election (Chart 6, top panel). Under Zuma, the ANC’s losses were the Economic Freedom Fighter’s gains. In the 2019 general election this transfer of votes lost some momentum because of Ramaphosa’s ability to galvanize support for the ANC (Chart 6, bottom panel). The Economic Freedom Fighter’s rise has been driven by the party’s ability to berate the ANC on its systemic corruption, embodied in Zuma. With Zuma in jail and Ramaphosa cleaning up the party and government, the Economic Freedom Fighters will lose momentum in forthcoming elections.4 To the ANC’s benefit, opposition parties that won some significant metros in the 2016 municipal elections subsequently formed coalitions that have largely failed to govern well. Specifically, in the economic capital of Johannesburg, the ANC reclaimed a majority to govern the city through coalitions with smaller parties, after the Democratic Alliance and Economic Freedom Fighters governed the city following the 2016 election. While the ANC has only reclaimed one of three metros lost in the 2016 municipal elections, they have benefited from lackluster service delivery by opposition parties which has shown that there is no realistic alternative to the ANC right now.5 Bottom Line: As Ramaphosa cleans up the ANC and government, the ANC will shed less support to the EFF and look to claw back lost voters in forthcoming elections. Introducing Our South Africa GeoRisk Indicator Recent civil unrest in South Africa presents an ideal backdrop to introduce a new GeoRisk Indicator to our existing suite of thirteen indicators. Our newly devised South Africa GeoRisk Indicator captures moments of significant political risk in the past, including this year’s civil unrest, and currently signals that the country is facing a geopolitical and political risk level last seen in 2016, when President Zuma was on his way out of office (Chart 7). Chart 7South Africa Geopolitical Risk Indicator The South Africa indicator is based on the rand and US dollar exchange rate (ZAR/USD) and its deviation from four underlying macro variables that should otherwise explain its economic trend. These variables are: gold prices, emerging market equities, industrial production, and retail sales. The four variables cover South Africa’s commodity dependency, financial sector, and the supply and demand side of the domestic economy. All four variables exhibit sufficient correlation with the ZAR/USD for use in this indicator. If the ZAR/USD weakens relative to these variables, then a South Africa-specific risk premium is apparent. As with previous indicators, we ascribe that premium to politics and geopolitics, although this is a generalization, and a qualitative assessment must always be made. The indicator is effective in tracking the country’s recent history too. Events such as ex-President Zuma’s general election win in 2009, and his controversial firing of several finance ministers in late 2015, signal an increase in risk. Meanwhile, lower risk was implied when current president, Ramaphosa, was elected president of the ANC in late 2017, and later, in 2019, as president of the country. Some additional events worth highlighting include: (1) In late 2001 to mid-2002, the local currency lost significant value relative to the US dollar for several reasons. First, the 1998 Asia financial crisis continued to send aftershocks throughout the emerging markets. The ZAR was put through the ringer in forward markets by speculators on a frequent basis, buying cheaper in the spot and driving speculation in the forward market, making easy returns. This speculation was only compounded by the South African Reserve Bank’s intervention in the local currency market to curtail speculation through regulatory action. Second, money supply grew substantially from mid-2001 to early 2002, which is associated with exchange rate undershooting.6 Thirdly, adding to these factors, contagion risk from neighboring Zimbabwe, which was dealing with land seizures and food shortages at the time, played into risk aversion toward regional and South African assets. (2) Eskom, South Africa’s state-owned power utility company, implements more regular power outages amid struggles to supply rising demand. (3) Despite allegations of corruption, former President Zuma wins the ANC presidential nomination. Zuma becomes party president. (4) Former President Zuma wins the general election (5) Former President Zuma fires well-respected then finance minister Nhlanhla Nene (6) Former President Zuma fires well-respected then finance minister Pravin Gordhan (7) President Ramaphosa wins the ANC presidential nomination. Ramaphosa becomes party president. (8) Former President Zuma resigns from the presidency (9) Former US President Donald Trump tweets on white farm murders in South Africa7 (10) President Ramaphosa wins the general election (11) First COVID-19 case is reported (12) Civil unrest and looting In terms of South African assets, when geopolitical and political risk rises, investors favor alternative emerging market assets (Chart 8). In 2021, South African equities have climbed to levels last seen in 2018 on the back of an improving global growth outlook and swelling commodity prices. But recent civil unrest has seen local equities pull back a notch. If risks escalate further, local assets will continue to retreat. Chart 8Geopolitical Risk Signals Move To Alternative Bourses Investment Takeaways Table 1 provides a snapshot of equity performance, volatility, and relative valuations and momentum in South Africa compared to frontier markets, including African frontier markets, and emerging markets. Table 1South Africa And African Frontier Markets: Valuations, Momentum, Volatility Chart 9Wait And See On Frontier Markets Equity returns in South Africa have notched good gains as global growth picks up alongside rising commodity prices. On a risk-adjusted basis, however, Nigeria and Kenya are more attractive. The general aggregates of Frontier and African frontier markets are more attractive on the same basis. Price and timing wise, Table 1 shows valuations and momentum relative to other markets. South Africa is cheap but Nigeria is cheaper. On a cyclical basis, South Africa has more to offer than Nigeria. African countries such as Nigeria and Ghana are all prepped to move higher in the wake of cheaper currencies. But a widening financial crisis in China is a risk to these countries given how they have trended closely with Chinese total social financing (Chart 9). Meanwhile, Kenyan equities have outperformed. South African equities in US dollar terms have retreated somewhat following recent civil unrest and some contagion linked to China’s Evergrande crisis (Chart 9, second panel). If China secures its economic recovery, then higher commodity prices will boost miners and industrial stocks going forward. But this is not guaranteed. Upcoming municipal elections will aid investors in determining what to expect from the policy backdrop. We expect that the ANC will stabilize, i.e. not lose control of more cities, and this should throw some impetus back into local equities. Conclusion This year’s civil unrest was stark and disruptive but does not spell fundamental political destabilization or the end of ANC rule in upcoming elections. The South African economy is structurally weak and, aside from a bounceback on the post-pandemic recovery, will continue to lag its peers until the ANC and Ramaphosa get a solid grip on allocating state funds more efficiently, promoting a more friendly and stable business environment, and fighting corruption. Undertaking fiscal austerity now is not a bad thing for the ANC, but it will become an increasing political liability leading up to the next general election. Ramaphosa will have to pull the plug on fiscal cost cutting as soon as 2023, so as to allow demand to recover before voters head to the polls again in 2024. But this has longer term economic implications. Public debt will continue to rise in this case and add to debt default risk and debt servicing costs. If austerity is reinstated after elections, the South African economy will remain in a low growth trap. For now, tightening the fiscal belt is doable because of the dynamic created by the downfall of Zuma, giving support to austerity as a means of cutting back corruption, and the pandemic, which reinforces the ANC as the institutional ruling party during a time of national crisis.   Guy Russell Research Analyst GuyR@bcaresearch.com Appendix The market is the greatest machine ever created for gauging the wisdom of the crowd and as such our Geopolitical Risk Indicators were not designed to predict political risk but to answer the question of whether and to what extent markets have priced that risk. Our South African GeoRisk Indicator (see Chart 8 above) makes use of the same methodology used for all thirteen of our other indicators. The methodology avoids the pitfall of regression-based models. We begin with a financial asset that has a daily frequency in price, in this case the ZAR/USD, and compare its movement against several fundamental factors. These factors are the price of gold in US dollars, emerging market equities in US dollar terms, South African industrial production, and South African retail sales. Like our recently added Australia GeoRisk Indicator, South Africa is a commodity exporting country. South Africa is the largest producer of platinum in the world, and was the seventh largest gold producer by volume in 2019. Gold is South Africa’s largest export and the ZAR has a strong historic correlation to gold prices.8 Hence we use gold prices instead of platinum, which is less well correlated. South Africa also has a deep financial market, with lose capital controls and easy flow of funds. When sentiment toward EM equities is high, the ZAR benefits, and hence our inclusion of emerging market equities. On the supply and demand side of the economy, both industrial production and retail sales show a strong relationship with the ZAR. We include these as the last two variables measured in our indicator. All four variables exhibit strong correlation with the local currency. If the currency sharply underperforms them, then it must be weighed down by some risk premium, which we ascribe to domestic political and policy developments or the general geopolitical environment. Footnotes 1 In 2018, President Cyril Ramaphosa laid out a target of $100 billion in new investments over the next five years, primarily targeting primary and secondary industries. According to The United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, foreign direct investment flows into South Africa in 2020 almost halved to $2.5 billion from $4.6 billion in 2019, which was a 15% decline from around $5.4 billion in 2018. 2 The Marikana massacre was the killing of 34 miners by the South African Police Service. It took place on 16 August 2012 and was the most lethal use of force by South African security forces against civilians since 1976. 3 According to the International Labour Organization, South Africa’s union density rate was 28.1% in 2016. Strikingly, the public sector union density rate was approximately 70.1% compared to 29.1% in the private sector. 4 In June 2021, ex-President Jacob Zuma was sentenced to 15 months imprisonment for contempt of court, by failing to legally attend a tribunal on corruption in South Africa. Zuma has recently been released on medical parole. 5 In the 2016 municipal elections, the ANC lost control of three major metros. Pretoria (political capital), Johannesburg (economic capital) and (Port Elizabeth, or Nelson Mandela Bay). The official opposition (the Democratic Alliance) and the Economic Freedom Fighters formed governing coalitions in all three of the lost ANC metros. Opposition coalitions have struggled to govern more effectively than what the ANC did, given how far apart they are ideologically. In Pretoria and Nelson Mandela Bay, service delivery has been poor since, in line with ANC rule prior to 2016. In Johannesburg, the ANC won back the metro by forming a coalition with several smaller parties. Opposition coalitions are still in force in Pretoria and Nelson Mandela Bay. 6 Bhundia, A.J. and Ricci, L.A., 2005. The Rand Crises of 1998 and 2001: What have we learned. Post-apartheid South Africa: The first ten years, pp.156-173. 7 Donald Trump tweets "I have asked Secretary of State @SecPompeo to closely study the South Africa land and farm seizures and expropriations and the large scale killing of farmers." The South African government have not seized any farms nor have there been any recordings of large-scale farm killings. The tweet caused a minor sell-off in local assets at the time. 8 Arezki, Rabah & Dumitrescu, Elena-Ivona & Freytag, Andreas & Quintyn, Marc. (2012). Commodity Prices and Exchange Rate Volatility: Lessons from South Africa’s Capital Account Liberalization. Emerging Markets Review. 19. Jordaan, F. Y., & Van Rooyen, J. H. (2011). An empirical investigation into the correlation between rand currency indices and changing gold prices. Corporate Ownership & Control, 9(1-1), 172-183.

Highlights The central bank’s efforts to sterilize inflows of US dollars from the IMF have inadvertently led to considerably tighter monetary conditions. Fiscal tightening, large currency appreciation and high lending rates will have negative ramifications for nominal GDP growth and, thereby, public debt dynamics. The only politically feasible way to stabilize the public debt-to-GDP ratio is to “inflate out of debt”, and currency depreciation is a major part of this scenario. This is not imminent but is ultimately unavoidable. The medium-to-long term outlook for South Africa’s currency, equities and fixed-income markets remains downbeat. Feature Our negative view on the rand has been wrongfooted over the past 12 months due to: (1) rising metals prices; and (2) the dramatically widened cross-currency basis swap spreads/rising FX-implied local rates. Both factors have produced a powerful rally in the rand. Chart 1South Africa: Public Debt-To-GDP Ratio Will Continue Rising Given This Gap Yet, sizable currency appreciation and ensuing low inflation do not bode well for the country’s public debt dynamics because the potential outcome will be very low nominal GDP growth. Fiscal austerity and high lending rates will also assure that nominal GDP growth will underwhelm. These dynamics will be compounded by a rollover in metals prices due to a budding slowdown in Chinese construction and infrastructure investment. Overall, to avoid a public debt trap, South Africa needs higher nominal GDP growth and lower nominal borrowing costs (Chart 1). The former can be achieved via structural reforms to boost productivity, i.e., the potential (real) GDP growth rate, and large currency depreciation to boost inflation. Neither of these conditions has been met. Odds are very low that the government will be able to implement structural reforms to lift productivity and, thereby, potential (real) GDP growth. Hence, the only way to stabilize the public debt-to-GDP ratio is via large currency depreciation and ensuing higher inflation leading to faster nominal GDP growth. Is A Strong Currency Desirable? As we argued in our previous report on South Africa, the two conditions for public debt sustainability – (1) nominal GDP growth significantly above government borrowing costs or (2) persistent and sizable primary fiscal surpluses – remain unsatisfied in South Africa.  Does substantial currency appreciation entail that South Africa’s economic woes are over? We do not think so. On the contrary, the rand appreciation will make the country’s public debt even more unsustainable. The reason is that currency appreciation is disinflationary. It not only suppresses consumer price inflation but also depresses export revenues in local currency terms. Ultimately, all of these reduce nominal GDP and government revenue growth making outstanding public debt hard to service. When the public or private sector has large foreign currency liabilities, currency appreciation reduces debt burden making foreign currency debt cheaper to service. In the case of South Africa’s government, foreign currency debt accounts for only 9.6% of the total debt and 7.7% of GDP. Thus, currency appreciation does not effectively reduce the public debt burden. Chart 2South Africa: No Primary Surplus Anytime Soon! Another way a strengthening currency can improve public debt sustainability is by reducing local currency interest rates. Even though South Africa’s government bond yields have declined a bit, at 9.7% its JP Morgan GBI benchmark government bond yields remain well above potential nominal GDP growth (please refer to Chart 1 above). The current effective government borrowing costs of 6.3% (estimated by the central bank) exceed the sustainable nominal GDP growth rate. We reckon the latter to be around 5-6%, assuming no chronic currency depreciation (potential real GDP growth of 2-2.5% plus inflation/GDP deflator of 3-3.5%).  Finally, the nation’s overall and primary fiscal deficits remain extremely large (Chart 2). Bottom Line: The rand’s appreciation has for now boosted investor confidence but has not altered South Africa’s unsustainable public debt dynamics. The only politically feasible way to stabilize the public debt-to-GDP ratio is to “inflate out of debt” and substantial currency depreciation is a major part of this scenario. Central Bank’s FX Swap Operations A major contributor the rand’s strength in the past 12 months has been the wide cross-currency basis swap, which makes shorting the currency costly (Chart 3). A widening basis swap has been an outcome of an excess of US dollars within the domestic banking system coming from $5.3 billion in multilateral loans granted by the IMF and New Development Bank. Specifically, US dollars received from these multilateral loans were absorbed by the central bank replenishing its international reserves.1 In exchange, the central bank, the South African Reserve Bank (SARB), has provided the government with local currency deposits. In essence, this transaction created both local currency deposits at commercial banks (money supply) as well as commercial banks’ excess reserves at the SARB “out of thin air” (Chart 4, top panel). Chart 3Widening Cross-Currency Basis Drove ZAR Higher Chart 4SARB FX Swap Operations...   Because it initially increased excess reserves in the banking system, this transaction should have pushed interbank rates lower. However, the SARB has decided to sterilize excess reserve creation by reducing its repo lending to banks as well as by purchasing rands from and selling US dollars to domestic banks in the forward market (Chart 4, middle and bottom panels).  As a result, FX-implied rand borrowing costs have risen sharply (Chart 5). It seems the SARB has unintentionally tightened monetary conditions via its forward swap operations: the currency has appreciated significantly and long-dated interbank rates have risen (Chart 5). Bottom Line: The central bank’s efforts to sterilize inflows of US dollars from international financial institutions have inadvertently led to considerably tighter monetary conditions. This will have negative ramifications for nominal GDP growth and, thereby, public debt dynamics. Global Drivers Of The Rand Historically, the two key global drivers of the rand have been industrial and precious metal prices and the broad-trade weighted US dollar trend. Precious metals prices seem to have rolled over and industrial metals will likely follow. First, a pullback in industrial commodity prices is likely to occur due to a potential slowdown in China. As we have written in previous reports, the relapse in China’s credit and fiscal impulse entails near-term risks to industrial metals prices and, consequently, to the rand’s exchange rate (Chart 6). Chart 5...Have Lifted Interest Rates Chart 6The Chinese Slowdown Is A Bad Omen For Metal Prices & The Rand   Second, if and as US growth and inflation surprise on the upside, US Treasury yields will have another upleg. The latter could support the US dollar temporarily. The upshot will likely be portfolio outflows from EM. Although these are unlikely to be as large as they were in 2015, 2018 or early 2020, we would still expect the rand to correct amid such outflows. On this note, foreign ownership of South African local currency government bonds is still substantial at 30% of total outstanding government bonds (Chart 7). Further, foreign holdings of South African debt securities and equities are estimated at $84 billion and $150 billion, respectively (Chart 8). Chart 7South Africa: Ownership Of Government Bonds Chart 8South African Domestic Bonds And Equity Holdings By Foreign Investors     In short, there is still a lot of foreign portfolio investor exposure to South African securities. Some of them will likely hedge if the US dollar rebounds. Policy And Growth Outlook Chart 9South Africa's Fiscal Thrust Is Negative In 2021 And 2022 The current policy prescription of fiscal austerity amid high lending rates warrants that inflation will undershoot in the medium term: Ongoing fiscal tightening following last year’s fiscal stimulus will drag on domestic demand as government spending currently stands at 36% of GDP. In a nutshell, a negative fiscal thrust of 0.7% and 0.8% of GDP projected by the IMF for the next two fiscal years entails that the rebound in domestic demand will be feeble (Chart 9). Notably, high lending rates suggest that private credit origination will be sluggish (Chart 10). While the policy rate stands at 3.5%, banks’ lending rates to households are elevated at 13.5% (Chart 11). Even the prime lending rate is elevated standing at 7% in nominal terms and 3.7% in real terms. The rise in FX-implied local currency interest rates has reduced banks’ incentive to reduce their lending rates. Chart 10Private Credit Growth Will Stay Anemic Chart 11South Africa: Lending Rates Are High     Consumer and business confidence will be strained by new rising Covid-19 cases as the vaccination campaign lacks the traction it needs to inoculate the population quickly. As of June 29, less than 5% of the population has been vaccinated with a first dose. This is a very low number even compared to South Africa’s EM peers such as Brazil and Indonesia. In turn, weak domestic demand will push core inflation measures below 3%, the SARB’s lower end of the inflation target band (Chart 12). Chart 12South Africa's Core Inflation Is To Drop Further Very low nominal income growth and weak employment will ultimately backfire on the government politically speaking. Critically, COSATU, the largest labor/trade union in South Africa has called for the central bank to reduce interest rates to help struggling businesses and consumers.2 October’s local elections might then turn out to be a showdown for or against President Cyril Ramaphosa’s fiscal austerity. Chances of the African National Congress (ANC) underperforming in these elections are high. Bottom Line: Weak growth will undermine public trust in the current ANC leadership. The government will eventually reverse these macro policies in an attempt to rally the ANC support base. When and if this occurs, investor confidence will be rattled by such a policy U-turn, which will weigh on the South African rand and fixed-income markets.  Investment Conclusions Given that we expect a decline in metals prices and a rebound in the US dollar, we maintain the ZAR in our short currency basket versus the US dollar. Also, the central bank might realize that it has unintentionally tightened monetary conditions and will attempt to ease it by pushing down FX-implied local currency rates. We reiterate our structural underweight stance on South African sovereign credit and local currency bonds relative to their respective EM benchmarks. Finally, for EM equity managers, we will continue recommend an underweight allocation to the South African bourse. Andrija Vesic Associate Editor andrijav@bcaresearch.com Arthur Budaghyan Chief Emerging Markets Strategist arthurb@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1 Please refer to Box 5 on page 25 of following PDF document: https://www.resbank.co.za/en/home/publications/publication-detail-pages/monetary-policy review/2020/MonetaryPolicyReview_April2021 2 Please refer to the following article: COSATU Urges SARB To Lower Repo Rate To Help Struggling Consumers, Businesses.

Highlights US labor-market disappointments notwithstanding, the global recovery being propelled by real GDP growth in the world's major economies is on track to be the strongest in 80 years. This growth will fuel commodity demand, which increasingly confronts tighter supply.  Higher commodity prices will ensue, and feed through to realized and expected inflation.  Manufacturers will continue to see higher input and output prices. Our modeling suggests the USD will weaken to end-2023; however, most of the move already has occurred.  Real US rates will remain subdued, as the Fed looks through PCE inflation rates above its 2% target and continues to focus on its full-employment mandate (Chart of the Week). Given these supportive inflation fundamentals, we remain long gold with a price target of $2,000/oz for this year.  We are upgrading silver to a strategic position, expecting a $30/oz price by year-end.  We remain long the S&P GSCI Dynamic Roll Index ETF (COMT) and the S&P GSCI, expecting tight supply-demand balances to steepen backwardations in forward curves, and long the Global Metals & Mining Producers ETF (PICK). Global economic policy uncertainty will remain elevated until broader vaccine distributions reduce lockdown risks. Feature The recovery of the global economy catalyzed by massive monetary accommodation and fiscal stimulus is on track to be the strongest in the past 80 years, according to the World Bank.1 The Bank revised its growth expectation for real GDP this year sharply higher – to 5.6% from its January estimate of 4.1%. For 2022, the rate of global real GDP growth is expected to slow to 4.3%, which is still significantly higher than the average 3% growth of 2018-19. DM economies are expected to grow at a 4% rate this year – double the average 2018-19 rate – while EM growth is expected to come in at 6% this year vs a 4.2% average for 2018-19. The big drivers of growth this year will be China, where the Bank expects an unleashing of pent-up demand to push real GDP up by 8.5%, and the US, where massive fiscal and monetary support will lift real GDP 6.8%. The Bank expects other DM economies will contribute to this growth, as well. Growth in EM economies will be supported by stronger demand and higher commodity prices, in the Bank's forecast. Commodity demand is recovering faster than commodity supply in the wake of this big-economy GDP recovery. As a result, manufacturers globally are seeing significant increases in input and output prices (Chart 2). Chart of the WeekUS Real Rates Continue To Languish Chart 2Global Manufacturers' Prices Moving Higher These price increases at the manufacturing level reflect the higher-price environment in global commodity markets, particularly in industrial commodities – i.e., bulks like iron ore and steel; base metals like copper and aluminum; and oil prices, which touch most processes involved in getting materials out of the ground and into factories before they make their way to consumers, who then drive to stores to pick up goods or have them delivered. Chart 3Commodity Price Increases Reflected in CPI Inflation Expectations These price pressures are being picked up in 5y5y CPI swaps markets, which are cointegrated with commodity prices (Chart 3). This also is showing up in shorter-tenor inflation gauges – monthly CPI and 2y CPI swaps. Oil prices, in particular, will be critical to the evolution of 5-year/5-year (5y5y) CPI swap rates, which are closely followed by fixed-income markets (Chart 4). Chart 4Oil Prices Are Key To 5Y5Y CPI Swap Rates Higher Gold Prices Expected CPI inflation expectations drive 5-year and 10-year real rates, which are important explanatory variables for gold prices (Chart 5).2 In addition, the massive monetary and fiscal policy out of the US also is driving expectations for a lower USD: Currency debasement fears are higher than they otherwise would be, given all the liquidity and stimulus sloshing around global markets, which also is bullish for gold (Chart 6). Chart 5Weaker Real Rates Bullish For Gold Chart 6Weaker USD Supports Gold All of these effects, particularly the inflationary impacts, are summarized in our fair-value gold model (Chart 7). At the beginning of 2021, our fair-value gold model indicated price would be closer to $2,005/oz, which was well above the actual gold price in January. Gold prices have remained below the fair value model since the beginning of 2021. The model explains gold prices using real rates, TWIB, US CPI and global economic policy uncertainty. Based on our modeling, we expect these variables to continue to be supportive of gold, bolstering our view the yellow metal will reach $2000/ oz this year. Unlike industrial commodities, gold prices are sensitive to speculative positioning and technical indicators. Our gold composite indicator shows that gold prices may be reflecting bullish sentiment. This sentiment likely reflects increasing inflation expectations, which we use as an explanatory variable for gold prices. The fact that gold is moving higher on sentiment is corroborated by the latest data point from Marketvane’s gold bullish consensus, which reported 72% of the traders expect prices to rise further (Chart 8). Chart 7BCAs Gold Fair-Value Model Supports 00/oz View Chart 8Sentiment Supports Oil Prices Investment Implications The massive monetary and fiscal stimulus that saw the global economy through the worst of the economic devastation of the COVID-19 pandemic is now bubbling through the real economy, and will, if the World Bank's assessment proves out, result in the strongest real GDP growth in 80 years. Liquidity remains abundant and interest rates – real and nominal – remain low. In its latest Global Economic Prospects, the Bank notes, " The literature generally suggests that monetary easing, both conventional and unconventional, typically boosts aggregate demand and inflation with a lag of 1-3 years …" The evidence for this is stronger for DM economies than EM; however, as the experience in China shows, scale matters. If the Bank's assessment is correct, the inflationary impulse from this stimulus should be apparent now – and it is – and will endure for another year or two. This stimulus has catalyzed organic growth and will continue to do so for years, particularly in economies pouring massive resources into renewable-energy generation and the infrastructure required to support it, a topic we have been writing about for some time.3 We remain long gold with a price target of $2,000/oz for this year. We are long silver on a tactical basis, but given our growth expectations, are upgrading this to a strategic position, expecting a $30/oz price by year-end. As we have noted in the past, silver is sensitive to all of the financial factors we consider when assessing gold markets, and it has a strong industrial component that accounts for more than half of its demand.4 Supportive fundamentals remain in place, with total supply (mine output and recycling) falling, demand rising and balances tightening (Chart 9). Worth noting is silver's supply is constrained because of underinvestment in copper production at the mine level, where silver is a by-product. On the demand side, continued recovery of industrial and consumer demand will keep silver prices well supported. In terms of broad commodity exposure, we remain long the S&P GSCI Dynamic Roll Index ETF (COMT) and the S&P GSCI, expecting tight supply-demand balances to continue to draw down inventories – particularly in energy and metals markets – which will lead to steeper backwardations in forward curves. Backwardation is the source of roll-yields for long commodity index investments. Investors initially have a long exposure in deferred commodity futures contracts, which are then liquidated and re-established when these contracts become more prompt (i.e., closer to delivery). If the futures' forward curves are backwardated, investors essentially are buying the deferred contracts at a lower price than the price at which the position likely is liquidated. We also remain long the Global Metals & Mining Producers ETF (PICK), an equity vehicle that spans miners and traders; the longer discounting horizon of equity markets suits our view on metals. Chart 9Upgrading Silver To Strategic Position Chart 10Wider Vaccine Distribution Will Support Gold Demand Global economic policy uncertainty will remain elevated until broader vaccine distributions reduce lockdown risks. We expect the wider distribution of vaccines will become increasingly apparent during 2H21 and in 2022. This will be bullish for physical gold demand – particularly in China and India – which will add support for our gold position (Chart 10).       Robert P. Ryan Chief Commodity & Energy Strategist rryan@bcaresearch.com Ashwin Shyam Research Associate Commodity & Energy Strategy ashwin.shyam@bcaresearch.com   Commodities Round-Up Energy: Bullish The US EIA expects Brent crude oil prices to fall to $60/bbl next year, given its call higher production from OPEC 2.0 and the US shales will outpace demand growth. The EIA expects global oil demand will average just under 98mm this year, or 5.4mm b/d above 2020 levels. For next year, the EIA is forecasting demand will grow 3.6mm b/d, averaging 101.3mm b/d. This is slightly less than the demand growth we expect next year – 101.65mm b/d. We are expecting 2022 Brent prices to average $73/bbl, and $78/bbl in 2023. We will be updating our oil balances and price forecasts in next week's publication. Base Metals: Bullish Pedro Castillo, the socialist candidate in Peru's presidential election, held on to a razor-thin lead in balloting as we went to press. Markets have been focused on the outcome of this election, as Castillo has campaigned on increasing taxes and royalties for mining companies operating in Peru, which accounts for ~10% of global copper production. The election results are likely to be contested by opposition candidate rival Keiko Fujimori, who has made unsubstantiated claims of fraud, according to reuters.com. Copper prices traded on either side of $4.50/lb on the CME/COMEX market as the election drama was unfolding (Chart 11). Precious Metals: Bullish As economies around the world reopen and growth rebounds, car manufacturing will revive. Stricter emissions regulations mean the demand for autocatalysts – hence platinum and palladium – will rise with the recovery in automobile production. Platinum is also used in the production of green hydrogen, making it an important metal for the shift to renewable energy. On the supply side, most platinum shafts in South Africa are back to pre-COVID-19 levels, according to Johnson Matthey, the metals refiner. As a result, supply from the world’s largest platinum producer will rebound by 40%, resulting in a surplus. South Africa accounts for ~ 70% of global platinum supply. The fact that an overwhelming majority of platinum comes from a nation which has had periodic electricity outages – the most recent one occurring a little more than a week ago – could pose a supply-side risk to this metal. This could introduce upside volatility to prices (Chart 12). Ags/Softs: Neutral As of 6 June, 90% of the US corn crop had emerged vs a five-year average of 82%; 72% of the crop was reported to be in good to excellent condition vs 75% at this time last year. Chart 11 Chart 12 Footnotes 1     Please see World Bank's Global Economic Prospects update, published June 8, 2021. 2     In fact, US Treasury Inflation-Indexed securities include the CPI-U as a factor in yield determination.  3    For our latest installment of this epic evolution, please see A Perfect Energy Storm On The Way, which we published last week.  It is available at ces.bcareserch.com. 4    Please see Higher Inflation Expectations Battle Lower Risk Premia In Gold Markets, which we published February 4, 2021. It is available at ces.bcareserch.com.     Investment Views and Themes Strategic Recommendations Tactical Trades Commodity Prices and Plays Reference Table Trades Closed in 2021 Summary of Closed Trades

In October, South African authorities announced plans to engage in fiscal tightening over the next three years to stabilize the mushrooming public debt-to-GDP ratio. The announcement has boosted investor confidence. Since then, the rand has rallied sharply, and the difference between long- and short-term domestic government bond yields has narrowed considerably (Chart 1). In this insight we explore whether this fiscal tightening is economically feasible and politically viable. Fiscal Consolidation According to recent government projections, primary fiscal spending is expected to decline from 31% of GDP in the fiscal year 2020 to 26% of GDP in 2023 (Chart 2, top panel). In nominal terms, this represents a contraction of 2.2% in government expenditures in fiscal 2021, followed by managed increases of 4.3% and 2.8% for 2022 and 2023, respectively (Chart 2, bottom panel). Chart 1Investors' Confidence Boosted By Fiscal Consolidation Chart 2South Africa: Government Spending Is An Important Contributor To Domestic Demand   Meanwhile, revenue is projected to grow by 14%, 9.5% and 6.8%, and nominal GDP expected to expand by 7.3%, 5.6% and 6.2% for 2021, 2022 and 2023, respectively. Altogether, the new budget intends to stabilize the public debt-to-GDP ratio at 95.3% of GDP in the 2025 fiscal year (Chart 4). Our assessment is that these public debt projections are too optimistic for the following reasons: First, fiscal austerity in an ailing economy will ensure lackluster nominal growth. In particular, the outsized role of government spending implies that it plays a crucial role in driving domestic demand (Chart 2). A contraction followed by meager growth in fiscal expenditures will depress nominal GDP, and the government will miss its revenue targets (Chart 3). Chart 3South Africa: Lackluster Nominal Growth Chart 4South Africa: The Public Debt-To-GDP Outlook Chart 5South Africa Needs Higher Inflation To Inflate Public Debt Critically, inflation is at the lower end of the central bank target range of 3-6% (Chart 5). Fiscal austerity will cap inflation, implying that nominal GDP growth will fall short of government projections. The implication is that the fiscal deficit will exceed the government’s target despite the spending restraint, and the public debt-to-GDP ratio will rise more than projected. Second, domestic demand remains well below pre-pandemic levels. With new lockdowns announced due to a rising number of COVID-19 cases, the economy will struggle to revive in 2021. Delays in the procurement of a COVID vaccine also suggest that the economy will be ravaged by the pandemic much longer. This will depress both consumer and business confidence, thereby weighing on activity and government revenue.  Third, the bulk of fiscal spending cuts will come from public sector wages. These represent 11% of overall non-interest expenditure. Cutting or freezing public sector wages will be detrimental to overall household income and thus consumption, given that the public sector accounts for around 25% of total employment. Fourth, the Ministry of Finance has recently announced that it is considering raising taxes to finance the procurement of vaccines. The costs will amount to 0.4% of GDP. There are also proposals to introduce a wealth tax to combat inequality and raise government revenues. If realized, higher taxes will further depress economic activity. Bottom Line: Tighter fiscal policy is a major headwind to nominal GDP and government revenue growth. Hence, the government’s targets for the fiscal deficit and public-debt-to-GDP ratio will be very difficult to achieve. Debt Arithmetic Chart 6South Africa: Primary Balance To Remain In Deficit For The Coming Year Authorities are facing the reality of unfavorable public debt arithmetic. Unfortunately, there are no easy solutions. Odds are that neither of the following two conditions for public debt sustainability will be satisfied over the next three years in South Africa: (1) running robust primary fiscal surpluses; and/or (2) government borrowing costs falling and staying well below nominal GDP growth. First, to arrest the rise in public debt to GDP, the government will need to run sustainable primary fiscal surpluses for several years. Yet, according to government projections, the primary deficit is expected to narrow to 1.4% of GDP in 2023/24 from the projected 9.8% for the current 2020/21 fiscal year (Chart 6, top panel). Even though as discussed above, this target is overly optimistic, it still does not meet the first requirement for public debt sustainability. Concerning the second condition, local currency government bond yields will likely remain above nominal GDP growth (Chart 7). With cutbacks in government and SOE spending and employment, nominal growth will be very poor. Chart 7South Africa: Nominal GDP Borrowings Costs Vs Growth Gap Will Not Close Given that government targets for the fiscal deficit and public debt-to-GDP ratio are unlikely to be realized, odds are low that domestic bond yields will drop below nominal GDP growth. Further, interest payments on public debt now represent 18% of overall revenues. This metric will continue deteriorating due to high borrowing costs and lackluster government revenues (Chart 6, bottom panel). Bottom Line: We reckon that the public debt-to-GDP ratio will continue rising, as neither of the above two conditions for debt sustainability will be met under the announced government fiscal consolidation plan. Is Fiscal Austerity Politically Feasible? The government’s fiscal plan is also politically unfeasible. The authorities will opt for higher spending sooner than later. The primary constraint facing President Ramaphosa is voters’ expectations for distributional policies. Table 1South African Polls: Which Party Would You Vote For? The median voter in South Africa in general, and among ANC supporters in particular, prefers expansionary macro policies and is not ready to endure more economic pain stemming from fiscal tightening. Disposable household income in real terms has been stagnating in South Africa for many years. Not surprisingly, the ANC’s support base continues to erode nationally, according to recent polls (Table 1). With municipal elections planned for August this year, fiscal austerity could put the ANC in a risky position. Meanwhile, support for the Economic Freedom Fighters party (EFF), a radical far left party, is growing at the expense of the ANC. If national employment and income do not improve, the EFF will attract disgruntled ANC members, further weakening the ANC at the local government level. Struggling municipal and provincial as well as SOE finances require greater financial support from the central government. Failure to provide adequate monetary assistance to local governments and SOEs could lead to a continued major deterioration in public services, such as electricity, water and health care. This could be detrimental to the ANC’s popularity and its sway on local governments across the country. Bottom Line: Fiscal belt tightening will prove to be extremely unpopular among the ruling party’s base and supporters. Waning popular support will pressure the ANC’s leadership to abandon fiscal tightening sooner rather than later. This will be especially true if the initial phase of fiscal tightening does not meet its objective of improving the trajectory of the public debt-to-GDP ratio. Can Higher Commodities Prices Reverse Public Debt Woes? Can rising commodities prices, if sustained, boost nominal GDP growth in South Africa and thereby stabilize public debt dynamics? We reckon that the resource complex can materially boost nominal GDP growth only if the commodities rally turns into a multi-year boom. Barring that, the current level of commodities prices is not sufficient to stabilize the public debt-to-GDP ratio. Moreover, over the years, the importance of government spending in GDP has risen, while that of the mining industry has diminished. The nation’s exports of goods, in nominal terms, are 24% of GDP (Chart 8, top panel). In comparison, government spending, excluding interest payments, is a major driver of economic activity. It represents 31% of GDP (Chart 2, top panel). Critically, the mining industry accounts for only 3.1% of total employment, versus 25% in the case of the public sector. A lack of investment in new mines over the years has led to shrinking mining capacity in South Africa (Chart 9). Capacity constraints will continue capping mining output and export volumes despite higher resource prices and a cheap local currency. Chart 8South Africa: Size Of Exports As Percentage Of GDP Chart 9The South African Mining Output Is In A Structural Decline   As mining companies continue reducing their investments in South Africa, the multiplier effect of higher commodities prices on overall economic activity will be limited. Bottom Line: Barring a multi-year boom, the current level of commodities prices is not sufficient to offset the negative impact of fiscal tightening on economic activity. Hence, nominal GDP will be underwhelming if fiscal austerity is pursued. Investment Conclusions In the long run, South African policymakers have one politically feasible option for stabilizing the public debt-to-GDP ratio: to inflate their way out of debt by reducing government borrowing costs substantially (likely by resorting to some form of QE) and increasing fiscal spending to boost nominal GDP growth. This outcome will be associated with substantial currency depreciation. We do not mean that this scenario is the policymakers’ preferred option. This is an external constraint imposed by the lack of productivity growth in the economy. We discussed productivity’s role as a driver of macro variables and financial markets in last week’s report. Our recommended investment strategy is as follows: Given the country’s structural malaises, the South African rand’s correlation with commodities prices will continue weakening (Chart 10). Thus, the currency’s rallies will be capped during periods of rising commodities prices and its selloff will be considerable during periods of weakening resource prices. Chart 10The Rand And Metal Prices Can Diverge! We closed our short ZAR/long USD position on July 9, 2020 because we changed our view on the US dollar from bullish to bearish. Since then, we have been recommending shorting the rand against an equal-weighted basket of the euro, CHF and JPY. The rand is one of the weakest EM currencies and it will underperform DM currencies in the medium and long term. EM fixed-income portfolios should continue to underweight local currency government bonds and sovereign credit relative to their EM peers. The rationale is currency depreciation and rising risk premium related to public debt sustainability. Today, we are booking profits on the trade of receiving 2-year swap rates. This position has produced a gain of 42 basis points since its initiation on May 15, 2020. Rising US bond yields, a rebound in the US dollar and related weakness in the rand could raise South Africa’s interest rate expectations. Ultimately, we do not think the central bank will raise interest rates. Lower growth prospects imply that investors should continue to underweight equities within an EM dedicated equity portfolio.   Andrija Vesic Associate Editor andrijav@bcaresearch.com

South Africa’s public debt is bound to surge to unsustainable levels: from 62% of GDP in 2019 to 95% of GDP by the end of 2021. If the government is forced to take over unsustainable debt from state-owned enterprises, which is very likely, it will push up the public debt-to-GDP ratio further by another nine percentage points to 104% of GDP. Table III-1 summarizes South Africa’s public debt projections using the following parameters and assumptions: To fight the COVID-19-induced economic crunch, President Cyril Ramaphosa recently announced a fiscal stimulus package of $26 billion (R500 billion), or 10% of GDP. Using recent government and central bank projections for 2020 and 2021, nominal GDP growth is expected to contract by 2.5% and expand 6.7%, respectively. Notably, fiscal revenue growth is expected to fall by 32% in nominal terms, according to recent comments by the Minister of Finance.1  Meanwhile, government spending will grow by 15%,2 and the primary fiscal deficit is expected to widen to 15.4% of GDP in 2020. Given that government forecasts often tend to be optimistic, chances are that both the primary deficit and public debt-to-GDP ratio will overshoot these forecasts. Finally, the sharp drop in domestic demand will increase the odds of a default among state-owned enterprises, with Eskom likely being a case in point. Current government guidelines require at least two thirds of Eskom’s R450 billion debt to be transferred to government balances in the event of default or anticipated default. In such a case, this increases the government debt-to-GDP ratio by an additional R350 billion, or 7% of GDP. Table III-3Projections For South Africa Fiscal Position And Public Debt Altogether, the public debt-to-GDP ratio will surge to 104% of GDP by the end of 2021 (Chart III-1). With public debt above 100% of GDP, interest rates well above nominal GDP and the government running large primary deficits, debt dynamics will become unsustainable. To avoid a public debt crisis, the government should either run large primary surpluses, which is unfeasible anytime soon, or bring down government borrowing costs to push up nominal GDP above interest rates (Chart III-2). Chart III-1Public Debt-To-GDP Will Balloon To 104%! Chart III-2Unsustainable Gap Between Local Yields And Nominal Growth   The latter option is the only one that is politically feasible. But to do so, the central bank needs to resort to the monetization of public debt. The central bank (SARB) has already taken the first step to bring down bond yields by buying government bonds in the secondary market. While the rationale of that was to cover foreign investors’ selling of local currency bonds, it amounts to nothing else but quantitative easing, or public debt monetization. As such, debt monetization is a fait accompli in South Africa. Monetizing part of the government’s debt will help reduce real borrowing costs and at the same time reflate nominal GDP growth, thereby boosting government revenues. Ultimately, the outcome of large fiscal deficits and public debt monetization is a weaker currency. If foreigners continue to sell the local currency bond market, the SARB and commercial banks will need to buy more government debt, creating even more money. This is why we expect the rand to continue depreciating. Investment Recommendations Chart III-3The Rand Could Drop Further Given Public Debt Dynamics The currency will likely get cheaper provided the rising odds of outright public debt monetization (Chart III-3). Continue shorting the rand versus the US dollar. We are initiating a new position of receiving 2-year swap rates. Odds are that the central bank will cut rates further in the months to come. Remain underweight local currency bonds in an EM-dedicated portfolio. Even though local domestic rates will likely fall, South African bonds will not outperform the EM benchmark on a total return in US dollar basis, mostly due to chronic currency depreciation. Finally, investors should underweight sovereign credit (government US dollar bonds) due to the unsustainable public debt dynamics. Dedicated EM equity portfolio investors should maintain a below-benchmark allocation to this bourse. Andrija Vesic Associate Editor andrijav@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1     The Minister of Finance made remarks about tax revenue falling by 32% in nominal terms. Tax revenues represent almost 100% of overall revenue. 2     Overall fiscal package is estimated to be 3% of GDP. This excludes reprioritization in 2020 around R130 billion & loan guarantee scheme of R200 billion. Overall total additional spending amounts to R170 billion in 2020 fiscal year.

Feature Analysis on Korea & South Africa are available on pages 6 and 10, respectively. Mexico: Balancing Pros And Cons We have been overweight Mexican sovereign credit and local currency bonds as well as equities relative to the respective EM benchmarks. Our rationale for this stance has been the fact that Mexico’s macro risk premium relative to other EMs has been, in our opinion, wider than it should have been. However, the COVID-19 outbreak has introduced new dimensions into this analysis. On one hand, there are a number of positives that still warrant a lower macro risk premium on Mexican assets: The nation’s public debt burden is rising sharply but is not yet at an unsustainable level. We estimate that assuming (1) a nominal GDP contraction of 7% in 2020, (2) an overall fiscal deficit of 4.7% of GDP this year, and (3) the peso’s exchange rate versus the US dollar at 26, the gross public debt-to-GDP ratio will rise to 49% from 37% currently (Table I-1). If we assume the government takes over all SOE debt, including that of Pemex, total gross public debt will rise to 62% of GDP (Table I-1). While non-trivial, Mexico’s public debt burden is considerably lower than those in large EM countries like Brazil and South Africa. Table I-1Mexico's Public Debt Burden Chart I-1Mexico: Real And Nominal Rates Are Too High Despite widespread investor concerns, President AMLO has been running a very tight fiscal policy. At the end of 2019, the government had a primary surplus of 1% of GDP, and the overall deficit stood at 1.6%. In fact, given AMLO’s ideological approach to fiscal frugality, his government’s fiscal response to the COVID-19 pandemic to date has actually been less than what it can or should be. Similarly, monetary policy has been very tight. This is positive for creditors but negative for growth. The central bank has erred on the hawkish side and has a lot of room to reduce interest rates. Nominal and real interest rates in Mexico are among the highest in the EM universe (Chart I-1). Very tight fiscal policy means that monetary policy can be relaxed considerably. Interest rates in Mexico have a lot of downside.   Finally, the peso is reasonably cheap, according to the real effective exchange rate based on CPI and PPI measures (Chart I-2). Mexico’s macro risk premium relative to other EMs has been, in our opinion, wider than it should have been. On the other hand, there are considerable negatives, especially regarding the growth outlook: A year and a half into his mandate, president AMLO has not been able to secure the corporate sector’s confidence in his administration’s policies. The government was attempting to reverse this trend in the months leading up to the COVID-19 outbreak by announcing a public-private infrastructure package and improving relations with the US. Nevertheless, the decision to shun large corporations from the national fiscal response has once again weighed on business confidence. This will further reduce capital spending and hiring, prolonging the recession (Chart I-3). Chart I-2The Mexican Peso Is Cheap Chart I-3Business Confidence Plummets Again   The government’s fiscal response to the COVID-19 pandemic has been insufficient. The central government announced measures to increase funding for social and infrastructure programs and loans for households as well as small and medium businesses, amounting to a mere 3% of GDP. This is one of the lowest stimulus packages among major economies worldwide (Chart I-4). Chart I-4Mexico's Fiscal Response Is Poor Mexico is highly levered to the US economy. A deep contraction in American demand for consumer discretionary goods and international travel will suffocate Mexico’s export revenues. Exports of automobiles and tourism revenues together account for 37% of total goods and services exports, and 13% of GDP (Chart I-5). Balancing pros and cons, we recommend the following strategy for Mexican markets: Continue to overweight local currency bonds and sovereign credit within their respective EM benchmarks (Chart I-6). Orthodox fiscal and monetary policies warrant an overweight stance on fixed-income plays. Chart I-5Autos And Tourism Revenues Are Significant Chart I-6Mexico Versus EM: Domestic Bonds And Sovereign Credit   We reiterate our trade to receive Mexican 10-year swap rates. The only reason we are reluctant to be long cash domestic bonds is the potential for further currency depreciation. Finally, we are maintaining an overweight stance on equities, even though we acknowledge the very bad profit outlook. However, historically whenever Mexican interest rates have fallen relative to EM, Mexican stocks have typically outperformed the EM equity benchmark (Chart I-7). This is the primary rationale behind our equity overweight stance. Chart I-7Mexico vs. EM: Government Bond Yields Are Inversely Correlated To Stock Prices   Juan Egaña Research Associate juane@bcaresearch.com   South Korea: Bonds Offer Value Amid Looming Deflation The South Korean economy is facing strong deflationary pressures, requiring significant and additional rate cuts. Meanwhile, 10-year government bonds yield are still at 1.4%, 75 basis points over 10-year US Treasurys (Chart II-1). Hence, Korea’s bond yields offer good value for fixed-income investors and have considerable downside. We have been receiving 10-year swap rates in Korea since 2011 and are reiterating this recommendation: Chart II-2 shows that the GDP deflator has been negative since 2018, and core and trimmed mean consumer prices are flirting with deflation. Chart II-1Korean Government Bonds Yields: More Room To Fall Chart II-2The Korean Economy Is Flirting With Deflation   Falling prices amid elevated corporate and household debt levels – at 102% and 96% of GDP respectively – is toxic. The basis is price deflation increases real debt burdens. Notably, the debt service ratio for businesses and households is very high at 19.9% of GDP. There is no reason why Korea’s policy rate should not be reduced close to zero as is the case in advanced economies. Exports – which account for some 40% of GDP – are plunging. The business survey from Bank of Korea suggests exporters’ business sentiment plunged by a record in May and is close to 2008 levels, pointing to a dreadful export outlook. (Chart II-3) Domestic demand will remain weak, despite the large fiscal response to the COVID-19 outbreak. Business investment and hiring will be depressed for a while, undercutting consumer spending (Chart II-4). Chart II-3Exports In Freefall Chart II-4Less Investment Plan And Poor Employment Outlook Chart II-5Falling Residential Construction Permits Finally, residential investment was in the doldrums even before the COVID-19 outbreak. Chart II-5 illustrates that declining residential construction permits preclude lower residential construction for the rest of the year. The Bank of Korea will have to cut interest rates considerably this year. From a big-picture perspective, there is no reason why Korea’s policy rate should not be reduced close to zero as is the case in advanced economies. Korea’s economy shares many similarities with advanced economies like high debt levels and persistent deflationary pressures. On top of this, Korea is much more exposed to global trade, which makes its cyclical outlook worse, heralding substantial monetary easing. Exchange Rate Low interest rates could undermine the Korean won, even though the exchange rate has not historically been driven by interest rate differentials. The key driver of the won – shrinking global trade volumes and deflating tradable goods prices – warrants a cheaper currency to mitigate the negative impact on corporate profitability (Chart II-6). Chart II-6Deflating Export Prices Herald Currency Depreciation Chart II-7Deflating Semiconductor Prices...   Besides, deflation in DRAM prices (Chart II-7) as well as DRAM sales point to further currency depreciation and lower Korean tech stock prices (Chart II-8). Chart II-8...Does Not Bode Well For Tech Stocks Overall, a weak currency is needed to alleviate deflationary pressures currently present in the economy. Stocks We are negative on the KOSPI in absolute terms but continue to recommend that EM-dedicated equity portfolio investors overweight this bourse. Despite being a highly cyclical market, we believe the KOSPI’s outperformance will be due to its large weight in tech stocks. The latter will benefit from China’s ambitious tech-related infrastructure plan in the coming years. The plan includes construction of Information Transmission, Software and Information Technology Services, such as 5G networks, industrial internet and data centers. We expect total investment will reach between US$182 billion and $266 billion by the end of 2020, an increase of 30-50% over last year. Importantly, 40% of Korea’s semiconductor exports are purchased by China. We have been playing the semiconductor theme via Korea rather than Taiwan because the latter is a wild card amid escalating geopolitical tensions between the US and China. Our geopolitical team expects a flare up in US-China tensions ahead of US elections this year, and Taiwan could become one of the focal points. Bottom Line: Continue receiving 10-year swap rates, shorting the won against the US dollar and overweighting the KOSPI within an EM dedicated equity portfolio. Lin Xiang, CFA Research Analyst linx@bcaresearch.com South Africa: A Point Of No Return On Public Debt South Africa’s public debt is bound to surge to unsustainable levels: from 62% of GDP in 2019 to 95% of GDP by the end of 2021. If the government is forced to take over unsustainable debt from state-owned enterprises, which is very likely, it will push up the public debt-to-GDP ratio further by another nine percentage points to 104% of GDP. Table III-1 summarizes South Africa’s public debt projections using the following parameters and assumptions: To fight the COVID-19-induced economic crunch, President Cyril Ramaphosa recently announced a fiscal stimulus package of $26 billion (R500 billion), or 10% of GDP. Using recent government and central bank projections for 2020 and 2021, nominal GDP growth is expected to contract by 2.5% and expand 6.7%, respectively. Notably, fiscal revenue growth is expected to fall by 32% in nominal terms, according to recent comments by the Minister of Finance.1  Meanwhile, government spending will grow by 15%,2 and the primary fiscal deficit is expected to widen to 15.4% of GDP in 2020. Given that government forecasts often tend to be optimistic, chances are that both the primary deficit and public debt-to-GDP ratio will overshoot these forecasts. Finally, the sharp drop in domestic demand will increase the odds of a default among state-owned enterprises, with Eskom likely being a case in point. Current government guidelines require at least two thirds of Eskom’s R450 billion debt to be transferred to government balances in the event of default or anticipated default. In such a case, this increases the government debt-to-GDP ratio by an additional R350 billion, or 7% of GDP. Table III-1Projections For South Africa Fiscal Position And Public Debt Altogether, the public debt-to-GDP ratio will surge to 104% of GDP by the end of 2021 (Chart III-1). With public debt above 100% of GDP, interest rates well above nominal GDP and the government running large primary deficits, debt dynamics will become unsustainable. To avoid a public debt crisis, the government should either run large primary surpluses, which is unfeasible anytime soon, or bring down government borrowing costs to push up nominal GDP above interest rates (Chart III-2). Chart III-1Public Debt-To-GDP Will Balloon To 104%! Chart III-2Unsustainable Gap Between Local Yields And Nominal Growth   The latter option is the only one that is politically feasible. But to do so, the central bank needs to resort to the monetization of public debt. The central bank (SARB) has already taken the first step to bring down bond yields by buying government bonds in the secondary market. While the rationale of that was to cover foreign investors’ selling of local currency bonds, it amounts to nothing else but quantitative easing, or public debt monetization. Ultimately, the outcome of large fiscal deficits and public debt monetization is a weaker currency. As such, debt monetization is a fait accompli in South Africa. Monetizing part of the government’s debt will help reduce real borrowing costs and at the same time reflate nominal GDP growth, thereby boosting government revenues. Ultimately, the outcome of large fiscal deficits and public debt monetization is a weaker currency. If foreigners continue to sell the local currency bond market, the SARB and commercial banks will need to buy more government debt, creating even more money. This is why we expect the rand to continue depreciating. Investment Recommendations Chart III-3The Rand Could Drop Further Given Public Debt Dynamics The currency will likely get cheaper provided the rising odds of outright public debt monetization (Chart III-3). Continue shorting the rand versus the US dollar. We are initiating a new position of receiving 2-year swap rates. Odds are that the central bank will cut rates further in the months to come. Remain underweight local currency bonds in an EM-dedicated portfolio. Even though local domestic rates will likely fall, South African bonds will not outperform the EM benchmark on a total return in US dollar basis, mostly due to chronic currency depreciation. Finally, investors should underweight sovereign credit (government US dollar bonds) due to the unsustainable public debt dynamics. Dedicated EM equity portfolio investors should maintain a below-benchmark allocation to this bourse. Andrija Vesic Associate Editor andrijav@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1     The Minister of Finance made remarks about tax revenue falling by 32% in nominal terms. Tax revenues represent almost 100% of overall revenue. 2     Overall fiscal package is estimated to be 3% of GDP. This excludes reprioritization in 2020 around R130 billion & loan guarantee scheme of R200 billion. Overall total additional spending amounts to R170 billion in 2020 fiscal year. Equities Recommendations Currencies, Credit And Fixed-Income Recommendations

Special Report

Highlights Our COVID Unrest Index reveals that Turkey, the Philippines, Brazil, and South Africa are the major emerging markets most at risk of significant social unrest. China, Russia, Thailand, and Malaysia are the least at risk – in the short run. Stay tactically overweight developed market equities relative to emerging markets. Go tactically short a basket of “EM Strongmen” currencies relative to the EM currency benchmark. Short the rand as well. Feature Chart 1Stimulus-Fueled Markets Ignore Reality With global fiscal stimulus now estimated at 7% of GDP, and central banks in full debt monetization mode, the S&P 500 is at 2940 and rallying toward 3000. It is not only largely ignoring the global pandemic and recession. It is as if the trade war never occurred, China is not shrinking, and WTI crude oil prices have never gone negative (Chart 1). In recent reports we have argued that “geopolitics is the next shoe to drop” – specifically that President Trump’s electoral challenges and the vulnerability of America’s enemies make for a volatile combination. But there are also more mundane geopolitical consequences of the recession that asset allocators must worry about. Such as government change and regime failure. COVID-19 and government lockdowns have exacted a heavy economic toll on households and political systems now face heightened risk of unrest. In many cases emerging market countries were already vulnerable, having witnessed outbreaks of civil unrest in 2019. Fear of contracting the virus, plus various isolation measures, will tend to suppress street movements in the near term. This year’s “May Day” protests will be minor compared to what we will see in coming years. But significant unrest will sprout as the containment measures are relaxed and yet economic problems linger. And bear in mind that the biggest bouts of unrest in the wake of the 2008 crisis did not occur until 2011-13. In this report we introduce our “COVID Unrest Index” for emerging economies, which shows that Turkey, the Philippines, Brazil, and South Africa face substantial unrest that can trigger or follow upon market riots. Introducing The COVID Unrest Index At any point in time, social and political instability depends on economic conditions such as unemployment and inflation, structural problems such as inequality, and governance issues such as corruption. In the post-COVID recessionary environment, additional factors such as health care capacity also carry weight. To identify markets that are most likely to face unrest, we created a COVID Unrest Index (Table 1). The overall ranking is determined by five factors: Table 1Our COVID-19 Social Unrest Index Initial Economic Conditions: A proxy for economic policy’s ability to respond to the crisis. This factor includes the fiscal balance and sovereign debt – which determine "fiscal space" – as well as the current account balance, public foreign currency debt as a percent of GDP, foreign debt obligations as a percent of exports, and foreign funding requirements as a percent of foreign currency reserves. Health Capacity And Vulnerability: A proxy for both a population’s vulnerability to COVID and its health care capabilities. Vulnerability to the pandemic is captured by COVID-19 deaths per million, share of the population over the age of 65, and likelihood of dying from an infectious disease. Health infrastructure is measured by life expectancy at age 60 and health expenditure per capita. Economic Vulnerability To Pandemic: A proxy for the magnitude of the COVID-specific shock to the individual economy. This factor takes into account a country’s dependence on revenue from tourism and its dependence on inflows from remittances. Household Grievances: A proxy for economic hardship faced by households, captured by the GINI index, which measures income inequality, and the “misery index,” which consists of the sum of inflation and unemployment. Governance: A proxy the captures the quality of governance from the World Bank’s World Governance Indicators – specifically the ability to participate in selecting government, likelihood of political instability or politically-motivated violence, and perceptions of corruption. The country ranking for the COVID Unrest Index is constructed by first standardizing the variables, then transforming them such that higher readings are associated with more favorable conditions. Finally, the five factors are averaged for each country to produce individual scores. Turkey: A Shambles On Europe’s Doorstep Turkey is the most likely to face mass discontent in the near future. It has all the ingredients for unrest: poor standing across all factors and the weakest governance score. From an economic standpoint, its foreign currency reserves are critically low while its foreign debt obligations are relatively elevated (Chart 2). This spells trouble for the lira, which will only further add to the grievances of households already burdened by a high misery index. Chart 2AEmerging Markets Face Debt Troubles Even With The Fed’s Help Chart 2BEmerging Markets Face Debt Troubles Even With The Fed’s Help President Erdogan has rejected suggestions of aid from the IMF. Fearing a revival of the main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP), especially in the wake of his party’s losses in the 2019 municipal elections, he has banned cities that are run by the CHP from raising funds toward virus response efforts. This right is reserved only for cities run by his Justice and Development Party (AKP). Given that Erdogan does not face reelection until 2023, the move to suppress the opposition reflects general weakness and portends a long period of suppression and political conflict. Erdogan’s handling of the outbreak has also seen its share of failures. While he has opted for only a partial lockdown, a 48-hour full lockdown was announced on April 10 only hours in advance, resulting in crowds of people rushing to purchase necessities. Interior minister Suleyman Soylu tried to resign, but was prevented by Erdogan, breeding speculation about Soylu’s motives. Soylu may have sought to distance himself from the president’s handling of the crisis to preserve his image as a potential successor to the president, rivaling Erdogan’s son-in-law, Finance Minister Berat Albayrak. The point is that Erdogan is already facing greater political competition. Former ally and minister of foreign affairs and economy Ali Babacan recently launched a new party, the Democracy and Progress Party (DEVA). He has criticized the government’s stimulus package and decision to hold back on requesting IMF aid. Erdogan is also challenged by his former prime minister Ahmet Davutoglu, who broke away from the AKP to form his own Future Party late last year. The obvious risk to Erdogan is that these opposition groups create a viable political alternative that voters can flock to – and they could form a united front amid national economic collapse. Brazil and South Africa have large twin deficits. Erdogan’s response, repeatedly, has been to harden his stance and double down on populist and unorthodox policies. These have not helped his popular standing, as we have chronicled over the past several years. At home his policies are generating excessive money supply and a large budget deficit (Chart 3). Abroad he has gotten the military more deeply involved in Syria, Libya, and maritime conflicts. The result is stagflation with the potential for negative political surprises both at home and abroad. Chart 3Twin Deficits Flash Red For Emerging Markets Chart 4Turkish Political Risk Has Room To Rise Our GeoRisk Indicator for Turkey shows that risks are rising as the lira falls relative to its underlying economic fundamentals (Chart 4). But it will fall further from here. Positive signs would be accepting IMF aid, cutting off the foreign adventures, selling off government assets, and restoring fiscal and monetary orthodoxy. But it is just as likely that Erdogan resorts to even more desperate moves, including a greater confrontation with Greece and Europe by encouraging more refugee flow-through into Europe. Erdogan has always been more popular than his Justice and Development Party, but after ruling since 2003, and now facing a nationwide crisis, his rule is increasingly in jeopardy. His scramble to survive the election in 2023 will be all the more dangerous to governance. Bottom Line: We booked gains on our short lira trade earlier this year but the fundamental case for the short remains intact, so we include it in our short “EM Strongmen” currency basket discussed at the end of this report. The Philippines: Yes, Governance Matters The Philippines is next at risk of instability. It is particularly vulnerable to a pandemic recession due to its dependence on remittance inflows and tourism for foreign currency (Chart 5) as well as its poor health infrastructure (Chart 6). While it is not in a vulnerable position in terms of foreign currency obligations, its double deficit (see Chart 3) means that significant stimulus will come at the expense of the currency. Chart 5Pandemics Hurt Tourism, Recessions Hurt Remittances Chart 6AEmerging Markets Face COVID-19 Without Developed Market Health Systems Chart 6BEmerging Markets Face COVID-19 Without Developed Market Health Systems President Rodrigo Duterte remains extremely popular even though the Philippines is suffering one of the worst outbreaks in Asia. Socioeconomic Planning Secretary Ernesto Pernia has resigned from his post due to disagreement over containment measures. Pernia’s vision of a partial lockdown contrasted with Duterte’s militarized containment approach – which includes the granting of extraordinary emergency powers.1 Meanwhile the lockdowns imposed on the capital and southern Luzon provinces will remain in place until at least May 15 after which Duterte indicated it will be gradually lifted. While Duterte will in all likelihood remain in power until the end of his term in 2022, he is using his popularity to secure a preferred successor. He is less capable of getting through a constitutional amendment that extends presidential term limits – he has the votes in Congress, but a popular referendum is not a sure bet given the economic crisis. He is widely believed to be grooming his daughter Sara or former aide Senator Bong Go for the presidential post, with speculation that he may run as vice president on the same ticket. Turkey and the Philippines have poor governance, putting them alongside international rogue states. Any hit to his popularity that upends his succession plan poses existential risks to Duterte as he has racked up many influential enemies and could face criminal charges if an opposing administration succeeds him. This risk will likely induce him to tighten control further in an attempt to maintain order and crack down on dissent. Autocratic moves will weigh on the Philippines’ governance score which is already among the poorest in our pool of emerging countries (Chart 7). Chart 7Governance Matters For Investors Over The Long Run Chart 8Duterte Signaled Top In Philippine Equity Outperformance Does governance matter? Yes, at least in the case of strongmen in regimes with weak institutions. Look at Philippine equities relative to emerging market equities since Duterte first rose onto the scene, prompting us to go short (Chart 8). Duterte obliterated the country’s current account surplus just as we expected and its currency has suffered as a result. For now, the Philippines’ misery index is not yet at a level that strongly implies widespread unrest (Chart 9), but the general context does, especially if constitutional maneuvers backfire. At 4% of GDP, the proposed COVID-19 stimulus package comes on top of the fact that Duterte’s “build, build, build” infrastructure plan already required massive fiscal spending. But the weak currency and higher unemployment will increase the misery index and chip away at the president’s popularity. If the people turn against Duterte, they will remove him in a “people power” movement, as with previous leaders. Chart 9Inequality, Unemployment, And Inflation Are A Deadly Brew The Philippines is also highly vulnerable to the emerging cold war between the US and China. Administrations are now flagrantly aligned with one great power or the other. This means that foreign meddling should be expected. Duterte could get Chinese assistance, which erodes Philippine sovereignty and its security alliance with the United States, or he could eventually suffer from anti-Chinese sentiment, which invites Chinese pressure tactics. Either course will inject a risk premium over the long run. The US is popular in the Philippines, especially with the military, and overt Chinese sponsorship will eventually trigger a backlash. Bottom Line: The lack of legislative or popular constraints on Duterte makes it more likely that he will undertake autocratic moves to stay in power – economic orthodoxy will suffer as a result. The Philippines will also see a sharp increase in policy uncertainty directly as a consequence of the secular rise in US-China tensions in the coming months and years. Brazil: Will Bolsonaro Become A Kamikaze Reformer? Chart 10Bolsonaro’s Handling Of Pandemic Gets Panned In Brazil, President Jair Bolsonaro’s “economy first” approach and dismissal of the pandemic as a “little flu” has not improved his popularity (Chart 10). His approval rating is languishing in the 30% range, lower than all modern presidents save the interim government of Michel Temer in the previous episode of the country’s ongoing national political crisis. The pandemic, and Bolsonaro’s response, have fractured his cabinet and precipitated a new episode in the crisis. The clash between the president and the country’s state governors and national health officials, who enjoy popular support, has led to the dismissal of Health Minister Luiz Henrique Mandetta and the resignation of the popular Justice Minister Sergio Moro. We have highlighted Moro as a linchpin of Bolsonaro’s anti-corruption credibility and hence one of the three pillars of his political capital. This pillar is now cracking, making Bolsonaro’s administration less capable going forward. Bolsonaro’s firing of the head of the federal police, Mauricio Valeixo, the catalyst for Moro’s resignation, has led to a Supreme Court authorization for an investigation into whether Valeixo’s dismissal can be attributed to corruption or obstruction of justice. A guilty verdict could force Congress to take up impeachment, an issue on which Brazilians are split. Earlier this week the president was forced to withdraw the appointment of Alexandre Ramagem – a Bolsonaro family friend – as the new head of the federal police after a minister of the supreme federal court blocked the appointment due to his close personal relationship with the president. Brazil’s structural reform and fiscal discipline are on the backburner given the need for massive emergency spending to shore up GDP growth. Reforms are giving way to the “Pro-Brazil Plan,” which seeks to restore the economy through investments in infrastructure. The absence of the economy minister, Paulo Guedes, from the unveiling of this plan has led to speculation over Guedes’ future. Guedes is the key reformer in Bolsonaro’s cabinet and as important for the administration’s economic credibility as Moro was for its anti-corruption credibility. Brazil’s macro context is egregious. Its large public debt load – mostly denominated in local currency – raises the odds that the central bank will monetize the debt at the expense of the exchange rate, which has already weakened since the beginning of the year. Moreover, Brazil’s ability to pay near term debt service obligations is in a precarious position as the pullback in export revenues will weigh on its ability to service debt (see Chart 2). Our Emerging Markets Strategy estimates that Brazil is spending 16% of GDP on fiscal measures that will push gross public debt-to-GDP ratio well above 100% by the end of 2020 (Chart 11). Chart 11Highly Indebted Emerging Markets Have Limited Fiscal Room For Maneuver Given that Brazil already suffers from a relatively elevated misery index (see Chart 9), these macro challenges will translate into greater pain for Brazilian households and hence a political backlash down the road. The three pillars of Bolsonaro’s political capital have cracked: order, anti-corruption, and structural reform. The hope for investors interested in Brazil now rests on Bolsonaro becoming a kamikaze reformer. That is, after the immediate crisis subsides, his low popularity may force him to try painful structural reforms that no leader with political aspirations would attempt. So far he is taking the populist route of short-term measures to try to stay in power. Chart 12Bolsonaro's Meltdown Portends Melt-Up In Brazilian Political Risk Another sign of worsening governance is that military influence in civilian politics is partially reviving. This element of the country’s recent political turmoil has flown under the radar but will become more prominent if the administration falls apart and the only officials with sufficient credibility to fill the vacuum are military officials such as Vice President Hamilton Mourão. Financial markets may force leaders to make tough decisions to stave off a debt crisis, but risk assets will sell in the meantime as the lid on the country’s political risk has blown off and currency depreciation is the most readiest way to boost nominal GDP growth. Our political risk gauge will continue spiking – this reflects currency weakness relative to fundamentals (Chart 12). Bottom Line: Last fall we argued that Brazil was “just above stall speed” and that we would give the Bolsonaro administration the benefit of the doubt if it maintained three pillars of political capital: civil order, corruption crackdown, and structural reform. All three are collapsing amid the current crisis. As yet there is no sign that Bolsonaro is taking the “kamikaze reform” approach – that may be a positive catalyst but would require his administration to break down further. South Africa: Quantitative Easing Comes To EM South Africa faces an 8%-10% contraction in growth for 2020 and President Cyril Ramaphosa has overseen a large monetary and fiscal stimulus. The South African Reserve Bank has committed to quantitative easing in a bid to boost liquidity in the local financial market. South Africa’s highly leveraged households and those who mostly participate in the formal economy will find relief in lower debt-servicing costs and better access to credit. However, the large informal economy, and the rising number of unemployed, will not reap the same benefit from accommodative measures. This last group will benefit more from fiscal policy measures, such as social grants to low-income households. Ramaphosa recently announced a fiscal spending package totaling R500 billion, or 10% of GDP. Social grants to the poor and unemployed are all set to increase, which should help reduce the economic burden low-income households will face over the short term. The problem is that South Africa is extremely vulnerable to this crisis. Well before COVID the country suffered from low growth, persistently high unemployment, rising debt levels, and an increasing cost of social grants. The pandemic has increased dependency on these grants. South Africa is the most unequal society in the world (Chart 9 above) and runs large twin deficits on its fiscal and current accounts (see Chart 3). As the government’s financing needs rise, its ability to keep providing to low-income households will diminish. Yet the ruling African National Congress (ANC) is required to keep up social payments to stave off discontent and maintain its voter base – which consists of poor, mostly rural voters. The ANC must decide whether to implement stricter austerity measures after the immediate crisis to contain the fiscal fallout, which will bring unrest forward, or continue on an unsustainable path and face a market revolt. The latter option is clear from the decision to embrace quantitative easing, which further undermines the currency. Political pressure is mostly stemming from the left-wing – the Economic Freedom Fighters – which prevents Ramaphosa from taking a hard line on economic and fiscal policy. Bottom Line: There have been isolated protests across the country against the government’s draconian lockdown, and social grievances have the potential to boil over in the coming years given the long rule of the ANC and the country’s dire economic straits. Investment Implications It is too soon to buy into risky emerging market assets at a time when a deep recession is spreading across the world, extreme uncertainty persists over the COVID-19 pandemic, and the political and geopolitical fallout is transparently negative for major emerging markets. Remain overweight developed market equities relative to emerging market equities, at least over a tactical (three-to-six month) time horizon. Emerging market losers are countries with poor macro fundamentals, weak health care systems, specific competitive disadvantages during a global pandemic, high levels of inflation and unemployment, and ineffective social and political institutions. Turkey, the Philippines, and Brazil rank high on our list both because of their problems and because they are major markets. Chart 13Short Our 'EM Strongman' Currency Basket Not coincidentally these countries each have “strongman” leaders who have pursued unorthodox polices and ridden roughshod over institutional checks and balances. In each case, the leader is doubling down on populism while exacerbating structural weaknesses that already existed. Apparently greater financial punishment is necessary before policies are adjusted and buying opportunities emerge. Thus we recommend investors short our “EM Strongman Basket” consisting of the Turkish lira, the Brazilian real, and the Philippine peso, relative to the EM currency benchmark, over a tactical horizon. These currencies outperformed the EM benchmark until 2016 when they began to underperform – a trend that looks to continue (Chart 13). These leaders could get away with a lot more during a global bull market than during a bear market. It will take time for Chinese and global growth to revive this year. And their policies suggest bad news will precede good news. We would also recommend tactically shorting the South African rand on the same basis. While Russia, China, and Thailand also have strongman leaders, their countries have much better fundamentals, as our COVID Unrest Index shows. However, we do not have a bright outlook for these countries’ political stability over the long run. Russia, like all oil producers, stands to suffer in this crisis, despite its positive score on our index. In a previous report, “Drowning In Oil,” we highlighted how the petro-states face serious risks of government change, regime failure, and international conflict. This is clear with Iran and Venezuela in the above charts, and also includes Iraq, Algeria, Angola, and Nigeria. Our preferred emerging markets – from the point of view of political risk as well as macro fundamentals – are Thailand, Malaysia, South Korea, and Mexico. We warn against Taiwan due to geopolitical risk, although its fundamentals are positive. We are generally constructive on India, but it is susceptible to unrest, which we will assess in future reports. Roukaya Ibrahim Editor/Strategist Geopolitical Strategy roukayai@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1 On April 16, Duterte ordered quarantine violators be arrested without warning. According to the UN, over one hundred thousand people have been arrested for violating curfew orders. The Philippines along with China, South Africa, Sri Lanka, and El Salvador were singled out by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights are using unnecessary force to enforce the lockdowns and committing human rights violations in the veil of coronavirus restrictions. Duterte’s greenlight on a “shoot to kill” order against those participating in protests in violation of lockdown followed small-scale demonstrations in protest of Duterte’s handling of COVID-19.