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Highlights The Philippines is seeing a genuine inflation outbreak. The Duterte administration's policies favor "growth at all costs." "Charter change," or constitutional revision, will stoke political polarization, erode governance, and feed inflation. We are neutral on Philippine stocks and bonds within EM benchmarks for now but are placing the country on downgrade watch. Feature Chart 1Markets Sold On Duterte Election Markets Sold On Duterte Election Markets Sold On Duterte Election It has been nearly two years since Rodrigo "Roddy" Duterte - the Philippines' populist and anti-establishment president - was elected. On May 11, 2016, two days after the vote, BCA's Geopolitical Strategy and Emerging Markets Strategy published a joint report arguing that Duterte would "take the shine off" the economic structural reforms that had taken place under the outgoing administration of President Benigno Aquino.1 We downgraded the bourse from overweight to neutral within the EM universe. Financial markets have largely vindicated this view. Philippine stocks peaked against EM stocks three days before Duterte's inauguration and have continued to underperform since then. The Philippine peso has also suffered, both in real effective terms and relative to the weakening U.S. dollar (Chart 1). Is it time to buy then? No. Duterte's policies will continue to erode the country's governance and macro fundamentals, overheating the economy and subtracting from investment returns. Of course, the country is well insulated from any China or commodity shock, and this is an important advantage over other EMs in the medium term. Also, equity and currency valuations have improved relative to other EMs. Hence we recommend clients remain neutral Philippine stocks, currency, and credit versus the EM benchmark for now, and use any meaningful outperformance to downgrade the country to underweight within aggregate EM portfolios. An Inflation Outbreak One of the most reliable definitions of a populist leader is one who pursues nominal, as opposed to real, GDP growth. While policymakers can stimulate nominal growth through various policies, real growth over the long run depends on productivity and labor force growth, which are much harder to control. The only way policymakers can affect real growth is by undertaking structural reforms - which are often painful and unpopular in the short run. By contrast, faster nominal growth as a result of higher inflation can create the "money illusion" among the populace and bring political rewards, at least for a time.2 Higher nominal growth might initially please the public, but when inflation escalates it will reduce living standards. Moreover, an inflation outbreak will eventually necessitate major policy tightening and a growth downturn to reverse inflation. A comparison of a range of populist political leaders with orthodox (non-populist) leaders across Latin America, Central Europe, and Central Asia demonstrates that populists really do tend to achieve higher nominal growth relative to non-populists in the first two years of their rule (Chart 2). This finding has served BCA's Geopolitical Strategy well in predicting that U.S. President Donald Trump would blow out the federal budget through tax cuts and government spending in pursuit of faster growth.3 With stimulus taking effect while the output gap is closed, inflationary pressures are likely to rise higher than they otherwise would have done over the next 12-to-24 months.4 Chart 2Populists Pursue Nominal GDP Growth The Philippines: Duterte's Money Illusion The Philippines: Duterte's Money Illusion President Duterte of the Philippines also appears to fit this rubric. Like Donald Trump, he combines foul-mouthed eccentricity and personal risk-taking with a policy agenda of tax cuts, fiscal spending, and deregulation (Table 1).5 Yet unlike Trump, his infrastructure program - which is desperately needed in the Philippines, a laggard in this respect - is up and running, producing a large increase in capital expenditures and imports. The gap between nominal and real GDP growth - i.e. the inflation rate - looks likely to rise further. Table 1Duterte's Agenda Consists Of Drug War, Tax Cuts, And Big Spending The Philippines: Duterte's Money Illusion The Philippines: Duterte's Money Illusion Signs of an inflation outbreak are already evident. Chart 3 shows that both core and headline inflation measures are now rising sharply and have crossed the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas's (BSP) 3% inflation target by a wide margin, even rising above the 2%-4% target band. Further, local currency yields are rapidly ascending while the currency has been plunging against the weak U.S. dollar. These indicators suggest that the inflation outbreak that BCA's Emerging Markets Strategy warned investors about in October has now come to pass.6 The official explanation for the inflation spike this year is Duterte's tax reform bill, which took effect January 1 (and is the first of several such bills). The bill cuts taxes for households and raises excise taxes on a range of goods - from electricity, petroleum products, coal, and mining to sugary drinks and tobacco.7 The central bank has cited this law and its ramifications (including transportation costs and wage demands) as reasons for the inflation overshoot to be temporary. Yet Duterte's growth agenda and the BSP's simulative policies have created an environment ripe for inflationary pressures to build, namely by encouraging banks to expand their balance sheets and money supply (Chart 4). This has led to excessive strength in domestic demand. Chart 3An Inflation Outbreak An Inflation Outbreak An Inflation Outbreak Chart 4Stimulative Policies Stimulative Policies Stimulative Policies Further signs of a genuine inflation outbreak include: Twin deficits: both the current account and fiscal balances are negative in the Philippines, a significant development over the past two years (Chart 5). Further, the trade balance now stands at a nearly two-decade low of 9.5% of GDP (Chart 6). Worryingly, the current account has fallen into deficit despite the fact that remittances from Filipinos living abroad, which account for 9% of GDP, have been robust (Chart 6, bottom panel). Oil prices are surprising to the upside as global inventories drain and the geopolitical risk premium rises. This puts additional pressure on the current account balance and adds to inflationary pressures. Chart 5The Philippines Now Has Twin Deficits The Philippines Now Has Twin Deficits The Philippines Now Has Twin Deficits Chart 6Trade Deficit Worsens; Remittances The Saving Grace Trade Deficit Worsens Despite Remittances Trade Deficit Worsens Despite Remittances The Philippines' import bill is growing briskly, especially that of consumer goods (Chart 7, top panel). Meanwhile, overall export volumes and revenues of non-electronic/manufacturing exports are contracting (Chart 7, second panel). This is a sign that the Philippine economy is losing competiveness. Indeed, the third panel of Chart 7 shows that the country's global export market share is deteriorating. Wages are rising across many sectors (Chart 8). The imposition of excise taxes on electricity and fuel has prompted a wave of demands for higher wages from labor groups and provincial wage boards. Duterte is also said to be preparing a nationwide minimum wage law (to increase regional wages vis-à-vis the capital Manila) and an end to temporary employment contracts, which cover about 25% of the nation's workers and pay wages that are 33% lower on average. As wage growth outpaces productivity gains, unit labor costs are rising, eating into listed non-financial companies' profit margins (Chart 9). Chart 7Domestic Demand Surges While Competitiveness Falls Domestic Demand Surges While Competitiveness Falls Domestic Demand Surges While Competitiveness Falls Chart 8Wage Growth Is Strong Wage Growth Is Strong Wage Growth Is Strong On the fiscal front, the Duterte administration is pushing badly needed spending increases in infrastructure, health, and education. The investments amount to $42 billion over six years, or roughly 2% of GDP per year in new fiscal spending.8 While these investments will be beneficial in the long run as they augment both the hard and soft infrastructure of the nation, their size and timing needs to be modulated in real time to prevent them from creating excessive inflationary pressures in the short and medium run. This is difficult and the administration is likely to err on the side of higher spending that feeds inflation. Further, the administration's tax reform plan is unlikely to raise enough revenue to cover all the new spending. The first tax reform bill to pass through Congress cuts household tax rates for most brackets (with rates to fall further in 2023) and raises the threshold to qualify for income tax, thereby narrowing the tax base to 17% of the population. The value added tax (VAT) will also have its threshold increased. Corporate taxes will be cut next. Revenue shortfalls will add to the budget deficit. Loosening fiscal policy will foster higher inflation and will continue weighing on the currency. Despite the upside inflation surprise, the central bank has kept the policy rate at the record low level of 3% where it has been since 2014. It also cut reserve requirements in March, injecting liquidity into the system. Deputy Governor Diwa Guinigundo says that an inflation reading within the target band at the May 10 monetary policy meeting will increase the likelihood that no rate hikes will occur this year.9 The central bank explicitly views this year's high inflation as a passing phenomenon tied to the excise taxes. It may also have stayed its hand due to signs of waning momentum in certain segments of the economy such as autos and property construction, which are weakening (Chart 10). Chart 9Higher Labor Costs Eat Firm Margins Higher Labor Costs Eat Firm Margins Higher Labor Costs Eat Firm Margins Chart 10Central Bank Not Worried About Overheating Economy Is Not Invincible Economy Is Not Invincible But in light of the fiscal and credit trends outlined above, and given that the Philippine economy is domestically driven and insulated from the slowdown in global growth, we do not expect domestic growth to fall very far. Overall, the central bank has maintained accommodative monetary policy for too long and tolerated an inflation outbreak. At this stage, central bank independence thus becomes a critical question. The current governor, Nestor Espenilla, is a tough enforcer against financial crimes who may be willing to do what it takes to rein in inflation: his comments have been a mixture of hawkish and dovish. But he is also a Duterte appointee, and thus perhaps unwilling to counter a popular, and forceful, president. It is too soon to say that the BSP will fail in its duties, but it does have a reputation for dovishness that it has reinforced this year.10 This analysis points to a policy of "growth at all costs." Odds are that growth will remain fast, that the inflation outbreak will continue, and that the BSP has fallen behind the curve. Bottom Line: The Philippines is witnessing an inflation outbreak that is likely to continue. Credit growth is booming, fiscal policy is loose, and the central bank is behind the curve. This policy setup is negative for the currency and for stock prices and local bonds in the absolute. Cha-Cha: What Does It Mean? In the long run, Duterte's authoritarian leanings will weigh on the country's performance. Governance has declined since he took office, primarily because of his rampant war against drugs. The Drug War has officially led to the deaths of 6,542 people since July 1, 2016, according to the Philippine Drug Enforcement Agency.11 Human rights groups believe the actual tally is twice as high. Yet even if we exclude "political stability and absence of violence" from the Philippines' governance indicators, the country's score has declined under Duterte and is worse than that of its neighbors (Chart 11). And this score does not yet account for the fact that Duterte has imposed martial law on the southern island of Mindanao and is using his popularity (56% net approval, Chart 12) and supermajority in Congress (89% of seats in the House and 74% in the Senate) to push a constitutional rewrite that would give him even more extensive powers.12 Chart 11Even Excluding The Drug War, Philippine Governance Is Bad And Getting Worse The Philippines: Duterte's Money Illusion The Philippines: Duterte's Money Illusion Chart 12Duterte Is Popular (But Not That Popular) The Philippines: Duterte's Money Illusion The Philippines: Duterte's Money Illusion Like previous administrations, the Duterte administration wants to revise the 1987 Philippine constitution. There are three current proposals, each of which would change the government from a "unitary" to a "federal" system.13 Manila would remain the capital but the provinces would be incorporated into states or regions that would have their own governments and greater autonomy. The proposals differ in detail, but if and when congressmen and senators reconstitute themselves into a Constituent Assembly to rewrite the charter, they will have complete freedom, i.e. will not be limited to the specifics of these proposals. A popular referendum will be necessary to approve the results and could occur as early as May 13, 2019, when Senate elections will be held, or the summer afterwards.14 "Charter change" or Cha-cha is a perennial preoccupation in the country with three main drivers (Table 2). First, successive Philippine presidents try to revise the constitution so that they can stay in power longer than the single, six-year term limit. Second, provincial political forces seek to change the constitution to decentralize power. Third, economic reformers and business interests seek to remove protectionist articles embedded in the constitution, particularly limitations on private and foreign investment. Table 2History Of Cha-Cha In The Philippines The Philippines: Duterte's Money Illusion The Philippines: Duterte's Money Illusion In general, Manila is seen as a distant and unresponsive capital ruling over an extremely diverse and disparate archipelago. The centralized system is prone to corruption due to the pyramid-like patronage structure descending from a handful of elite, Manila-based, families at the top. Meanwhile the provinces lack autonomy and economic development. While the capital region only contains 13% of the population, it accounts for 38% of GDP. The central government has trouble raising resources - as indicated by a low tax revenue share of GDP compared to neighbors (Chart 13). It is at times incapable of providing essential services like security and infrastructure, particularly in far-flung provinces like Mindanao or parts of the Visayas where poverty, under-development, natural disasters, and militancy reign. The chief goal of those who want a federal system is to decentralize power in order to strengthen the provinces. They argue that reversing the role of central and regional fiscal powers will improve government effectiveness overall by bringing the government closer to the people it governs. Today, the central government controls about 93.7% of the revenues and 82.7% of the spending while local governments control about 6.3% and 17.3% respectively (Chart 14). Chart 13The Philippine Government Is Underfunded And Weak The Philippines: Duterte's Money Illusion The Philippines: Duterte's Money Illusion Chart 14The Philippine Government Is Heavily Centralized The Philippines: Duterte's Money Illusion The Philippines: Duterte's Money Illusion Under a federal system these roles would reverse. Local governments would gain greater powers to tax and spend within their jurisdictions, while also improving tax collection. This would enable them to improve public services while still providing the federal government with resources to pursue national goals. Better funded and more autonomous local governments would presumably be more responsive to public demands within their jurisdictions. This is especially the case given the country's population and geography, with 101 million people spread out over more than 7,000 islands. The result - say the proponents - would be better governance all around, including greater economic development across the regions. From this point of view, over the long run, Cha-cha appears to be a pro-market outcome. In particular, the proposed changes will probably include greater openness to foreign direct investment (FDI), easing restrictions on land ownership, utilization, and resource exploitation that have long been difficult to remove because of their constitutional status (a vestige of anti-colonial sentiment). The Philippines falls markedly behind its peers in attracting FDI (Chart 15). This change would likely have a positive impact on FDI and productivity, as the Philippines has long suffered from its closed, protectionist, and heavily regulated model.15 Chart 15The Problem With Constitutional Restrictions On Foreign Investment The Philippines: Duterte's Money Illusion The Philippines: Duterte's Money Illusion However, Cha-cha's opponents argue that the net effect will be negative for the business community and financial markets because of the drastic shift in the status quo. They argue that the 1987 constitution provides ample authority for decentralization but that Congress has refused to pass implementing legislation due to vested interests. As opposed to reforming the Local Government Code and other laws on the books, a total change of the government system would be controversial, expensive, and prone to expanding bureaucracy (as it would replicate the current national government institutions for each state/region in the new federal system). It would also be self-interested. Cha-cha would give Duterte additional powers to oversee the chaotic transition, and likely give him new powers in the aftermath as a result of the provisions themselves.16 Weighing both sides, we expect that charter change will require a massive political struggle and a long transition period in which economic uncertainty will spike. It will also give Duterte more arbitrary power and weaken central institutions and legal frameworks designed to keep him in check. While he insists that he will step down in 2022 according to existing term limits, Cha-cha could remove the constitutional limit on his time in office or allow him to resume as prime minister indefinitely. He would also have extensive powers of appointment and dismissal affecting the judiciary and other checks and balances. Is creeping authoritarianism market-negative? Not necessarily. Authoritarian governments in some cases have greater ability to make difficult, unpopular decisions that benefit national interests in the long run - including on macroeconomic policy. Singapore, Taiwan, and China are famous regional examples. Nevertheless, the Philippines is not Singapore or China - it is not a weak or non-existent democracy with a strong central government, but rather a strong democracy with a weak central government. It will not be easy for Duterte to seize ever-greater control if he should attempt to. He will eventually meet resistance from "people power" - mass protests from civil society such as those that overthrew dictator Ferdinand Marcos in 1986 and President Joseph Estrada in 2001. Such a movement may not develop in the short run, given his popularity, but the distance from here to there will involve political instability and a deterioration of monetary and fiscal management. To illustrate this process, consider the Philippines' record in the "Polity IV" dataset, which is a political science tool that provides a standardized measure of the quality of democracy in different regimes across the world.17 A time series of the Philippines' Polity scores illustrates the drastic collapse of governance under Marcos (Chart 16), who imposed martial law from 1972-81 and plunged the country into a morass of oppression, dysfunction, and corruption. This ended with the first People Power Revolution in 1986 and the promulgation of the 1987 constitution. Since then, Polity scores have improved markedly. Today the Philippines scores an eight, within the range of western democracies. The democratic era has been a boon for investors who have seen the Philippines improve its macroeconomic and business environment over this period. But Duterte is a Marcos-like figure who could reverse this process even if he does not drag the country all the way down into the worst conditions of the 1970s-80s. Could Duterte succeed in charter change where his post-Marcos predecessors have failed? Yes. He has a lot of political capital and is well situated to push for dramatic change. He is an anti-establishment political outsider - the first Philippine president from the deep south - elected amidst a wave of disenchantment over persistent, endemic problems like poverty, corruption, lawlessness, and lack of development. He has high public approval ratings and a supermajority in Congress (Chart 17). It is too early in the game to give firm probabilities on whether the constitutional changes will pass the necessary popular referendum in spring or summer 2019, but it is perfectly possible for Duterte to succeed judging by his standing today. Chart 16The Marcos Dictatorship Was Inflationary The Marcos Dictatorship Was Inflationary The Marcos Dictatorship Was Inflationary Chart 17Duterte's Legislative Supermajority The Philippines: Duterte's Money Illusion The Philippines: Duterte's Money Illusion What will be the economic effects? Aside from policy uncertainty, decentralization will be good for growth and inflation. Local leaders will have more tax money to spend and less central discipline. Pent-up demand for development in the provinces will be unleashed, with local political leaders likely to encourage credit expansion. In the context outlined above this change means higher inflation. Inflation rates in the provinces should start to climb toward those of the capital region, while those of the capital region would have no reason to fall amid the flurry of new activity. Hence investors interested in the Philippines must monitor the long and rocky road of charter change. They should look to see if the Congress and Senate do indeed merge into a Constituent Assembly (the quickest yet most controversial way of revising the constitution because it is the least constrained); what proposals look to be codified in the drafting of the constitution and assembly debates; if Duterte retains his popularity throughout the constitutional process; and whether the public is supportive of the proposals.18 Our rule of thumb is that a constitutional process focused on decentralization and removal of protectionist provisions would be market-positive in principle. However, if authoritarian provisions creep into the final text, they may reveal the market-negative priorities and a lack of constraints on policymakers in Manila. Bottom Line: Philippine governance will continue to decay under the Duterte administration. Revisions to the constitution will have pro-market aspects, and net FDI will probably continue to rise. But these positive aspects will be overweighed by the politically polarizing and destabilizing process of charter change itself. Moreover, decentralization will feed into the current credit boom and inflationary backdrop and could produce excesses. The U.S.-China Crossfire The Philippines is a strategically located island chain that frames the South China Sea (Diagram 1). It has been caught in great power struggles for centuries. The rising U.S. colonial power displaced the remnants of the established Spanish colonial power there in 1898; the rising Japanese empire displaced the established U.S. in 1941, only to be defeated by the U.S. and its allies in 1944. Diagram 1The South China Sea: Still A Risk The Philippines: Duterte's Money Illusion The Philippines: Duterte's Money Illusion Now China is the rising power in Asia and is applying pressure on America's visiting forces. The Philippines is again caught in the middle. It relies on the U.S. more than China economically and strategically, but China is rapidly catching up, as is clear in trade data (Chart 18). And China's newfound naval assertiveness must be taken seriously. Indeed, Duterte claims that Chinese President Xi Jinping threatened him with war if his country crossed China's red line in the South China Sea.19 Chart 18China Rivals U.S. In The Philippines China Rivals U.S. In The Philippines China Rivals U.S. In The Philippines Geopolitical risk has fallen since Duterte's election as a result of his pledge to improve relations with China and distance his country from the United States. This was a sharp reversal of Philippine policy. From 2010-16, the Aquino administration engaged in aggressive strategic balancing against China. The country was threatened by China's militarization of the Spratly Islands in the South China Sea and encroachment into Philippine maritime space and territory. The pro-American direction of Aquino's policy culminated in the signing of the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA), which granted the American military the right, for ten years, to rotate back into Philippine bases. In July 2016, the Permanent Court of Arbitration ruled in favor of the Philippines, against China, in a landmark case of international law. It held that the South China Sea "islands" were not islands at all and that China could not base territorial or maritime claims off them.20 This strategic balancing brought tensions with China to a near boiling point. However, the pot was taken off the fire when the Philippine public elected the outspokenly anti-American, pro-Chinese, and communist-sympathizing Duterte. Duterte immediately set about courting Chinese investment, calling for bilateral China-Philippine solutions in the South China Sea (such as joint energy development), and denouncing President Barack Obama, the West, and various international legal bodies.21 As a result, China has largely dropped its pressure tactics against the Philippines. It has been investing more in the country over time (Chart 19) and has recently proposed a range of new projects worth a headline value of $26 billion. In the short run, Duterte's policy is positive because it enables the country to extract economic and security benefits from both the U.S. and China. China has reduced its coercive tactics, while the U.S. under President Trump has taken an easy-going attitude both toward Duterte's human rights violations and his pro-China (and pro-Russia) leanings. Duterte, for his part, has not tried to nullify the 2014 military pact with the U.S., but rather reversed his claim that he would sever ties with the U.S. by asking for American counter-insurgency support during the 2017 Siege of Marawi. Eventually, however, the emerging U.S.-China "Cold War" could force Duterte to make unpopular choices that violate economic relations with China or security protections from the U.S. The Philippine public is largely pro-American and suspicious of China.22 Thus, if Duterte pushes his foreign policy too far, he will provoke a backlash. This could take the form of a revolt against Chinese investments in the economy - as Chinese companies will be eager to take advantage of greater FDI access, especially under constitutional reform. Or it could take the form of a revolt against Chinese encroachments in the South China Sea, which are bound to recur.23 Alternatively, if the Philippines takes China's side, the U.S. could threaten to cut off market access, remittances, or (less likely) military support. A rupture in U.S. or China relations could spark or feed into domestic opposition to Duterte over political or constitutional issues or trigger a tense U.S.-China diplomatic standoff with economic ramifications. This is something to monitor in case a conflict emerges such as that which occurred in 2012-14 at the height of Philippine-China tensions, or in South Korea in 2015-16. In both cases, China imposed discrete economic sanctions against American allies as a result of foreign policy moves they took in stride with the United States (Chart 20). Chart 19Chinese Investment Will Rise Under Duterte Chinese Investment Is Growing Over Time Chinese Investment Is Growing Over Time Chart 20China Imposes Sanctions In Geopolitical Spats China Imposes Sanctions In Geopolitical Spats China Imposes Sanctions In Geopolitical Spats Bottom Line: Geopolitical risks have abated over the past two years and should remain contained for the next few years, as China wishes to reward Duterte and his foreign policy. However, relations between the U.S. and China are getting worse, which puts the Philippines in the middle of the crossfire. The South China Sea remains a fundamental, not superficial, source of tension. Investment Conclusions Chart 21Stocks And Bonds Will Underperform 21. Stocks And Bonds Will Underperform 21. Stocks And Bonds Will Underperform This scenario is negative for financial markets and will cause stocks to fall and local bonds yields to rise in absolute terms (Chart 21). Philippine equities remain very expensive. At this point only policy tightening by the BSP can control inflation, but that, even if it were to occur (unlikely in our opinion), will be negative for growth and financial markets in the short-to-medium term. Relative to other EMs, Philippine financial markets have underperformed considerably for the past few years, and thus might experience a relative rebound. If so, it will not be due to Philippine fundamentals but to the fact that in other EMs, fundamentals are deteriorating and financial markets selling off. These markets have had a good run in the past two years and are vulnerable to the downside. In this context, it matters that the Philippines is not a major commodity exporter and not highly vulnerable to a Chinese growth slowdown. Oversold conditions relative to EM peers and lower commodity prices could allow the Philippine bourse and currency to outperform those peers for a time. We thus maintain neutral allocation on Philippine stocks and bonds within EM benchmarks for now but are placing it on downgrade watch. On the political side, President Duterte is making investments in the country that will improve the supply side, but his policies will feed inflation in the short term and erode governance in the long term. His push to reshape the political and governmental system will increase political risk at a rare moment when geopolitical risks have somewhat abated. The latter are significant, but latent, and could flare up significantly in the long run due to U.S.-China conflicts. Matt Gertken, Associate Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Ayman Kawtharani, Associate Editor Emerging Markets Strategy ayman@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy and Emerging Markets Strategy Special Report, "Philippine Elections: Taking The Shine Off Reform," dated May 11, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 2The "money illusion" is a concept in macroeconomics coined by economist Irving Fisher, who wrote a book of the same title in 1928, to describe the failure of economic actors to perceive fluctuations in the value of any unit of money. In other words, people tend to pay more attention to nominal than to real changes in money or prices. The concept is valid today, albeit subject to academic debate over its precise workings. 3 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Buy In May And Enjoy Your Day!" dated April 26, 2017, and Special Report, "Populism Blues: How And Why Social Instability Is Coming To America," dated June 9, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 4 Please see BCA Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report, "EM: Perched On An Icy Cliff," dated March 29, 2018, and "Two Tectonic Macro Shifts," dated January 31, 2018, available at ems.bcaresearch.com. 5 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "Transformative Vs. Transactional Leadership," dated September 14, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 6 Please see "The Philippines: An Overheating Economy Requires Policy Tightening" in BCA Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report, "Is The Dollar Expensive, And Are EM Currencies Cheap?" dated October 11, 2017, available at ems.bcaresearch.com. 7 Please see Office of the Presidential Spokesperson, "A Guide To T.R.A.I.N. Tax Reform for Acceleration and Inclusion (Republic Act No. 10963," dated January 2018, available at www.pcoo.gov.ph, and Department of Finance, "The Tax Reform For Acceleration And Inclusion (TRAIN) Act," dated December 27, 2017, available at www.dof.gov.ph. 8 Please see the Philippine Department of Finance, "The Comprehensive Tax Reform Program: Package One: Tax Reform For Acceleration And Inclusion (TRAIN)," January 2018, available at www.dof.gov.ph. 9 At its March policy meeting the BSP decided to keep interest rates on hold despite a March inflation reading of 4.3%, above the top of the target range of 4%. For Guinigundo's comments about the May 10 meeting, please see "Philippines c. bank says monetary policy still data-driven, may hold rates," April 20, 2018, available at www.reuters.com. 10 The BSP has reportedly only surprised markets four times out of 84 scheduled monetary policy meetings over the past ten years. Please see Siegfrid Alegado, "Life Is Getting Harder For Philippine Central Bank Watchers," dated March 21, 2018, available at www.bloomberg.com. 11 Please see Rambo Talabong, "Duterte gov't tally: At least 4,000 suspects killed in drug war," dated April 5, 2018, available at www.rappler.com. 12 Duterte's personal popularity is overstated. He was elected in a landslide, but only received 39% of the popular vote. The Pulse Asia quarterly polls suggest his popularity and "trust" ratings have ranged from 78%-86% since his inauguration (currently 80%), but this falls to 60% if undecided voters and disapproving voters are netted out. The Social Weather Station polls, which we cite, show a 56% net approval rating, which is mostly in line with Duterte's predecessor President Aquino at this stage in his term. 13 There are currently three draft proposals. The first is Senate Resolution No. 10, filed by Senator Nene Pimentel; the second is House Resolution No. 08, filed by Representatives Aurelio Gonzales and Eugene Michael de Vera; the third is the ruling PDP Laban Party's proposal, from Jonathan E. Malaya at the party's Federalism Institute. 14 The funding to hold a referendum in 2018 does not exist nor are legislators ready. A "special budget" will coincide with the plebiscite, no doubt strictly to pay for the polling and not to grease the wheels of the "yes" vote! Please see Bea Cupin, "Charter Change timetable: Plebiscite in 2018 or May 2019, says Pimentel," I, February 2, 2018, available at www.rappler.com. 15 Please see Gary B. Olivar, "Update On Constitutional Reforms Towards Economic Liberalization And Federalism," American Chamber of Commerce Legislative Committee, dated September 27, 2017, available at www.investphilippines.info. 16 Please see Neri Javier Colmenares, "Legal Memorandum on Charter Change under the Duterte Administration: Resolution of Both Houses No. 8 Proposed Federal Constitution," December 4, 2017, available at www.cbcplaiko.org. 17 Please see the Center for Systemic Peace and Monty G. Marshall, Ted Robert Gurr, and Keith Jaggers, "Polity IV Project: Political Regime Characteristics and Transitions, 1800-2016," July 25, 2017, available at www.systemicpeace.org. 18 Local elections in May 2018 may also provide some indications of popular support, as well as the Senate elections in May 2019 (if the referendum is not simultaneous). 19 Please see Richard Javad Heydarian, "Did China threaten war against the Philippines?" Asia Times, dated May 23, 2017, available at www.atimes.com. 20 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "South China Sea: Smooth Sailing?" dated March 28, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 21 He has since said the Philippines will leave the International Criminal Court, which it joined in 2014, and arrest any prosecutor of the court who comes to the Philippines to investigate the government and police handling of the drug war. Please see Rosalie O. Abatayo, "Arresting ICC prosecutor could get Duterte in more legal trouble, says lawyer," The Philippine Daily Inquirer, April 22, 2018, available at globalnation.inquirer.net. 22 Please see Jacob Poushter and Caldwell Bishop, "People In The Philippines Still Favor U.S. Over China, But Gap Is Narrowing," Pew Research Center, September 21, 2017, available at www.pewglobal.org. 23 At present the Association of Southeast Asian Nations is negotiating a long-awaited, albeit non-binding, "code of conduct" with China in the South China Sea that could be concluded as early as this or next year. However, South China Sea tensions could heat up again at any point due to Chinese encroachments, U.S. pushback, or other regional actions. Also, with oil prices set to increase rapidly, non-U.S./OPEC/Russia international offshore oil rigs could begin to increase again, renewing an additional source of tension in the sea.

Highlights The global economy is slowing. However, growth should stabilize at an above-trend pace over the next few months, as fiscal policy turns more stimulative and interest rates remain in accommodative territory. President Trump's macroeconomic policies are completely at odds with his trade agenda. Fortunately, Trump appears willing to cut a deal on trade, even if it is on terms that are not nearly as favorable to the U.S. as he might have touted. The recently renegotiated South Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement is a case in point. We remain cyclically overweight global equities, but acknowledge that valuations are stretched and the near-term market environment could remain challenging until leading economic indicators improve. Feature Global Equities: Near-Term Outlook Is Still Hazy We published a note on February 2nd entitled "Take Out Some Insurance" warning investors that the stock market had become highly vulnerable to a correction.1 The VIX spike began the next day. Although volatility has fallen and equities have rebounded so far in April, we are reluctant to sound the all-clear. The near-term signal from the beta version of our MacroQuant model has improved a bit but remains in bearish territory, as it has for over two months now (Chart 1). Chart 1MacroQuant Model Suggests Caution Is Warranted Growth, Trade, And Trump Growth, Trade, And Trump The model is highly sensitive to changes in growth. Starting early this year, it began to detect a weakening in a variety of leading economic indicators in the U.S. and, to an even greater degree, abroad. Most notably, global PMIs and the German IFO have dipped, Korean and Taiwanese exports have decelerated, Japanese machinery orders have fallen, and the Baltic Dry Index has swooned by 36% from its December high (Chart 2). The model also noted an increase in inflationary pressures, suggesting that monetary policy would likely end up moving in a less accommodative direction. The emergence of stagflationary concerns came at a time when bullish stock market sentiment stood at very elevated levels (Chart 3). Our empirical work has shown that equities perform worst when sentiment is deteriorating from bullish levels and perform best when sentiment is improving from bearish levels (Chart 4). Chart 2Growth Has Peaked Growth Has Peaked Growth Has Peaked Chart 3Stock Market Sentiment Was Very ##br##Bullish Earlier This Year Stock Market Sentiment Was Very Bullish Earlier This Year Stock Market Sentiment Was Very Bullish Earlier This Year Chart 4Swings In Sentiment And ##br##Stock Market Returns Growth, Trade, And Trump Growth, Trade, And Trump Waiting For The Economic Data To Stabilize The good news is that the drop in equity prices has caused sentiment to return to more normal levels. The bad news is that the activity data has continued to disappoint at the margin, as evidenced by the weakness in economic surprise indices and various "nowcasts" of real-time growth (Chart 5). Ultimately, we expect global growth to stabilize at an above-trend pace over the coming months, which should allow equities to grind higher. Monetary policy is still quite accommodative. The yield on the JP Morgan Global Bond Index has averaged 1.88% since the end of the Great Recession (Chart 6). We do not know where the "neutral" level of bond yields has been over this period. However, we do know that unemployment in the major economies has been falling, which suggests that monetary policy has been in expansionary territory. Despite the move away from quantitative easing by many central banks, the yield on the JP Morgan Global Bond Index is only 1.53% today. This implies a fortiori that bond yields today are well below restrictive levels. The conclusion is further strengthened if one assumes, as seems highly plausible, that the neutral bond yield has risen over the past few years, as deleveraging headwinds have abated and fiscal policy has turned more stimulative (Chart 7). Chart 5Unexpected Slowdown In Growth Unexpected Slowdown In Growth Unexpected Slowdown In Growth Chart 6Interest Rates Are Off Their Bottom, ##br##But Are Not Restrictive Interest Rates Are Off Their Bottom, But Are Not Restrictive Interest Rates Are Off Their Bottom, But Are Not Restrictive Chart 7Fiscal Policy Will Be Stimulative ##br##This Year And Next Growth, Trade, And Trump Growth, Trade, And Trump The Protectionism Bugbear Global growth has not been the only thing on investors' minds. The specter of a trade war has also loomed large. It is true that the standard early-19th century Ricardian model that first-year economics students learn predicts very small welfare losses from increased protectionism.2 The model, however, makes highly antiquated assumptions about how trade works. Trade today bears little resemblance to the world in which David Ricardo lived - the one where England exchanged cloth for Portuguese wine (the example Ricardo used to illustrate his famous principle of comparative advantage). Chart 8Trade In Intermediate Goods Dominates Growth, Trade, And Trump Growth, Trade, And Trump To an increasingly large extent, countries do not really trade with one another anymore. One can even go as far as to say that different companies do not really trade with each other in the way they once did. A growing share of international trade is between affiliates of the same companies. Trade these days is dominated by intermediate goods (Chart 8). The exchange of goods and services takes place within the context of a massive global supply chain, where such phrases as "outsourcing," "vertical integration" and "just-in-time inventory management" have entered the popular vernacular. This arrangement has many advantages, but it also harbors numerous fragilities. A small fire at a factory in Japan that manufactured 60 percent of the epoxy resin used in chip casings led to a major spike in RAM prices in 1993. Flooding in Thailand in 2011 wreaked havoc on the global auto industry.3 The global supply chain is highly vulnerable to even small shocks. Now imagine an across-the-board trade war. Equities represent a claim on the existing capital stock, not the capital stock that might emerge after a trade war has been fought. A trade war would result in a lot of stranded capital. It is not surprising that investors are worried. Trump's Dubious Trade Doctrine The psychology of a trade war today is not that dissimilar to that of an actual war among the great powers. It would be immensely damaging if it were to happen, but because everyone knows it would be so damaging, it is less likely to occur. How then should one interpret President Trump's tweet that "Trade wars are good, and easy to win?" One possibility is that he is bluffing. The U.S. exported only $131 billion in goods to China last year, which is less than the $150 billion in Chinese imports that Trump has already targeted for tariffs. China simply cannot win a tit-for-tat trade war with the United States. Unfortunately, there is also a less charitable interpretation, as revealed by the second part of Trump's tweet, where he said, "When we are down $100 billion with a certain country and they get cute, don't trade anymore - we win big. It's easy!" Trump seems to equate countries with companies: Exports are revenues and imports are costs. If a country is exporting less than it is importing, it must be losing money. This is deeply flawed reasoning. I run a trade deficit with the place where I eat lunch, but I don't go around complaining that they are ripping me off. One would think that Trump - whose businesses routinely spent more than they earned, accumulating debt in the process - would understand this. But apparently not. As we discussed two weeks ago, the U.S. runs a trade deficit mainly because its deep and open financial markets, along with a relatively high neutral rate of interest, make it an attractive destination for foreign capital.4 If a country runs a capital account surplus with the rest of the world - meaning that it sells more assets to foreigners than it buys from foreigners - it will necessarily run a current account deficit. Trump's Macro Policy Colliding With His Trade Policy In this respect, President Trump's macroeconomic policies are completely at odds with his trade agenda. By definition, the current account balance is the difference between what a country saves and what it invests. The U.S. fiscal position is set to deteriorate over the coming years, even if the unemployment rate continues to fall - an unprecedented occurrence (Chart 9). A bigger budget deficit will drain national savings. Chart 9The U.S. Budget Deficit Is Set To Widen Even If The Unemployment Rate Continues To Decline The U.S. Budget Deficit Is Set To Widen Even If The Unemployment Rate Continues To Decline The U.S. Budget Deficit Is Set To Widen Even If The Unemployment Rate Continues To Decline Meanwhile, an overheated economy will cause capital spending to rise as firms run out of low-cost workers. If Trump succeeds in boosting infrastructure spending, aggregate U.S. investment will rise even more. The current account deficit is highly likely to widen in this environment. A Temporary Reprieve? Chart 10Trump's Protectionist Agenda Is A ##br##Popular One Among Republican Voters Trump's Protectionist Agenda Is A Popular One Among Republican Voters Trump's Protectionist Agenda Is A Popular One Among Republican Voters The prospect of a wider trade deficit means that Trump's protectionist wrath will not go quietly into the night. It may, however, go into remission for a little while. Trump's approval rating has managed to rise over the past few months because his protectionist agenda is popular with a large segment of the population (Chart 10). However, if the problems on Wall Street begin to show up on Main Street - as is likely to happen if stocks resume their decline - Trump will change his tune. This is especially true if a trade war threatens to hurt U.S. agricultural interests. Rural areas have been a key source of support for Trump's populist rhetoric. Trump has shown a willingness to cut a deal on trade even if the negotiated outcome falls well short of his bluster. Consider the agreement between the U.S. and Korea in late March to amend their existing trade pact. Trump had called the South Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement an "unacceptable, horrible deal" and a "job killer." After the agreement was renegotiated, the President described it as a "wonderful deal with a wonderful ally." What did Trump get that was so wonderful? The Koreans agreed to double the ceiling on the number of U.S. automobiles that can be exported to Korea without having to meet the country's tough environmental standards to 50,000. The problem is that the U.S. only shipped 11,000 autos to Korea last year, so the original quota was nowhere close to binding. The Koreans also agreed to reduce steel exports to the U.S. to about 70% of the average level of the past three years in exchange for a permanent exemption from Trump's 25% steel tariff. That may sound like a major concession, but keep in mind that only 12% of Korea's steel exports go to the United States. Korea also re-exports steel from other countries. These re-exports can be curtailed without causing major damage to Korea's steel industry. The shares of Korea's largest publicly-listed steel companies jumped by 1.7% on the first trading day after news of the deal broke, eclipsing the 0.8% rise in the KOSPI index. Investment Conclusions The global economy is going through a soft patch and this could weigh on stocks in the near term. However, if trade frictions fade into the background and global growth stabilizes over the coming months, as we expect will be the case, global equities should rally to fresh cycle highs. Granted, we are in the late stages of the business-cycle expansion. U.S. interest rates are likely to move into restrictive territory in the second half of 2019. Given the usual lags between changes in monetary policy and the real economy, this would place the next recession in 2020. By then, barring any fresh stimulus, the U.S. fiscal impulse will have dropped below zero. It is the change in the fiscal impulse that matters for growth. If growth has already slowed to a trend-like pace by late 2019 due to a shortage of workers, the economy could easily stall out in 2020. Given the still-dominant role played by U.S. financial markets, a recession in the U.S. would quickly be transmitted to the rest of the world. Stocks will peak before the next recession starts, but if history is any guide, this will only happen six months or so before the economic downturn begins (Table 1). This suggests that the equity bull market still has another 12-to-18 months of life left. The extent to which investors may wish to participate in any blow-off rally this year is a matter of personal preference. As was the case in the late 1990s, long-term expected returns have fallen to fairly low levels. A comparison between the Shiller P/E ratio and subsequent 10-year returns over the past century suggests that the S&P 500 will deliver a total nominal annualized return of only 4% during the next decade (Chart 11). A composite valuation measure incorporating both the trailing and forward P/E ratio, price-to-book, price-to-cash flow, price-to-sales, market cap-to-GDP, dividend yield, and Tobin's Q shows only modestly higher expected returns for stock markets outside the U.S. (Appendix A). Table 1Cyclically, It Is Too Soon To Get Out... Growth, Trade, And Trump Growth, Trade, And Trump Chart 11...But Long-Term Investors, Take Note ...But Long-Term Investors, Take Note ...But Long-Term Investors, Take Note As such, while we recommend overweighting global equities over a 12-month horizon, we would not fault long-term investors for taking some money off the table now. Peter Berezin, Chief Global Strategist Global Investment Strategy peterb@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Take Out Some Insurance," dated February 2, 2018. 2 Roughly speaking, the Ricardian model predicts that the welfare loss from protectionism will be one-half times the average percentage-point increase in tariffs times the change in the import-to-GDP ratio. Imports are about 15% of U.S. GDP. Consider a 10 percent across-the-board increase in tariffs. Assuming a price elasticity of import demand of 4, this would reduce trade by 1-0.96^10=0.33 (i.e., 33%), which would take the import-to-GDP ratio down from 15% to 10%. As such, the welfare loss would be 0.5*0.1*(15%-10%)=0.25%, or just one quarter of one percent of GDP. 3 James Coates, "Real Chip Shortage Or Just A Panic, Crunch Is Likely To Boost Pc Prices," Chicago Tribune, dated August 6, 1993. "Thailand Floods Disrupt Production And Supply Chains," BBC.com, dated October 13, 2011; Ploy Ten Kate, and Chang-Ran Kim, "Thai Floods batter Global Electronics, Auto Supply Chains," Reuters.com, dated October 28, 2011. 4 Please see Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "U.S.-China Trade Spat: Is R-Star To Blame?" dated April 6, 2018. APPENDIX A Chart 1Long-Term Real Return Prospects Are Slightly Better Outside The U.S. Growth, Trade, And Trump Growth, Trade, And Trump Strategy & Market Trends Tactical Trades Strategic Recommendations Closed Trades

Highlights An additional heavy salvo of U.S. import tariffs, were they to occur, would cause a material deceleration in Chinese economic growth (ceteris paribus). Trade negotiations are likely to produce a relatively benign outcome, but Chinese stocks and related financial assets may suffer meaningfully if not. Chinese policymakers have several policy options at their disposal to ease the impact of a major export sector shock, but many drawbacks make the choice a difficult one. For now, manufacturing sector-specific stimulus is the most likely policy response. A broad reading of key leading indicators for China's business cycle suggest that the industrial sector continues to slow. Recent bright spots in the data appear to be linked to unsustainably strong export demand, which is likely to wane in the months ahead. Stay overweight Chinese ex-tech stocks versus their global peers despite the looming trade threat, but with a short leash. Feature Trade frictions between China and the U.S. continue to dominate the headlines of the financial press. The most significant potential escalation in the conflict came two weeks ago, when President Trump instructed the U.S. Trade Representative to consider an additional $100 billion in tariffs on imports from China (on top of the initially proposed $50 billion). For investors, the possibility of a full-blown trade war between China and the U.S. and its implications for financial markets remains the "question that won't go away". Given that negotiations between trade representatives of both countries are highly active, the President's public suggestion that an additional heavy salvo of tariffs may be levied appears to be a clear case of economic saber-rattling. Still, investors cannot neglect the odds that such a scenario does indeed materialize, and in this week's report we revisit some of our previous work on the impact of proposed U.S. tariffs on Chinese economic growth. We also outline the (difficult) policy options available to Chinese policymakers, update investors on the state of China's business cycle, and reiterate our recommended investment strategy of staying overweight Chinese ex-tech stocks (with a short leash). The Impact Of Proposed Tariffs On Growth, Part II Chart 1150$ Billion In Import Tariffs Would Seriously ##br##Harm Chinese Export Growth The Question That Won't Go Away The Question That Won't Go Away We presented our framework for modeling the impact of U.S. import tariffs on overall Chinese export growth in our March 28 Weekly Report.1 Our approach suggested that the original $50 billion in proposed tariffs would cause China's total export growth to decelerate about 2%, which would work to counteract the acceleration in underlying export growth that we would normally expect over the coming months given the pace of the global demand. Chart 1 updates this framework assuming a total of $150 billion in tariffs. While overall nominal export growth would not contract outright as a result of the tariff imposition, it would decelerate materially from our estimate of its underlying rate (currently 10%). There are good odds that Trump's suggestion of an additional $100 billion in tariffs against China was merely a negotiating tactic, and it is clear that China has a strong incentive to agree to a trade deal with the U.S. that will prevent the scenario depicted in Chart 1 from taking place. But were it to, it would represent a significant threat to China's cyclical economic momentum, in a manner that would surpass the direct contribution to Chinese growth from the external sector. Charts 2 and 3 explain why. Chart 2 first presents an annual time series of the net export (NX) contribution to Chinese real GDP growth, relative to final consumption expenditure and gross capital formation. Investors might initially react to this chart by concluding that a significant deceleration in export growth would have a minimal impact on the Chinese economy, since the net contribution to growth from the external sector has typically been small relative to the other expenditure categories. Chart 2Net Exports Are Not A Huge##br## Direct Contributor To Growth... The Question That Won't Go Away The Question That Won't Go Away Chart 3...But The Export Sector Is Highly ##br## Investment-Intensive The Question That Won't Go Away The Question That Won't Go Away However, this perspective misses two important elements of the Chinese economy that are crucial to understand: China's import demand is strongly tied to the export channel, given that roughly half of Chinese imports are commodity-oriented. This means that Chinese import growth would also suffer from a sudden hit to U.S. exports, which would reverberate the shock to China's trading partners (and back again to China). In short, the imposition of major U.S. tariffs on imports from China would cause a negative feedback loop for China and its key trading partners. Abstracting from the global financial crisis, Chart 3 highlights that there is a strongly positive relationship between the annual change in contribution to growth from China's net exports and subsequent investment. This underscores that an important portion of China's gross capital formation, which is a significant contributor to the Chinese economy, is driven by the export sector. Based on the relationship shown in Chart 3, and the historical relationship between nominal exports and the real contribution from net exports, the scenario depicted in Chart 1 could cause the contribution to growth from Chinese investment to fall 0.5-0.6 percentage points, which could push real GDP growth to or below 6% if consumption remained constant. While we have not focused on real GDP growth as an accurate measure of Chinese economic activity, a deceleration of that magnitude would be on par with what occurred in 2011-2012, when Chinese stocks and related financial assets fared quite poorly. Bottom Line: An additional heavy salvo of U.S. import tariffs, were they to occur, would cause a material deceleration in Chinese economic growth. Trade negotiations are likely to produce a relatively benign outcome, but Chinese stocks and related financial assets may suffer meaningfully if not. China's Policy Options Our analysis above did not incorporate a stimulative response from Chinese policymakers, which we would certainly expect if China experienced a large shock to its export sector. Table 1 presents a brief list of policy actions that the Chinese government could employ in response; some are narrowly focused on the export channel, and some would impact the economy more broadly. Table 1No Easy Cure-Alls To Ease The Impact Of Tariffs The Question That Won't Go Away The Question That Won't Go Away Our assumption is that policymakers will initially choose more focused policies and will refrain from broad-based stimulus unless the impact of the export sector shock is expected to much more significant than is currently the case. This is particularly true given that Table 1 highlights the difficulty facing Chinese policymakers, in that there are significant drawbacks associated with any of the policies described. Given that the proposed import tariffs will primarily affect firms manufacturing goods for export to the U.S., the most focused policies would be to provide some offsetting form of stimulus to the manufacturing sector and to depreciate the RMB versus the U.S. dollar. In our view, manufacturing sector-specific stimulus is the most likely to occur of any policies described in Table 1: the drawbacks are primarily structural in nature, and China has already announced a slight reduction in the tax rate for manufacturing industries as part of a series of changes to the VAT regime. We expect to see more announcements in this vein over the coming months. Materially depreciating the RMB vs the U.S. dollar, however, is quite unlikely to occur as a stimulative response, as it would very likely inflame trade tension with the U.S. Chinese authorities may use threats of backtracking on the non-trivial appreciation in CNYUSD over the past year during talks with the U.S., but we doubt that authorities would actually go ahead with this barring a complete breakdown in negotiations. Depreciating versus the euro is similarly problematic. Chart 4 highlights that the RMB has barely risen at all versus the euro over the past year, implying that a meaningful depreciation would likely anger euro area policymakers, especially given that the trade-weighted euro has already risen nearly 10% over the past year. Instead, Chart 5 highlights the most likely route if China chooses to use the RMB as a relief valve: a depreciation against Japan, Korea, Vietnam, and India. China's combined export weight to these countries is meaningful, and the chart shows that there is depreciation potential: a weighted RMB index versus these currencies has risen about 8% in the past 12 months. Chart 4The RMB Has Not Appreciated ##br##Against The Euro The RMB Has Not Appreciated Against The Euro The RMB Has Not Appreciated Against The Euro Chart 5Room To Depreciate Against A ##br##Basket Of Asian Currencies Room To Depreciate Against A Basket Of Asian Currencies Room To Depreciate Against A Basket Of Asian Currencies We will revisit the remaining policies listed in Table 1 if the U.S. does indeed follow through with a second round of significant tariffs against Chinese imports, or if the economic effect of the first round proves to be more significant than we expect. From a bigger picture perspective, the potential for broader stimulus from Chinese authorities (in response to a more impactful shock) raises the interesting possibility of another economic mini cycle in China. While the need to stimulate broadly, were it to occur, would clearly imply that the economy would first be weakening, investors should remember that China's economy ultimately accelerated meaningfully in response to the last episode of material fiscal & monetary easing. We presented our framework for tracking the end of China's current mini-cycle in our October 12 Weekly Report,2 and argued that a benign, controlled deceleration was the most likely outcome (Chart 6). In our view the economic data has validated this call over the past six months, and we do not see any reason yet to deviate from it (see next section below). But a severe export shock followed by a burst of economic stimulus would clearly alter our expectations for China's business cycle dynamics, and would also create some exciting investment opportunities for investors (both on the downside and the upside). While the odds of this scenario are not currently probable, we raise the possibility because of the significance that another cycle would have for global investor sentiment and the returns from Chinese financial assets. Chart 6A Stylized View Of China's Recent "Mini-Cycle" The Question That Won't Go Away The Question That Won't Go Away Bottom Line: Chinese policymakers have several policy options at their disposal to ease the impact of a major export sector shock, but many drawbacks make the choice a difficult one. For now, manufacturing sector-specific stimulus is the most likely policy response. Abstracting From Trade, China Continues To Slow As noted above, we have been flagging a deceleration in China's industrial sector since early-October. Table 2 is an updated version of a table that we presented in our March 7 Weekly Report,3 which shows recent data points for several series that we have identified as having leading properties for the Chinese business cycle, as well as the most recent month-over-month change, an indication of whether the series is currently above its 12-month moving average, and how long this has been the case. While we do not yet have all of the March components of our BCA Li Keqiang leading indicator, the four that are available all declined in March from February, suggesting that the ongoing economic slowdown continues. Table 2Key Chinese Data Do Not Signal A Broad Acceleration The Question That Won't Go Away The Question That Won't Go Away The table does highlight, however, two relatively positive developments: the Bloomberg Li Keqiang index was materially higher on average in January and February than it was in the two months prior, and now both the official and Caixin manufacturing PMIs are above their 12-month moving average, with the latter having been so for 4 months in a row. An average of the two measures, along with its 12-month moving average, in shown in Chart 7. Are these budding signs of a durable upturn in China's industrial sector? We do not take a dogmatic approach to forecasting China's cyclical trajectory, and will be monitoring this possibility over the coming months. But in our current judgement, the answer is no. The January pop in Bloomberg Li Keqiang index reflects two separate factors: a jump in the annual growth of rail cargo volume in January (which subsequently unwound in February), as well as strong growth in electricity production on average in January and February (Chart 8). Normally this would be an encouraging sign for China's economy, but when connected with the countertrend move in the manufacturing PMIs and the sharp, unsustainable rise in February's export growth, a pattern begins to emerge. Chart 7A Modest Tick Up In China's ##br##Manufacturing PMIs A Modest Tick Up In China's Manufacturing PMIs A Modest Tick Up In China's Manufacturing PMIs Chart 8The Li Keqiang Index: ##br##A Brief, Countertrend Move The Li Keqiang Index: A Brief, Countertrend Move The Li Keqiang Index: A Brief, Countertrend Move While far from conclusive, it would appear that China experienced a very sudden burst of goods production for the purposes of export. Given that this is occurring in the context of considerable trade frictions and the eventual imposition of import tariffs, and against the backdrop of strong but steady (and possibly peaking) global demand, it is conceivable that China's exporters are attempting to front-load shipments for the year before these tariffs take effect. Although a February surge is visible in Chinese export growth to several countries (not just the U.S.), and undoubtedly some of the effect is due to the timing of the Chinese new year, it is possible that Chinese exporters are acting in anticipation of possible additional tariffs on other countries or global industries that China acts as a supplier to. We noted above that the imposition of the first round of U.S. tariffs will likely be enough to arrest any acceleration in overall Chinese export growth, with a second round likely to cause a downward change in trend. Thus, to us, it is difficult to see an export-driven catalyst for China's industrial sector continuing over the coming months. On the import side, the data has also been more positive than we would have expected, given the close link between import growth and the Li Keqiang index (Chart 9). Part of this deviation may be accounted for by unsustainable export growth, given the typically strong link between import and export growth in highly trade-oriented economies. Interestingly, Chart 10 highlights that the flat trend in import growth appears to be supported by an uptrend in manufactured products, whereas the trend of primary products imports is much more consistent with what our indicators would suggest. For now, we are sticking with the signal given by the latter, since it has historically been a more reliable predictor of whether overall future import growth will be growing at an above-trend pace. But as we stated above, our view of a benign slowdown in China is empirically-based, and we will continue to monitor the data for signs that the external sector of China's economy warrants a change in our slowdown view. Chart 9Import Growth Has Held Up##br## Better Than We Expected... Import Growth Has Held Up Better Than We Expected... Import Growth Has Held Up Better Than We Expected... Chart 10...But Commodity Imports Suggest##br## Broad Import Growth Will Weaken ...But Commodity Imports Suggest Broad Import Growth Will Weaken ...But Commodity Imports Suggest Broad Import Growth Will Weaken Bottom Line: A broad reading of key leading indicators for China's business cycle suggest that the industrial sector continues to slow. Recent bright spots in the data appear to be linked to unsustainably strong export demand, which is likely to wane in the months ahead. Investment Implications We noted in our March 28 Weekly Report that the shift in U.S. protectionism from rhetoric to action and the continued decline in our leading indicators makes a tenuous case for a continued overweight stance towards Chinese stocks.1 We recommended in that report that investors put Chinese ex-tech stocks on downgrade watch over the course of Q2. This recommendation stands, although it is notable that the relative performance of Chinese ex-tech shares (versus global) remains comfortably above its 200-day moving average (Chart 11). Chinese tech stocks, on the other hand, have sold off meaningfully over the past month (Chart 11 panel 2) due in part to the tech oriented nature of the U.S.' trade action. We advised investors to reduce their exposure to the tech sector in our February 15 Weekly Report,4 based on elevated earnings momentum and very rich valuation. Conversely, pricing also appears to be at the root of resilient ex-tech relative performance: Chart 12 shows that the 12-month forward earnings yield versus U.S. 10-year Treasurys is considerably higher for Chinese ex-tech companies than in developed or other emerging equity markets. This reinforces an argument that we have made in previous reports, which is that investors should have a high threshold for reducing exposure to China. Chart 11Chinese Ex-Tech Stocks ##br##Are Doing Fine, For Now... Chinese Ex-Tech Stocks Are Doing Fine, For Now... Chinese Ex-Tech Stocks Are Doing Fine, For Now... Chart 12...Supported By A Sizeable ##br##Risk Premium ...Supported By A Sizeable Risk Premium ...Supported By A Sizeable Risk Premium The key question is therefore whether the probable shock to Chinese export growth coupled with the ongoing slowdown in the industrial sector is significant enough to pre-emptively downgrade Chinese stocks. Our answer to this question remains "no", since investors still do not have the requisite visibility on the magnitude of the hit to exports and the likely policy response. Until this information emerges, we continue to recommend that investors stay overweight Chinese ex-tech stocks unless a technical breakdown emerges, and to watch for additional updates on this issue from BCA's China Investment Strategy service over the coming weeks and months. Bottom Line: Stay overweight Chinese ex-tech stocks versus their global peers despite the looming trade threat. Our downgrade watch remains in effect, and we are likely to advise a reduction in exposure in response to a technical breakdown. Jonathan LaBerge, CFA, Vice President Special Reports jonathanl@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Chinese Stocks: Trade Frictions Make For A Tenuous Overweight", dated March 28, 2018, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Tracking The End Of China's Mini-Cycle", dated October 12, 2017, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "China And The Risk Of Escalation", dated March 7, 2018, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 4 Please see China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "After The Selloff: A View From China", dated February 15, 2018, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. Cyclical Investment Stance Equity Sector Recommendations

Highlights Slower nominal GDP growth explains virtually all of the increase in China's debt-to-GDP ratio over the past ten years. The authorities were unwilling to restrain debt growth as it became obvious that nominal income was decelerating because this would have only exacerbated the economic downturn. Excess private-sector savings forced the Chinese government to rely on debt-financed investment by state-owned companies (SOE) and local governments in order to keep aggregate demand elevated. Financial deregulation also encouraged debt accumulation. Debt growth linked to speculative activity can be curbed without endangering the economy, but a lasting solution to the surplus savings problem will require consumers to spend more. This will take a while. At some point over the next few years, the central government will transfer a large fraction of SOE and local government debt onto its own balance sheet. The risk to investors is that this "debt nationalization" happens reactively rather than proactively. Feature If there are too many pro-cyclical factors in the economy, cyclical fluctuations are magnified and there is excessive optimism during the period, accumulating contradictions that could lead to the so-called Minsky Moment. - Zhou Xiaochuan, Former Governor of the People's Bank of China, October 19, 2017 The Calm Before The Storm? Stability begets instability. That is the nature of business cycles, Hyman Minsky famously argued. Rising confidence leads to excessive risk-taking, higher asset prices, and mounting economic imbalances. Eventually the mood sours. Like Wile E. Coyote running off a cliff, investors look down and see that there is nothing but thin air between them and the ground below. Panic ensues. Is China on the verge of its own Minsky Moment? A glance at the evolution of its debt-to-GDP ratio would certainly say so. But before running towards the exit door, consider the following: People have been fretting about spiraling Japanese government debt levels for over twenty years now. And yet, interest rates remain at rock-bottom levels in Japan. China's Savings Glut In many respects, China finds itself facing similar problems to those that have haunted Japan. The simultaneous bust in equity and real estate prices in 1990 sent Japan's private sector into a prolonged deleveraging cycle (Chart 1). In order to prop up demand, the Japanese government was forced to run large budget deficits. In effect, the government had to absorb the excess savings of the private sector with its own dissavings. The abundance of domestic private-sector savings forestalled a financial crisis, but it also led to today's gross government debt-to-GDP ratio of 240%. Like Japan, China suffers from a dearth of spending, or equivalently, an abundance of savings. The IMF estimates that Chinese gross national savings reached 46% of GDP in 2017. While this is down from a peak of 52% of GDP in 2008, it is still abnormally high for any major economy, even by emerging market standards (Chart 2). Chart 1 Japan Relied On Large Fiscal Deficits And Current Account Surpluses To Offset The Rise In Private-Sector Savings Japan Relied On Large Fiscal Deficits And Current Account Surpluses To Offset The Rise In Private-Sector Savings Japan Relied On Large Fiscal Deficits And Current Account Surpluses To Offset The Rise In Private-Sector Savings Chart 2China's Savings Rate Stands Out Even By EM Standards China's Savings Rate Stands Out Even By EM Standards China's Savings Rate Stands Out Even By EM Standards By definition, whatever a country saves must either be invested domestically or channeled abroad via a current account surplus. China's savings rate has edged lower over the past ten years, but its current account surplus has dropped even more, falling from nearly 10% of GDP in 2007 to 1.4% of GDP at present. As a result, investment as a share of GDP has actually risen to 44%, a three-point increase since 2007 (Chart 3). The decline in China's current account surplus was inevitable (Chart 4). In 2007, China accounted for 6% of global GDP in dollar terms. Today it accounts for 15%. Having a massively undervalued currency, as China had in 2007, is just not politically tenable anymore, especially with Donald Trump in the White House. Simply put, China has become too big to continue exporting its way out of its problems. Chart 3Since The Great Financial Crisis, Chinese Savings Have Been Channeled Into Domestic Investment, Not Funneled Abroad Since The Great Financial Crisis, Chinese Savings Have Been Channeled Into Domestic Investment, Not Funneled Abroad Since The Great Financial Crisis, Chinese Savings Have Been Channeled Into Domestic Investment, Not Funneled Abroad Chart 4Undervalued Currency And Massive Current Account Surplus: Modus Operandi Of The Past Undervalued Currency And Massive Current Account Surplus: Modus Operandi Of The Past Undervalued Currency And Massive Current Account Surplus: Modus Operandi Of The Past Debt As The Conduit Between Savings And Investment How does a country transform savings into investment? In an economy like China where the stock market at times appears to be little more than a casino, the answer is that credit markets must play the dominant role. Households or firms with surplus savings park their funds in banks or other financial institutions. These institutions channel the savings to willing borrowers. Debt ends up being the natural byproduct of surplus savings. China is still a relatively poor country with a lot of catch-up potential. Capital-per-worker is a fraction of what it is among advanced economies (Chart 5). Even with its bleak demographics, China would need to grow by around 6% per year over the next few years just to converge with South Korea in output-per-worker by 2050 (Chart 6). All this means that China needs to invest more than most other economies, which is only possible if it saves more than other economies. Chart 5China Has More Catching Up To Do (1) Is China Heading For A Minsky Moment? Is China Heading For A Minsky Moment? Chart 6China Has More Catching Up To Do (2) China Has More Catching Up To Do (2) China Has More Catching Up To Do (2) Unfortunately, one can have too much of a good thing. The fact that China's capital stock-to-output ratio has risen dramatically in recent years means that the economy is already investing too much. And the optimal amount of investment will only fall over time as potential GDP growth continues to decelerate. Unless savings come down, China will find itself increasingly awash in excess capacity. Chart 7If Only GDP Growth Did Not ##br## Decelerate Over The Past Ten Years Is China Heading For A Minsky Moment? Is China Heading For A Minsky Moment? Slower trend growth will also make deleveraging more difficult to achieve. The overall stock of nonfinancial debt grew at an annualized rate of 18.8% between 2008 and 2017. Notably, this growth rate was not much higher than the one of 16.5% between 2003 and 2007 - a period when the debt-to-GDP ratio was broadly stable. The main difference between the two periods lies in the denominator of the debt-to-GDP ratio, not in the numerator: Nominal GDP expanded at an annualized rate of 11.2% between 2008 and 2017, a sizable retreat from the pace of 18.4% between 2003 and 2007. Chart 7 shows that the debt-to-GDP ratio today would be virtually identical to its end-2007 level had nominal GDP continued to grow at its 2003-2007 pace over the past ten years. Financial Deregulation Has Exacerbated The Debt Problem The Chinese government's reluctance to crack down on credit growth was motivated by the desire to support aggregate demand. However, in turning a blind eye to what was happening in credit markets, a lot of debt was generated that was not directly tied to the intermediation of savings into investment. Chart 8Debt And Capital Accumulation Went Hand In Hand Debt And Capital Accumulation Went Hand In Hand Debt And Capital Accumulation Went Hand In Hand Debt can be created when someone borrows money to finance the purchase of goods or services. Debt can also be created when someone borrows money to finance the purchase of pre-existing assets. Crucially, while the former typically requires additional "savings" (i.e., someone needs to reduce their spending relative to their income), the latter does not.1 Granted, savings can still play an indirect role in facilitating debt-financed asset purchases. Financial assets are typically backed by something of value. A mortgage is backed by a piece of property. A corporate bond is backed by both the tangible and intangible capital that a firm possesses. The more a country has been able to save over time, the larger its capital stock will be. China, of course, has been saving like crazy for years. It is thus no surprise that its debt-to-GDP ratio has soared as its capital stock has expanded (Chart 8). Financial deregulation in China has allowed a large share of its capital stock to repeatedly shift hands. Debt has often been created in the process. The problem is that debt-financed asset purchases drive up asset prices, sometimes to unsustainable levels. And the higher the price of the asset, the greater the risk that it will not yield enough income to cover the borrowing costs. When asset prices are rising, borrowers and lenders are apt to disregard this risk, figuring that they can always sell the asset at a high enough price to pay back the loan. But once prices start falling, reality sets in very quickly. Stability begets instability. Consumers Need To Step Up The authorities are keenly aware of the risks discussed above. This is the key reason why they are clamping down on the shadow banking system, which has increasingly become the main source of speculative lending in China. We expect the pressure on shadow banks to persist in 2018. This will continue to weigh on credit growth. The more vexing challenge is how to reduce excessive household savings. The government's current strategy of cramming down the capital stock by taking out excess capacity from sectors such as steel, coal, and solar may be better than nothing, but it still pales in comparison to a strategy of encouraging consumer spending. Higher consumer spending would obviate the need for state-owned companies and local governments to keep people employed in make-work projects. The good news is that there are plenty of ways that China can boost household consumption. Government spending on education, health care, and pensions as a share of GDP is close to half of the OECD average (Chart 9). Increasing social transfer payments would give households the wherewithal to spend more. Unlike in most countries, the poor in China are net savers (Chart 10). Expanding the social safety net would discourage precautionary savings. Chart 9Chinese Social Welfare Spending ##br##Is Lagging The OECD Average Is China Heading For A Minsky Moment? Is China Heading For A Minsky Moment? Chart 10Low Income Households Are Net ##br##Savers In China Is China Heading For A Minsky Moment? Is China Heading For A Minsky Moment? The Chinese income tax structure is fairly regressive. Poor households face an effective income tax rate exceeding 40%. This is well above OECD norms (Chart 11).2 A more progressive tax system would boost spending among poorer households. It would also curb inequality, which has increased sharply over the past few decades (Chart 12). The saving rate among the richest 10% of Chinese earners is close to 50%. Policies that shift income from the rich to the poor would reduce overall household savings. Chart 11High Tax Burden For ##br##Low Income Households In China Is China Heading For A Minsky Moment? Is China Heading For A Minsky Moment? Chart 12Shifting Income To Poorer Households Would Reduce ##br##China's Household Savings Rate Is China Heading For A Minsky Moment? Is China Heading For A Minsky Moment? Debt Nationalization Is Inevitable Chart 13Ratio Of Workers-To-Consumers Is Peaking,##br## And China Is No Exception Ratio Of Workers-To-Consumers Is Peaking, And China Is No Exception Ratio Of Workers-To-Consumers Is Peaking, And China Is No Exception Realistically, reforms aimed at encouraging consumption will take a while to implement. In the meantime, debt levels are likely to keep rising. Much of China's debt burden remains on the books of state-owned companies and local governments. At some point over the next few years, the central government will transfer a large fraction of this debt onto its own balance sheet. This would ease concerns about a mass wave of defaults. The key question for investors is whether this de facto "debt nationalization" is done proactively or reactively in response to a crisis. If the latter occurs, investors should steer clear of Chinese assets, as well as China-related plays such as commodities and commodity currencies. If the former pans out, global risk assets could rally. While the truth will fall somewhere between those two extremes, our bet is that the proactive view will prove closer to the mark, at least relative to market expectations (keep in mind that Chinese banks are trading below book value, so a lot of bad news has already been priced in). The Chinese authorities talk a lot about the importance of reducing moral hazard, but in practice, they have shown very little tolerance for defaults. Just as they did in the early 2000s, government leaders could commission state-owned asset management companies to purchase distressed debt from banks and other lenders at inflated prices. Chinese financials, which are nearly 70% of the H-share index, will benefit. Will investors balk at the prospect of the Chinese government blowing out the budget deficit in order to rescue insolvent borrowers? There might be some short-term panic, but as has been the case with Japan, as long as there are plenty of excess domestic savings to go around, the risk of a debt crisis will remain minimal. Indeed, the issuance of more government debt would help alleviate what has become a critical problem for Chinese savers: The lack of safe, liquid domestic assets available for purchase. What is true, from a longer-term perspective, is that the combination of higher debt and slower growth will eventually create a strong incentive for the Chinese government to inflate away debt. As in many other countries, China's "support ratio" -- broadly defined as the ratio of workers-to-consumers -- has peaked (Chart 13). As the growth of output and income falls behind consumption growth, China's savings glut will become a thing of the past. Rather than raising rates, the PBOC will just let the economy overheat. Such a day of reckoning is probably still at least five years away, but eventually inflation will return to China. Concluding Thoughts On The Current Market Environment A true "Minsky moment" in China - one where the financial sector seizes up due to spiraling fears of bankruptcies and defaults - is not in the cards. Nevertheless, China's economy is slowing, and growth is likely to decelerate further over the next few quarters as the authorities restrain credit growth and the property market continues to cool. The slowdown in Chinese growth is occurring at the same time as the economic data has been deteriorating around the world. The equity component of our MacroQuant model - which is highly sensitive to changes in the direction of growth - has been in bearish territory for two straight months (Chart 14). Our base case remains that global growth will stabilize over the next few months at an above-trend pace. Global bond yields are still near record-low levels and fiscal policy is moving in a more stimulative direction (Chart 15). It would be odd for the global economy to deteriorate sharply in such an environment. Chart 14MacroQuant Model Suggests Caution Is Warranted Is China Heading For A Minsky Moment? Is China Heading For A Minsky Moment? Trade protectionism is an obvious risk to this sanguine cyclical view. BCA has long argued that globalization is under threat from the combination of rising populism and the end of America's role as the world's sole superpower. However, the retreat from globalization will occur in fits and starts. Just as investors were overly complacent about protectionism a few months ago, they have become overly alarmist now. Both the U.S. and China have a strong incentive to reach a mutually-satisfying agreement over trade. President Trump has been able to shrug off the decline in equities because his approval rating has actually risen during the selloff (Chart 16). However, if the problems on Wall Street begin to show up on Main Street - as is likely to happen if stocks continue to fall - Trump will change his tune. Chart 15Global Economy Buttressed By ##br##Accommodative Fiscal And Monetary Policy Global Economy Buttressed By Accommodative Fiscal And Monetary Policy Global Economy Buttressed By Accommodative Fiscal And Monetary Policy Chart 16Trump's Approval Rating Has ##br##Actually Risen During Equity Selloff Trump's Approval Rating Has Actually Risen During Equity Selloff Trump's Approval Rating Has Actually Risen During Equity Selloff For its part, the Chinese government is also looking to strike a deal. The U.S. exported only $131 billion in goods to China last year. This is already less than the $150 billion in Chinese goods that Trump has targeted for tariffs. China simply cannot win a tit-for-tat trade war with the United States. Bottom Line: The near-term picture for global equities and other risk assets is murky, but the 12-month cyclical outlook is still reasonably upbeat. Peter Berezin, Chief Global Strategist Global Investment Strategy peterb@bcaresearch.com 1 For instance, if someone buys stock on margin or takes out a second mortgage on their house, new debt is created without anyone having to cut back on spending. In the context of China, imagine a financial institution which funds the purchase of a building by issuing a certificate of deposit or by selling a "wealth management" product. Both the asset and liability side of the financial institution's balance sheet go up (i.e., new debt is created). Suppose further that the company that sold the building puts the proceeds into a certificate of deposit or wealth management product. The entire transaction is self-financing. The example above illustrates that debt can go up in some situations even if everyone's spending habits remain the same. The need to intermediate savings is one source of debt growth, but it does not have to be the only one. 2 Please see "People's Republic Of China: Selected Issues," IMF Country Report, dated August 15, 2017.

Highlights Slower nominal GDP growth explains virtually all of the increase in China's debt-to-GDP ratio over the past ten years. The authorities were unwilling to restrain debt growth as it became obvious that nominal income was decelerating because this would have only exacerbated the economic downturn. Excess private-sector savings forced the Chinese government to rely on debt-financed investment by state-owned companies (SOE) and local governments in order to keep aggregate demand elevated. Financial deregulation also encouraged debt accumulation. Debt growth linked to speculative activity can be curbed without endangering the economy, but a lasting solution to the surplus savings problem will require consumers to spend more. This will take a while. At some point over the next few years, the central government will transfer a large fraction of SOE and local government debt onto its own balance sheet. The risk to investors is that this "debt nationalization" happens reactively rather than proactively. Feature If there are too many pro-cyclical factors in the economy, cyclical fluctuations are magnified and there is excessive optimism during the period, accumulating contradictions that could lead to the so-called Minsky Moment. - Zhou Xiaochuan, Former Governor of the People's Bank of China, October 19, 2017 The Calm Before The Storm? Stability begets instability. That is the nature of business cycles, Hyman Minsky famously argued. Rising confidence leads to excessive risk-taking, higher asset prices, and mounting economic imbalances. Eventually the mood sours. Like Wile E. Coyote running off a cliff, investors look down and see that there is nothing but thin air between them and the ground below. Panic ensues. Is China on the verge of its own Minsky Moment? A glance at the evolution of its debt-to-GDP ratio would certainly say so. But before running towards the exit door, consider the following: People have been fretting about spiraling Japanese government debt levels for over twenty years now. And yet, interest rates remain at rock-bottom levels in Japan. China's Savings Glut In many respects, China finds itself facing similar problems to those that have haunted Japan. The simultaneous bust in equity and real estate prices in 1990 sent Japan's private sector into a prolonged deleveraging cycle (Chart 1). In order to prop up demand, the Japanese government was forced to run large budget deficits. In effect, the government had to absorb the excess savings of the private sector with its own dissavings. The abundance of domestic private-sector savings forestalled a financial crisis, but it also led to today's gross government debt-to-GDP ratio of 240%. Like Japan, China suffers from a dearth of spending, or equivalently, an abundance of savings. The IMF estimates that Chinese gross national savings reached 46% of GDP in 2017. While this is down from a peak of 52% of GDP in 2008, it is still abnormally high for any major economy, even by emerging market standards (Chart 2). Chart 1 Japan Relied On Large Fiscal Deficits And Current Account Surpluses To Offset The Rise In Private-Sector Savings Japan Relied On Large Fiscal Deficits And Current Account Surpluses To Offset The Rise In Private-Sector Savings Japan Relied On Large Fiscal Deficits And Current Account Surpluses To Offset The Rise In Private-Sector Savings Chart 2China's Savings Rate Stands Out Even By EM Standards China's Savings Rate Stands Out Even By EM Standards China's Savings Rate Stands Out Even By EM Standards By definition, whatever a country saves must either be invested domestically or channeled abroad via a current account surplus. China's savings rate has edged lower over the past ten years, but its current account surplus has dropped even more, falling from nearly 10% of GDP in 2007 to 1.4% of GDP at present. As a result, investment as a share of GDP has actually risen to 44%, a three-point increase since 2007 (Chart 3). The decline in China's current account surplus was inevitable (Chart 4). In 2007, China accounted for 6% of global GDP in dollar terms. Today it accounts for 15%. Having a massively undervalued currency, as China had in 2007, is just not politically tenable anymore, especially with Donald Trump in the White House. Simply put, China has become too big to continue exporting its way out of its problems. Chart 3Since The Great Financial Crisis, Chinese Savings Have Been Channeled Into Domestic Investment, Not Funneled Abroad Since The Great Financial Crisis, Chinese Savings Have Been Channeled Into Domestic Investment, Not Funneled Abroad Since The Great Financial Crisis, Chinese Savings Have Been Channeled Into Domestic Investment, Not Funneled Abroad Chart 4Undervalued Currency And Massive Current Account Surplus: Modus Operandi Of The Past Undervalued Currency And Massive Current Account Surplus: Modus Operandi Of The Past Undervalued Currency And Massive Current Account Surplus: Modus Operandi Of The Past Debt As The Conduit Between Savings And Investment How does a country transform savings into investment? In an economy like China where the stock market at times appears to be little more than a casino, the answer is that credit markets must play the dominant role. Households or firms with surplus savings park their funds in banks or other financial institutions. These institutions channel the savings to willing borrowers. Debt ends up being the natural byproduct of surplus savings. China is still a relatively poor country with a lot of catch-up potential. Capital-per-worker is a fraction of what it is among advanced economies (Chart 5). Even with its bleak demographics, China would need to grow by around 6% per year over the next few years just to converge with South Korea in output-per-worker by 2050 (Chart 6). All this means that China needs to invest more than most other economies, which is only possible if it saves more than other economies. Chart 5China Has More Catching Up To Do (1) Is China Heading For A Minsky Moment? Is China Heading For A Minsky Moment? Chart 6China Has More Catching Up To Do (2) China Has More Catching Up To Do (2) China Has More Catching Up To Do (2) Unfortunately, one can have too much of a good thing. The fact that China's capital stock-to-output ratio has risen dramatically in recent years means that the economy is already investing too much. And the optimal amount of investment will only fall over time as potential GDP growth continues to decelerate. Unless savings come down, China will find itself increasingly awash in excess capacity. Chart 7If Only GDP Growth Did Not ##br## Decelerate Over The Past Ten Years Is China Heading For A Minsky Moment? Is China Heading For A Minsky Moment? Slower trend growth will also make deleveraging more difficult to achieve. The overall stock of nonfinancial debt grew at an annualized rate of 18.8% between 2008 and 2017. Notably, this growth rate was not much higher than the one of 16.5% between 2003 and 2007 - a period when the debt-to-GDP ratio was broadly stable. The main difference between the two periods lies in the denominator of the debt-to-GDP ratio, not in the numerator: Nominal GDP expanded at an annualized rate of 11.2% between 2008 and 2017, a sizable retreat from the pace of 18.4% between 2003 and 2007. Chart 7 shows that the debt-to-GDP ratio today would be virtually identical to its end-2007 level had nominal GDP continued to grow at its 2003-2007 pace over the past ten years. Financial Deregulation Has Exacerbated The Debt Problem The Chinese government's reluctance to crack down on credit growth was motivated by the desire to support aggregate demand. However, in turning a blind eye to what was happening in credit markets, a lot of debt was generated that was not directly tied to the intermediation of savings into investment. Chart 8Debt And Capital Accumulation Went Hand In Hand Debt And Capital Accumulation Went Hand In Hand Debt And Capital Accumulation Went Hand In Hand Debt can be created when someone borrows money to finance the purchase of goods or services. Debt can also be created when someone borrows money to finance the purchase of pre-existing assets. Crucially, while the former typically requires additional "savings" (i.e., someone needs to reduce their spending relative to their income), the latter does not.1 Granted, savings can still play an indirect role in facilitating debt-financed asset purchases. Financial assets are typically backed by something of value. A mortgage is backed by a piece of property. A corporate bond is backed by both the tangible and intangible capital that a firm possesses. The more a country has been able to save over time, the larger its capital stock will be. China, of course, has been saving like crazy for years. It is thus no surprise that its debt-to-GDP ratio has soared as its capital stock has expanded (Chart 8). Financial deregulation in China has allowed a large share of its capital stock to repeatedly shift hands. Debt has often been created in the process. The problem is that debt-financed asset purchases drive up asset prices, sometimes to unsustainable levels. And the higher the price of the asset, the greater the risk that it will not yield enough income to cover the borrowing costs. When asset prices are rising, borrowers and lenders are apt to disregard this risk, figuring that they can always sell the asset at a high enough price to pay back the loan. But once prices start falling, reality sets in very quickly. Stability begets instability. Consumers Need To Step Up The authorities are keenly aware of the risks discussed above. This is the key reason why they are clamping down on the shadow banking system, which has increasingly become the main source of speculative lending in China. We expect the pressure on shadow banks to persist in 2018. This will continue to weigh on credit growth. The more vexing challenge is how to reduce excessive household savings. The government's current strategy of cramming down the capital stock by taking out excess capacity from sectors such as steel, coal, and solar may be better than nothing, but it still pales in comparison to a strategy of encouraging consumer spending. Higher consumer spending would obviate the need for state-owned companies and local governments to keep people employed in make-work projects. The good news is that there are plenty of ways that China can boost household consumption. Government spending on education, health care, and pensions as a share of GDP is close to half of the OECD average (Chart 9). Increasing social transfer payments would give households the wherewithal to spend more. Unlike in most countries, the poor in China are net savers (Chart 10). Expanding the social safety net would discourage precautionary savings. Chart 9Chinese Social Welfare Spending ##br##Is Lagging The OECD Average Is China Heading For A Minsky Moment? Is China Heading For A Minsky Moment? Chart 10Low Income Households Are Net ##br##Savers In China Is China Heading For A Minsky Moment? Is China Heading For A Minsky Moment? The Chinese income tax structure is fairly regressive. Poor households face an effective income tax rate exceeding 40%. This is well above OECD norms (Chart 11).2 A more progressive tax system would boost spending among poorer households. It would also curb inequality, which has increased sharply over the past few decades (Chart 12). The saving rate among the richest 10% of Chinese earners is close to 50%. Policies that shift income from the rich to the poor would reduce overall household savings. Chart 11High Tax Burden For ##br##Low Income Households In China Is China Heading For A Minsky Moment? Is China Heading For A Minsky Moment? Chart 12Shifting Income To Poorer Households Would Reduce ##br##China's Household Savings Rate Is China Heading For A Minsky Moment? Is China Heading For A Minsky Moment? Debt Nationalization Is Inevitable Chart 13Ratio Of Workers-To-Consumers Is Peaking,##br## And China Is No Exception Ratio Of Workers-To-Consumers Is Peaking, And China Is No Exception Ratio Of Workers-To-Consumers Is Peaking, And China Is No Exception Realistically, reforms aimed at encouraging consumption will take a while to implement. In the meantime, debt levels are likely to keep rising. Much of China's debt burden remains on the books of state-owned companies and local governments. At some point over the next few years, the central government will transfer a large fraction of this debt onto its own balance sheet. This would ease concerns about a mass wave of defaults. The key question for investors is whether this de facto "debt nationalization" is done proactively or reactively in response to a crisis. If the latter occurs, investors should steer clear of Chinese assets, as well as China-related plays such as commodities and commodity currencies. If the former pans out, global risk assets could rally. While the truth will fall somewhere between those two extremes, our bet is that the proactive view will prove closer to the mark, at least relative to market expectations (keep in mind that Chinese banks are trading below book value, so a lot of bad news has already been priced in). The Chinese authorities talk a lot about the importance of reducing moral hazard, but in practice, they have shown very little tolerance for defaults. Just as they did in the early 2000s, government leaders could commission state-owned asset management companies to purchase distressed debt from banks and other lenders at inflated prices. Chinese financials, which are nearly 70% of the H-share index, will benefit. Will investors balk at the prospect of the Chinese government blowing out the budget deficit in order to rescue insolvent borrowers? There might be some short-term panic, but as has been the case with Japan, as long as there are plenty of excess domestic savings to go around, the risk of a debt crisis will remain minimal. Indeed, the issuance of more government debt would help alleviate what has become a critical problem for Chinese savers: The lack of safe, liquid domestic assets available for purchase. What is true, from a longer-term perspective, is that the combination of higher debt and slower growth will eventually create a strong incentive for the Chinese government to inflate away debt. As in many other countries, China's "support ratio" -- broadly defined as the ratio of workers-to-consumers -- has peaked (Chart 13). As the growth of output and income falls behind consumption growth, China's savings glut will become a thing of the past. Rather than raising rates, the PBOC will just let the economy overheat. Such a day of reckoning is probably still at least five years away, but eventually inflation will return to China. Concluding Thoughts On The Current Market Environment A true "Minsky moment" in China - one where the financial sector seizes up due to spiraling fears of bankruptcies and defaults - is not in the cards. Nevertheless, China's economy is slowing, and growth is likely to decelerate further over the next few quarters as the authorities restrain credit growth and the property market continues to cool. The slowdown in Chinese growth is occurring at the same time as the economic data has been deteriorating around the world. The equity component of our MacroQuant model - which is highly sensitive to changes in the direction of growth - has been in bearish territory for two straight months (Chart 14). Our base case remains that global growth will stabilize over the next few months at an above-trend pace. Global bond yields are still near record-low levels and fiscal policy is moving in a more stimulative direction (Chart 15). It would be odd for the global economy to deteriorate sharply in such an environment. Chart 14MacroQuant Model Suggests Caution Is Warranted Is China Heading For A Minsky Moment? Is China Heading For A Minsky Moment? Trade protectionism is an obvious risk to this sanguine cyclical view. BCA has long argued that globalization is under threat from the combination of rising populism and the end of America's role as the world's sole superpower. However, the retreat from globalization will occur in fits and starts. Just as investors were overly complacent about protectionism a few months ago, they have become overly alarmist now. Both the U.S. and China have a strong incentive to reach a mutually-satisfying agreement over trade. President Trump has been able to shrug off the decline in equities because his approval rating has actually risen during the selloff (Chart 16). However, if the problems on Wall Street begin to show up on Main Street - as is likely to happen if stocks continue to fall - Trump will change his tune. Chart 15Global Economy Buttressed By ##br##Accommodative Fiscal And Monetary Policy Global Economy Buttressed By Accommodative Fiscal And Monetary Policy Global Economy Buttressed By Accommodative Fiscal And Monetary Policy Chart 16Trump's Approval Rating Has ##br##Actually Risen During Equity Selloff Trump's Approval Rating Has Actually Risen During Equity Selloff Trump's Approval Rating Has Actually Risen During Equity Selloff For its part, the Chinese government is also looking to strike a deal. The U.S. exported only $131 billion in goods to China last year. This is already less than the $150 billion in Chinese goods that Trump has targeted for tariffs. China simply cannot win a tit-for-tat trade war with the United States. Bottom Line: The near-term picture for global equities and other risk assets is murky, but the 12-month cyclical outlook is still reasonably upbeat. Peter Berezin, Chief Global Strategist Global Investment Strategy peterb@bcaresearch.com 1 For instance, if someone buys stock on margin or takes out a second mortgage on their house, new debt is created without anyone having to cut back on spending. In the context of China, imagine a financial institution which funds the purchase of a building by issuing a certificate of deposit or by selling a "wealth management" product. Both the asset and liability side of the financial institution's balance sheet go up (i.e., new debt is created). Suppose further that the company that sold the building puts the proceeds into a certificate of deposit or wealth management product. The entire transaction is self-financing. The example above illustrates that debt can go up in some situations even if everyone's spending habits remain the same. The need to intermediate savings is one source of debt growth, but it does not have to be the only one. 2 Please see "People's Republic Of China: Selected Issues," IMF Country Report, dated August 15, 2017. Strategy & Market Trends Tactical Trades Strategic Recommendations Closed Trades

Highlights Apart from rising geopolitical tensions, our main macro themes remain a growth slowdown in China and a rise in U.S. core inflation. This combination bodes ill for EM financial markets. Continue underweighting EM stocks, credit and currencies versus their DM peers. Subsiding NAFTA risks argue for overweighting Mexican stocks within an EM equity portfolio. This is in line with our recent upgrade of Mexican local and U.S. dollar sovereign bonds as well as the peso's outlook versus their EM peers. A new trade: Fixed-income trades should bet on yield curve steepening in Mexico by paying 10-year swap rates and receiving 2-year rates. Close overweight Russian markets positions in the wake of escalating U.S. sanctions. Feature Before discussing Mexico and Russia, we offer an update on our thoughts on the overall market outlook. EM: Looking Under The Hood Investor sentiment remains buoyant on global risk assets, and the buy-on-dips mentality remains well entrenched. On the surface, investors are not finding enough reasons to turn negative on global or EM risk markets. Nevertheless, when looking under the EM hood, we see several leading and coincident indicators that are beginning to flash red. Not only do geopolitics and the U.S.-China trade confrontation pose downside risks, there are also several macro developments that are turning from tailwinds to headwinds for EM risk assets. Specifically: EM manufacturing and Asian trade cycles have probably topped out. The relative total return (carry included) of three equally weighted EM1 (ZAR, BRL and CLP) and three DM (AUD, NZD and CAD) commodities currencies versus an equally weighted average of two safe-haven currencies - the Japanese yen and Swiss franc - has relapsed since early this year, coinciding with the rollover in the EM manufacturing PMI index (Chart I-1). This currency ratio is herein referred to as the risk-on/safe-haven currency ratio. Chart I-1Risk On / Safe-Haven Currency Ratio And EM Manufacturing PMI bca.ems_wr_2018_04_12_s1_c1 bca.ems_wr_2018_04_12_s1_c1 The risk-on/safe-haven currency ratio also correlates with the average of new and backlog orders components of China's manufacturing PMI (Chart I-2). The latter does not herald an upturn in this currency ratio at the moment. Share prices of global machinery, chemicals and mining companies have so far underperformed the overall global equity index in this selloff, as exhibited in Chart I-3. Chart I-2China's Industrial Cycle Has Rolled Over bca.ems_wr_2018_04_12_s1_c2 bca.ems_wr_2018_04_12_s1_c2 Chart I-3Global Cyclicals Have Underperformed, Though Not Tech Global Cyclicals Have Underperformed, Though Not Tech Global Cyclicals Have Underperformed, Though Not Tech Potential trade wars, the setback in technology stocks and a resurgence of volatility in global equity markets have recently dominated news headlines. Yet, the underperformance of China-exposed global sectors and sub-sectors signifies that beneath the surface Chinese growth is weakening. Meanwhile, global tech stocks have not yet underperformed much (Chart I-3, bottom panel), implying the selloff has not been driven by this high-flying sector. The combination of weakening global trade amid still-robust U.S. domestic demand bodes well for the U.S. dollar, at least against EM and commodities currencies. U.S. and EU imports account for only 13% and 11% of global trade, respectively (Chart I-4). Meanwhile, aggregate EM including Chinese imports account for 30% of world imports. Hence, global trade can slow even with U.S. and EU domestic demand remaining robust. We addressed the twin deficit issue in the U.S. in our February 21 report,2 and will add the following: If U.S. fiscal stimulus coincides with abundant global growth, the greenback will weaken. If on the contrary, the U.S. fiscal expansion overlaps with weakening global trade, U.S. growth will be priced at a premium and the U.S. dollar will appreciate especially against the currencies of economies where growth will fall short. The majority of EM exchange rates will likely be in the latter group. The relative performance of EM versus DM stocks correlates with the relative volume of imports between China and the DM (Chart I-5). The rationale is that EM countries and their publically listed companies are much more leveraged to China's business cycle than DM. The opposite is true for DM-listed companies. Our view is that China's industrial recovery and growth outperformance versus DM since early 2016 is about to end. This, if realized, should undermine EM equities and currencies versus their DM counterparts. Last week, we published a Special Report on the Chinese real estate market.3 We documented that despite a drawdown in housing inventories over the past two years, both residential and non-residential inventories remain very elevated. This, along with poor affordability and the implementation housing purchase restrictions for investors, will dampen housing sales, which in turn will lead to a contraction in property development and construction activity. Chart I-4Global Trade Is More Leveraged To EM Not DM Global Trade Is More Leveraged To EM Not DM Global Trade Is More Leveraged To EM Not DM Chart I-5EM Underperforms When Chinese Imports Lag DM Ones EM Underperforms When Chinese Imports Lag DM Ones EM Underperforms When Chinese Imports Lag DM Ones Combined with a slowdown in infrastructure investment due to tighter controls on local government finances, this poses downside risks to China's demand for commodities, materials and industrial goods. This is the main risk to EM stocks and currencies, and the primary reason we continue to maintain our negative stance on EM risk assets. Last but not least, it is widely believed that Chinese households are not indebted and that there is a lot of pent-up demand for household credit. Chart I-6 reveals that this conjecture is simply not true - the household debt-to-disposable income ratio has surged to 110% of disposable income in China. The same ratio is currently 107% in the U.S. Given borrowing costs in general and mortgage rates in particular are higher in China than in the U.S. (the mortgage rate is 5.2% in China versus 4.4% in the U.S.), interest payments on debt account for a larger share of households' disposable income in China than in America right now. In the U.S., the surprise on the macro front in the coming months will likely be both rising wage growth and core inflation. Chart I-7 highlights that average hourly earnings in manufacturing and construction have been accelerating. This underscores that wages are rising fast in these cyclical sectors. This will spread to other sectors sooner rather than later. Core inflation in America is rising and has already moved above 2% (Chart I-8). The rise is broad-based as all different core consumer price measures are rising and heading toward 2%. Chart I-6Chinese Households Are As Leveraged As Americans Chinese Households Are As Leveraged As Americans Chinese Households Are As Leveraged As Americans Chart I-7U.S. Wages Are Accelerating U.S. Wages Are Accelerating U.S. Wages Are Accelerating Chart I-8U.S. Core Inflation Is Above 2% U.S. Core Inflation Is Above 2% U.S. Core Inflation Is Above 2% While this does not entail that the U.S. is heading into runaway inflation, rising core inflation and wage growth will likely lead many investors to believe that the Federal Reserve cannot back off too fast from rate hikes, particularly when the U.S. fiscal thrust remains so positive, even if the drawdown in share prices persist. This may especially weigh on EM risk assets, where growth will be subsiding due to their links with Chinese imports. Bottom Line: Our main macro themes remain a slowdown in China and a rise in U.S. core inflation. This combination bodes ill for EM financial markets. Continue underweighting EM stocks, credit and currencies versus their DM peers. Upgrade Mexican Equities To Overweight In our March 29 report,4 we upgraded our stance on the Mexican peso, local currency bonds and U.S. dollar sovereign credit from neutral to overweight. The main rationale was receding odds of NAFTA abrogation and the country's healthy macro fundamentals. In addition, we instituted a new currency trade: long MXN / short BRL and ZAR. Continuing with this theme, we today recommend upgrading Mexican stocks to overweight within an EM equity portfolio: The odds of NAFTA retraction are rapidly subsiding as the U.S. is shifting its focus to China. Hence, chances are that NAFTA negotiations will be completed this summer, and a deal will be signed off before Mexico's presidential elections on July 1st. A more benign outcome together with an early end to NAFTA negotiations will reduce uncertainty and the risk premium priced into Mexican financial markets. This will help the latter outperform their EM peers. A final note on Mexican politics: The leftist presidential candidate Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador has high chances of winning the presidential elections in July. Yet Our colleagues at BCA's Geopolitical Strategy service believe political risks are overstated.5 The basis is that Obrador will balance the left-leaning preferences of his electorate with the prudent policies needed to produce robust growth. While political uncertainty in Mexico is subsiding, it is rising in many other EM countries such as Russia, China and Brazil. In brief, geopolitical dynamics favor Mexico versus the rest of EM. We expect dedicated EM managers across various asset classes to rotate into Mexico from other EM countries. We outlined two weeks ago that a stable exchange rate will bring down inflation, opening a door for the central bank to cut interest rates no later than this summer. As local interest rate expectations in Mexico continue to subside both in absolute terms as well as relative to EM, Mexican share prices will outpace their EM peers (Chart I-9). Consistently, tightening Mexican sovereign credit spreads versus EM overall should also foster this nation's equity outperformance (Chart I-10). Chart I-9Relative Equity Performance Tracks Relative ##br##Local Bond Yields Relative Equity Performance Tracks Relative Local Bond Yields Relative Equity Performance Tracks Relative Local Bond Yields Chart I-10Relative Equity Performance Tracks Relative ##br##Sovereign Spreads Relative Equity Performance Tracks Relative Sovereign Spreads Relative Equity Performance Tracks Relative Sovereign Spreads Domestic demand growth has plunged following monetary and fiscal tightening in the past two years (Chart I-11). As both fiscal and monetary policy begin to ease, domestic demand will recover later this year. Chances are that share prices will sniff this out and begin their advance/outperformance sooner than later. Consumer staples and telecom stocks together account for 50% of the MSCI Mexico market cap, while the same sectors make up only 11% of overall EM market cap. Hence, Mexico's relative equity performance is somewhat hinged on the outlook for these two sectors in general and consumer staples in particular. EM consumer staple stocks have massively underperformed the EM benchmark since early 2016 (Chart I-12, top panel), and odds are this sector will outperform in the next six to 12 months as defensive sectors outperform cyclicals. This in turn heralds Mexico's relative outperformance versus the EM benchmark, which seems to be forming a major bottom (Chart I-12, bottom panel). Chart I-11Mexico: Economic Downturn Is Well Advanced Mexico: Economic Downturn Is Well Advanced Mexico: Economic Downturn Is Well Advanced Chart I-12Mexican Bourse Is A Play On Consumer Staples Mexican Bourse Is A Play On Consumer Staples Mexican Bourse Is A Play On Consumer Staples Unlike many EM countries, the Mexican economy is much more leveraged to the U.S. than to China. One of our major themes remains favoring U.S. growth plays versus Chinese ones. Finally, Mexican equity valuations have improved quite a bit both in absolute terms and relative to EM. Chart I-13 shows our in-house CAPE ratios for Mexican stocks in absolute terms and relative to the EM overall benchmark: Mexican equity valuations are not cheap but they are no longer expensive. Consistent with upgrading our economic outlook on Mexico, fixed-income investors should bet on yield curve steepening in local rates. We initiated this strategy on January 31 but hedged the NAFTA risk by complementing it with a yield curve flattening leg in Canada. Now, we are closing that trade and initiating a new one: fixed-income traders should consider paying 10-year swap rates and receiving 2-year swap rates. The yield curve is as flat as it typically gets (Chart I-14, top panel). Moreover, 2-year swap rates are not yet pricing enough rate cuts (Chart I-14, bottom panel) but will soon begin gapping down pricing in a large (potentially close to 200 basis points) rate cut cycle. Chart I-13Mexican Equities Are No Longer Expensive Mexican Equities Are No Longer Expensive Mexican Equities Are No Longer Expensive Chart I-14Bet On Yield Curve Steepening In Mexico Bet On Yield Curve Steepening In Mexico Bet On Yield Curve Steepening In Mexico Bottom Line: In line with our recent upgrade of Mexican local and U.S. dollar bonds as well as the currency outlook versus their EM peers, this week we recommend EM dedicated equity portfolios shift to an overweight position in Mexican stocks. Fixed-income trades should bet on yield curve steepening by paying 10-year swap rates and receiving 2-year rates. Investors who are positive on global risk assets should consider buying Mexican local bonds outright. Russia: Geopolitics Trumps Economics Chart I-15Russian Assets Relative To EM Benchmarks:##br## Various Asset Classes Russian Assets Relative To EM Benchmarks: Various Asset Classes Russian Assets Relative To EM Benchmarks: Various Asset Classes The sudden crash in Russian financial markets this week following the imposition of new U.S. sanctions has reminded us that geopolitics can often eclipse economics. Our overweight recommendation on Russian assets versus their EM peers was based on two pillars: (1) healthy and improving macro fundamentals and an unfolding cyclical economic recovery; and (2) easing tensions between Russia and the West. Clearly, the second part of our assessment is wrong, or at least premature. While BCA's Geopolitical Service team maintains that on a 12-month horizon tensions between Russia and the West will subside, the near-term risks are impossible to assess. For this reason we are closing our overweight allocation in Russian financial markets and recommend downgrading it to neutral. In particular, we are shifting Russia to a neutral allocation within the EM equity, sovereign and corporate credit and local currency bonds portfolios (Chart I-15). Consistently, we are closing the following trades: Long Russian / short Malaysian stocks (27.6% gain); Long Russian energy / short global energy stocks (2.8% gain); Long RUB / short MYR (3.1% loss); Short COP / long basket of USD & RUB (16.2% loss); Long RUBUSD / short crude oil (29.1% loss). Sell Russian 5-year CDS / buy South African 5-year CDS (317 basis points gain); Long Russian and Chilean / short Chinese Corporate Credit (12% gain); Long Russian 5-year bonds / short Brazilian 5-year bonds (flat). Arthur Budaghyan, Senior Vice President Emerging Markets Strategy arthurb@bcaresearch.com 1 We have removed the Russian ruble from the version of this chart shown in March 29, 2018 EMS report to assure that the recent idiosyncratic developments - the selloff triggered by the U.S. sanctions - in Russia's financial markets do not impact the reading of this indicator. 2 Pease see Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report "EM Local Bonds And U.S. Twin Deficits", dated February 21, 2018, Page 14. 3 Pease see Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report "China Real Estate: A Never-Bursting Bubble?", dated April 6, 2018, Page 14. 4 Pease see Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report "EM: Perched On An Icy Cliff", dated March 29, 2018, available at ems.bcaresearch.com. 5 Pease see Geopolitcial Strategy Weekly Report "Expect Volatility... Of Volatility", dated April 11, 2018, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. Equity Recommendations Fixed-Income, Credit And Currency Recommendations

Highlights Capacity cuts in China's steel and aluminum industries over the winter produced little in the way of output reductions, confounding our expectations. The resulting unintended inventory accumulation in Asian markets, reflecting high production relative to demand, and slowing Chinese steel exports are a downside risk to our neutral view. U.S. sanctions against Russian oligarchs close to President Putin could tighten the aluminum market, countering the unintended inventory accumulations. For now, we remain neutral base metals. Energy: Overweight. We are closing our long put spread position in Dec/18 Brent options at tonight's close. The fast-approaching May 12 deadline for President Trump to renew sanctions waivers against Iran shifts the balance of price risks to the upside. Base Metals: Neutral. COMEX copper rallied above $3.10/lb on the back of Chinese President Xi's remarks at the Boao Forum earlier this week, which re-hashed plans to open China's economy to imports. Precious Metals: Neutral. Gold likely becomes better bid as the May 12 deadline to waive Iran sanctions nears. Our long gold portfolio hedge is up 8.9%. Ags/Softs: Underweight. European buyers are scooping up U.S. soybeans, as Chinese purchases of Brazilian beans makes U.S.-sourced crops relatively cheaper, according to Reuters.1 China also announced plans to start selling corn stocks from state reserves this week, offering an alternative protein for animals to partially offset the price impact of tariffs on their imports of U.S. soybeans. Feature Chart of the WeekAluminum Rebounds On U.S. Sanctions Aluminum Rebounds On U.S. Sanctions Aluminum Rebounds On U.S. Sanctions Despite much-ballyhooed capacity reductions in China's steel and aluminum capacity, these markets - both in China and globally - remained relatively well supplied over the winter. Higher global supplies, and falling Chinese steel exports, will result in unintended inventory accumulation, which already is showing up in Shanghai Futures Exchange (SHFE) inventories. While we remain neutral base metals, continued unintended inventory accumulation could cause us to downgrade the sector. The MySteel Composite Index we use to track steel prices is down more than 10% since the beginning of the year (Chart of the Week). Similarly, the first-nearby primary aluminum contract on the LME was down ~ 12% year-to-date (ytd) early last week, before regaining most of these losses on news of U.S. sanctions against Russian oligarchs, which hit shares of Rusal very hard. Given that these sanctions will restrict access to up to 6% of global aluminum supply, ex-China supply dynamics will dominate the aluminum market this year making the outlook relatively favorable, putting a floor beneath the London Metal Exchange Index (LMEX).2 Ex-Post Winter Production Production cuts over the winter - when Chinese mills in 28 smog-prone northern cities were ordered to reduce capacity by up to 50% - did not live up to our expectations.3 China's steel and aluminum sectors have undergone major supply-side reforms, particularly re the removal of outdated capacity, most of which has been completed. In addition to the winter capacity cuts, past reforms that have already been implemented, and have shaped current market conditions, are as follows: In an effort to eliminate outdated and unlicensed facilities, China removed an estimated 3-4 mm MT of annual capacity in 2017 - amounting to approximately 10% of total aluminum smelting capacity. In the case of steel, Beijing announced plans to shut down 150 mm MT of annual steel capacity between 2016 and 2020. To date, 115 mm MT of capacity have already been eliminated. Another estimated 80-120 mm MT of induction furnace capacity was shuttered in 1H17. Going forward, China's steel and aluminum markets will be driven by: An estimated 3-4 mm MT of updated aluminum capacity is expected to come on line this year, offsetting constraints from last year's supply cuts. 30 mm MT of steel capacity shutdowns are planned this year, putting Beijing on track to meet its five-year target two years ahead of schedule. The Chinese National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC) has communicated its resolve to keep shuttered capacity offline. Major steelmaking cities in Hebei province - accounting for 22% of 2017 Chinese crude steel output - have announced plans to extend the capacity cuts to November 2018. The mid-November to mid-March capacity cuts implemented this past season are expected to be a recurring event. Winter Shutdowns Minimally Impact China's Steel Output ... According to steel production data released by the World Steel Association (WSA), winter capacity closures in China did not significantly affect overall output levels. Crude steel output from China was up 3.9% year-on-year (y/y) in the November to February period (Chart 2). At the same time, production from the rest of the world increased by 3.6% y/y in the November to February. Thus global crude steel supply remained in excess over the winter season, as global steel output increased 3.8% y/y. A caveat to these data: China does not account for the historical output of induction furnaces, which produced an estimated ~30-50 mm MT of steel in 2016. As mentioned in our previous research, the output of these furnaces was illegal and thus not carried in statistics we use to track supply.4 These data problems mean it is possible that actual output in the November 2016 to February 2017 period was higher than suggested by the data, and as a result, actual output during this year's winter season may actually be lower than last year. As induction-furnace data lie in the statistical shadows, we cannot ascertain this with certainty. Nevertheless, a buildup in China inventories - which we discuss below - indicates an oversupplied market. It is also likely producers - incentivized by high steel prices earlier this year - kept capacity utilization at maximum levels throughout the winter. ... And Aluminum Output According to International Aluminum Institute data, primary aluminum output in China fell 2.3% y/y in the November to February period, suggesting the winter cuts likely had an impact on aluminum supply (Chart 3). Data from the World Bureau of Metal Statistics (WBMS) show an even sharper decline in winter aluminum output: primary production in China fell 8.7% y/y in the November to January period. Chart 2Steel Output Grew##BR##Amid Winter Cuts Steel Output Grew Amid Winter Cuts Steel Output Grew Amid Winter Cuts Chart 3China Aluminum Market In Surplus##BR##Despite Production Decline China Aluminum Market In Surplus Despite Production Decline China Aluminum Market In Surplus Despite Production Decline Both sources reveal an especially pronounced contraction in November, at the onset of the winter cuts. Despite reduced supply, WBMS data indicate a positive Chinese aluminum market balance throughout the winter. A large contraction in demand offset the supply shortfall, and kept primary aluminum in a physical surplus throughout the winter, ultimately leading to a buildup in domestic inventories. A Look At The Trade Data Despite our disappointment regarding the impact of the winter cuts on steel and aluminum markets, trade data increasingly suggests China's steel exports have peaked. Aluminum exports from China, on the other hand, are likely to continue rising. Chinese Steel Exports Continue To Fall ... Chinese steel product net exports have been falling since mid-2016, and have continued falling in y/y terms throughout the winter. According to Chinese customs data, steel product net exports fell 35.1% y/y in the November to February period, driven by both falling exports as well as rising imports (Chart 4). Steel product exports plunged 30% y/y in the November to February period, more or less in line with the 2017 average. The decline mirrors the 2017 contraction in domestic supply, bringing exports to their lowest level since 2012. This indicates fears of a China slowdown leading to a flood of metal onto global markets have not materialized, at least not yet. In fact, Customs data show a 1.7% y/y increase in Chinese steel imports during the November to February period - a reversal from falling imports prior to the winter season. The conclusion we draw from this is that, while in the past, China was a source of supply for the world, ongoing capacity cuts and production controls could mean China will lack the ability to ramp up output in case of a global physical supply deficit. If this becomes the new normal, price volatility will likely increase. This trend is important, especially given our expectation of strong world ex-China demand this year. As such, global steel prices may find support amid this new normal. ... But Aluminum Exports Move Higher In the case of aluminum, Chinese net exports were up 28.7% y/y during the winter, continuing their upward trend. Customs data show a 14.8% y/y increase in aluminum exports in November to February, bringing exports in this period to their highest level since 2014/15 (Chart 5). At the same time, imports of aluminum have come down during this period - by 37.2% y/y. According to China customs data, 2017 imports over these winter months registered their lowest level since 1994. Chart 4Steel Exports Continue Falling ... Steel Exports Continue Falling ... Steel Exports Continue Falling ... Chart 5...While Aluminum Exports Are On the Uptrend ...While Aluminum Exports Are On the Uptrend ...While Aluminum Exports Are On the Uptrend The combination of growing exports amid falling imports puts China's net exports in expansionary territory. This will be especially true given the planned increase in capacity this year amid weak Chinese demand. All in all, ceteris paribus global supply of aluminum looks set to increase. However, we do not live in a ceteris paribus world and, as we explore below, sanctions against the top aluminum producer outside of China will have massive implications on the global aluminum supply chain. Are Inventories Due For A Turnaround? Chart 6Larger Than Expected##BR##Seasonal Inventory Buildup Larger Than Expected Seasonal Inventory Buildup Larger Than Expected Seasonal Inventory Buildup China Iron and Steel Association data indicate that since the beginning of the year, steel product inventories have been re-stocked to levels last seen in 1Q14. Inventories of the five main steel products we track have more than doubled since the beginning of the year (Chart 6). Although the Q1 build is seasonal, the re-stocking since the beginning of the year has been especially pronounced. This buildup occurred in an environment of stable supply - with minimal impact from the winter capacity cuts - amid weak exports, indicating domestic demand for the metal was subdued. However, steel inventories have turned around, and we expect further destocking as demand accelerates post the Chinese New Year. The question remains whether this destocking will bring inventories back down to their 5-year average. Aluminum inventories on the SHFE show similar dynamics. However in this case, it is part of the larger trend of rising stocks since the beginning of last year. Aluminum inventories at SHFE warehouses are up more than nine-fold - or 0.87 mm MT - since the end of 2016. In fact, the pace of buildup seems to have accelerated: the average weekly build of 16.6k MT of aluminum coming into warehouse inventories since the beginning of the year stands above the 2017 average weekly build of 12.6k MT. This brought SHFE aluminum inventories to almost 1 mm MT, more than double their previous record in 2010. Although the Chinese physical aluminum surplus weighed down on prices in 1Q18, we expect global aluminum prices to remain supported from here due to the impact of U.S. sanctions on world ex-China aluminum supply. U.S. Russian Sanctions Could Be A Game-Changer Chart 7Sanctions Will Restrict##BR##Marketable Aluminum Supply Chinese Steel, Aluminum Markets Well Supplied Despite Winter Capacity Cuts Chinese Steel, Aluminum Markets Well Supplied Despite Winter Capacity Cuts Last Friday, the U.S. announced sanctions on Russian oligarchs close to President Vladimir Putin. Among those sanctioned is Oleg Deripaska who controls EN+ Group, which owns a controlling interest in top aluminum producer United Company Rusal. Given that UC Rusal accounts for ~6% of global aluminum production, we view this move as significant to global aluminum markets. As the top producer of the metal outside China, Rusal aluminum likely makes up the majority of Russian supply, which account for 14% of U.S. imports (Chart 7). In fact, almost 15% of Rusal's revenues comes from its business with the U.S. While it is clear that these sanctions will, in effect, terminate aluminum trade between Russia and the U.S., more significant are the implications on the global supply chain. A clause in the U.S. Treasury Department's order extending the restrictions to non-U.S. citizens dealing with U.S. entities means the impact could be far-reaching, requiring a major re-shuffle in global aluminum trade. Earlier this week, the LME announced that it will no longer accept Rusal aluminum produced after April 6, effectively preventing the company's products from being delivered on the LME. These sanctions will likely turn global aluminum buyers off from Rusal products, as they can no longer deliver it to the LME. The net effect will be a contraction in global usable aluminum supply. Furthermore, these sanctions will likely disrupt supply chains as aluminum users scramble to avoid purchasing metal from the Russian producer. While the details of these restrictions are still unclear, the sanctions are a game changer in the global aluminum market - effectively restricting access to a major source of the metal. As such, primary aluminum on the LME is up more than 10% since the announcement last Friday. Bottom Line: While China's crude steel output increased y/y during government-mandated output cuts over the winter, seasonally weak demand meant that the metal piled up in inventories. Falling exports indicates that at least for now, the domestic surplus is not flooding global markets. The main risk to our neutral view here is that demand in China remains weak, and that this will lead to the offloading of Chinese metal to global markets, i.e. a pickup in exports. This has not yet materialized, so we are holding on to our neutral view for now. China's primary aluminum production declined y/y during the winter cuts. However the decline in domestic demand was greater - likely due to the decline in auto production and sales following the loss of tax credit incentives. Consequently, China's aluminum market remained in surplus throughout the winter. Some of the excess supply was exported, but SHFE inventories continued building. Our outlook on the aluminum market had been bearish, due to additional capacity coming online this year amid an uncertain China demand environment. However, the sanctions on Rusal could be a game changer, putting a floor beneath aluminum prices. This improves our near term outlook for the aluminum market. This makes our outlook on aluminum prices much more favorable. Roukaya Ibrahim, Associate Editor Commodity & Energy Strategy RoukayaI@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see "As U.S. and China trade tariff barbs, others scoop up U.S. soybeans," published by reuters.com on April 8, 2018. 2 The six non-ferrous metals represented in the LMEX and their respective weights are as follows: aluminum: 42.8%, copper: 31.2%, zinc: 14.8%, lead: 8.2%, nickel: 2.0%, and tin: 1.0%. 3 China's winter smog "battle plan" targeted polluting industries in the northern China region by mandating cuts on steel, cement and aluminum production during the smog-prone mid-November to mid-March months. Steel and aluminum production cuts targeted a range between 30-50% during this period. This event is expected to be an annually recurring event until 2020. 4 Please see BCA Research's Commodity & Energy Strategy Weekly Report titled "China's Environmental Reforms Drive Steel & Iron Ore," dated January 11, 2018, available at ces.bcaresearch.com. Investment Views and Themes Recommendations Strategic Recommendations Tactical Trades Commodity Prices and Plays Reference Table Chinese Steel, Aluminum Markets Well Supplied Despite Winter Capacity Cuts Chinese Steel, Aluminum Markets Well Supplied Despite Winter Capacity Cuts Trades Closed in 2018 Summary of Trades Closed in 2017 Chinese Steel, Aluminum Markets Well Supplied Despite Winter Capacity Cuts Chinese Steel, Aluminum Markets Well Supplied Despite Winter Capacity Cuts

Highlights In China, the central bank and commercial banks conducted outright monetization of real estate inventories, which caused the property markets' recovery post 2015. Despite destocking, aggregate property inventories remain excessive. Elevated inventories, poor affordability, and policy tightening will depress property demand and lead to a contraction in construction activity. Slumping construction, along with a slowdown in infrastructure investment, pose downside risks to China's demand for commodities, materials and industrial goods. This is the main risk to EM stocks and currencies and the primary reason we maintain our negative stance on EM risk assets. Continue shorting Chinese property developers stocks versus U.S. homebuilders. Feature China: Real Estate Is Slowing Down China: Real Estate Is Slowing Down With a flurry of policy tightening directed at the real estate market in the past year, property demand in China has weakened. The latter typically leads property starts and real estate investment, and is coincident with real estate prices (Chart I-1). Is China entering another property downturn, and if so will it be shallow, or severe? Answers to these questions are important not only for Chinese stocks, but also for China-plays throughout the rest of the world. To shed light on this issue, this week we re-examine how large the imbalances in the Chinese real estate market actually are - with respect to both affordability and supply (the stock of housing and inventories). We also discuss policy objectives and investment implications. Proper Measures Of Inventories And Housing Stock Both purchases and prices of Chinese residential properties surged between 2015 and 2017, when the authorities implemented a property de-stocking policy. As a result, housing inventories declined significantly. Does this mean that one of the major imbalances, namely swelling inventories, has been eliminated? Property Developers' Inventories: Completed But Not Sold Property Developers' Inventories: Completed But Not Sold If imbalances, namely inventories and prices, in a property market are very minor, one can expect an ensuing adjustment to be benign. Conversely, if imbalances are large, it is reasonable to bet on a meaningful property market downturn. With respect to China's real estate inventory levels, data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) which many analysts follow, indicates inventories of residential buildings have indeed declined, with a significant 33% drop in residential vacant floor space for sale (Chart I-2). The term "vacant" is used by the data provider to denote the floor space completed but not sold. Clearly, China's de-stocking strategy since 2015 has worked well. However, data from the NBS on vacant space for sale is not all-encompassing. First, it includes only commodity buildings - i.e., those developed by real estate developers - and does not include buildings built by non-real estate developers. For example, companies, universities, organizations and even a group of individuals can construct both residential and non-residential buildings for their own use. Commodity buildings are just a small subset of total constructed buildings in China. According to NBS data, residential buildings by property developers account for only 26% of total constructed residential buildings in terms of floor space area completed. In brief, the inventory data that the majority of analysts use covers only a part of property construction (Figure I-1). China Real Estate: A Never-Bursting Bubble? China Real Estate: A Never-Bursting Bubble? Second, the vacant floor space data - shown in Chart I-2 and used by many analysts - only measures commodity buildings that have been completed but not sold. It does not account for those units that are under construction and have not been sold. The latter should also be counted as inventory because in China both residential and non-residential properties can be sold even when they are in the construction phase. Unlike advanced economies, in China the housing market is by far dominated by new construction. In particular, about 80% of residential commodity floor space sold are properties that are still under construction. This is drastically different from real estate markets in the U.S. and other developed countries, where the secondary housing market is a major source of supply. Given the above,1 we propose several alternative measures that aim to more accurately reflect the real picture of Chinese property inventory. Real Estate Inventory To capture the flow of the entire residential property supply in China, we calculate the difference between cumulative floor space started and cumulative floor space sold over the period of 1995-2017. This produces a new measure of total space not yet sold (i.e., available for sale), which includes areas both under construction and completed. This is a much more comprehensive measure of the total inventory than other commonly used measures. It is important to note that this measure takes into account both types of floor space available for sale: under construction and completed. The top panel of Chart I-3 illustrates that our derived measure of residential inventory - cumulative floor space started minus cumulative floor space sold - currently stands at 2.5 billion square meters or 27 billion square feet. This is about eight times greater than the NBS measure of vacant floor space - completed by property developers but not sold, which presently amounts to only 0.3 billion square meters or 3.23 billion square feet. On the bottom panel of Chart I-3, we estimate how many months of sales it will take to clear this housing inventory. Our findings reveal that even though our new inventory measure for the residential sector has fallen sharply due to the de-stocking policy, it still takes 22 months of last year sales to clear it. This is much higher than the completed by property developers but unsold vacant space, which presently stands at 2.5 months of last year sales. Provided that (1) most housing for sale in China is new construction, and (2) it can be sold at any stage of the construction cycle, we believe our new estimate of residential inventory that is equal to 22 months of last year sales is a more accurate reflection of reality. We computed a similar measure of inventory for non-residential properties that includes malls, offices, and warehouses. The top panel of Chart I-4 shows that the proper inventory levels for the non-residential sector have kept rising to new record highs in absolute terms. Relative to floor space sold last year, inventories still stand at 170 months of sales (Chart I-4, bottom panel). Our Measure Of Residential Inventories: Floor Space Available For Sale Our Measure Of Residential Inventories: Floor Space Available For Sale Our Measure Of Non-Residential Inventories: Floor Space Available For Sale Our Measure Of Non-Residential Inventories: Floor Space Available For Sale   Clearly, China's non-residential markets still carry excessive inventories. It would be misleading to use completed but unsold data for the non-residential sector, which accounts for roughly 14 months of sales. Similar to the residential commodity buildings market, about 65% of non-residential commodity buildings sold are those that are still under construction. In short, despite the decline from 2015's exceptionally high levels, inventories for both residential and commercial properties are still extremely elevated. Furthermore, the inventory-to-sales ratio is not a good indicator for the property market outlook because it is heavily influenced by sales. When sales - the denominator of this ratio - are weak, this inventory ratio is high, and vice versa. In particular, this ratio has been a poor indicator for the property market in China, where sales of properties have been deeply influenced by government policies. Whenever sales dropped and this ratio surged, the authorities would begin easing policies, spurring sales to rise and allowing the market - prices, floor space starts and construction - to recover. As a final note, these inventory data show floor space built by property developers only. Stock Of Housing China: Per Capita Living Has Grown Dramatically China: Per Capita Living Has Grown Dramatically The measure of per-capita living space gauges the existing stock of housing. Hence, it is a structural measure. Still being a low-income country, China is often perceived to offer enormous construction potential. However, some statistics on per-capita living space are revealing. The NBS data show that the 2016 per-capita living space for both urban and rural area has risen to 36.6 square meters and 45.8 square meters, respectively (Chart I-5). By comparison, in Korea and Japan, living space per capita (the entire population average) is only 33 and 22 square meters, respectively. Our calculation of per-capita urban living space based on the NBS building construction data also show similar results - 38 square meters for 2017. Consequently, these statistics on per-capita living space are supported by historical construction data, and hence are reliable. Both NBS per-capita living space data and our calculated per-capita living space data confirm that there is already massive stock of residential property in China - the nation's current existing residential floor space area already amounts to 30.8 billion square meters (332 billion square feet). Furthermore, the stock of housing is relatively new with 88% of this living space built in the past 20 years. Assuming the floor space area of each house is on average 90 square meters (970 square feet), we infer that on average every urban household already owns 1.3 houses. This is actually in line with the results of several domestic household surveys, which conclude that 20-25% of houses owned by urban residents are neither being used for living nor for renting out. Provided not every household in China owns a house, and that a meaningful share of the population still lives in smaller and older housing, these data suggest there have been considerable speculative/investor purchases of housing over the past 10 years. Many high-income individuals own multiple properties (that are often kept vacant) while a still-considerable number of families live in poor conditions. Bottom Line: China has constructed enormous amounts of real estate since 2002. Furthermore, inventories are vast for residential and non-residential sectors alike. Such an oversupply of properties poses a considerable risk to construction activity going forward. Property Demand Weakness: Cyclical Or Structural? Very poor affordability, slowing rural-to-urban migration, demographic changes, tightening mortgage lending, a successful government-led clampdown on speculative activity and the promotion of the rental housing all point to both a cyclical and structural slippage in housing purchases in China. House Price-Income Ratio: China & The U.S. House Price-Income Ratio: China & The U.S. House Price-Income Ratios and Affordability House prices in China remain extremely high relative to disposable income. By using NBS 70-city residential average price, our calculation shows for an average household (assuming double income earners) it will take 10.5 years of its disposable income to buy a 90-square-meter (equivalent to 970 square feet) house at current prices (Chart I-6). The same ratio for the U.S. is presently 3.4 and at the peak of U.S. housing bubble in 2006 it was 4. In regard to the ability to service mortgage payments, annual interest costs account for 45% of average household disposable income (assuming a double income household) when buying a 90 square meter house and assuming 20% down payment (Table I-1). China Real Estate: A Never-Bursting Bubble? China Real Estate: A Never-Bursting Bubble? If we use another data provider - Choice, covering 100 cities, house price per a square meter is 60% higher than the NBS 70-city residential average price. Using Choice house price data, the house price-to-income ratio is 17, and affordability - the share of interest payments as a percentage of disposable household income - is 72%. Clearly, there is a huge gap between these two aggregate measures of residential property prices. In this report, we use conservative (low) prices from the NBS, which still reveals that house prices and interest payments are exceptionally high relative to disposable income for a double-income family. Table I-1 contains house price-to-income ratios and affordability ratios for 31 provinces using the house prices from NBS. Given the average urban household already owns more than one property, it is reasonable to expect that a considerable proportion of potential future demand for housing will come from rural residents as urbanization continues, or as rural residents seek to buy homes in the city for access to better quality education in the urban areas for their children. However, rural residents' current and potential (when they move to cities) disposable income is much lower than the urban's. Therefore, housing affordability is a bigger challenge for them. Rural-to-Urban Migration Even though urbanization is an ongoing process in China and will continue for many years, the pace is slowing (Chart I-7). The number of individuals moving from rural areas to cities as a percentage of the urban population is decreasing. This will translate into decelerating growth rate in demand for urban residential properties. China: The Pace Of Urbanization Is Slowing China: The Pace Of Urbanization Is Slowing The second panel of Chart I-7 illustrates that rural-to-urban net migration accelerated in the early 1990s and has been between 15-18 million people per year over the past 20 years. However, as a share of the urban population, net migration has fallen from 4.5% in the late 1990s to 2% today (Chart I-7, third panel). Overall, urban population growth has slowed below 3% (Chart I-7, bottom panel). In brief, the slowdown in net migration and, consequently, decelerating urban population growth will cap structural housing demand that has been booming over the past 20 years. Poor Demographics The Chinese population is aging rapidly. The proportion of citizens who are over the age of 65 has risen from 8% of the population in 2007 to 11.4% as of last year and will continue rising rapidly. Given Chinese life expectancy is currently at about 76 years, senior citizens cohort will leave a large number of houses to their children or grandchildren over the next 10-15 years. The reason behind this is because the former demographic cohort (11.4% of the total population) is larger than the 10-19-year-age group which accounts for only 10.5% of the total population. The latter would have been a major source of property demand over the next 10 years, as Chinese tradition requires them to own a house before marriage. However, this is no longer the case. For this generation - born in the late 1990s and 2000s and by the time they get married (in general at the age of around 25 or a bit later), each newly-formed family could potentially inherit four houses from their parents and grandparents. Tightening mortgage lending As part of the current property related restrictive policies, mortgage interest rates have been on the rise for both first- and second-home buyers. Mortgage rates have risen by 74 basis points in the past 12 months - from 4.52% to 5.26%. Additionally, banks have been tightening credit standards. Given house prices are very high relative to income, a small increase in mortgage rates meaningfully increases the share of disposable income that must be allocated to interest payments on mortgages. For example, with the house price-to-income ratio at 10.5 and down payment of 20% of house price for the average home buyer in China, a 75-basis-point increase in mortgage rates would lift the share of interest payments on a mortgage from 45% to 51% of disposable income. Hence, higher borrowing costs over the past year as well as the ongoing tightening in credit standards will continue to discourage property buyers. Mortgage loan growth has rolled over after booming between 2015 and 2017, yet at a 22% annual growth rate, it remains very high (Chart I-8). Policy-led clamp-down of speculation President Xi Jinping's mantra that "housing is for living in, not for speculation" - proclaimed in December 2016 - is the focal point of the government's current policies. Many regulations implemented by both the central government and local governments over the past 15 months have been aimed at reducing speculative purchases. The promotion of the housing rental market In large cities residential rental yields fluctuate between 1-2.5% (Chart I-9). This compares with mortgage rate of 5.3%. Currently, renting is significantly cheaper than buying. This may encourage renting in the long term. Rising demand for rental housing might be met by the available stock of empty apartments that investors have been accumulating over the years. If this occurs, it will reduce demand for new home purchases. China: Mortgage Lending Has Been Booming China: Mortgage Lending Has Been Booming China: Residential Rental Yields Are Very Low China: Residential Rental Yields Are Very Low   Meanwhile, the central government is determined to develop a rental market by constructing rental housing. If building of rental housing offsets the potential decline in property construction, it will make our negative view on construction volumes widely off the mark. The crucial factor to watch is financing. If credit supply slows meaningfully, there will be less available financing for overall construction, including rental. Any gains by rental construction will be overwhelmed by a decline in the building of residential and commercial real estate. In turn, financing is contingent on the government deleveraging campaign. If the authorities adhere to their pledge of deleveraging, a slowdown in credit growth will dampen overall construction activity. There can be no construction without credit. Furthermore, it takes only a deceleration in credit growth, i.e., a negative credit impulse, to depress construction volumes. That is why we cover China's credit cycle dynamics in such details in our regular reports. Bottom Line: Chinese property demand is facing numerous cyclical and structural headwinds. Policy Driven Market China's central and local government policies have over time and in different combinations substantially influenced the country's housing market on both the supply and demand sides. China: Policy-Driven Property Market China: Policy-Driven Property Market Over the past two decades, each time the government implemented restrictive policies (for example, raising down-payment ratios, increasing policy or mortgage rates, setting restrictions on mortgage lending, and so on), the real estate market slowed and housing prices softened. The opposite has also held true - each time the government introduced stimulus, housing prices surged as buyers quickly dove into the market. Chart I-10 illustrates the interaction between government property related regulations and the domestic housing market. The biggest problem with such policies in the long run is that the authorities want to control both prices and volume - they want flat prices and moderately rising volumes. However, no government can control both prices and volumes simultaneously in any industry. China's real estate market is not an exception. Even in a completely closed socialist system, controlling prices and volume simultaneously is almost impossible. As the authorities adhere to their policy objectives of controlling financial risks and unwinding financial excesses, thereby focusing on property price control over the next 12 months, we believe property starts and construction activity will shrink. Monetization of Housing Inventories In 2015-'17 Understanding what was behind the housing market's strong recovery since late 2015 is critical to assessing the outlook. Since the summer of 2015, authorities were not only easing purchasing restrictions and lowering mortgage rates, but they were also implementing outright monetization of housing inventories. After inventories of both residential and non-residential properties swelled, the central government commenced a de-stocking strategy in 2015, mainly through a monetized slum reconstruction program and by encouraging migrant workers to buy housing in smaller cities near their hometowns. The de-stocking strategy focused on smaller cities where inventories had mushroomed. Given tier-1 cities account for only 6% of floor space started by property developers, and most construction in recent years has been taking place in tier-2 and smaller cities, these policies had a substantial positive impact on national sales, as well as drawing down inventories - ultimately spurring a construction recovery. 1. The government's slum area reconstruction policy has been the major driver behind de-stocking within the residential property market. The People's Bank of China (PBoC) has provided a significant amount of financing in the form of pledged supplementary lending (PSL) directly to homebuyers that was intermediated by three policy banks (China Development Bank, Agricultural Development Bank of China and Export-Import Bank of China). To shed more detail on the PSL mechanism, the central bank lends credit to the three policy banks at very low interest rates. These policy banks in turn lend directly to local government and regional property developers (mainly in tier-2 and smaller cities). These entities then turn and buy slums from their owners which puts cash in the hands of these sellers. China: Slum Reconstruction Has Had Meaningful Impact China: Slum Reconstruction Has Had Meaningful Impact Consequently, a large number of households suddenly receive large cash infusions - essentially disbursed by the central bank - that can be used to purchase new and better properties. The outstanding amount - total financing - via the PSL has risen from RMB 383 billion in 2014 to RMB 971 billion in 2016. The total amount of the PSL disbursed for the slum reconstruction program over 2014-2017 amounted to 3 trillion, or 3.6% of 2017 GDP, as of March 31, 2018. The interest rate on the PSL currently stands at a mere 2.75%. It appears that huge amounts of cheap money have been directly injected into the real estate market by the central bank alone. This slum reconstruction program has had a material impact on construction activity. Chart I-11 portends that slum area reconstruction accounted for about 20% of floor space sold in 2017. 2. In addition to the PSL financing, Chinese housing mortgages have increased by 85%, or by 11 trillion RMB in the past two and a half years - since the beginning of China's de-stocking policy. The sum of PSL financing and mortgage lending has been RMB 14 trillion (or $2.2 trillion) during the same period. Hence, not only has the PBoC financed the real estate market directly, but it has also allowed banks to flood the system with money to liquidate housing inventories. As we have argued in our series of reports, bank credit does not come from anyone's savings. Commercial banks originate loans out of thin air.2 In short, altogether these actions constitute outright monetization of real estate inventories and that caused the property markets' recovery post 2015. A Downturn Ahead? Since early 2017 and especially in the wake of last October's Party Congress, the authorities have shifted their policy focus from "de-stocking" to "eliminating speculative demand". Recent weakness in both demand and prices are a reflection of the current policy focus. This time, the government seems to have more determination to break popular perception that property prices will rise forever, and that investing in property markets cannot go wrong. Therefore, we sense the government's objective is to achieve flat or mildly declining property prices to prevent the return of speculators. In order to avoid a further ballooning of the real estate bubble, the government will raise the bar for another round of property stimulus. Therefore, if the authorities are successful in persuading speculators that prices will not rise much further in the years to come, speculative demand will wane. At the same time, not many first-time homebuyers can afford to buy at current prices. This will create an air pocket in sales and prices will deflate, at least modestly. Facing shrinking revenues and being overleveraged, real estate developers will reduce new starts, and property construction volumes will likely contract by 10% or so. Notably, floor space started by property developers in aggregate declined by 27% between 2012 and 2016 (Chart I-12). The construction slump in China, in tandem with rising supplies of commodities, led to a collapse in commodities prices in 2012-'15 (Chart 12). Hence, a decline in property construction is not unprecedented, even amid robust national income growth. We believe the acute structural imbalances will likely result in a property market downturn commensurable if not worse than those that occurred in 2011-'12 and 2014-'15. While the government will try to avoid a sudden bust, a 10% decline in both property prices and construction volumes in the next 12-18 months is our baseline scenario. The budding contraction in cement and plate glass production suggests that overall construction activity is already decelerating (Chart I-13). China: Property Cycles And Commodities Prices China: Property Cycles And Commodities Prices China: Nascent Contraction In Cement And Plate Glass Production China: Nascent Contraction In Cement And Plate Glass Production   Bottom Line: The Chinese authorities will for now maintain their current restrictions on the property market to contain financial excesses and risks in the system. This, amid lingering elevated inventories and price excesses, poses considerable downside risks to the mainland real estate market. Investment Implications Our view remains that construction activity in China is set to slump from a cyclical perspective, at least. At 13.2 billion square-meter (142 billion square-feet) the total 2017 residential and non-residential floor area under construction was immense (Chart I-14). This, along with a slowdown in infrastructure investment due to tighter control on local government finances, pose downside risks to China's demand for commodities, materials and industrial goods. This is the reason why we have been and remain bearish on commodities, Asian trade and EM risk assets. It appears that several commodities prices are finally beginning to roll over which is consistent with a slowdown in the mainland's construction activity (Chart I-15). China's Total Building Construction: Level And Annual Growth China's Total Building Construction: Level And Annual Growth China's construction activity is much larger than exports to the U.S. and EU combined. Hence, overall industrial activity in China is set to decelerate dragging down Asian trade flows and commodities prices despite robust domestic demand in the U.S. and EU. This heralds underweighting/shorting EM stocks, currencies and credit versus their DM counterparts. A Budding Downtrend In Commodities Prices A Budding Downtrend In Commodities Prices   We also reiterate our long-standing recommendation of shorting Chinese property developers versus U.S. homebuilders. Chart I-16 depicts that the Chinese property developers listed in A-share market have a debt-to-equity ratio of 6 and the cash flow from operations for the median of 76 property developers has begun contracting again. Further relapse in property sales will cause their financial position to deteriorate and limit their ability to launch new or complete existing construction. In regard to U.S. homebuilders, the fundamentals in the U.S. housing market are much better than those in China. While rising U.S. interest rates could be a headwind for U.S. homebuilder share prices, they stand to resume their outperformance versus Chinese property developers (Chart I-17). China: Median Property Developer's Financial Ratios Are Worsening China: Median Property Developer's Financial Ratios Are Worsening Short Chinese Property Developers / Long U.S. Homebuilders Short Chinese Property Developers / Long U.S. Homebuilders   Ellen JingYuan He Senior Editor/Associate Vice President EllenJ@bcaresearch.com Arthur Budaghyan, Senior Vice President Emerging Markets Strategy arthurb@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Other oft-used measures of inventories are not correct either. Some analysts use floor space under construction data as a proxy for inventory - this is technically not correct as the data includes both the area that has already been sold in advance and the area that has been completed and sold. Others use cumulative floor space started minus cumulative floor space completed - this is also not correct as cumulative floor space completed includes areas that have not yet been sold. 2 Please see Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report "Is Investment Constrained By Savings? Tales Of China And Brazil," dated March 22, 2018, the link is available on page 20.  

Highlights In China, the central bank and commercial banks conducted outright monetization of real estate inventories, which caused the property markets' recovery post 2015. Despite destocking, aggregate property inventories remain excessive. Elevated inventories, poor affordability, and policy tightening will depress property demand and lead to a contraction in construction activity. Slumping construction, along with a slowdown in infrastructure investment, pose downside risks to China's demand for commodities, materials and industrial goods. This is the main risk to EM stocks and currencies and the primary reason we maintain our negative stance on EM risk assets. Continue shorting Chinese property developers stocks versus U.S. homebuilders. Feature With a flurry of policy tightening directed at the real estate market in the past year, property demand in China has weakened. The latter typically leads property starts and real estate investment, and is coincident with real estate prices (Chart I-1). Is China entering another property downturn, and if so will it be shallow, or severe? Answers to these questions are important not only for Chinese stocks, but also for China-plays throughout the rest of the world. To shed light on this issue, this week we re-examine how large the imbalances in the Chinese real estate market actually are - with respect to both affordability and supply (the stock of housing and inventories). We also discuss policy objectives and investment implications. Proper Measures Of Inventories And Housing Stock Both purchases and prices of Chinese residential properties surged between 2015 and 2017, when the authorities implemented a property de-stocking policy. As a result, housing inventories declined significantly. Does this mean that one of the major imbalances, namely swelling inventories, has been eliminated? If imbalances, namely inventories and prices, in a property market are very minor, one can expect an ensuing adjustment to be benign. Conversely, if imbalances are large, it is reasonable to bet on a meaningful property market downturn. With respect to China's real estate inventory levels, data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) which many analysts follow, indicates inventories of residential buildings have indeed declined, with a significant 33% drop in residential vacant floor space for sale (Chart I-2). The term "vacant" is used by the data provider to denote the floor space completed but not sold. Clearly, China's de-stocking strategy since 2015 has worked well. Chart I-1China: Real Estate Is Slowing Down China: Real Estate Is Slowing Down China: Real Estate Is Slowing Down Chart I-2Property Developers' Inventories: ##br##Completed But Not Sold Property Developers' Inventories: Completed But Not Sold Property Developers' Inventories: Completed But Not Sold However, data from the NBS on vacant space for sale is not all-encompassing. First, it includes only commodity buildings - i.e., those developed by real estate developers - and does not include buildings built by non-real estate developers. For example, companies, universities, organizations and even a group of individuals can construct both residential and non-residential buildings for their own use. Commodity buildings are just a small subset of total constructed buildings in China. According to NBS data, residential buildings by property developers account for only 26% of total constructed residential buildings in terms of floor space area completed. In brief, the inventory data that the majority of analysts use covers only a part of property construction (Figure I-1). Figure I-1The Breakdown Of Residential ##br##Real Estate Inventory China Real Estate: A Never-Bursting Bubble? China Real Estate: A Never-Bursting Bubble? Second, the vacant floor space data - shown in Chart I-2 and used by many analysts - only measures commodity buildings that have been completed but not sold. It does not account for those units that are under construction and have not been sold. The latter should also be counted as inventory because in China both residential and non-residential properties can be sold even when they are in the construction phase. Unlike advanced economies, in China the housing market is by far dominated by new construction. In particular, about 80% of residential commodity floor space sold are properties that are still under construction. This is drastically different from real estate markets in the U.S. and other developed countries, where the secondary housing market is a major source of supply. Given the above,1 we propose several alternative measures that aim to more accurately reflect the real picture of Chinese property inventory. Real Estate Inventory To capture the flow of the entire residential property supply in China, we calculate the difference between cumulative floor space started and cumulative floor space sold over the period of 1995-2017. This produces a new measure of total space not yet sold (i.e., available for sale), which includes areas both under construction and completed. This is a much more comprehensive measure of the total inventory than other commonly used measures. It is important to note that this measure takes into account both types of floor space available for sale: under construction and completed. The top panel of Chart I-3 illustrates that our derived measure of residential inventory - cumulative floor space started minus cumulative floor space sold - currently stands at 2.5 billion square meters or 27 billion square feet. This is about eight times greater than the NBS measure of vacant floor space - completed by property developers but not sold, which presently amounts to only 0.3 billion square meters or 3.23 billion square feet. On the bottom panel of Chart I-3, we estimate how many months of sales it will take to clear this housing inventory. Our findings reveal that even though our new inventory measure for the residential sector has fallen sharply due to the de-stocking policy, it still takes 22 months of last year sales to clear it. This is much higher than the completed by property developers but unsold vacant space, which presently stands at 2.5 months of last year sales. Provided that (1) most housing for sale in China is new construction, and (2) it can be sold at any stage of the construction cycle, we believe our new estimate of residential inventory that is equal to 22 months of last year sales is a more accurate reflection of reality. We computed a similar measure of inventory for non-residential properties that includes malls, offices, and warehouses. The top panel of Chart I-4 shows that the proper inventory levels for the non-residential sector have kept rising to new record highs in absolute terms. Relative to floor space sold last year, inventories still stand at 170 months of sales (Chart I-4, bottom panel). Chart I-3Our Measure Of Residential Inventories: ##br##Floor Space Available For Sale Our Measure Of Residential Inventories: Floor Space Available For Sale Our Measure Of Residential Inventories: Floor Space Available For Sale Chart I-4Our Measure Of Non-Residential Inventories: ##br##Floor Space Available For Sale Our Measure Of Non-Residential Inventories: Floor Space Available For Sale Our Measure Of Non-Residential Inventories: Floor Space Available For Sale Clearly, China's non-residential markets still carry excessive inventories. It would be misleading to use completed but unsold data for the non-residential sector, which accounts for roughly 14 months of sales. Similar to the residential commodity buildings market, about 65% of non-residential commodity buildings sold are those that are still under construction. In short, despite the decline from 2015's exceptionally high levels, inventories for both residential and commercial properties are still extremely elevated. Furthermore, the inventory-to-sales ratio is not a good indicator for the property market outlook because it is heavily influenced by sales. When sales - the denominator of this ratio - are weak, this inventory ratio is high, and vice versa. In particular, this ratio has been a poor indicator for the property market in China, where sales of properties have been deeply influenced by government policies. Whenever sales dropped and this ratio surged, the authorities would begin easing policies, spurring sales to rise and allowing the market - prices, floor space starts and construction - to recover. As a final note, these inventory data show floor space built by property developers only. Stock Of Housing The measure of per-capita living space gauges the existing stock of housing. Hence, it is a structural measure. Still being a low-income country, China is often perceived to offer enormous construction potential. However, some statistics on per-capita living space are revealing. The NBS data show that the 2016 per-capita living space for both urban and rural area has risen to 36.6 square meters and 45.8 square meters, respectively (Chart I-5). By comparison, in Korea and Japan, living space per capita (the entire population average) is only 33 and 22 square meters, respectively. Chart I-5China: Per Capita Living ##br##Has Grown Dramatically China: Per Capita Living Has Grown Dramatically China: Per Capita Living Has Grown Dramatically Our calculation of per-capita urban living space based on the NBS building construction data also show similar results - 38 square meters for 2017. Consequently, these statistics on per-capita living space are supported by historical construction data, and hence are reliable. Both NBS per-capita living space data and our calculated per-capita living space data confirm that there is already massive stock of residential property in China - the nation's current existing residential floor space area already amounts to 30.8 billion square meters (332 billion square feet). Furthermore, the stock of housing is relatively new with 88% of this living space built in the past 20 years. Assuming the floor space area of each house is on average 90 square meters (970 square feet), we infer that on average every urban household already owns 1.3 houses. This is actually in line with the results of several domestic household surveys, which conclude that 20-25% of houses owned by urban residents are neither being used for living nor for renting out. Provided not every household in China owns a house, and that a meaningful share of the population still lives in smaller and older housing, these data suggest there have been considerable speculative/investor purchases of housing over the past 10 years. Many high-income individuals own multiple properties (that are often kept vacant) while a still-considerable number of families live in poor conditions. Bottom Line: China has constructed enormous amounts of real estate since 2002. Furthermore, inventories are vast for residential and non-residential sectors alike. Such an oversupply of properties poses a considerable risk to construction activity going forward. Property Demand Weakness: Cyclical Or Structural? Very poor affordability, slowing rural-to-urban migration, demographic changes, tightening mortgage lending, a successful government-led clampdown on speculative activity and the promotion of the rental housing all point to both a cyclical and structural slippage in housing purchases in China. House Price-Income Ratios and Affordability House prices in China remain extremely high relative to disposable income. By using NBS 70-city residential average price, our calculation shows for an average household (assuming double income earners) it will take 10.5 years of its disposable income to buy a 90-square-meter (equivalent to 970 square feet) house at current prices (Chart I-6). The same ratio for the U.S. is presently 3.4 and at the peak of U.S. housing bubble in 2006 it was 4. In regard to the ability to service mortgage payments, annual interest costs account for 45% of average household disposable income (assuming a double income household) when buying a 90 square meter house and assuming 20% down payment (Table I-1). Chart I-6House Price-Income Ratio: ##br##China & The U.S. House Price-Income Ratio: China & The U.S. House Price-Income Ratio: China & The U.S. Table I-1House Price-To-Income Ratios ##br##And Affordability China Real Estate: A Never-Bursting Bubble? China Real Estate: A Never-Bursting Bubble? If we use another data provider - Choice, covering 100 cities, house price per a square meter is 60% higher than the NBS 70-city residential average price. Using Choice house price data, the house price-to-income ratio is 17, and affordability - the share of interest payments as a percentage of disposable household income - is 72%. Clearly, there is a huge gap between these two aggregate measures of residential property prices. In this report, we use conservative (low) prices from the NBS, which still reveals that house prices and interest payments are exceptionally high relative to disposable income for a double-income family. Table I-1 contains house price-to-income ratios and affordability ratios for 31 provinces using the house prices from NBS. Given the average urban household already owns more than one property, it is reasonable to expect that a considerable proportion of potential future demand for housing will come from rural residents as urbanization continues, or as rural residents seek to buy homes in the city for access to better quality education in the urban areas for their children. However, rural residents' current and potential (when they move to cities) disposable income is much lower than the urban's. Therefore, housing affordability is a bigger challenge for them. Rural-to-Urban Migration Even though urbanization is an ongoing process in China and will continue for many years, the pace is slowing (Chart I-7). The number of individuals moving from rural areas to cities as a percentage of the urban population is decreasing. This will translate into decelerating growth rate in demand for urban residential properties. Chart I-7China: The Pace Of Urbanization Is Slowing China: The Pace Of Urbanization Is Slowing China: The Pace Of Urbanization Is Slowing The second panel of Chart I-7 illustrates that rural-to-urban net migration accelerated in the early 1990s and has been between 15-18 million people per year over the past 20 years. However, as a share of the urban population, net migration has fallen from 4.5% in the late 1990s to 2% today (Chart I-7, third panel). Overall, urban population growth has slowed below 3% (Chart I-7, bottom panel). In brief, the slowdown in net migration and, consequently, decelerating urban population growth will cap structural housing demand that has been booming over the past 20 years. Poor Demographics The Chinese population is aging rapidly. The proportion of citizens who are over the age of 65 has risen from 8% of the population in 2007 to 11.4% as of last year and will continue rising rapidly. Given Chinese life expectancy is currently at about 76 years, senior citizens cohort will leave a large number of houses to their children or grandchildren over the next 10-15 years. The reason behind this is because the former demographic cohort (11.4% of the total population) is larger than the 10-19-year-age group which accounts for only 10.5% of the total population. The latter would have been a major source of property demand over the next 10 years, as Chinese tradition requires them to own a house before marriage. However, this is no longer the case. For this generation - born in the late 1990s and 2000s and by the time they get married (in general at the age of around 25 or a bit later), each newly-formed family could potentially inherit four houses from their parents and grandparents. Tightening mortgage lending As part of the current property related restrictive policies, mortgage interest rates have been on the rise for both first- and second-home buyers. Mortgage rates have risen by 74 basis points in the past 12 months - from 4.52% to 5.26%. Additionally, banks have been tightening credit standards. Given house prices are very high relative to income, a small increase in mortgage rates meaningfully increases the share of disposable income that must be allocated to interest payments on mortgages. For example, with the house price-to-income ratio at 10.5 and down payment of 20% of house price for the average home buyer in China, a 75-basis-point increase in mortgage rates would lift the share of interest payments on a mortgage from 45% to 51% of disposable income. Hence, higher borrowing costs over the past year as well as the ongoing tightening in credit standards will continue to discourage property buyers. Mortgage loan growth has rolled over after booming between 2015 and 2017, yet at a 22% annual growth rate, it remains very high (Chart I-8). Policy-led clamp-down of speculation President Xi Jinping's mantra that "housing is for living in, not for speculation" - proclaimed in December 2016 - is the focal point of the government's current policies. Many regulations implemented by both the central government and local governments over the past 15 months have been aimed at reducing speculative purchases. The promotion of the housing rental market In large cities residential rental yields fluctuate between 1-2.5% (Chart I-9). This compares with mortgage rate of 5.3%. Currently, renting is significantly cheaper than buying. This may encourage renting in the long term. Rising demand for rental housing might be met by the available stock of empty apartments that investors have been accumulating over the years. If this occurs, it will reduce demand for new home purchases. Chart I-8China: Mortgage Lending Has Been Booming China: Mortgage Lending Has Been Booming China: Mortgage Lending Has Been Booming Chart I-9China: Residential Rental Yields Are Very Low China: Residential Rental Yields Are Very Low China: Residential Rental Yields Are Very Low Meanwhile, the central government is determined to develop a rental market by constructing rental housing. If building of rental housing offsets the potential decline in property construction, it will make our negative view on construction volumes widely off the mark. The crucial factor to watch is financing. If credit supply slows meaningfully, there will be less available financing for overall construction, including rental. Any gains by rental construction will be overwhelmed by a decline in the building of residential and commercial real estate. In turn, financing is contingent on the government deleveraging campaign. If the authorities adhere to their pledge of deleveraging, a slowdown in credit growth will dampen overall construction activity. There can be no construction without credit. Furthermore, it takes only a deceleration in credit growth, i.e., a negative credit impulse, to depress construction volumes. That is why we cover China's credit cycle dynamics in such details in our regular reports. Bottom Line: Chinese property demand is facing numerous cyclical and structural headwinds. Policy Driven Market China's central and local government policies have over time and in different combinations substantially influenced the country's housing market on both the supply and demand sides. Over the past two decades, each time the government implemented restrictive policies (for example, raising down-payment ratios, increasing policy or mortgage rates, setting restrictions on mortgage lending, and so on), the real estate market slowed and housing prices softened. The opposite has also held true - each time the government introduced stimulus, housing prices surged as buyers quickly dove into the market. Chart I-10 illustrates the interaction between government property related regulations and the domestic housing market. Chart I-10China: Policy-Driven Property Market China: Policy-Driven Property Market China: Policy-Driven Property Market The biggest problem with such policies in the long run is that the authorities want to control both prices and volume - they want flat prices and moderately rising volumes. However, no government can control both prices and volumes simultaneously in any industry. China's real estate market is not an exception. Even in a completely closed socialist system, controlling prices and volume simultaneously is almost impossible. As the authorities adhere to their policy objectives of controlling financial risks and unwinding financial excesses, thereby focusing on property price control over the next 12 months, we believe property starts and construction activity will shrink. Monetization of Housing Inventories In 2015-'17 Understanding what was behind the housing market's strong recovery since late 2015 is critical to assessing the outlook. Since the summer of 2015, authorities were not only easing purchasing restrictions and lowering mortgage rates, but they were also implementing outright monetization of housing inventories. After inventories of both residential and non-residential properties swelled, the central government commenced a de-stocking strategy in 2015, mainly through a monetized slum reconstruction program and by encouraging migrant workers to buy housing in smaller cities near their hometowns. The de-stocking strategy focused on smaller cities where inventories had mushroomed. Given tier-1 cities account for only 6% of floor space started by property developers, and most construction in recent years has been taking place in tier-2 and smaller cities, these policies had a substantial positive impact on national sales, as well as drawing down inventories - ultimately spurring a construction recovery. 1. The government's slum area reconstruction policy has been the major driver behind de-stocking within the residential property market. The People's Bank of China (PBoC) has provided a significant amount of financing in the form of pledged supplementary lending (PSL) directly to homebuyers that was intermediated by three policy banks (China Development Bank, Agricultural Development Bank of China and Export-Import Bank of China). To shed more detail on the PSL mechanism, the central bank lends credit to the three policy banks at very low interest rates. These policy banks in turn lend directly to local government and regional property developers (mainly in tier-2 and smaller cities). These entities then turn and buy slums from their owners which puts cash in the hands of these sellers. Consequently, a large number of households suddenly receive large cash infusions - essentially disbursed by the central bank - that can be used to purchase new and better properties. The outstanding amount - total financing - via the PSL has risen from RMB 383 billion in 2014 to RMB 971 billion in 2016. The total amount of the PSL disbursed for the slum reconstruction program over 2014-2017 amounted to 3 trillion, or 3.6% of 2017 GDP, as of March 31, 2018. The interest rate on the PSL currently stands at a mere 2.75%. It appears that huge amounts of cheap money have been directly injected into the real estate market by the central bank alone. This slum reconstruction program has had a material impact on construction activity. Chart I-11 portends that slum area reconstruction accounted for about 20% of floor space sold in 2017. Chart I-11China: Slum Reconstruction ##br##Has Had Meaningful Impact China: Slum Reconstruction Has Had Meaningful Impact China: Slum Reconstruction Has Had Meaningful Impact 2. In addition to the PSL financing, Chinese housing mortgages have increased by 85%, or by 11 trillion RMB in the past two and a half years - since the beginning of China's de-stocking policy. The sum of PSL financing and mortgage lending has been RMB 14 trillion (or $2.2 trillion) during the same period. Hence, not only has the PBoC financed the real estate market directly, but it has also allowed banks to flood the system with money to liquidate housing inventories. As we have argued in our series of reports, bank credit does not come from anyone's savings. Commercial banks originate loans out of thin air.2 In short, altogether these actions constitute outright monetization of real estate inventories and that caused the property markets' recovery post 2015. A Downturn Ahead? Since early 2017 and especially in the wake of last October's Party Congress, the authorities have shifted their policy focus from "de-stocking" to "eliminating speculative demand". Recent weakness in both demand and prices are a reflection of the current policy focus. This time, the government seems to have more determination to break popular perception that property prices will rise forever, and that investing in property markets cannot go wrong. Therefore, we sense the government's objective is to achieve flat or mildly declining property prices to prevent the return of speculators. In order to avoid a further ballooning of the real estate bubble, the government will raise the bar for another round of property stimulus. Therefore, if the authorities are successful in persuading speculators that prices will not rise much further in the years to come, speculative demand will wane. At the same time, not many first-time homebuyers can afford to buy at current prices. This will create an air pocket in sales and prices will deflate, at least modestly. Facing shrinking revenues and being overleveraged, real estate developers will reduce new starts, and property construction volumes will likely contract by 10% or so. Notably, floor space started by property developers in aggregate declined by 27% between 2012 and 2016 (Chart I-12). The construction slump in China, in tandem with rising supplies of commodities, led to a collapse in commodities prices in 2012-'15 (Chart 12). Hence, a decline in property construction is not unprecedented, even amid robust national income growth. We believe the acute structural imbalances will likely result in a property market downturn commensurable if not worse than those that occurred in 2011-'12 and 2014-'15. While the government will try to avoid a sudden bust, a 10% decline in both property prices and construction volumes in the next 12-18 months is our baseline scenario. The budding contraction in cement and plate glass production suggests that overall construction activity is already decelerating (Chart I-13). Chart I-12China: Property Cycles ##br##And Commodities Prices China: Property Cycles And Commodities Prices China: Property Cycles And Commodities Prices Chart I-13China: Nascent Contraction In Cement ##br##And Plate Glass Production China: Nascent Contraction In Cement And Plate Glass Production China: Nascent Contraction In Cement And Plate Glass Production Bottom Line: The Chinese authorities will for now maintain their current restrictions on the property market to contain financial excesses and risks in the system. This, amid lingering elevated inventories and price excesses, poses considerable downside risks to the mainland real estate market. Investment Implications Our view remains that construction activity in China is set to slump from a cyclical perspective, at least. At 13.2 billion square-meter (142 billion square-feet) the total 2017 residential and non-residential floor area under construction was immense (Chart I-14). This, along with a slowdown in infrastructure investment due to tighter control on local government finances, pose downside risks to China's demand for commodities, materials and industrial goods. This is the reason why we have been and remain bearish on commodities, Asian trade and EM risk assets. It appears that several commodities prices are finally beginning to roll over which is consistent with a slowdown in the mainland's construction activity (Chart I-15). Chart I-14China's Total Building Construction: ##br##Level And Annual Growth China's Total Building Construction: Level And Annual Growth China's Total Building Construction: Level And Annual Growth Chart I-15A Budding Downtrend In ##br##Commodities Prices A Budding Downtrend In Commodities Prices A Budding Downtrend In Commodities Prices China's construction activity is much larger than exports to the U.S. and EU combined. Hence, overall industrial activity in China is set to decelerate dragging down Asian trade flows and commodities prices despite robust domestic demand in the U.S. and EU. This heralds underweighting/shorting EM stocks, currencies and credit versus their DM counterparts. We also reiterate our long-standing recommendation of shorting Chinese property developers versus U.S. homebuilders. Chart I-16 depicts that the Chinese property developers listed in A-share market have a debt-to-equity ratio of 6 and the cash flow from operations for the median of 76 property developers has begun contracting again. Further relapse in property sales will cause their financial position to deteriorate and limit their ability to launch new or complete existing construction. In regard to U.S. homebuilders, the fundamentals in the U.S. housing market are much better than those in China. While rising U.S. interest rates could be a headwind for U.S. homebuilder share prices, they stand to resume their outperformance versus Chinese property developers (Chart I-17). Chart I-16China: Median Property Developer's ##br##Financial Ratios Are Worsening China: Median Property Developer's Financial Ratios Are Worsening China: Median Property Developer's Financial Ratios Are Worsening Chart I-17Short Chinese Property Developers / ##br##Long U.S. Homebuilders Short Chinese Property Developers / Long U.S. Homebuilders Short Chinese Property Developers / Long U.S. Homebuilders Ellen JingYuan He Senior Editor/Associate Vice President EllenJ@bcaresearch.com Arthur Budaghyan, Senior Vice President Emerging Markets Strategy arthurb@bcaresearch.com 1 Other oft-used measures of inventories are not correct either. Some analysts use floor space under construction data as a proxy for inventory - this is technically not correct as the data includes both the area that has already been sold in advance and the area that has been completed and sold. Others use cumulative floor space started minus cumulative floor space completed - this is also not correct as cumulative floor space completed includes areas that have not yet been sold. 2 Please see Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report "Is Investment Constrained By Savings? Tales Of China And Brazil," dated March 22, 2018, the link is available on page 20. Equity Recommendations Fixed-Income, Credit And Currency Recommendations

Highlights R-star is higher in the U.S. than in most other large economies. This includes China, where an elevated savings rate has depressed the neutral rate of interest. Countries with relatively high neutral rates like the U.S. will tend to run structural current account deficits, whereas countries with relatively low neutral rates will tend to run surpluses. The failure of the Trump administration to understand this basic economic lesson could inflame the ongoing trade spat between the two countries, at a time when populism is on the rise and China is challenging the U.S. for global influence. Fortunately, trade protectionism is less attractive when jobs are plentiful, as is the case in the U.S. today. Thus, we continue to see a market-friendly resolution to the ongoing conflict. Our base case remains that another global recession is still about two years away, which should keep the bull market in global equities intact. However, with global growth decelerating, financial conditions tightening at the margin, and the near-term signal from our proprietary MacroQuant model stuck in bearish territory for the second month in a row, the tactical picture for stocks remains rather murky. Feature Blame It On The Neutral Rate If the world of macroeconomics were set in a superhero universe, the real neutral rate of interest, otherwise known as R-star, would undoubtedly be cast as an arch-villain. R-star is the interest rate consistent with full employment and stable inflation. A depressed R-star has made the zero lower-bound constraint on nominal rates a vexing problem for central bankers. Not long after the Global Financial Crisis began, policy rates fell to ultra-low levels. But even this was not enough to engender a strong recovery. Most economies needed negative real rates. However, with inflation stuck at low levels, there was a limit to how far below zero real rates could go. Japan, of course, has been no stranger to this problem. Policy rates have been close to zero for over 20 years, yet inflation remains stubbornly low (Chart 1). Some commentators have dismissed this issue, noting that real per capita GDP has still managed to grow at a reasonably healthy clip. Unfortunately, this misguided optimism ignores the fact that Japan was only able to keep the economy from sinking into a depression by relying on massive budget deficits. With Japanese monetary policy rendered impotent, fiscal policy had to pick up the slack. High levels of excess private-sector savings were absorbed with continued government dissavings (Chart 2). The result is a gross government debt-to-GDP ratio of 240%. A low R-star has also been a major problem in the euro area. Before the European sovereign debt crisis erupted, Germany was able to export its excess savings to the peripheral countries, who were more than happy to load up on cheap debt so that they could live beyond their means (Chart 3). Chart 1Japan: Even Zero Interest Rates ##br##Were Not Enough To Spur Inflation Japan: Even Zero Interest Rates Were Not Enough To Spur Inflation Japan: Even Zero Interest Rates Were Not Enough To Spur Inflation Chart 2Japan Relied On Large Fiscal Deficits And Current Account Surpluses To Offset The Rise In Private-Sector Savings Japan Relied On Large Fiscal Deficits And Current Account Surpluses To Offset The Rise In Private-Sector Savings Japan Relied On Large Fiscal Deficits And Current Account Surpluses To Offset The Rise In Private-Sector Savings Chart 3The European Periphery Is No Longer ##br##Absorbing Germany's Excess Savings The European Periphery Is No Longer Absorbing Germany's Excess Savings The European Periphery Is No Longer Absorbing Germany's Excess Savings Those days are over. Today, Germany's current account surplus stands at a gargantuan 8% of GDP, but much of Germany's savings are exported to the rest of the world. Consequently, the euro area current account balance has gone from roughly breakeven in the pre-crisis period to a surplus of 3% of GDP. This likely means that the neutral rate in the euro area has fallen further. R-Star In China Chart 4China Saves A Lot China Saves A Lot China Saves A Lot What about China? One might think that China's fast trend GDP growth rate would translate into a high neutral rate. However, the neutral rate is not just a function of trend growth. Most economic models state that the savings rate also affects the neutral rate.1 The more income people wish to save at any given interest rate, the lower the neutral rate will be. For a variety of institutional and cultural reasons, the Chinese save a lot (Chart 4). The national savings rate has averaged 50% of GDP for the past decade. In fact, despite an investment-to-GDP ratio of 44%, China still manages to run a current account surplus (remember the current account balance is just the difference between savings and investment). A Simple Thought Experiment The earth does not trade with Mars. As a result, the global current account balance must be zero; current account surpluses in one set of countries must be offset by current account deficits in another set of countries. Interest rates and exchange rates play a vital role in ensuring that this identity is satisfied. Imagine a bunch of island economies - all with different neutral rates - that do not trade with one another. Now suppose a technological breakthrough occurs that permits free trade and capital mobility. What would you expect to happen? Standard economic theory says that capital will flow towards the islands with relatively high interest rates. As shown in Chart 5, the flood of capital will push down the interest rate in those economies. A lower interest rate, in turn, will discourage saving and encourage investment, leading to a current account deficit. Capital inflows will also drive up the currency, while higher spending will push up consumer prices. Such a "real appreciation" of the exchange rate is necessary to ensure that increased spending falls primarily on foreign-made goods.2 Chart 5Interest Rates And Current Account Balances In An Open Economy U.S.-China Trade Spat: Is R-Star To Blame? U.S.-China Trade Spat: Is R-Star To Blame? On the flipside, capital will flow out of economies with low neutral rates, putting upward pressure on interest rates. A higher interest rate will lead to more savings and less investment, translating into a current account surplus. Countries with relatively low neutral rates will also see a real depreciation of their exchange rates. If there is complete free trade and capital mobility, the final equilibrium will be one where interest rates are equalized across all islands and the current account deficits of the islands with relatively high neutral rates are exactly offset by the current account surpluses of the islands with low neutral rates. In addition, countries with relatively high neutral rates will end up with exchange rates that appear somewhat overvalued relative to their fair value, while those with low neutral rates will have exchange rates that appear somewhat undervalued. U.S.-China Trade Tensions: An Inevitable Conflict There are many structural reasons why the U.S. and China are at loggerheads over trade these days. We predicted that Trump would win the presidency largely because we thought the political/media establishment was underestimating the importance of the populist wave sweeping across the U.S. and much of the world. Our geopolitical analysts share this view. They have also argued that China's growing economic, military, and technological prowess will inevitably put it into conflict with the U.S., which has been the world's sole hegemon ever since the Soviet Union collapsed.3 This week's report adds another structural reason to the list. While R-star in the U.S. is fairly low by historic standards, it is higher than in most other countries, reflecting America's favorable demographics, large fiscal deficit, and relatively spendthrift culture. This means that the U.S. must run a structural current account deficit. This, of course, is at odds with the Trump administration's stated objectives. Efforts by China or any other country to "talk up" their currencies in the hopes of placating Trump will fail. The U.S. economy is already operating at close to full employment. A weaker dollar would only shift the composition of spending towards domestically-produced goods. The U.S., however, does not have enough spare labor to produce these additional goods. All that would happen is that inflation would rise, rendering U.S. exporters less competitive. More stimulative fiscal policy will further increase the neutral rate of interest in the United States. Chart 6 shows that the budget deficit is set to widen to nearly 6% of GDP by 2019 even if the unemployment rate continues to decline. A larger budget deficit will drain national savings, shifting the savings schedule in the savings-investment diagram discussed earlier to the left. This will result in a bigger current account deficit (Chart 7). Chart 6The U.S. Budget Deficit Is Set To Widen Even If The Unemployment Rate Continues To Decline The U.S. Budget Deficit Is Set To Widen Even If The Unemployment Rate Continues To Decline The U.S. Budget Deficit Is Set To Widen Even If The Unemployment Rate Continues To Decline Chart 7A Bigger U.S. Budget Deficit Will Cause The U.S. Neutral Rate To Rise, ##br## Leading To A Larger Current-Account Deficit U.S.-China Trade Spat: Is R-Star To Blame? U.S.-China Trade Spat: Is R-Star To Blame? Investment Considerations The specter of trade protectionism is here to stay, as is the prospect of escalating U.S.-China geopolitical tensions. Fortunately, beggar-thy-neighbor policies are less attractive when jobs are plentiful, as is the case in the U.S. today. Trump also remains constrained by the stock market's view of his actions. After all, this is a president who likes to measure the success of his economic agenda by the value of the S&P 500. As such, we expect both the U.S. and China to follow a two-pronged approach to trade issues over the coming months. Publicly, they will snipe at one another, threatening each other with tariffs and other trade barriers. Privately, they will seek out a compromise that avoids a full-out trade war. China's announcement this week that it will retaliate in kind to the U.S. decision to impose tariffs on $50 billion in Chinese imports should not have taken anyone by surprise. The Chinese government had repeatedly said that they would do precisely this. Importantly, U.S. tariffs do not kick in until June. Between now and then, negotiators from both sides will try to hammer out a deal. Just as with the steel and aluminum tariffs, the final set of tariffs will be a watered-down version of the original proposal. Political theatre will be the name of the game. As discussed in last week's Q2 Strategy Outlook, our base case remains that another global recession is still about two years away, which should keep the bull market in global equities intact.4 We warned investors to "Take Out Some Insurance" on February 2nd, one day before the VIX spike began.5 Now that the S&P 500 is 7% off its highs, our bet is that the path of least resistance for global equities over the next 12 months is up. Nevertheless, with global growth decelerating, financial conditions tightening at the margin, and the one-month ahead signal from the beta version of our forthcoming proprietary MacroQuant model stuck in bearish territory for the second month in a row, the tactical picture for stocks still looks rather murky (Chart 8). For the time being, short-term investors should sell the rallies and buy the dips. Chart 8MacroQuant Model: Tactical Picture For Stocks Still Looks Rather Challenging U.S.-China Trade Spat: Is R-Star To Blame? U.S.-China Trade Spat: Is R-Star To Blame? Peter Berezin, Chief Global Strategist Global Investment Strategy peterb@bcaresearch.com U.S.-China Trade Spat: Is R-Star To Blame? U.S.-China Trade Spat: Is R-Star To Blame? 2 The real exchange rate can be thought of as the volume of foreign goods and services that can be acquired by selling a basket of U.S. goods and services. Mathematically, the real exchange rate between two currencies is the product of the nominal exchange rate and the ratio of prices between the countries. A real appreciation tends to make a country less competitive, either through a nominal increase in its currency or through an increase in domestic prices relative to foreign prices. 3 Please see Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, “Sino-American Conflict: More Likely Than You Think, Part II,” dated November 6, 2015; and Global Investment Strategy Special Report, “The Looming Conflict In The South China Sea,” dated May 29, 2012. 4 Please see Global Investment Strategy Q2 Strategy Outlook, “It’s More Like 1998 Than 2000,” dated March 30, 2018. 5 Please see Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, “Take Out Some Insurance,” dated February 2, 2018, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. Strategy & Market Trends Tactical Trades Strategic Recommendations Closed Trades