China

Executive Summary German GeoRisk Indicator German GeoRisk Indicator German GeoRisk Indicator Russia and Germany have begun cutting off each other’s energy in a major escalation of strategic tensions. The odds of Finland and Sweden joining NATO have shot up. A halt to NATO enlargement, particularly on Russia’s borders, is Russia’s chief demand. Tensions will skyrocket. China’s reversion to autocracy and de facto alliance with Russia are reinforcing the historic confluence of internal and external risk, weighing on Chinese assets. Geopolitical risk is rising in South Korea and Hong Kong, rising in Spain and Italy, and flat in South Africa. France’s election will lower domestic political risk but the EU as a whole faces a higher risk premium. The Biden administration is doubling down on its defense of Ukraine, calling for $33 billion in additional aid and telling Russia that it will not dominate its neighbor. However, the Putin regime cannot afford to lose in Ukraine and will threaten to widen the conflict to intimidate and divide the West. Trade Recommendation Inception Date Return LONG GLOBAL DEFENSIVES / CYCLICALS EQUITIES 2022-01-20 14.2% Bottom Line: Stay long global defensives over cyclicals. Feature Chart 1Geopolitical Risk And Policy Uncertainty Drive Up Dollar Geopolitical Risk And Policy Uncertainty Drive Up Dollar Geopolitical Risk And Policy Uncertainty Drive Up Dollar The dollar (DXY) is breaking above the psychological threshold of 100 on the back of monetary tightening and safe-haven demand. Geopolitical risk does not always drive up the dollar – other macroeconomic factors may prevail. But in today’s situation macro and geopolitics are converging to boost the greenback (Chart 1). Global economic policy uncertainty is also rising sharply. It is highly correlated with the broader trade-weighted dollar. The latter is nowhere near 2020 peaks but could rise to that level if current trends hold. A strong dollar reflects slowing global growth and also tightens global financial conditions, with negative implications for cyclical and emerging market equities. Bottom Line: Tactically favor US equities and the US dollar to guard against greater energy shock, policy uncertainty, and risk-aversion. Energy Cutoff Points To European Recession Chart 2Escalation With Russia Weighs Further On EU Assets Escalation With Russia Weighs Further On EU Assets Escalation With Russia Weighs Further On EU Assets Russia is reducing natural gas flows to Poland and Bulgaria and threatening other countries, Germany is now embracing an oil embargo against Russia, while Finland and Sweden are considering joining NATO. These three factors are leading to a major escalation of strategic tensions on the continent that will get worse before they get better, driving up our European GeoRisk indicators and weighing on European assets (Chart 2). Russia’s ultimatum in December 2021 stressed that NATO enlargement should cease and that NATO forces and weapons should not be positioned east of the May 1997 status quo. Russia invaded Ukraine to ensure its military neutrality over the long run.1 Finland and Sweden, seeing Ukraine’s isolation amid Russian invasion, are now reviewing whether to change their historic neutrality and join NATO. Public opinion polls now show Finnish support for joining at 61% and Swedish support at 57%. The scheduling of a joint conference between the country’s leaders on May 13 looks like it could be a joint declaration of their intention to join. The US and other NATO members will have to provide mutual defense guarantees for the interim period if that is the case, lest Russia attack. The odds that Finland and Sweden remain neutral are higher than the consensus holds (given the 97% odds that they join NATO on Predictit.org). But the latest developments suggest they are moving toward applying for membership. They fear being left in the cold like Ukraine in the event of an attack. Russia’s response will be critical. If Russia deploys nuclear weapons to Kaliningrad, as former President Dmitri Medvedev warned, then Moscow will be making a menacing show but not necessarily changing the reality of Russia’s nuclear strike capabilities. That is equivalent to a pass and could mark the peak of the entire crisis. The geopolitical risk premium would begin to subside after that. Related Report  Geopolitical StrategyLe Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) However, Russia has also threatened “military-political repercussions” if the Nordics join NATO. Russia’s capabilities are manifestly limited, judging by Ukraine today and the Winter War of 1939, but a broader war cannot entirely be ruled out. Global financial markets will still need to adjust for a larger tail risk of a war in Finland/Sweden in the very near term. Most likely Russia will retaliate by cutting off Europe’s natural gas. Clearly this is the threat on the table, after the cutoff to Poland and Bulgaria and the warnings to other countries. In the near term, several companies are gratifying Russia and paying for gas in rubles. But these payments violate EU sanctions against Russia and the intention is to wean off Russian imports as soon as possible. Germany says it can reduce gas imports starting next year after inking a deal with Qatar. Hence Russia might take the initiative and start reducing the flow earlier. Bottom Line: If Europe plunges into recession as a result of an immediate natural gas cutoff, then strategic stability between Russia and the West will become less certain. The tail risk of a broader war goes up. Stay cyclically long US equities over global equities and tactically long US treasuries. Stay long defense stocks and gold. Stay Short CNY At the end of last year we argued that Beijing would double down on “Zero Covid” policy in 2022, at least until the twentieth national party congress this fall. Social restrictions serve a dual purpose of disease suppression and dissent repression. Now that the state is doubling down, what will happen next? The economy will deteriorate: imports are already contracting at a rate of 0.1% YoY. The manufacturing PMI has fallen to 48.1  and the service sector PMI to 42.0, indicating contraction. Furthermore, social unrest could emerge, as lockdowns serve as a catalyst to ignite underlying socioeconomic disparities. Hence the national party congress is less likely to go smoothly, implying that investors will catch a glimpse of political instability under the surface in China as the year progresses. The political risk premium will remain high (Chart 3). Chart 3China's Confluence Of Domestic And Foreign Risk Weighs On Stocks And Currency China's Confluence Of Domestic And Foreign Risk Weighs On Stocks And Currency China's Confluence Of Domestic And Foreign Risk Weighs On Stocks And Currency While Chairman Xi Jinping is still likely to clinch another ten years in power, it will not be auspicious amid an economic crash and any social unrest. Xi could be forced into some compromises on either Politburo personnel or policy adjustments. A notable indicator of compromise would be if he nominated a successor, though this would not provide any real long-term assurance to investors given the lack of formal mechanisms for power transfer. After the party congress we expect Xi to “let 100 flowers bloom,” meaning that he will ease fiscal, regulatory, and social policy so that today’s monetary and fiscal stimulus can work effectively. Right now monetary and fiscal easing has limited impact because private sector actors are averse to taking risk. Easing policy to boost the economy could also entail a diplomatic charm offensive to try to convince the US and EU to avoid imposing any significant sanctions on trade and investment flows, whether due to Russia or human rights violations. Such a diplomatic initiative would only succeed, if at all, in the short run. The US cannot allow a deep re-engagement with China since that would serve to strengthen the de facto Russo-Chinese strategic alliance. In other words, an eruption of instability threatens to weaken Xi’s hand and jeopardize his power retention. While it is extremely unlikely that Xi will fall from power, he could have his image of supremacy besmirched. It is likely that China will be forced to ease a range of policies, including lockdowns and regulations of key sectors, that will be marginally positive for economic growth. There may also be schemes to attract foreign investment. Bottom Line: If China expands the range of its policy easing the result could be received positively by global investors in 2023. But the short-term outlook is still negative and deteriorating due to China’s reversion to autocracy and confluence of political and geopolitical risk. Stay short CNY and neutral Chinese stocks. Stay Short KRW South Koreans went to the polls on March 9 to elect their new president for a five-year term. The two top candidates for the job were Yoon Suk-yeol and Lee Jae-myung. Yoon, a former public prosecutor, was the candidate for the People Power Party, a conservative party that can be traced back to the Saenuri and the Grand National Party, which was in power from 2007 to 2017 under President Lee Myung-bak and President Park Geun-hye. Lee, the governor of the largest province in Korea, was the candidate for the Democratic Party, the party of the incumbent President Moon Jae-in. Yoon won by a whisker, garnering 48.6% of the votes versus 47.8% for Lee. The margin of victory for Yoon is the lowest since Korea started directly electing its presidents. President-elect Yoon will be inaugurated in May. He will not have control of the National Assembly, as his party only holds 34% of the seats. The Democratic Party holds the majority, with 172 out of 300 seats. The next legislative election will be in 2024, which means that President Yoon will have to work with the opposition for a good two years before his party has a chance to pass laws on its own. President-elect Yoon was the more pro-business and fiscally restrained candidate. His nomination of Han Duck-soo as his prime minister suggests that, insofar as any domestic policy change is possible, he will be pragmatic, as Han served under two liberal administrations. Yoon’s lack of a majority and nomination of a left-leaning prime minister suggest that domestic policy will not be a source of uncertainty for investors through 2024. Foreign policy, by contrast, will be the biggest source of risk for investors. Yoon rejects the dovish “Moonshine” policy of his predecessor and favors a strong hand in dealing with North Korea. “War can be avoided only when we acquire an ability to launch pre-emptive strikes and show our willingness to use them,” he has argued. North Korea responded by expanding its nuclear doctrine and resuming tests of intercontinental ballistic missiles with the launch of the Hwasong-17 on March 24 – the first ICBM launch since 2017. In a significant upgrade of North Korea’s deterrence strategy, Kim Yo Jong, the sister of Kim Jong Un, warned on April 4 that North Korea would use nuclear weapons to “eliminate” South Korea if attacked (implying an overwhelming nuclear retaliation to any attack whatsoever). Kim Jong Un himself claimed on April 26 that North Korea’s nuclear weapons are no longer merely about deterrence but would be deployed if the country is attacked. President-elect Yoon welcomes the possibility of deploying of US strategic assets to strengthen deterrence against the North. The hawkish turn is not surprising considering that North-South relations failed to make any substantive improvements during President Moon’s five-year tenure as a pro-engagement president. South Koreans, especially Yoon’s supporters, are split on whether inter-Korean dialogue should be continued. They are becoming more interested in developing their own nuclear weapons or at the very least deploying US nuclear weapons in South Korea. Half of South Korean voters support security through alliance with the US, while a third support security through the development of independent nuclear weapons. The nuclear debate will raise tensions on the peninsula. An even bigger change in South Korea’s foreign policy is its policy towards China. President-elect Yoon has accused President Moon of succumbing to China’s economic extortion. Moon had established a policy of “three No’s,” meaning no to additional THAAD missiles in South Korea, no to hosting other US missile defense systems, and no to joining an alliance with Japan and the United States. By contrast, Yoon’s electoral promises include deploying more THAAD and joining the Quadrilateral Dialogue (US, Japan, Australia, India). Polls show that South Koreans hold a low opinion of all of their neighbors but that China has slipped slightly beneath Japan and North Korea in favorability. Even Democratic Party voters feel more negative towards China. While negative attitudes towards China are not unique to Korea, there is an important difference from other countries: the Korean youth dislike China the most, not the older generations. Negative sentiment is less tied to old wounds from the Korean war and more related to ideology and today’s grievances. Younger Koreans, growing up in a liberal democracy and proud of their economic and cultural success, have been involved in campus clashes against Chinese students over Korean support for Hong Kong democrats. Negative attitudes towards China among the youth should alarm investors, as young people provide the voting base for elections to come, and China is the largest trading partner for Korea. Korea’s foreign policy will hew to the American side, at risk to its economy (Chart 4). Chart 4South Korean Geopolitical Risk Rising Under The Radar South Korean Geopolitical Risk Rising Under The Radar South Korean Geopolitical Risk Rising Under The Radar President-elect Yoon’s policies towards North Korea and China will increase geopolitical risk in East Asia. The biggest beneficiary will be India. Both Korea and Japan need to find a substitute to Chinese markets and labor, which have become less reliable in recent years. South Korea’s newly elected president is aligned with the US and West and less friendly toward China and Russia. He faces a rampant North Korea that feels emboldened by its position of an arsenal of 40-50 deliverable nuclear weapons. The North Koreans now claim that they will respond to any military attack with nuclear force and are testing intercontinental ballistic missiles and possibly a nuclear weapon. The US currently has three aircraft carriers around Korea, despite its urgent foreign policy challenges in Europe and the Middle East. Bottom Line: Stay long JPY-KRW. South Korea’s geopolitical risk premium will remain high. But favor Korean stocks over Taiwanese stocks. Stay Neutral On Hong Kong Stocks Hong Kong’s leadership change will trigger a new bout of unrest (Chart 5). Chart 5Hong Kong: More Turbulence Ahead Hong Kong: More Turbulence Ahead Hong Kong: More Turbulence Ahead On April 4, Hong Kong’s incumbent Chief Executive, Carrie Lam, confirmed that she would not seek a second term but would step down on June 30. John Lee, the current chief secretary of Hong Kong, became the only candidate approved to run for election, which is scheduled to be held on May 8. With the backing of the pro-Beijing members in the Election Committee, Lee is expected to secure enough nominations to win the race. Lee served as security secretary from when Carrie Lam took office in 2017 until June 2021. He firmly supported the Hong Kong extradition bill in 2019 and National Security Law in 2020, which provoked historic social unrest in those years. He insisted on taking a tough security stance towards pro-democracy protests. With Lee in power, Hong Kong will face more unrest and tougher crackdowns in the coming years, which will likely bring more social instability. Lee will provoke pro-democracy activists with his policy stances and adherence to Beijing’s party line. For example, his various statements to the news media suggest a dogmatic approach to censorship and political dissent. With the adoption of the National Security Law, Hong Kong’s pro-democracy faction is already deeply disaffected. Carrie Lam was originally elected as a popular leader, with notable support from women, but her popularity fell sharply after the passage of the extradition bill and National Security Law, as well as her mishandling of the Covid-19 outbreak. Her failure to handle the clashes between the Hong Kong people and Beijing damaged public trust in government. Trust never fully recovered when it took another hit recently from the latest wave of the pandemic. Putting another pro-Beijing hardliner in power will exacerbate the trend. Hong Kong equities are vulnerable not merely because of social unrest. During the era of US-China engagement, Hong Kong benefited as the middleman and the symbol that the Communist Party could cooperate within a liberal, democratic, capitalist global order. Hence US-China power struggle removes this special status and causes Hong Kong financial assets to contract mainland Chinese geopolitical risk. As a result of the 2019-2020 crackdown, John Lee and Carrie Lam were among a list of Hong Kong officials sanctioned by the US Treasury Department and State Department in 2020. Now, after the Ukraine war, the US will be on the lookout for any Hong Kong role in helping Russia circumvent sanctions, as well as any other ways in which China might further its strategic aims by means of Hong Kong. Bottom Line: Stay neutral on Hong Kong equities. Favor France Within European Equities French political risk will fall after the presidential election, which recommits the country to geopolitical unity with the US and NATO and potentially pro-productivity structural reforms (Chart 6). France is already a geopolitically secure country so the reduction of domestic political risk should be doubly positive for French assets, though they have already outperformed. And the Russia-West conflict is fueling a risk premium regardless of France’s positive developments. Chart 6France's Domestic Political Risk Will Subside But Russian War Will Keep Geopolitical Risk Elevated France's Domestic Political Risk Will Subside But Russian War Will Keep Geopolitical Risk Elevated France's Domestic Political Risk Will Subside But Russian War Will Keep Geopolitical Risk Elevated The French election ended with a solid victory for the political establishment as we expected. President Emmanuel Macron gaining 58% of the vote to Marine Le Pen’s 42%. Macron beat his opinion polling by 4.5pp while Le Pen underperformed her polls by 4.5pp. A large number of voters abstained, at 28%, compared to 25.5% in 2017. The regional results showed a stark divergence between overseas or peripheral France (where Marine Le Pen even managed to get over half of the vote in several cases) and the core cities of France (where Macron won handily). Macron had won an outright majority in every region in 2017. Macron did best among the young and the old, while Le Pen did best among middle-aged voters. But Macron won every age group except the 50 year-olds, who want to retire early. Macron did well among business executives, managers, and retired people, but Le Pen won among the working classes, as expected. Le Pen won the lowest paid income group, while Macron’s margin of victory rises with each step up the income ladder. Macron’s performance was strong, especially considering the global context. The pandemic knocked several incumbent parties out of power (US, Germany) and required leadership changes in others (Japan, Italy). The subsequent inflation shock now threatens to cause another major political rotation in rapid succession, leaving various political leaders and parties vulnerable in the coming months and years (Australia, the UK, Spain). Only Canada and now France marked exceptions, where post-pandemic elections confirmed the country’s leader. The Ukraine war constitutes yet another shock but it helped Macron, as Le Pen had objective links and sympathies with Russian President Vladimir Putin. Macron’s timing was lucky but his message of structural reform for the sake of economic efficiency still resonates in contemporary France, where change is long overdue – at least compared with Le Pen’s proposal of doubling down on statism, protectionism, and fiscal largesse. The French middle class was never as susceptible to populism as the US, UK, and Italy because it had been better protected from the ravages of globalization. Populism is still a force to be reckoned with, especially if left-wing populists do well in the National Assembly, or if right-wing populists find a fresher face than the Le Pen dynasty. But the failure of populism in the context of pandemic, inflation, and war suggests that France’s political establishment remains well fortified by the economic structure and the electoral system. Whether Macron can sustain his structural reforms depends on legislative elections to be held on June 12-19. Early projections are positive for his party, which should keep a majority. Macron’s new mandate will help. Le Pen’s National Rally and its predecessors may perform better than in the past but that is not saying much as their presence in the National Assembly has been weak. Bottom Line: France is geopolitically secure and has seen a resounding public vote for structural reform that could improve productivity depending on legislative elections. French equities can continue to outperform their European peers over the long run. Our European Investment Strategy recommends French equities ex-consumer stocks, French small caps over large caps, and French aerospace and defense.   Favor Spanish Over Italian Stocks Chart 7Italian And Spanish Political Risk Will Rise But Favor Spanish Stocks Italian And Spanish Political Risk Will Rise But Favor Spanish Stocks Italian And Spanish Political Risk Will Rise But Favor Spanish Stocks What about Spain? It is still a “divided nation” susceptible to a rise in political risk ahead of the general election due by December 10, 2023 (Chart 7). In the past few months, a series of strategic mistakes and internal power struggles have led to a significant decline in the popularity of Spain’s largest opposition party, the People’s Party. Due to public infighting and power struggle, Pablo Casado was forced to step down as the leader of the People’s Party on February 23, as requested by 16 of the party’s 17 regional leaders. It is yet to be seen if the new party leader, Alberto Nunez Feijoo, can reboot People’s Party. The far-right VOX party will benefit from the People Party’s setback. The latter’s misstep in a regional election (Castile & Leon) gave VOX a chance to participate in a regional government for the very first time. Hence VOX’s influence will spread and it will receive greater recognition as an important political force. Meanwhile the ruling Socialist Worker’s Party (PSOE) faces anger from the public amid inflation and high energy prices. However, Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez’s decision to send offensive military weapons to Ukraine is widely supported among major parties, including even his reluctant coalition partner, Unidas Podemos. The People’s Party’s recent infighting gives temporary relief to the ruling party. The Russia-Ukraine issue caused some minor divisions within the government but they are not yet leading to any major political crisis, as nationwide pro-Ukraine sentiment is largely unified. The Andalusia regional election, which is expected this November, will be a check point for Feijoo and a pre-test for next year’s general election. Andalusia is the most populous autonomous community in Spain, consisting about 17% of the seats in the congress (the lower house). The problem for Sanchez and the Socialists is that the stagflationary backdrop will weigh on their support over time. Bottom Line: Spanish political risk is likely to spike sooner rather than later, though Spanish domestic risk it is limited in nature. Madrid faces low geopolitical risk, low energy vulnerability, and is not susceptible to trying to leave the EU or Euro Area. Favor Spanish over Italian stocks. Stay Constructive On South Africa The political and economic status quo is largely unchanged in South Africa and will remain so going into the 2024 national elections. Fiscal discipline will weaken ahead of the election, which should be negative for the rand, but the global commodity shortage and geopolitical risks in Russia and China will probably overwhelm any negative effects from South Africa’s domestic policies. Rising commodity prices have propped up the local equity market and will bring in much-needed revenue into the local economy and government coffers. But structural issues persist. Low growth outcomes amid weak productivity and high unemployment levels will remain the norm. The median voter is increasingly constrained with fewer economic opportunities on the horizon. Pressure will mount on the ruling African National Congress (ANC), fueling civil unrest and adding to overall political risk (Chart 8). Chart 8South Africa's Political Status Quo Is Tactically Positive For Equities And Currency South Africa's Political Status Quo Is Tactically Positive For Equities And Currency South Africa's Political Status Quo Is Tactically Positive For Equities And Currency Almost a year has passed since the civil unrest episode of 2021. Covid-19 lockdowns have lifted and the national state of disaster has ended, reducing social tensions. This is evident in the decline of our South Africa GeoRisk indicator from 2021 highs. While we recently argued that fiscal austerity is under way in South Africa, we also noted that fiscal policy will reverse course in time for the 2024 election. In this year’s fiscal budget, the budget deficit is projected to narrow from -6% to -4.2% over the next two years. Government has increased tax revenue collection through structural reforms that are rooting out corruption and wasteful expenditure. But the ANC will have to tap into government spending to shore up lost support come 2024. Already, the ANC have committed to maintaining a special Covid-19 social-grant payment, first introduced in 2020, for another year. This grant, along with other government support, will feature in 2024 and possibly beyond. Unemployment is at 34.3%, its highest level ever recorded. The ANC cannot leave it unchecked. The most prevalent and immediate recourse is to increase social payments and transfers. Given the increasing number of social dependents that higher unemployment creates, government spending will have to increase to address rising unemployment. President Cyril Ramaphosa is still a positive figurehead for the ANC, but the 2021 local elections showed that the ANC cannot rely on the Ramaphosa effect alone. The ANC is also dealing with intra-party fighting. Ramaphosa has yet to assert total control over the party elites, distracting the ANC from achieving its policy objectives. To correct course, Ramaphosa will have to relax fiscal discipline. To this outcome, investors should expect our GeoRisk indicator to register steady increases in political risk moving into 2024. The only reason to be mildly optimistic is that South Africa is distant from geopolitical risk and can continue to benefit from the global bull market in metals. Bottom Line: Maintain a cyclically constructive outlook on South African currency and assets. Tight global commodity markets will support this emerging market, which stands to benefit from developments in Russia and China. Investment Takeaways Stay strategically long gold on geopolitical and inflation risk, despite the dollar rally. Stay long US equities relative to global and UK equities relative to DM-ex-US. Favor global defensives over cyclicals and large caps over small caps. Stay short CNY, TWD, and KRW-JPY. Stay short CZK-GBP. Favor Mexico within emerging markets. Stay long defense and cyber security stocks. We are booking a 5% stop loss on our long Canada / short Saudi Arabia equity trade. We still expect Middle Eastern tensions to escalate and trigger a Saudi selloff.   Matt Gertken Chief Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Jesse Anak Kuri Associate Editor Jesse.Kuri@bcaresearch.com Yushu Ma Research Analyst yushu.ma@bcaresearch.com Guy Russell Senior Analyst GuyR@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1   The campaign in the south suggests that Ukraine will be partitioned, landlocked, and susceptible to blockade in the coming years. If Russia achieves its military objectives, then Ukraine will accept neutrality in a ceasefire to avoid losing more territory. If Russia fails, then it faces humiliation and its attempts to save face will become unpredictable and aggressive. Strategic Themes Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Regional Geopolitical Risk Matrix Geopolitical Calendar

Executive Summary Economic Growth in Q2 Will Be Much Softer Economic Growth In Q2 Will Be Much Softer Economic Growth In Q2 Will Be Much Softer China’s GDP headline growth in Q1 was better than consensus, but it does not capture the full economic impact of ongoing city lockdowns. Other than infrastructure investment, business activity data from March shows a broad-based slowing in growth momentum. Manufacturing investment decelerated, while both real estate investment and retail sales contracted from a year ago. Exports in value terms continued to grow rapidly through March. However, the resilient rate of expansion is unsustainable given a weakening global manufacturing cycle and softening external demand for goods. China’s domestic supply-chain disruptions will also weigh on its export sector’s activity. Home sales contracted sharply in the first three weeks of April, particularly in larger cities. The lockdowns, coupled with poor funding dynamics among real estate developers, suggest that the real estate sector will remain a huge drag on China’s economy this year. Bottom Line: Even though business activities will resume after the lockdown restrictions are lifted, we do not expect China’s economy to rebound quickly and strongly as it did in 2H20. From a cyclical perspective, we continue to recommend a neutral allocation to Chinese onshore stocks in a global portfolio.   A slew of economic data released during the past two weeks suggests that the negative effects from the COVID-induced lockdowns in China’s largest and most prosperous cities are starting to emerge. The closings, which will likely continue through the end of April, are causing disruptions in both production and demand just as the economy was already in a business downcycle. Other than infrastructure spending, business activity data from March illustrates a broad-based slowing in growth momentum. The longer-term impact of the citywide shutdowns is still to come. Related Report  China Investment StrategyThe Cost Of China’s Zero-COVID Strategy The economic benefits of Beijing’s enhanced stimulus measures will be delayed to 2H22 at the earliest. Moreover, as we discussed in our last week’s report, the post-lockdown recovery in the second half of this year will be much more muted than in H2 2020 . The external environment is less reflationary than in 2H20; China’s domestic demand and sentiment among corporates and households were already declining prior to the latest lockdowns. The deteriorating economic outlook will continue to depress the absolute performance of Chinese onshore stocks in the coming months (Chart 1). Furthermore, against a backdrop of rising US Treasury yields, the interest rate differentials between China and US have become negative for the first time in a decade. A yield disadvantage, coupled with risk-averse sentiment across global financial markets, has discouraged portfolio flows into China. We expect foreign investment outflows to continue in the near term before China’s economy stabilizes sometime in 2H22 (Chart 2). Chart 1Deteriorating Domestic Economic Fundamentals Are The Main Risk To Chinese Onshore Stocks... Deteriorating Domestic Economic Fundamentals Are The Main Risk To Chinese Onshore Stocks... Deteriorating Domestic Economic Fundamentals Are The Main Risk To Chinese Onshore Stocks... Chart 2...And Have Triggered Substantial Foreign Investment Outflows ...And Have Triggered Substantial Foreign Investment Outflows ...And Have Triggered Substantial Foreign Investment Outflows From a cyclical perspective, we maintain our neutral position on Chinese onshore stocks in a global portfolio. Qingyun Xu, CFA Associate Editor qingyunx@bcaresearch.com China’s Credit Conditions: Amble Supply Versus Lack Of Demand Although broad credit growth accelerated in March from the previous month, the improvement mainly reflects a sharp increase in local government bond issuance. Bank loan growth on a year-over-year basis has not improved yet. Loan demand for infrastructure investments escalated, supported by front-loaded fiscal supports in Q1 (Chart 3). However, private-sector credit demand remains very weak. The acceleration in the credit impulse –calculated as a 12-month difference in the annual change in credit as a percentage of nominal GDP –is much more muted when excluding local government bond issuance (Chart 4). Chart 3Infrastructure-Related Bank Loans And Investments Picked Up Sharply In Q1 Infrastructure-Related Bank Loans And Investments Picked Up Sharply In Q1 Infrastructure-Related Bank Loans And Investments Picked Up Sharply In Q1 Chart 4The Rebound In Credit Impulse Is Much More Muted When Excluding Local Government Bond Issuance The Rebound In Credit Impulse Is Much More Muted When Excluding Local Government Bond Issuance The Rebound In Credit Impulse Is Much More Muted When Excluding Local Government Bond Issuance Sentiment among the corporate and household sectors has plunged to a multi-year low, following two years of stringent COVID-containment measures and last year’s regulatory clampdowns (Chart 5). Furthermore, the corporate sector’s propensity to invest weakened sharply in Q1, despite much looser monetary conditions (Chart 6). A worsening private sector’s sentiment suggests that demand for credit is unlikely to pick up imminently. Chart 5Private-Sector Demand For Credit Remains in The Doldrums... Private-Sector Demand For Credit Remains in The Doldrums... Private-Sector Demand For Credit Remains in The Doldrums... Chart 6...And Unlikely To Turn Around Imminently Despite Accommodative Monetary Conditions ...And Unlikely To Turn Around Imminently Despite Accommodative Monetary Conditions ...And Unlikely To Turn Around Imminently Despite Accommodative Monetary Conditions Chart 7Significant Foreign Investment Outflows In China's Onshore Bond Market Significant Foreign Investment Outflows In China's Onshore Bond Market Significant Foreign Investment Outflows In China's Onshore Bond Market The PBoC announced a 25bps cut in its reserve requirement ratio (RRR) rate on April 15, but has kept its policy rate unchanged. The move was below the market’s expectation of a 50bps RRR cut and/or a policy rate cut. While we still expect that the PBoC will trim the loan prime rate (LPR) in Q2, the recent acceleration in the RMB’s devaluation may make the central bank more cautious in reducing rates and further diverging from the hawkish US Fed and other major central banks  (Chart 7). China GDP: Above-Expectation Growth In Q1, Mounting Concerns In Q2 China’s year-over-year GDP growth in Q1 accelerated to 4.8% from 4.0% in Q4 last year, beating the market expectation of a 4.2% increase. The Q1 growth was mainly supported by strong infrastructure investments and exports (Chart 8). On a sequential basis, however, seasonally adjusted GDP growth in Q1 was 1.3% (non-annualized), slower than Q4’s reading of 1.6% and below its historical mean (Chart 9). Meanwhile, private- sector investment and household consumption remain subdued and activity in the housing sector worsened. Chart 8Economic Growth In Q1 Was Underpinned By Infrastructure Investments And Exports Economic Growth In Q1 Was Underpinned By Infrastructure Investments And Exports Economic Growth In Q1 Was Underpinned By Infrastructure Investments And Exports Chart 9Q1 GDP Growth On A Sequential Basis Is Below Its Historical Mean Q1 GDP Growth On A Sequential Basis Is Below Its Historical Mean Q1 GDP Growth On A Sequential Basis Is Below Its Historical Mean The negative effect from broadening city-wide lockdowns and more supply-chain disruptions in Shanghai and surrounding cities in the Yangtze River Delta region will be much larger in Q2 than in Q1. We expect that year-over-year GDP growth in Q2 will drop well below 4%, sharply down from the 4.8% growth recorded in Q1. Furthermore, the aggregate economic impact from the lockdowns could reduce China’s real GDP growth in 2022 by 1ppt, which poses substantial risks to the country’s 5.5% annual growth target for this year. Exports Growth Set To Decelerate Although the growth of exports in value terms remained resilient in March, China’s exports will be challenged this year by the softening global demand for goods and domestic COVID-induced disruptions in the supply chain. A recent PBoC survey of 5,000 industrial enterprises shows that overseas orders dived sharply (Chart 10). In addition, global cyclical stocks have underperformed defensives. The underperformance has historically been a good leading indicator of a global manufacturing downturn, which will likely lead to a decline in demand for Chinese exports (Chart 11). The weakening external demand is also reflected in softening US demand and falling personal consumption expenditures on goods ex-autos (Chart 12).   Chart 10Overseas Orders For Chinese Industrial Enterprises Dived Sharply Overseas Orders For Chinese Industrial Enterprises Dived Sharply Overseas Orders For Chinese Industrial Enterprises Dived Sharply Chart 11Global Equity Sector Performance Points To A Relapse In Global Manufacturing Global Equity Sector Performance Points To A Relapse In Global Manufacturing Global Equity Sector Performance Points To A Relapse In Global Manufacturing Furthermore, China’s imports for processing trade, which historically has been highly correlated with China’s total exports growth, decelerated sharply in March. The drop heralds a slowdown in the growth of Chinese exports in the coming months (Chart 13). Chart 12External Demand For Chinese Export Goods Will Likely Dwindle External Demand For Chinese Export Goods Will Likely Dwindle External Demand For Chinese Export Goods Will Likely Dwindle Chart 13Slowing Processing Imports Point To A Deceleration In Chinese Export Growth Slowing Processing Imports Point To A Deceleration In Chinese Export Growth Slowing Processing Imports Point To A Deceleration In Chinese Export Growth   Port congestions and supply-chain disruptions worsened in April after the Shanghai lockdown began on March 28. COVID-related supply-chain disruptions in China’s key ocean ports and reduced shipping volumes will curtail activity of the country’s export sector in the short term. Real Estate Sector Will Remain A Drag On China’s Economy March’s data reflects a broad-based deterioration in housing market activities (Chart 14). The growth in real estate investment rolled over, and all floor space indicators contracted further in March. Moreover, households’ sentiment in the property market remains lackluster (Chart 15). Funding among real estate developers has plummeted to an all-time low, which will continue to dampen housing construction activities (Chart 16). Chart 14A Broad-based Deterioration In Housing Market Indicators In March A Broad-based Deterioration In Housing Market Indicators In March A Broad-based Deterioration In Housing Market Indicators In March Chart 15Housing Market Sentiment Shows Little Signs Of Revival Housing Market Sentiment Shows Little Signs Of Revival Housing Market Sentiment Shows Little Signs Of Revival Chart 16Housing Construction Activities Are Set To Slow Further Housing Construction Activities Are Set To Slow Further Housing Construction Activities Are Set To Slow Further Chart 17Home Sales Worsened In April Amid COVID Flareups In Major Cities Home Sales Worsened In April Amid COVID Flareups In Major Cities Home Sales Worsened In April Amid COVID Flareups In Major Cities The March housing transaction data only captures some early indications from the recent round of lockdowns. The negative upshot on home sales will be greater in April. Figures for high-frequency floor space sold show a substantial weakening in home sales, particularly in tier-one and tier-two cities, through the first three weeks of April (Chart 17). The shrinkage in home sales will likely continue through Q2 and poses a significant risk for property investment and construction activities in H2. Regional governments are allowed to initiate their own housing policies, therefore, an increasing number of regional cities have slashed mortgage rates and/or down payment thresholds (Chart 18). However, the easing measures have failed to shore up demand for housing. In addition, pledged supplementary lending, which the government used to monetize massively excess inventories in the 2015/16 market, resumed its downtrend in March after a short-lived rebound earlier this year (Chart 19). Chart 18More Regional Cities Have Eased Local Housing Policies Expect A Much Weaker Economy In Q2 Expect A Much Weaker Economy In Q2 Chart 19PSL Injections Resumed Downward Trend In March PSL Injections Resumed Downward Trend In March PSL Injections Resumed Downward Trend In March Subdued Domestic Demand And Household Consumption Chart 20Strong Pickup In Infrastructure Investment Growth Failed To Offset The Deceleration In Manufacturing And Real Estate Investments Strong Pickup In Infrastructure Investment Growth Failed To Offset The Deceleration In Manufacturing And Real Estate Investments Strong Pickup In Infrastructure Investment Growth Failed To Offset The Deceleration In Manufacturing And Real Estate Investments China’s domestic demand remained weak in March and will likely worsen in the next few months when more negative fallout from the recent lockdowns spill over to the aggregate economy.   Infrastructure investments picked up strongly in March. However, robust infrastructure investments were insufficient to fully offset the weakness in capital spending in the real estate and manufacturing sectors (Chart 20). The sluggish housing market and a deceleration in exports growth will likely slow China’s capital spending further in Q2. Growth in China’s imports in value terms contracted slightly in March; this was the first time since September 2020. Meanwhile, import growth in volume terms contracted sharply amid weak domestic demand and the early effects of supply-chain disruptions (Chart 21). Moreover, imports of major commodities in volume shrank deeper in March (Chart 22).  Chart 21Chinese Imports Value Growth Fell Into Contraction In March Chinese Imports Value Growth Fell Into Contraction In March Chinese Imports Value Growth Fell Into Contraction In March Chart 22The Volume Of China's Key Commodity Imports Contracted Further In March The Volume Of China's Key Commodity Imports Contracted Further In March The Volume Of China's Key Commodity Imports Contracted Further In March Household consumption has been a laggard in China’s economy in the past two years and the wave of city lockdowns are taking a heavy toll on consumption. Retail sales growth contracted in March, for the first time since August 2020 (Chart 23). Notably, online sales of goods also slowed to a multi-year low, highlighting not only subdued demand but also COVID-related logistic interruptions. Chart 23Retail Sales Growth Slipped Below Zero Retail Sales Growth Slipped Below Zero Retail Sales Growth Slipped Below Zero Chart 24Tame Core And Service CPIs Also Reflect Sluggish Household Demand Tame Core And Service CPIs Also Reflect Sluggish Household Demand Tame Core And Service CPIs Also Reflect Sluggish Household Demand Weakening core and service CPI readings also reflect a lackluster demand from consumers (Chart 24). We expect that the ongoing lockdowns will continue to weigh on service sector activity and household consumption, at least for the next couple of months (Chart 25). In addition, labor market dynamics are worsening rapidly and the nationwide urban unemployment rate rose to its highest level since mid-2020. The employment situation will also curb household consumption in the medium-term (Chart 26). Chart 26Labor Market Situation Is Deteriorating Sharply Labor Market Situation Is Deteriorating Sharply Labor Market Situation Is Deteriorating Sharply Chart 25Surging COVID Cases And Stringent Countermeasures Will Continue To Curb Service Sector Activities Surging COVID Cases And Stringent Countermeasures Will Continue To Curb Service Sector Activities Surging COVID Cases And Stringent Countermeasures Will Continue To Curb Service Sector Activities Table 1China Macro Data Summary Expect A Much Weaker Economy In Q2 Expect A Much Weaker Economy In Q2 Table 2China Financial Market Performance Summary Expect A Much Weaker Economy In Q2 Expect A Much Weaker Economy In Q2   Footnotes Strategic Themes Cyclical Recommendations

Listen to a short summary of this report.         Executive Summary Small Caps Are Looking Attractive Relative To Their Large Cap Peers Small Caps Are Looking Attractive Relative To Their Large Cap Peers Small Caps Are Looking Attractive Relative To Their Large Cap Peers Adverse supply shocks have pushed down global growth this year, while pushing up inflation. With the war raging in Ukraine and China trying to contain a major Covid outbreak, these supply shocks are likely to persist for the next few months. Things should improve in the second half of the year. Inflation will come down rapidly, probably even more than what markets are discounting. Global growth will reaccelerate as pandemic headwinds abate. The return of Goldilocks will allow the Fed and other central banks to temper their hawkish rhetoric, helping to support equity prices while restraining bond yields. Unfortunately, this benign environment will sow the seeds of its own demise. Falling inflation during the remainder of the year will lift real incomes, leading to increased consumer spending. Inflation will pick up towards the end of 2023, forcing central banks to turn hawkish again. Trade Inception Level Initiation Date Stop Loss Long iShares Core S&P Small Cap ETF (IJR) / SPDR S&P 500 ETF (SPY) 100 Apr 21/2022 -5% Trade Recommendation: Go long US small caps vs. large caps via the iShares Core S&P Small-Cap ETF (IJR) and the SPDR S&P 500 ETF (SPY). Bottom Line: Global equities are heading towards a “last hurrah” starting in the second half of this year. Stay overweight stocks on a 12-month horizon. Push or Pull? Economists like to distinguish between “demand-pull” and “cost-push” inflation. The former occurs in response to positive demand shocks while the latter reflects negative supply shocks. In order to tell one from the other, it is useful to look at real wages. When real wages are rising briskly, households tend to spend more, leading to demand-pull inflation. In contrast, when wages fail to keep up with rising prices, it is a good bet that we have cost-push inflation on our hands. Chart 1 shows that real wages have been falling across the major economies over the past year. The decline in real wages has coincided with a steep drop in consumer confidence (Chart 2). This points to cost-push forces as the main culprits behind today’s high inflation rates. Chart 1Real Wages Are Declining Real Wages Are Declining Real Wages Are Declining Chart 2Consumer Confidence Has Soured Consumer Confidence Has Soured Consumer Confidence Has Soured A close look at the breakdown of recent inflation figures supports this conclusion. The US headline CPI rose by 8.5% year-over-year in March. The bulk of the inflation occurred in supply-constrained categories such as food, energy, and vehicles (Chart 3). Chart 3The Acceleration In Inflation Has Been Driven By Pandemic And War-Impacted Categories Here Comes Goldilocks Here Comes Goldilocks The Toilet Paper Economy When the pandemic began, shoppers rushed out to buy essential household supplies including, most famously, toilet paper. Chart 4In A Break From The Past, Goods Prices Soared During The Pandemic In A Break From The Past, Goods Prices Soared During The Pandemic In A Break From The Past, Goods Prices Soared During The Pandemic The toilet paper used in offices is somewhat different than the sort used at home. So, to some extent, work-from-home (and do other stuff-at-home) arrangements did boost the demand for consumer-grade toilet paper. However, a much more important factor was household psychology. People scrambled to buy toilet paper because others were doing the same. As often occurs in prisoner-dilemma games, society moved from one Nash equilibrium – where everyone was content with the amount of toilet paper they had – to another equilibrium where they wanted to hold much more paper than they previously did. What has gone largely unnoticed is that the toilet paper fiasco was replicated across much of the global supply chain. Worried that they would not have enough intermediate goods on hand to maintain operations, firms began to hoard inputs. Retailers, anxious at the prospect of barren shelves, put in bigger purchase orders than they normally would have. All this happened at a time when demand was shifting from services to goods, and the pandemic was disrupting normal goods production. No wonder the prices of goods – especially durable goods — jumped (Chart 4).   Peak Inflation? The war in Ukraine could continue to generate supply disruptions over the coming months. The Covid outbreak in China could also play havoc with the global supply chain. While the number of Chinese Covid cases has dipped in recent days, Chart 5 highlights that 27 out of 31 mainland Chinese provinces are still reporting new cases, up from 14 provinces in the beginning of February. The number of ships stuck outside of Shanghai has soared (Chart 6). Chart 527 Out Of 31 Chinese Provinces Are Reporting New Cases, Up From 14 Provinces In The Beginning Of February Here Comes Goldilocks Here Comes Goldilocks Chart 6The Clogged-Up Port Of Shanghai Here Comes Goldilocks Here Comes Goldilocks Chart 7Inflation Will Decelerate This Year Thanks To Base Effects Inflation Will Decelerate This Year Thanks To Base Effects Inflation Will Decelerate This Year Thanks To Base Effects Nevertheless, the peak in inflation has probably been reached in the US. For one thing, base effects will push down year-over-year inflation (Chart 7). Monthly core CPI growth rates were 0.86% in April, 0.75% in May, and 0.80% in June of 2021. These exceptionally high prints will fall out of the 12-month average during the next few months. More importantly, goods inflation will abate as spending shifts back toward services. Chart 8 shows that spending on goods remains well above the pre-pandemic trend in the US, while spending on services remains well below. Excluding autos, US retail inventories are about 5% above their pre-pandemic trend (Chart 9). Core goods prices fell in March for the first time since February 2021. Fewer pandemic-related disruptions, and hopefully a stabilization in the situation in Ukraine, could set the stage for sharply lower inflation and a revival in global growth in the second half of this year. How long will this Goldilocks environment last? Our guess is that it will endure until the second half of next year, but probably not much beyond then. As inflation comes down over the coming months, real income growth will rise. What began as cost-push inflation will morph into demand-pull inflation by the end of 2023. The Fed will need to resume hiking at that point, potentially bringing rates to over 4% in 2024. Chart 8Spending On Services Remains Well Below The Pre-Pandemic Trend, While Spending On Goods Is Above It Spending On Services Remains Well Below The Pre-Pandemic Trend, While Spending On Goods Is Above It Spending On Services Remains Well Below The Pre-Pandemic Trend, While Spending On Goods Is Above It Chart 9Shelves Are Well Stocked In The US Shelves Are Well Stocked In The US Shelves Are Well Stocked In The US Investment Implications Wayne Gretzky famously said that he always tries to skate to where the puck is going to be, not where it has been. Macro investors should follow the same strategy: Ask what the global economy will look like in six months and invest accordingly. The past few months have been tough for the global economy and financial markets. Last week, bullish sentiment fell to the lowest level in 30 years in the American Association of Individual Investors poll (Chart 10). Global growth optimism dropped in April to a record low in the BofA Merrill Lynch Fund Manager Survey.    Chart 10AAII Survey: Equity Bulls Are In Short Supply AAII Survey: Equity Bulls Are In Short Supply AAII Survey: Equity Bulls Are In Short Supply Chart 11The Equity Risk Premium Remains Elevated The Equity Risk Premium Remains Elevated The Equity Risk Premium Remains Elevated Yet, a Goldilocks environment of falling inflation and supply-side led growth awaits in the second half of the year. Even if this environment does not last beyond the end of 2023, it could provide a “last hurrah” for global equities. Despite the spike in bond yields, the earnings yield on stocks still exceeds the real bond yield by 5.4 percentage points in the US, and by 7.8 points outside the US (Chart 11). TINA’s siren song may have faded but it is far from silent. Global equities have about 10%-to-15% upside from current levels over a 12-month horizon. We recommend that investors increase allocations to non-US stock markets, value stocks, and small caps over the coming months (see trade recommendation below). Consistent with our view that the neutral rate of interest is higher than widely believed in the US and elsewhere, we expect the 10-year Treasury yield to eventually rise to around 4% in 2024. However, with US inflation likely to trend lower in the second half of this year, we do not expect much upside for yields over a 12-month horizon. If anything, the fact that bond sentiment in the latest BofA Merrill Lynch survey was the most bearish in 20 years suggests that the near-term risk to yields is to the downside.  Trade Idea: Go Long US Small Caps Versus Large Caps Small caps have struggled of late. Over the past 12 months, the S&P 600 small cap index has declined 3%, even as the S&P has managed to claw out a 5% gain. At this point, small caps are starting to look relatively cheap (Chart 12). The S&P 600 is trading at 14-times forward earnings compared to 19-times for the S&P 500. Notably, analysts expect small cap earnings to rise more over the next 12 months, as well as over the long term, than for large caps. Chart 12Small Caps Are Looking Attractive Relative To Their Large Cap Peers Small Caps Are Looking Attractive Relative To Their Large Cap Peers Small Caps Are Looking Attractive Relative To Their Large Cap Peers Chart 13Small Caps Tend To Outperform When Growth Is Picking Up And The Dollar Is Depreciating Small Caps Tend To Outperform When Growth Is Picking Up And The Dollar Is Depreciating Small Caps Tend To Outperform When Growth Is Picking Up And The Dollar Is Depreciating Small caps tend to perform best in settings where growth is accelerating and the US dollar is weakening (Chart 13). Economic growth should benefit from a supply-side boost later this year as pandemic headwinds fade and more low-skilled workers rejoin the labor market. With inflation set to decline, the need for the Fed to generate hawkish surprises will temporarily subside, putting downward pressure on the dollar. Investors should consider going long the S&P 600 via the iShares Core S&P Small-Cap ETF (IJR) versus the S&P 500 via the SPDR S&P 500 ETF (SPY). Peter Berezin Chief Global Strategist peterb@bcaresearch.com Follow me on  LinkedIn Twitter   Global Investment Strategy View Matrix Here Comes Goldilocks Here Comes Goldilocks Special Trade Recommendations Current MacroQuant Model Scores Here Comes Goldilocks Here Comes Goldilocks

Executive Summary China’s Daily New COVID Cases And City Lockdowns, 2020 To Present China's Daily New COVID Cases And City Lockdowns, 2020 To Present China's Daily New COVID Cases And City Lockdowns, 2020 To Present The ongoing wave of local Omicron infections and city lockdowns pose the largest macro risk in China post Q1 2020. The current lockdowns in major cities - including Shanghai - may shave one percentage point from China’s 2022 GDP growth. Restrictions on activity and travel in Shanghai and surrounding areas in the Yangtze River Delta have led to severe supply-chain disruptions, created by both port and highway transportation congestion and manufacturing plant shutdowns. Unlike in 2H20, chances are lower for a quick and strong post-lockdown recovery in China’s economy and stock prices because the nation’s policy easing will be less aggressive and is less effective than two years ago. The scale of China’s monetary easing will be smaller than in H1 2020 given the Fed is rising interest rates. The country’s fiscal balance sheet is also in worse shape than in 2020, particularly at the local level.  Bottom Line: The wave of lockdowns in China’s major cities will pose substantial risks to China’s economy this year. The post-lockdown recovery will likely be more muted than in 2H20 because there is limited room for the country to stimulate its economy and policy easing measures will likely be less effective than two years ago.   Chart 1China's Daily New COVID Cases And City Lockdowns, 2020 To Present China's Daily New COVID Cases And City Lockdowns, 2020 To Present China's Daily New COVID Cases And City Lockdowns, 2020 To Present The ongoing lockdowns linked to the spike in Omicron and China’s zero tolerance towards COVID are exacting a heavy toll on China’s economy. While the situation is fluid and official data is lagging, China’s economy faces the largest macro risk since early 2020. In the past four months, China has imposed more lockdowns, with full and partial mobility restrictions, than in the past two years combined (Chart 1). In particular, this round of citywide shutdowns occurred in some of China’s largest and most prosperous cities, such as Shanghai and Shenzhen, and several manufacturing hubs including Jilin province and cities in the Yangtze River Delta region. Furthermore, the post-lockdown recovery this year will likely be more muted than two years ago. Beijing has less room to ease policy and stimulate the economy than in early 2020. In addition, policy easing measures will be less effective in boosting domestic demand, given that private sector sentiment was already downbeat prior to the lockdowns and the country’s zero-COVID policy may lead to more stringent confinement measures in the rest of the year. Serious Economic Implications China’s aggregate economy is suffering significant damage from the current round of city- and province-wide lockdowns in some of China’s most populous and prosperous regions. Chart 2The Economic Impact From Hubei Lockdown In Q1 2020 The Cost Of China’s Zero-COVID Strategy The Cost Of China’s Zero-COVID Strategy Economic data following the shutdown of Hubei province in early 2020 can serve as a roadmap to illustrate what to expect from lockdowns in Shanghai, which accounts for 4% of China’s GDP and is the same size as Hubei. During a 60-day lockdown in Q1 2020, Hubei’s retail sales growth nose-dived by 43 percentage points (ppt) and fixed-asset investment growth tumbled by 83ppt in Q1 2020 compared with the previous three months (Chart 2). The aggregate economy in Hubei shrank by 40% in Q1 2020 from a year ago and the decline likely reduced Chinese GDP growth by 1.5% in that quarter alone (Chart 3). The lockdown also dragged Hubei’s government revenues, tourism income and corporate profits into a deep contraction for 2020 (Chart 4). Chart 3The Economic Impact From Hubei Lockdown In Q1 2020 The Cost Of China’s Zero-COVID Strategy The Cost Of China’s Zero-COVID Strategy Chart 4The Economic Impact From Hubei Lockdown In Q1 2020 The Cost Of China’s Zero-COVID Strategy The Cost Of China’s Zero-COVID Strategy A recent study estimating the economic impact of lockdowns by analyzing the flow of intercity trucking found that freight traffic would plummet by 54% under a full lockdown for a month, versus a 20% drop under a partial lockdown. In addition, the ripple effect of a lockdown would be felt by surrounding cities. According to the article, if the four most important economic centers of the country - Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou and Shenzhen - are shut down for one month at the same time, then their real income in that month would decrease by a whopping 61%. Meanwhile, the national real income in the same period would shrink by 8.6%, which translates into a 1ppt decline in China’s annual GDP growth. The scenario that China’s four major cities would be locked down was inconceivable before the onset of Omicron. However, as of April 15, it is estimated that local cities that have experienced full or partial lockdowns account for about 40% of China’s GDP, affecting more than 250 million residents. As such, the aggregate economic losses from the current round of lockdowns could reach 1ppt of China’s 2022 GDP growth. Bottom Line: The economic impact from the current lockdowns has the potential to reduce China’s GDP growth by 1ppt in 2022. Supply Chain Disruptions Shanghai’s lockdown has had economic repercussions on the Yangtze River Delta region, an important manufacturing hub and key supplier in the automobile and electronic equipment industries. Cross-regional travel restrictions have led to supply-chain disruptions through transportation blockades and manufacturing plant shutdowns. These obstacles include: Table 1Top Ten Ports In China The Cost Of China’s Zero-COVID Strategy The Cost Of China’s Zero-COVID Strategy Increased port congestion. The Ports of Shanghai and its nearby Ningbo handle nearly 30% of China’s total ocean shipping volume and are key barometers of China’s foreign trade and logistics chain (Table 1). Data from VesselsValue shows an almost fivefold increase in the number of ships waiting to load or discharge at Shanghai in the second half of March (Chart 5). Port congestion worsened in April after the Shanghai lockdown began on March 28. Chart 5Ships Waiting To Load Or Discharge At Shanghai Port The Cost Of China’s Zero-COVID Strategy The Cost Of China’s Zero-COVID Strategy Chart 6Chinese Suppliers' Delivery Times Have Lengthened Chinese Suppliers' Delivery Times Have Lengthened Chinese Suppliers' Delivery Times Have Lengthened Road transport blockades. Road traffic in the Yangtze River Delta has been restricted, causing significant delays in suppliers’ delivery times (Chart 6). By April 7, nationwide vehicle logistics freight flow fell by 32% from a year ago and plunged more than 80% in the Shanghai area. Highway traffic mobility tracked by Gaode dipped to the same level as in early 2020. Production suspensions. A significant number of businesses from automakers Tesla and Volkswagen to notebook manufacturer Quanta Computer Inc. reportedly suspended operations at their Shanghai plants to comply with government restrictions for virus control. ​​​​​​​The city, together with Jilin and Guangdong provinces, account for more than 30% of China’s auto production. Even if employees at auto and chip makers in Shanghai can return to production plants and work through a “closed-loop” system whereby they live on-site and test regularly, a more serious challenge would be how manufacturers can secure trucks to get materials and products delivered on time.1 Supply-chain disruptions are starting to impact China’s trade. The country’s import growth in nominal value in March dropped sharply to a 0.1% contraction (on a year-on-year basis) (Chart 7). Even though China’s exports in March expanded by 14.7% from a year ago, exports are below that of its Asian manufacturing neighbors, such as South Korea and Vietnam (Chart 8). Chart 7Chinese Import Growth Fell Into Contraction In March Chinese Import Growth Fell Into Contraction In March Chinese Import Growth Fell Into Contraction In March Chart 8China's Export Growth Has Dropped Below That Of Vietnam And South Korea China's Export Growth Has Dropped Below That Of Vietnam And South Korea China's Export Growth Has Dropped Below That Of Vietnam And South Korea Bottom Line: The Shanghai lockdown is having spillover effects on the Yangzte River Delta region through supply-chain disruptions. Strong Post-Lockdown Rebound? Chart 9China Will Need A Stimulus That Is Comparable To 2020 China Will Need A Stimulus That Is Comparable To 2020 China Will Need A Stimulus That Is Comparable To 2020 China’s economic growth and stock prices will unlikely repeat the quick and strong recovery registered following the early 2020 lockdown. Beijing has stepped up policy supports, but the challenges from both domestic conditions and the external environment are greater than in 2020. Thus, the country’s stimulus (measured by credit growth including local government bond issuance) will need to at least be similar to that of two years ago to shore up the economy (Chart 9). We are skeptical about both the magnitude and effectiveness of the stimulus in 2022, despite policymakers’ mounting efforts to support the economy. Therefore, we maintain a cautious view on Chinese risk assets (in both onshore and offshore markets).  Our view is based on the following: There may be more frequent shutdowns of business activity as China continues upholding its zero-COVID approach.  Even as we go to press, a few cities that recently recovered from COVID outbreaks have failed to resume their business and social activities. A flareup of COVID cases in the low double digits has dragged cities back to either mass COVID testing or partial city lockdowns. China’s COVID-containment measures escalated when the country’s business activity was already weak which was vastly different from prior to Q1 2020 when the economy was improving (Chart 10). Sentiment among the corporate and household sectors has been beaten down following two years of struggling with COVID, and the sectors’ propensities to invest or spend have been further dampened from last year’s harsh regulatory crackdowns (Chart 11).  Chart 10Business Cycle Was On A Downtrend When Omicron Hit... Business Cycle Was On A Downtrend When Omicron Hit... Business Cycle Was On A Downtrend When Omicron Hit... Chart 11...Sentiment Among Private Sector Has Been Downbeat ...Sentiment Among Private Sector Has Been Downbeat ...Sentiment Among Private Sector Has Been Downbeat Input costs are much higher now than two years ago, while demand is weaker (Chart 12). Global energy and commodity prices will remain elevated this year, while external demand for Chinese manufactured goods will dwindle (Chart 13). China’s exports as a share of the global total peaked in July last year; a strong RMB and frequent supply-chain disruptions will likely reduce competitiveness of Chinese exports. Chart 12Elevated Input Costs, Subdued Domestic Demand Elevated Input Costs, Subdued Domestic Demand Elevated Input Costs, Subdued Domestic Demand Chart 13Demand For Chinese Export Goods Will Likely Dwindle This Year Demand For Chinese Export Goods Will Likely Dwindle This Year Demand For Chinese Export Goods Will Likely Dwindle This Year Granted the Fed’s tightening, unless China is willing to tolerate meaningful currency depreciation, the PBoC has limited room to cut interest rates. The US Federal Reserve is expected to raise interest rates by 270bps over the coming 12 months, which will further tighten US dollar liquidity conditions and may exacerbate capital flows out of emerging economies. China’s 10-year government bond yield in nominal terms dropped below that of the US for the first time in a decade, prompting global investors to offload Chinese bonds at a record pace (Chart 14). The PBoC refrained from a policy rate cut last week. The move underwhelmed investors and was a sign that the central bank may be cautious in adopting a monetary policy stance that further diverges from the Fed.  Chart 14A Record Bond Market Outflow In Q1 This Year A Record Bond Market Outflow In Q1 This Year A Record Bond Market Outflow In Q1 This Year Chart 15Growth In Gov Revenue From Land Sales In Deep Contraction Growth In Gov Revenue From Land Sales In Deep Contraction Growth In Gov Revenue From Land Sales In Deep Contraction The room for further fiscal expansion is also more limited than two years ago as local governments are more constrained by funding. An expansionary fiscal policy in the past two years has pushed local governments’ debt ratios2 up by more than 20 percentage points to above the international standard of 100%, while the property market slump has led to a deep contraction in local government revenues from land sales (Chart 15). ​​​​​​​ Bottom Line: Business activity will likely rebound when restrictions are eventually lifted, and the existing and/or forthcoming stimulus will work their way into the economy. However, the above mentioned hurdles suggest that China has limited room to further loosen its monetary and fiscal policies compared with two years ago, and the effectiveness of policy easing on the economy will be more muted. Jing Sima China Strategist jings@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes   1     Recently the consumer and auto division head of Huawei Technologies warned that “If Shanghai cannot resume production by May, all of the tech and industrial players that have supply chains in the area will come to a complete halt, especially the automotive industry.” "China’s Auto Industry May Grind to a Halt Amid Shanghai Lockdown", Caixin Global 2     Measured by local governments’ total debt including general and special-purpose bonds, divided by their overall fiscal balance. ​​​​​​​ Strategic Themes Cyclical Recommendations

Executive Summary Macron Still Favored, But Le Pen Cannot Be Ruled Out Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Macron is still favored to win the French election but Le Pen’s odds are 45%. Le Pen would halt France’s neoliberal structural reforms, paralyze EU policymaking, and help Russia’s leverage in Ukraine. But she would lack legislative support and would not fatally wound the EU or NATO. European political risk will remain high in Germany, Italy, and Spain. Favor UK equities on a relative basis. Financial markets are complacent about Russian geopolitical risk again. Steer clear of eastern European assets. Do not bottom feed in Chinese stocks. China faces social unrest. North Korean geopolitical risk is back. Australia’s election is an opportunity, not a risk. Stay bullish on Latin America. Prefer Brazil over India. Stay negative on Turkey and Pakistan.   Trade Recommendation Inception Date Return TACTICALLY LONG US 10-YEAR TREASURY 2022-04-14   Bottom Line: Go long the US 10-year Treasury on geopolitical risk and near-term peak in inflation. Feature Last year we declared that European political risk had reached a bottom and had nowhere to go but up. Great power rivalry with Russia primarily drove this view but we also argued that our structural theme of populism and nationalism would feed into it. Related Report  Geopolitical StrategyThe Geopolitical Consequences Of The Ukraine War In other words, the triumph of the center-left political establishment in the aftermath of Covid-19 would be temporary. The narrow French presidential race highlights this trend. President Emmanuel Macron is still favored but Marine Le Pen, his far-right, anti-establishment opponent, could pull off an upset victory on April 24. The one thing investors can be sure of is that France’s ability to pursue neoliberal structural reforms will be limited even if Macron wins, since he will lack the mandate he received in 2017. Our GeoRisk Indicators this month suggest that global political trends are feeding into today’s stagflationary macroeconomic context. Market Complacent About Russia Again Global financial markets are becoming complacent about European security once again. Markets have begun to price a slightly lower geopolitical risk for Russia after it withdrew military forces from around Kyiv in an open admission that it failed to overthrow the government. However, western sanctions are rising, not falling, and Russia’s retreat from Kyiv means it will need to be more aggressive in the south and east (Chart 1). Chart 1Russia: GeoRisk Indicator Russia: GeoRisk Indicator Russia: GeoRisk Indicator Russia has not achieved its core aim of a militarily neutral Ukraine – so it will escalate the military effort to achieve its aim. Any military failure in the east and south would humiliate the Putin regime and make it more unpredictable and dangerous. The West has doubled down on providing Ukraine with arms and hitting Russia with sanctions (e.g. imposing a ban on Russian coal). Germany prevented an overnight ban on Russian oil and natural gas imports but the EU is diversifying away from Russian energy rapidly. Sanctions that eat away at Russia’s export revenues will force it to take a more aggressive posture now, to achieve a favorable ceasefire before funding runs out. Sweden and Finland are reviewing whether to join NATO, with recommendations due by June. Russia will rattle sabers to underscore its red line against NATO enlargement and will continue to threaten “serious military-political repercussions” if these states try to join. We would guess they would remain neutral as a decision to join NATO could lead to a larger war. Bottom Line: Global equities will remain volatile due to a second phase of the war and potential Russian threats against Ukraine’s backers. European equities and currency, especially in emerging Europe, will suffer a persistent risk premium until a ceasefire is concluded. What If Le Pen Wins In France? By contrast with the war in Ukraine, the French election is a short-term source of political risk. A surprise Le Pen victory would shake up the European political establishment but investors should bear in mind that it would not revolutionize the continent or the world, as Le Pen’s powers would be limited. Unlike President Trump in 2017, she would not take office with her party gaining full control of the legislature. Le Pen rallied into the first round of the election on April 10, garnering 23% of the vote, up from 21% in 2017. This is not a huge increase in support but her odds of winning this time are much better than in 2017 because the country has suffered a series of material shocks to its stability. Voters are less enthusiastic about President Macron and his centrist political platform. Macron, the favorite of the political establishment, received 28% of the first-round vote, up from 24% in 2017. Thus he cannot be said to have disappointed expectations, though he is vulnerable. The euro remains weak against the dollar and unlikely to rally until Russian geopolitical risk and French political risk are decided. The market is not fully pricing French risk as things stand (Chart 2). Chart 2France: GeoRisk Indicator France: GeoRisk Indicator France: GeoRisk Indicator The first-round election results show mixed trends. The political establishment suffered but so did the right-wing parties (Table 1). The main explanation is that left-wing, anti-establishment candidate Jean-Luc Mélenchon beat expectations while the center-right Republicans collapsed. Macron is leading Le Pen by only five percentage points in the second-round opinion polling as we go to press (Chart 3). Macron has maintained this gap throughout the race so far and both candidates are very well known to voters. But Le Pen demonstrated significant momentum in the first round and momentum should never be underestimated. Table 1Results Of France’s First-Round Election Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) ​​​​​​ Chart 3French Election: Macron Maintains Lead French Election: Macron Maintains Lead French Election: Macron Maintains Lead ​​​​​​ Are the polls accurate? Anti-establishment candidates outperformed their polling by 7 percentage points in the first round. Macron, the right-wing candidates, and the pro-establishment candidates all underperformed their March and April polls (Chart 4). Hence investors should expect polls to underrate Le Pen in the second round. Chart 4French Polls Fairly Accurate Versus First-Round Results Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Given the above points, it is critical to determine which candidate will gather the most support from voters whose first preference got knocked out in the first round. The strength of anti-establishment feeling means that the incumbent is vulnerable while ideological camps may not be as predictable as usual. Mélenchon has asked his voters not to give a single vote to Le Pen but he has not endorsed Macron. About 21% of his supporters say they will vote for Le Pen. Only a little more of them said they would vote for Macron, at 27% (Chart 5). Chart 5To Whom Will Voters Drift? Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Diagram 1, courtesy of our European Investment Strategy, illustrates that Macron is favored in both scenarios but Le Pen comes within striking distance under certain conservative assumptions about vote switching. Diagram 1Extrapolating France’s First-Round Election To The Second Round Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Macron’s approval rating has improved since the pandemic. This is unlike the situation in other liberal democracies (Chart 6). Chart 6Macron Handled Pandemic Reasonably Well Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) The pandemic is fading and the economy reviving. Unemployment has fallen from 8.9% to 7.4% over the course of the pandemic. Real wage growth, at 5.8%, is higher than the 3.3% that prevailed when Macron took office in 2017 (Chart 7). Chart 7Real Wages A Boon For Macron Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) But these positives do not rule out a Le Pen surprise. The nation has suffered not one but a series of historic shocks – the pandemic, inflation, and the war in Ukraine. Inflation is rising at 5.1%, pushing the “Misery Index” (inflation plus unemployment) to 12%, higher than when Macron took office, even if lower than the EU average (Chart 8). Chart 8Misery Index The Key Threat To Macron Misery Index The Key Threat To Macron Misery Index The Key Threat To Macron   Le Pen has moderated her populist message and rebranded her party in recent years to better align with the median French voter. She claims that she will not pursue a withdrawal from the European Union or the Euro Area currency union. This puts her on the right side of the one issue that disqualified her from the presidency in the past. Yet French trust in the EU is declining markedly, which suggests that Le Pen is in step with the median voter on wanting greater French autonomy (Chart 9). Le Pen’s well-known sympathy toward Vladimir Putin and Russia is a liability in the context of Russian aggression in Ukraine. Only 35% of French people had a positive opinion of Russia back in 2019, whereas 50% had a favorable view of NATO, and the gap has likely grown as a result of the invasion (Chart 10). However, the historic bout of inflation suggests that economic policy could be the most salient issue for voters rather than foreign policy. Chart 9Le Pen Only Electable Because She Accepted Europe Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) ​​​​​ Chart 10Le Pen’s NATO Stance Not Disqualifying Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) ​​​​​ Le Pen’s economic platform is fiscally liberal and protectionist, which will appeal to voters upset over the rising cost of living and pressures of globalization. She wants to cut the income tax and value-added tax, while reversing Macron’s attempt at raising the retirement age and reforming the pension system. France’s tax rates on income, and on gasoline and diesel, are higher than the OECD average. In other words, Macron is running on painful structural reform while Le Pen is running on fiscal largesse. This is another reason to take seriously the risk of a Le Pen victory. What should investors expect if Le Pen pulls off an upset? France’s attempt at neoliberal structural reforms would grind to a halt. While Le Pen may not be able to pass domestic legislation, she would be able to halt the implementation of Macron’s reforms. Productivity and the fiscal outlook would suffer. Le Pen’s ability to change domestic policy will be limited by the National Assembly, which is due for elections from June 12-19. Her party, the National Rally (formerly the Front National), has never won more than 20% of local elections and performed poorly in the 2017 legislative vote. Investors should wait to see the results of the legislative election before drawing any conclusions about Le Pen’s ability to change domestic policy. France’s foreign policy would diverge from Europe’s. If Le Pen takes the presidency, she will put France at odds with Brussels, Berlin, and Washington, in much the same way that President Trump did. She would paralyze European policymaking. Yet Le Pen alone cannot take France out of the EU. The French public’s negative view of the EU is not the same as a majority desire to leave the bloc – and support for the euro currency stands at 69%. Le Pen does not have the support for “Frexit,” French exit from the EU. Moreover European states face immense pressures to work together in the context of global Great Power Rivalry. Independently they are small compared to the US, Russia, and China. Hence the EU will continue to consolidate as a geopolitical entity over the long run. Russia, however, would benefit from Le Pen’s presidency in the context of Ukraine ceasefire talks. EU sanctions efforts would freeze in place. Le Pen could try to take France out of NATO, though she would face extreme opposition from the military and political establishment. If she succeeded on her own executive authority, the result would be a division among NATO’s ranks in the face of Russia. This cannot be ruled out: if the US and Russia are fighting a new Cold War, then it is not unfathomable that France would revert to its Cold War posture of strategic independence. However, while France withdrew from NATO’s integrated military command from 1966-2009, it never withdrew fully from the alliance and was always still implicated in mutual defense. In today’s context, NATO’s deterrent capability would not be much diminished but Le Pen’s administration would be isolated. Russia would be unable to give any material support to France’s economy or national defense. Bottom Line: Macron is still favored for re-election but investors should upgrade Le Pen’s chances to a subjective 45%. If she wins, the euro will suffer a temporary pullback and French government bond spreads will widen over German bunds. The medium-term view on French equities and bonds will depend on her political capability, which depends on the outcome of the legislative election from June 12-19. She will likely be stymied at home and only capable of tinkering with foreign policy. But if she has legislative support, her agenda is fiscally stimulative and would produce a short-term sugar high for French corporate earnings. However, it would be negative for long-term productivity. UK, Italy, Spain: Who Else Faces Populism? Chart 11Rest Of Europe: GeoRisk Indicators Rest Of Europe: GeoRisk Indicators Rest Of Europe: GeoRisk Indicators Between Russian geopolitical risk and French political risk, other European countries are likely to see their own geopolitical risk premium rise (Chart 11). But these countries have their own domestic political dynamics that contribute to the reemergence of European political risk. Germany’s domestic political risk is relatively low but it faces continued geopolitical risk in the form of Russia tensions, China’s faltering economy, and potentially French populism (Chart 11, top panel). In Italy, the national unity coalition that took shape under Prime Minister Mario Draghi was an expedient undertaken in the face of the pandemic. As the pandemic fades, a backlash will take shape among the large group of voters who oppose the EU and Italian political establishment. The Italian establishment has distributed the EU recovery funds and secured the Italian presidency as a check on future populist governments. But it may not be able to do more than that before the next general election in June 2023, which means that populism will reemerge and increase the political risk premium in Italian assets going forward (Chart 11, second panel). Spain is still a “divided nation” susceptible to a rise in political risk ahead of the general election due by December 10, 2023. However, the conservative People’s Party, the chief opposition party, has suffered from renewed infighting, which gives temporary relief to the ruling Socialist Worker’s Party of Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez. The Russia-Ukraine issue caused some minor divisions within the government but they are not yet leading to any major political crisis, as nationwide pro-Ukraine sentiment is largely unified. The Andalusia regional election, which is expected this November, will be a check point for the People’s Party’s new leadership and a test run for next year’s general election. Andalusia is the most populous autonomous community in Spain, consisting about 17% of the seats in the congress (the lower house). The risk for Sanchez and the Socialists is that the opposition has a strong popular base and this fact combined with the stagflationary backdrop will keep political polarization high and undermine the government’s staying power (Chart 11, third panel). While Prime Minister Boris Johnson has survived the scandal over attending social events during Covid lockdowns, as we expected, nevertheless the Labour Party is starting to make a comeback that will gain momentum ahead of the 2024 general election. Labour is unlikely to embrace fiscal austerity or attempt to reverse Brexit anytime soon. Hence the UK’s inflationary backdrop will persist (Chart 11, fourth panel). Bottom Line: European political risk has bottomed and will rise in the coming months and years, although the EU and Eurozone will survive. We still favor UK equities over developed market equities (excluding the US) because they are heavily tilted toward consumer staples and energy sectors. Stay long GBP-CZK. Favor European defense stocks over tech. Prefer Spanish stocks over Italian. China: Social Unrest More Likely China’s historic confluence of internal and external risks continues – and hence it is too soon for global investors to try to bottom-feed on Chinese investable equities (Chart 12). A tactical opportunity might emerge for non-US investors in 2023 but now is not the right time to buy. Chart 12China: GeoRisk Indicator China: GeoRisk Indicator China: GeoRisk Indicator In domestic politics, the reversion to autocracy under Xi is exacerbating the economic slowdown. True, Beijing is stimulating the economy by means of its traditional monetary and fiscal tools. The latest data show that the total social financing impulse is reviving, primarily on the back of local government bonds (Chart 13). Yet overall social financing is weaker because private sector sentiment remains downbeat. The government is pursuing excessively stringent social restrictions in the face of the pandemic. Beijing is doubling down on “Covid Zero” policy by locking down massive cities such as Shanghai. The restrictions will fail to prevent the virus from spreading. They are likely to engender social unrest, which we flagged as our top “Black Swan” risk this year and is looking more likely. Lockdowns will also obstruct production and global supply chains, pushing up global goods inflation. Meanwhile the property sector continues to slump on the back of weak domestic demand, large debt levels, excess capacity, regulatory scrutiny, and negative sentiment. Consumer borrowing appetite and general animal spirits are weak in the face of the pandemic and repressive political environment (Chart 14). Chart 13China's Stimulus Has Clearly Arrived China's Stimulus Has Clearly Arrived China's Stimulus Has Clearly Arrived ​​​​​​ Chart 14Yet Chinese Animal Spirits Still Suffering Yet Chinese Animal Spirits Still Suffering Yet Chinese Animal Spirits Still Suffering ​​​​​​ Hence China will be exporting slow growth and inflation – stagflation – to the rest of the world until after the party congress. At that point President Xi will feel politically secure enough to “let 100 flowers bloom” and try to improve economic sentiment at home and abroad. This will be a temporary phenomenon (as were the original 100 flowers under Chairman Mao) but it will be notable for 2023. In foreign politics, Russia’s attack on Ukraine has accelerated the process of Russo-Chinese alliance formation. This partnership will hasten US containment strategy toward China and impose a much faster economic transition on China as it pursues self-sufficiency. The result will be a revival of US-China tensions. The implications are negative for the rest of Asia Pacific: Taiwanese geopolitical risk will continue rising for reasons we have outlined in previous reports. In addition, Taiwanese equities are finally starting to fall off from the pandemic-induced semiconductor rally (Chart 15). The US and others are also pursuing semiconductor supply security, which will reduce Taiwan’s comparative advantage. Chart 15Taiwan: GeoRisk Indicator Taiwan: GeoRisk Indicator Taiwan: GeoRisk Indicator South Korea faces paralysis and rising tensions with North Korea. The presidential election on May 9 brought the conservatives back into the Blue House. The conservative People Power Party’s candidate, Yoon Suk-yeol, eked out a narrow victory that leaves him without much political capital. His hands are also tied by the National Assembly, at least for the next two years. He will attempt to reorient South Korean foreign policy toward the US alliance and away from China. He will walk away from the “Moonshine” policy of engagement with North Korea, which yielded no fruit over the past five years. North Korea has responded by threatening a nuclear missile test, restarting intercontinental ballistic missile tests for the first time since 2017, and adopting a more aggressive nuclear deterrence policy in which any South Korean attack will ostensibly be punished by a massive nuclear strike. Tensions on the peninsula are set to rise (Chart 16). Three US aircraft carrier groups are around Japan today, despite the war in Europe (where two are placed), suggesting high threat levels. Chart 16South Korea: GeoRisk Indicator South Korea: GeoRisk Indicator South Korea: GeoRisk Indicator Australia’s elections present opportunity rather than risk. Prime Minister Scott Morrison formally scheduled them for May 21. The Australian Labor Party is leading in public opinion and will perform well. The election threatens a change of parties but not a drastic change in national policy – populist parties are weak. No major improvement in China relations should be expected. Any temporary improvement, as with the Biden administration, will be subject to reversal due to China’s long-term challenge to the liberal international order. Cyclically the Australian dollar and equities stand to benefit from the global commodity upcycle as well as relative geopolitical security due to American security guarantees (Chart 17). Chart 17Australia: GeoRisk Indicator Australia: GeoRisk Indicator Australia: GeoRisk Indicator Bottom Line: China’s reversion to autocracy will keep global sentiment negative on Chinese equities until 2023 at earliest. Stay short the renminbi and Taiwanese dollar. Favor the Japanese yen over the Korean won. Favor South Korean over Taiwanese equities. Look favorably on the Australian dollar. Turkey, South Africa, And … Canada Turkish geopolitical risk will remain elevated in the context of a rampant Russia, NATO’s revival and tensions with Russia, the threat of commerce destruction and accidents in the Black Sea region, domestic economic mismanagement, foreign military adventures, and the threat posed to the aging Erdogan regime by the political opposition in the wake of the pandemic and the lead-up to the 2023 elections (Chart 18). Chart 18Turkey: GeoRisk Indicator Turkey: GeoRisk Indicator Turkey: GeoRisk Indicator While we are tactically bullish on South African equities and currency, we expect South African political risk to rise steadily into the 2024 general election. Almost a year has passed since the civil unrest episode of 2021. Covid-19 lockdowns have been lifted and the national state of disaster has ended, which has helped quell social tensions. This is evident in the decline of our South Africa GeoRisk indicator from 2021 highs (Chart 19). While fiscal austerity is under way in South Africa, we have argued that fiscal policy will reverse course in time for the 2024 election. In this year’s fiscal budget, the budget deficit is projected to narrow from -6% to -4.2% over the next two years. Government has increased tax revenue collection through structural reforms that are rooting out corruption and wasteful expenditure. But the ANC will have to tap into government spending to shore up lost support come 2024. Thus South Africa benefits tactically from commodity prices but cyclically the currency is vulnerable. Chart 19South Africa: GeoRisk Indicator South Africa: GeoRisk Indicator South Africa: GeoRisk Indicator Canadian political risk will rise but that should not deter investors from favoring Canadian assets that are not exposed to the property bubble. Prime Minister Justin Trudeau has had a net negative approval rating since early 2021 and his government is losing political capital due to inflation, social unrest, and rising difficulties with housing affordability (Chart 20). While he does not face an election until 2025, the Conservative Party is developing more effective messaging. Chart 20Canada: GeoRisk Indicator Canada: GeoRisk Indicator Canada: GeoRisk Indicator India Will Stay Neutral But Lean Toward The West Chart 21Sino-Pak Alliance’s Geopolitical Power Is Thrice That Of India Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) US President Joe Biden has openly expressed his administration’s displeasure regarding India’s response to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. This has led many to question the strength of Indo-US relations and the direction of India’s geopolitical alignments. To complicate matters, China’s overtures towards India have turned positive lately, leading clients to ask if a realignment in Indo-China relations is nigh. To accurately assess India’s long-term geopolitical propensities, it is important to draw a distinction between ‘cyclical’ and ‘structural’ dynamics that are at play today. Such a distinction yields crystal-clear answers about India’s strategic geopolitical leanings. In specific: Indo-US Relations Will Strengthen On A Strategic Horizon: As the US’s and China’s grand strategies collide, minor and major geopolitical earthquakes are bound to take place in South Asia and the Indo-Pacific. Against this backdrop, India will strategically align with the US to strengthen its hand in the region (Chart 21). While the Russo-Ukrainian war is a major global geopolitical event, for India this is a side-show at best. True, India will retain aspects of its historic good relations with Russia. Yet countering China’s encirclement of India is a far more fundamental concern for India. Since Russia has broken with Europe, and China cannot reject Russia’s alliance, India will gradually align with the US and its allies. India And China Will End Up As A Conflicting Dyad: Strategic conflict between the two Asian powers is likely because China’s naval development and its Eurasian strategy threaten India’s national security and geopolitical imperatives, while India’s alliances are adding to China’s distrust of India. Thus any improvement in Sino-Indian diplomatic relations will be short-lived. The US will constantly provide leeway for India in its attempts to court India as a key player in the containment strategy against China. The US and its allies are the premier maritime powers and upholders of the liberal world order – India serves its national interest better by joining them rather than joining China in a risky attempt to confront the US navy and revolutionize the world order. Indo-Russian Relations Are Bound To Fade In The Long Run: India will lean towards the US over the next few years for reasons of security and economics. But India’s movement into America’s sphere of influence will be slow – and that is by design. India is testing waters with America through networks like the Quadrilateral Dialogue. It sees its historic relationship with Russia as a matter of necessity in the short run and a useful diversification strategy in the long run. True, India will maintain a trading relationship with Russia for defense goods and cheap oil. But this trade will be transactional and is not reason enough for India to join Russia and China in opposing US global leadership. While these factors will mean that Indo-Russian relations are amicable over a cyclical horizon, this relationship is bound to fade over a strategic horizon as China and Russia grow closer and the US pursues its grand strategy of countering China and Russia. Bottom Line: India may appear to be neutral about the Russo-Ukrainian war but India will shed its historical stance of neutrality and veer towards America’s sphere of influence on a strategic timeframe. India is fully aware of its strategic importance to both the American camp and the Russo-Chinese camp. It thus has the luxury of making its leanings explicit after extracting most from both sides. Long Brazil / Short India Brazil’s equity markets have been on a tear. MSCI Brazil has outperformed MSCI EM by 49% in 2022 YTD. Brazil’s markets have done well because Brazil is a commodity exporter and the war in Ukraine has little bearing on faraway Latin America. This rally will have legs although Brazil’s political risks will likely pick back up in advance of the election (Chart 22). The reduction in Brazil’s geopolitical risk so far this year has been driven mainly by the fact that the currency has bounced on the surge in commodity prices. In addition, former President Lula da Silva is the current favorite to win the 2022 presidential elections – Lula is a known quantity and not repugnant to global financial institutions (Chart 23). Chart 22Brazil's Markets Have Benefitted From Rising Commodity Prices Brazil's Markets Have Benefitted From Rising Commodity Prices Brazil's Markets Have Benefitted From Rising Commodity Prices Chart 23Brazil: Watch Out For Political Impact Of Commodity Prices Brazil: Watch Out For Political Impact Of Commodity Prices Brazil: Watch Out For Political Impact Of Commodity Prices Whilst there is no denying that the first-round effects of the Ukraine war have been positive for Brazil, there is a need to watch out for the second-round effects of the war as Latin America’s largest economy heads towards elections. Surging prices will affect two key constituencies in Brazil: consumers and farmers. Consumer price inflation in Brazil has been ascendant and adding to Brazil’s median voter’s economic miseries. Rising inflation will thus undermine President Jair Bolsonaro’s re-election prospects further. The fact that energy prices are a potent polling issue is evinced by the fact that Bolsonaro recently sacked the chief executive of Petrobras (i.e. Brazil’s largest listed company) over rising fuel costs. Furthermore, Brazil is a leading exporter of farm produce and hence also a large importer of fertilizers. Fertilizer prices have surged since the war broke out. This is problematic for Brazil since Russia and Belarus account for a lion’s share of Brazil’s fertilizer imports. Much like inflation in general, the surge in fertilizer prices will affect the elections because some of the regions that support Bolsonaro also happen to be regions whose reliance on agriculture is meaningful (Map 1). They will suffer from higher input prices. Map 1States That Supported Bolso, Could Be Affected By Fertilizer Price Surge Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Chart 24Long Brazil Financials / Short India Long Brazil Financials / Short India Long Brazil Financials / Short India Given that Bolsonaro continues to lag Lula on popularity ratings – and given the adverse effect that higher commodity prices will have on Brazil’s voters – we expect Bolsonaro to resort to fiscal populism or attacks on Brazil’s institutions in a last-ditch effort to cling to power. He could even be emboldened by the fact that Sérgio Moro, the former judge and corruption fighter, decided to pull out of the presidential race. This could provide a fillip to Bolso’s popularity. Bottom Line: Brazil currently offers a buying opportunity owing to attractive valuations and high commodity prices. But investors should stay wary of latent political risks in Brazil, which could manifest themselves as presidential elections draw closer. We urge investors to take-on only selective tactical exposure in Brazil for now. Equities appear cheap but political and macro risks abound. To play the rally yet stave off political risk, we suggest a tactical pair trade: Long Brazil Financials / Short India (Chart 24). Whilst we remain constructive on India on a strategic horizon, for the next 12 months we worry about near-term macro and geopolitical headwinds as well as India’s rich valuations. Don’t Buy Into Pakistan’s Government Change Chart 25Pakistan’s Military Is Unusually Influential Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) The newest phase in Pakistan’s endless cycle of political instability has begun. Prime Minister Imran Khan has been ousted. A new coalition government and a new prime minister, Shehbaz Sharif, have assumed power. Prime Minister Sharif’s appointment may make it appear like risks imposed by Pakistan have abated. After all, Sharif is seen as a good administrator and has signaled an interest in mending ties with India. But despite the appearance of a regime change, geopolitical risks imposed by Pakistan remain intact for three sets of reasons: Military Is Still In Charge: Pakistan’s military has been and remains the primary power center in the country (Chart 25). Former Prime Minister Khan’s rise to power was possible owing to the military’s support and he fell for the same reason. Since the military influences the civil administration as well as foreign policy, a lasting improvement in Indo-Pak relations is highly unlikely. Risk Of “Rally Round The Flag” Diversion: General elections are due in Pakistan by October 2023. Sharif is acutely aware of the stiff competition he will face at these elections. His competitors exist outside as well as inside his government. One such contender is Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari of the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), which is a key coalition partner of the new government that assumed power. Imran Khan himself is still popular and will plot to return to power. Against such a backdrop the newly elected PM is highly unlikely to pursue an improvement in Indo-Pak relations. Such a strategy will adversely affect his popularity and may also upset the military. Hence we highlight the risk of the February 2021 Indo-Pak ceasefire being violated in the run up to Pakistan’s general elections. India’s government has no reason to prevent tensions, given its own political calculations and the benefits of nationalism. Internal Social Instability Poor: Pakistan is young but the country can be likened to a social tinderbox. Many poor youths, a weak economy, and inadequate political valves to release social tensions make for an explosive combination. Pakistan remains a source of geopolitical risk for the South Asian region. Some clients have inquired as to whether the change of government in Pakistan implies closer relations with the United States. The US has less need for Pakistan now that it has withdrawn from Afghanistan. It is focused on countering Russia and China. As such the US has great need of courting India and less need of courting Pakistan. Pakistan will remain China’s ally and will struggle to retain significant US assistance. Bottom Line: We remain strategic sellers of Pakistani equities. Pakistan must contend with high internal social instability, a weak democracy, a weak economy and an unusually influential military. As long as the military remains excessively influential in Pakistan, its foreign policy stance towards India will stay hostile. Yet the military will remain influential because Pakistan exists in a permanent geopolitical competition with India. And until Pakistan’s economy improves structurally and endemically, its alliance with China will stay strong. Investment Takeaways Cyclically go long US 10-year Treasuries. Geopolitical risks are historically high and rising but complacency is returning to markets. Meanwhile inflation is nearing a cyclical peak. Favor US stocks over global. It is too soon to go long euro or European assets, especially emerging Europe. Favor UK equities over developed markets (excluding the US). Stay long GBP-CZK. Favor European defense stocks over European tech. Stay short the Chinese renminbi and Taiwanese dollar. Favor the Japanese yen over the Korean won. Favor South Korean over Taiwanese equities.   Matt Gertken Chief Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Ritika Mankar, CFA Editor/Strategist ritika.mankar@bcaresearch.com Jesse Anak Kuri Associate Editor Jesse.Kuri@bcaresearch.com Yushu Ma Research Analyst yushu.ma@bcaresearch.com Guy Russell Senior Analyst GuyR@bcaresearch.com Alice Brocheux Research Associate alice.brocheux@bcaresearch.com   Strategic Themes Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Regional Geopolitical Risk Matrix Section III: Geopolitical Calendar