Commodities & Energy Sector

Executive Summary Energy and National Security Will Drive the Market Energy and National Security Will Drive the Market Energy and National Security Will Drive the Market Our 2022 key views are broadly on track. Biden’s shift from domestic to foreign policy is dominating the other views.   However, Democrats still have a 65% chance of passing a reconciliation bill that will raise taxes to pay for green energy and prescription drug caps. Then gridlock will set in. The US is developing a new national consensus. Generational change is promoting the shift to proactive fiscal policy to address the country’s social unrest and rising foreign policy challenges. Polarization is still at peak levels in the short term but will fall over the coming decade as the US pursues “nation building” at home while confronting geopolitical rivals. The return of Big Government is being priced into the bond market today. But it will be Limited Big Government, as the sharp spike in inflation today will provoke a backlash. Recommendation Inception Level Inception Date Return Long Aerospace And Defense Vs. Broad Market (Cyclical)   30-Mar-22   Long Oil And Gas Transportation And Storage Vs. Broad Market (Cyclical)   30-Mar-22   Long Refinitive Renewable Energy Vs. Broad Market (Tactical)   30-Mar-22   Bottom Line: Investors dedicated to the US market should stay tactically defensive. Cyclically favor the new US policy consensus on national defense, infrastructure, cyber security, and energy security. Feature The title of our annual outlook was “Gridlock Begins Before The Midterms.” We argued that Biden would still have some room for legislative maneuver in the first half of 2022 but that checks and balances would grow as the year went on. Checks will grow due to (1) the looming midterm elections; (2) Biden’s falling political capital and need to rely on executive action; (3) rising foreign policy challenges. Of these, foreign policy has proven decisive, with Russia invading Ukraine and the US and Europe imposing economic sanctions. The resulting energy shock is adding to inflation, weighing on consumer confidence, stock market multiples, and investor sentiment (Chart 1). Having said that, we also argued that congressional Democrats still had enough political capital to pass a watered-down fiscal 2022 budget reconciliation bill before the scene of action shifted to the White House. The second quarter is the last chance for this prediction to come true – and we are sticking with our 65% odds. The reconciliation bill will be even more watered down than we expected. But the point is that fiscal policy – especially tax hikes – can still move markets in the second quarter, even though inflation, the Fed, and the war will have a bigger influence. Chart 1US Seeks National Security And Energy Security US Seeks National Security And Energy Security US Seeks National Security And Energy Security Related Report  US Political Strategy2022 Key Views: Gridlock Begins Before The Midterms The war in Europe is clearly the most important political, geopolitical, and policy dynamic for investors this year. It is prompting some important congressional action that speaks to Biden’s room for maneuver in the first half of the year. In so doing it reinforces our long-term themes of “Peak Polarization” and “Limited Big Government.” As Americans face rising foreign policy challenges, a new bipartisanship is emerging, particularly on industrial and trade policy. Checking Up On Our Three Key Views For 2022 Here are our three key trends for 2022 with comments about their development over the past three months: 1.   From Single-Party Rule To Gridlock: We argued that the Biden administration would pass a watered-down reconciliation bill on a party-line vote by June at latest. Then Congress would grind to a halt for election campaigning, to be followed by Republicans taking one or both chambers of Congress, restoring gridlock and making it hard to pass major legislation from the second half of 2022 through 2024. This view is still generally on track. The basis for believing that a bill will still pass is that the Democrats are in trouble in the midterms and badly need a legislative victory. Public opinion polls suggest they face a beating reminiscent of President Trump and the Republicans in 2018 (Chart 2). Democrats trail Republicans in enthusiasm. Only about 45% of Democrats and 42% of Biden voters are enthusiastic to vote, while 50% of Republicans and 54% of Trump voters are enthusiastic. Men, who lean Republican, are more enthusiastic than women, by 51% to 38%, according to the pollster Morning Consult.1 With the economy and foreign policy rising as the most important issues of the election, Democrats have lost their key issues of health care and the pandemic. Notably Democrats have also lost ground on traditional strengths like education. However, the Ukraine war has put a new emphasis on energy security which Democrats are harnessing to repackage their climate agenda. Hence Democrats will make a last-ditch effort to pass a reconciliation bill before the summer campaigning gets under way. The “Build Back Better” plan was always going to be watered down but now it will be extensively revised. The bill will now have to be closer to neutral in its impact on the deficit so as not to feed inflation. Public opinion polls back in January, when the bill was primarily a social welfare bill, showed 61% of political independents in favor, not to mention 85% of Democrats. A majority of independents supported the bill even when asked about each provision separately and when the tax hikes were made plain.2 By halting progress on the left-wing version of the bill that the House of Representatives passed late last year, West Virginia Senator Joe Manchin saved his party from passing a highly stimulative fiscal bill in the middle of the biggest outbreak of inflation since the 1980s, when the output gap was virtually closed (Chart 3). Chart 2Democrats Not Faring Much Better Than Trump Republicans In 2018 Second Quarter Outlook: Gridlock Looms Second Quarter Outlook: Gridlock Looms Chart 3Output Gap Closed, No More Stimulus Needed Output Gap Closed, No More Stimulus Needed Output Gap Closed, No More Stimulus Needed Now Manchin will face a “Build Back Slimmer” bill that will be harder to oppose when Congress comes back from Easter.3 Our research over the past year suggests that Manchin is likely to vote for a bill that meets his main demands. The bill will be crafted for his approval. Manchin supports corporate tax hikes, funding for green energy transition (as long as it is not punitive toward certain sources or technologies), and a cap on prescription drug costs.4 Tax hikes, such as a minimum 15% corporate tax rate on book earnings, will be included, albeit diluted from the original proposals. Most investors have forgotten about the risk of tax hikes altogether so stock investors may not be happy that the US is hiking taxes amid inflation. Earnings estimates for the year are not reflecting any negative news, whether energy shock, or weak consumer confidence, or new taxes (Chart 4). If the bill fails to pass, equity investors may well cheer, since they are worried about inflation rather than deflation and the bill will not truly be deficit-neutral. Chart 4Inflation, War, Potentially Tax Hikes Will Weigh On Earnings Estimates Inflation, War, Potentially Tax Hikes Will Weigh On Earnings Estimates Inflation, War, Potentially Tax Hikes Will Weigh On Earnings Estimates Given Democrats’ thin majorities in both houses (222 versus 210 seats in the House and 50 versus 50 seats in the Senate), a single defection in the Senate can derail the bill, so we cannot have high conviction that it will pass. We are sticking with our 65% subjective odds. Passage of a reconciliation bill will slightly help Democrats’ fortunes ahead of the midterm but Republicans are still highly likely to win at least the House of Representatives. So the transition to gridlock will still occur. Only very rarely do ruling parties gain seats in the midterms. Biden’s loss of support among women voters is a tell-tale sign that trouble looms, as was the case for the Obama administration at this stage in its first term (Chart 5). The implication for financial markets is that the budget reconciliation bill will bring a negative surprise in the form of tax hikes that will weigh on bullish or pro-cyclical sentiment in the second quarter, at least marginally. Chart 5Women Like Biden Less Than Obama, Who Suffered Midterm Losses Second Quarter Outlook: Gridlock Looms Second Quarter Outlook: Gridlock Looms Chart 6Biden's Energy Shock Biden's Energy Shock Biden's Energy Shock 2.   From Legislative To Executive Power: Similarly we anticipated a transition from legislative action to executive action over the course of 2022. After the budget reconciliation bill is decided, the president will have to rely on executive action to achieve any policy goals. We expected this trend to derive from Biden’s regulatory aims as well as from the need to respond to rising geopolitical challenges, especially the energy shock (Chart 6). This shock is the single biggest reason for the market consensus that Democrats will lose Congress this year. The chief equity sector winner was the energy industry, as we expected. Now Biden needs to encourage rather than discourage supply. Until Biden decides whether to lift sanctions on Iran, volatility will prevail in energy markets. But Biden will condone domestic energy production, with a view to alleviating shortages prior to 2024. He will abandon his left wing and adopt the Obama administration’s permissiveness toward domestic energy, which will help oil and natural gas rig counts to rise (Chart 7). Renewable energy policy will gain traction as it will now clearly be seen in the context of national security and energy security. It also combines trade policy with national security in the form of exports to allies. The US now has a free pass to help Europe diversify away from Russian energy. Not that the US can replace Russia but merely that it can make a dent in both oil and liquefied natural gas (Chart 8). Subsidies for green energy are still likely but not a carbon tax or punitive measures toward the fossil fuel industry. Chart 7Biden Revives Obama Truce With O&G Biden Revives Obama Truce With O&G Biden Revives Obama Truce With O&G Chart 8US Helps Europe Diversify Away From Russia Second Quarter Outlook: Gridlock Looms Second Quarter Outlook: Gridlock Looms 3.   From Domestic To Foreign Policy: We fully expected Biden to be forced to pay attention to foreign affairs in 2022, despite his desire to focus on the voter ahead of midterms. We argued that he would maintain a defensive or reactive foreign policy since he would not want to create higher inflation ahead of the midterms and yet oil producers like Russia or Iran would go on offensive due to energy shortage. While Biden has imposed harsh sanctions on Russia, we still define his foreign policy as defensive rather than offensive. First, Biden is reacting to a Russian attack and will not sabotage a ceasefire. Second, Biden is carving out exceptions to US sanctions rather than disciplining or coercing allies into adopting US policy. The administration’s chief foreign policy aim is to refurbish US alliances. Hence the US condones the EU’s continued energy imports from Russia, thus ensuring that Russian energy makes it into the global market, unless the Russians cut natural gas exports (Chart 9). Nevertheless a risk to our view is that Biden will start to adopt a more offensive foreign policy, especially if Democrats are floundering ahead of the midterms. He could turn more aggressive about sanction enforcement if Russia starts bombarding Kyiv again. Or he could slap broad sanctions on China for helping Russia bypass sanctions. To be clear, we fully expect secondary sanctions on China, based on US record of doing so, but we expect them to be targeted rather than broad (Table 1). Chart 9Russian Energy Still Reaches Global Market Russian Energy Still Reaches Global Market Russian Energy Still Reaches Global Market Table 1US Will Slap China With Sanctions Over Russia – Sooner Or Later Second Quarter Outlook: Gridlock Looms Second Quarter Outlook: Gridlock Looms Foreign policy will define US politics and policy in 2022. What matters for markets is whether the energy supply shock gets worse as a result of Biden’s handling of Russia and Iran. A worse energy shock will amplify stock market volatility. On one hand, if Biden suffers a humiliating foreign policy defeat, it will reinforce the negative trends for Democrats in the 2022-24 cycle. Since Republicans, especially former President Trump, would be expected to pursue an offensive rather than defensive foreign and trade policy (e.g. toward Iran’s nuclear program and China’s economy), global economic policy uncertainty would rise and investor risk appetite would fall in this situation (Chart 10). On the other hand, investors will be surprised if Biden achieves a remarkable domestic or foreign policy success that boosts Democrats’ odds in 2022. An early ceasefire in Ukraine combined with a reconciliation bill would give Biden and Democrats a boost. Global policy uncertainty might rise anyway but it would not be super-charged and it would be flat-to-down relative to US policy uncertainty. Democrats could conceivably retain control of the Senate in the latter case. Our quantitative election model says Democrats have a 49% chance of retaining the Senate (Chart 11). This means the election is too close to call, though subjectively we would agree with the model and bet on the Republicans since they only need to gain one seat on a net basis. The model shows Georgia and Arizona flipping back to the Republican side. If the economy and opinion polling improve between now and November, the swing states will see higher probabilities of Democrats staying in power but the model is trending against Democrats and shows their odds of victory falling in every state. Chart 10US Political Outlook Affects Relative Policy Uncertainty US Political Outlook Affects Relative Policy Uncertainty US Political Outlook Affects Relative Policy Uncertainty Chart 11Senate Race Too Close To Call, But Quant Model Now Tips Republicans Second Quarter Outlook: Gridlock Looms Second Quarter Outlook: Gridlock Looms Anything that pares Democrats’ expected losses in Congress will cause US economic policy uncertainty to rise since it goes against the consensus view. Moreover if Republicans only win the House, they will be obstructionist and disruptive in 2023-24, whereas if they win all of Congress they will have to produce bills and try to compromise with Biden. Thus a Republican House but Democratic Senate would imply an increase in policy uncertainty. By contrast, anything that hurts the Democrats will reinforce current expectations and imply that tax hikes might fail, or that they will freeze after the reconciliation bill, which would be marginally positive for US equity investors in an inflationary context. Bottom Line: Democrats still have a 65% subjective chance of passing a reconciliation bill that raises taxes. Investors should favor defensives over cyclicals. Checking Up On Our Strategic Themes For The 2020s Our central long-term thesis is that generational change, social instability, and foreign policy threats are generating a new national consensus in the United States, particularly on economic policy. Hence US political polarization is peaking in the short run and will decline over the long run. The new consensus rests on proactive fiscal policy and a larger government role in the economy to reduce social unrest and improve national security. Table 2 shows our three strategic US political themes. The past year’s inflation surge and the Ukraine war will affect these themes, so we make the following points: Table 2US Political Strategy Structural Themes Second Quarter Outlook: Gridlock Looms Second Quarter Outlook: Gridlock Looms 1.   Millennials/Gen Z Rising: Labor market participation is recovering rapidly from the pandemic. However, workers older than 55 years are not rejoining rapidly, implying that retirees are staying retired and not yet chasing rising wages. Prime age women, however, are rejoining the work force, in a sign that as kids get back to school mothers can return to work (Chart 12). The implication is that the labor shortage will continue for the foreseeable future due to the generational transition but not due to any shift toward traditional values or lifestyles among young women. 2.   Peak Polarization: Polarization has fallen after the 2020 election, as expected, but will likely stay at or near peak levels over the 2022-24 election cycle (Chart 13). Chart 12Generational Shift Evident In Labor Participation Generational Shift Evident In Labor Participation Generational Shift Evident In Labor Participation Chart 13Polarization Near Peak Levels But Will Fall Over Long Run Polarization Near Peak Levels But Will Fall Over Long Run Polarization Near Peak Levels But Will Fall Over Long Run For example, Biden’s reconciliation bill will feed polarization in 2022, since it can only pass on a party-line vote. But its tax and spending programs will have majority support, will redirect funds from corporations that pay low effective tax rates toward corporations that provide renewable energy solutions. Domestic manufacturing will benefit. Another example: Another Biden-Trump showdown in 2024 will fuel polarization but 2024 or 2028 and subsequent elections will see fresh faces with updated policy platforms. The merging of trade protectionism and renewable energy exemplifies the new policy evolution. Again, with polarization at historic levels, domestic terrorism of whatever stripe is a pronounced risk in 2022 and the coming years. But any significant political violence will ultimately drive a new national consensus in favor of federalism. 3.   Limited Big Government: The story of the 2000s and 2010s was the revival of Big Government, first in the George W. Bush national security state, then in the Barack Obama liberal spending tradition, then in the big spending Republican tradition with Trump, and finally in the liberal tradition again with Biden. The combination of popular discontent at home and great power struggle abroad means that the US is unlikely to slash either social programs or defense spending. As for tax hikes, aggressive tax hikes are impractical. Biden may pass some tax hikes but the budget deficit will continue to expand over the long run (Chart 14). At the same time, the shift to Big Government is occurring with an American context. The geography, constitution, and political system militate against centralization. The return of inflation means that fiscal conservatism will also make a comeback, starting with Republicans in the House in 2023, who will oppose new spending as a standard opposition tactic. So while Big Government has returned, and bond investors are pricing this sea change by pushing up Treasury yields, nevertheless the market will also need to price the fact that the growth of government still faces structural limits. Chart 14Reconciliation Bill Will Have Miniscule Impact On Budget Outlook Second Quarter Outlook: Gridlock Looms Second Quarter Outlook: Gridlock Looms These structural themes face crosswinds in 2022. The Millennials and younger generations will not carry the day in the midterm election – the Baby Boomers and Greatest Generation will. Peak polarization will bring negative surprises for investors over the 2022-24 election cycle and potentially even in 2024-28 if Trump is reelected. A Democratic reconciliation bill will expand government programs in 2022, while Republicans will revert to big spending ways if they gain full control of government again in 2025. Nevertheless the evidence suggests that generational change, peak polarization, and limited big government will prevail over time. The younger generations favor more proactive fiscal policy. Fiscal policy will address social unrest and geopolitical threats. But big government will drive inflation, which will in turn force voters to impose limits on government over the long run. Bottom Line: The US will opt to inflate away its debt over the long run – but it will also need growth and some structural reform once the ills of inflation become fully absorbed by voters. The huge bout of inflation in 2022 is only the beginning of this political process, though it will also accelerate the process. Investment Takeaways Stocks tend to be flattish ahead of midterm elections. This includes elections when a united government becomes gridlocked as is likely in 2022-23. Equities tend to perform better after election uncertainty passes. The transition from single-party government to gridlock also tends to imply higher yields until after the election is over, at which point yields decline (Chart 15). Single-party governments can manipulate fiscal policy to try to stay in power. Chart 15Stocks Tend To Be Flat, Bond Yields High, Until After Midterm Elections Stocks Tend To Be Flat, Bond Yields High, Until After Midterm Elections Stocks Tend To Be Flat, Bond Yields High, Until After Midterm Elections Defensives are outperforming cyclicals on slowing growth, rising interest rates, rising labor costs and energy prices, and rising uncertainty. Our worst call for Q1 was our tactical long growth over value stocks. We made this trade knowing it went against our strategic approach, which has favored value over growth since we launched the US Political Strategy in January 2021. Our reasoning was that a geopolitical crisis would cause a temporary spike in energy prices but a longer drop in bond yields. In fact bond yields rose anyway. We still think tech is increasingly attractive, especially after the corporate minimum tax passes. The brief inversion of the 2-year/10-year yield curve suggests the US economy is flirting with recession. Other parts of the curve are not yet confirming this signal and there can be a long lead time between inversion and recession. However, there is not yet a ceasefire in Ukraine and certainly not a durable ceasefire. The US and Iran do not yet have a deal to avoid a major increase in geopolitical tensions. The risk of a bigger energy shock from Russia or Iran or both is significant and could shorten the cycle. We recommend going strategically long S&P 500 oil and gas transportation and storage relative to the broad market. We also recommend taking advantage of the lull in fighting in Ukraine to join our Geopolitical Strategy in going strategically long US defense stocks relative to the broad market. Tactically we recommend going long renewable energy since the Democrats’ pending reconciliation bill will benefit from broader public recognition of the need for the energy security of both the US and its allies (Chart 16). Chart 16Go Long Defense, Energy Storage, And Renewables Go Long Defense, Energy Storage, And Renewables Go Long Defense, Energy Storage, And Renewables Matt Gertken Senior Vice President Chief US Political Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com     Footnotes 1     See “National Tracking Poll,” Morning Consult and Politico, #2202029, February 5-6, 2022, assets.morningconsult.com. 2     Admittedly this poll is by a left-leaning organization but polling throughout 2021 supports the general conclusion that a majority of political independents support the key proposals. See Anika Dandekar and Ethan Winter, “Majority of Voters Still Want the Build Back Better Act Passed,” Data for Progress, January 4, 2022, dataforprogress.org. 3    See Nick Sobczyk and Nico Portuondo, “Democrats eye ‘Build Back Slimmer’ on reconciliation,” E&E News, March 24, 2022, eenews.net. 4    See Eugene Daniels, “The Left Gears Up to Take on Manchin Again,” Politico, March 29, 2022, politico.com. See also “Regan, McCarthy, Wyden talk revival of BBB,” The Fence Post, March 25, 2022, thefencepost.com.   Strategic View Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Table A2Political Risk Matrix Second Quarter Outlook: Gridlock Looms Second Quarter Outlook: Gridlock Looms Table A3US Political Capital Index Second Quarter Outlook: Gridlock Looms Second Quarter Outlook: Gridlock Looms Chart A1Presidential Election Model Second Quarter Outlook: Gridlock Looms Second Quarter Outlook: Gridlock Looms Chart A2Senate Election Model Second Quarter Outlook: Gridlock Looms Second Quarter Outlook: Gridlock Looms Table A4APolitical Capital: White House And Congress Second Quarter Outlook: Gridlock Looms Second Quarter Outlook: Gridlock Looms Table A4BPolitical Capital: Household And Business Sentiment Second Quarter Outlook: Gridlock Looms Second Quarter Outlook: Gridlock Looms Table A4CPolitical Capital: The Economy And Markets Second Quarter Outlook: Gridlock Looms Second Quarter Outlook: Gridlock Looms

Executive Summary The Good: There are compelling reasons to believe the Ukraine war will not break out into a broader NATO-Russia war, i.e. World War III. The Bad: The 1945 peace settlement is breaking down and the world is fundamentally less stable. Even if the Ukraine war is contained, other wars are likely in the coming decade. The Ugly: Russia is not a rising power but a falling power and its attempt to latch onto China will jeopardize global stability for the foreseeable future. Secular Rise In Geopolitical Risk Is Empirical The Geopolitical Consequences Of The Ukraine War The Geopolitical Consequences Of The Ukraine War Trade Recommendation Inception Date Return LONG GOLD (STRATEGIC) 2019-12-06 32.3% Bottom Line: Within international equities, favor bourses that are least exposed to secular US geopolitical conflict with Russia and China, particularly in the Americas, Western Europe, and Oceania. Feature Two weeks ago our Global Investment Strategy service wrote a report called “The Economic And Financial Consequences Of The War In Ukraine,” arguing that while the war’s impact on commodity markets and financial conditions would be significant, the global economy would continue to grow and equity prices would rise over the coming 12 months. Related Report  Geopolitical Strategy2022 Key Views: The Gathering Storm This companion special report will consider the geopolitical consequences of the Ukraine war. The primary consequence is that “Great Power Struggle” will intensify, as the return of war to Europe will force even the most pacific countries like Germany and Japan to pursue their national security with fewer illusions about the capacity for global cooperation. Globalization will continue to decay into “Hypo-Globalization” or regionalism, as the US severs ties with Russia and China and encourages its allies to do the same. Specifically, Germany will ultimately cleave to the West, China will ultimately cleave to Russia, a new shatter-belt will emerge from East Europe to the Middle East to East Asia, and US domestic politics will fall short of civil war. Given that US financial assets are already richly priced, global investors should seek to diversify into cheaper international equities that are nevertheless geopolitically secure, especially those in the Americas, western Europe, and Oceania. Global Versus Regional Wars Russia’s invasion of Ukraine is a continuation of a regional war that started in 2014. The war has been contained within Ukraine since 2014 and the latest expansion of the war is also contained so far. The war broke out because Russia views a western-allied Ukraine as an intolerable threat to its national security. Its historic grand strategy calls for buffer space against western military forces. Moscow feared that time would only deepen Ukraine’s bonds with the West, making military intervention difficult now but impossible in the future. As long as Russia fails to neutralize Ukraine in a military-strategic sense, the war will continue. President Putin cannot accept defeat or the current stalemate and will likely intensify the war until he can declare victory, at least on the goal of “de-militarization” of Ukraine. So far Ukraine’s battlefield successes and military support from NATO make a Russian victory unlikely, portending further war. If Ukraine and Russia provide each other with acceptable security guarantees, an early ceasefire is possible. But up to now  Ukraine is unwilling to accept de-militarization and the loss of Crimea and the Donbass, which are core Russian demands (Map 1). Map 1Russian Invasion Of Ukraine, 2022 The Geopolitical Consequences Of The Ukraine War The Geopolitical Consequences Of The Ukraine War Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has caused a spike in the global geopolitical risk index, which is driven by international media discourse (Chart 1). The spike confirms that geopolitical risk is on a secular upward trend. The trough occurred after the fall of the Soviet Union when the world enjoyed relative peace and prosperity. The new trend began with the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks and the US’s preemptive invasion of Iraq. This war initiated a fateful sequence in which the US became divided and distracted, Russia and China seized the opportunity to rebuild their spheres of influence, and international stability began to decline. Chart 1Secular Rise In Geopolitical Risk Is Empirical The Geopolitical Consequences Of The Ukraine War The Geopolitical Consequences Of The Ukraine War Now Russia’s invasion of Ukraine presents an opportunity for the US and its allies to rediscover their core national interests and the importance of collective security. This implies increasing strategic pressure not only on Russia but also on China and their ragtag group of allies, including Iran, Pakistan, and North Korea. The world will become even less stable in this context. Chart 2Russian War Aims Limited The Geopolitical Consequences Of The Ukraine War The Geopolitical Consequences Of The Ukraine War Still, Russia will not expand the Ukraine war to other states unless it faces regime collapse and grows desperate. The war is manifestly a stretch for Russia’s military capabilities and a larger war would weaken rather than strengthen Russia’s national security. NATO utterly overwhelms Russia’s military capacity, even if we are exceedingly generous and assume that China offers full military support along with the rest of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (Chart 2). As things stand Russia still has the hope of reducing Ukraine without destroying its economic foundation, i.e. commodity exports. But an expansion of the war would destroy the regime – and possibly large swathes of the world given the risk of nuclear weapons in such a scenario. If Russia’s strategic aim were to rebuild the Soviet Union, then it would know that it would eventually need to fight a war with NATO and would have attacked critical NATO military bases first. At very least it would have cut off Europe’s energy supplies to induce a recession and hinder the Europeans from mounting a rapid military defense. It would have made deeper arrangements for China to buy its energy prior to any of these actions. At present, about three-fifths of Russian oil is seaborne and can be easily repurposed, but its natural gas exports are fixed by pipelines and the pipeline infrastructure to the Far East is woefully lacking (Chart 3). The evidence does not suggest that Russia aims for world war. Rather, it is planning on a war limited to eastern and southern Ukraine. Chart 3Russia Gas Cutoff Would Mean Desperation, Disaster The Geopolitical Consequences Of The Ukraine War The Geopolitical Consequences Of The Ukraine War None of the great powers are willing or forced to wage war with Russia directly. The US and UK are the most removed and hence most aggressive in arming Ukraine but they are still avoiding direct involvement: they have repeatedly renounced any intention of committing troops or imposing a no-fly zone over Ukraine and they are still limiting the quality of their defense aid for fear of Russian reprisals. The EU is even more keen to avoid a larger war. Germany and France are still attempting to maintain basic level of economic integration with Russia. China is not likely to enter the war on Russia’s behalf – it will assist Russia as far as it can without breaking economic relations with Europe. The war’s limitations are positive for global investors but only marginally. The law that governs the history of war is the law of unintended consequences. Investors should absolutely worry about unintended consequences, even as they strive to be clear-headed about Russia’s limited means and ends. If Russia fails or grows desperate, if it makes mistakes or miscalculates, if the US is unresponsive and aggressive, or if lesser powers attempt to provoke greater American or European security guarantees, then the war could spiral out of control. This risk should keep every investor alive to the need to maintain a reasonable allocation to safe-haven assets.  If not, the end-game is likely a deliberate or de facto partition of Ukraine, with Russia succeeding in stripping Crimea and the Donbass from Ukraine, destroying most of its formal military capacity, and possibly installing a pro-Russian government in Kyiv. Western Ukraine will become the seat of a government in exile as well as the source of arms and materiel for the militant insurgency that will burn in eastern Ukraine. Over the course of this year Russia is likely to redouble its efforts to achieve its aims – a summer or fall campaign is likely to try to break Ukraine’s resistance. But if and when commodity revenues dry up or Russia’s economic burden becomes unbearable, then it will most likely opt for ceasefire and use Ukrainian military losses as proof of its success in de-militarizing the country. Why Germany Will Play Both Sides But Ultimately Cleave To The West A critical factor in limiting the war to Ukraine is Europe’s continued energy trade with Russia. If either Russia or Europe cuts off energy flows then it will cause an economic crash that will destabilize the societies and increase the risk of military miscalculation. German Chancellor Olaf Scholz once again rejected a European boycott of Russian energy on March 23, while US President Joe Biden visited and urged Europe to intensify sanctions. Scholz argued that no sanctions can be adopted that would hurt European consumers more than the Kremlin. Scholz’s comments related to oil as well as natural gas, although Europe has greater ability to boycott oil, implying that further oil supply tightening should be expected. Germany is not the only European power that will refuse an outright boycott of Russian energy. Russia’s closest neighbors are highly reliant on Russian oil and gas (Chart 4). It only takes a single member to veto EU sanctions. While several western private companies are eschewing business with Russia, other companies will pick up the slack and charge a premium to trade in Russian goods. Chart 4Germany Will Diversify Energy But Not Boycott Russia The Geopolitical Consequences Of The Ukraine War The Geopolitical Consequences Of The Ukraine War Chart 5Economically, Germany Will Cleave To The West Economically, Germany Will Cleave To The West Economically, Germany Will Cleave To The West Germany’s insistence on maintaining a basic level of economic integration with Russia stems from its national interest. During the last Cold War, Germany got dismembered. Germany’s whole history consists of a quest for unification and continental European empire. Modern Germany is as close to that goal as possible. What could shatter this achievement would be a severe recession that would divide the European Union, or a war in Europe that would put Germans on the front lines. An expansion of the US sanction regime to cover all of Russia and China would initiate a new cold war and Germany’s economic model would collapse due to restrictions on both the import and export side. Germany’s strategy has been to maintain security through its alliance with America while retaining independence and prosperity through economic engagement with Russia and China. The Russia side of that equation has been curtailed since 2014 and will now be sharply curtailed. Germany has also been increasing military spending, in a historic shift that echoes Japan’s strategic reawakening over the past decade in face of Chinese security competition. Chart 6Strategically, Germany Will Cleave To The West The Geopolitical Consequences Of The Ukraine War The Geopolitical Consequences Of The Ukraine War But Germany will be extremely wary of doing anything to accelerate the process of economic disengagement with China. China does not pose a clear and present military threat to Germany, though its attempt to move up the manufacturing value chain poses an economic threat over time. As long as China does not provide outright military support for Russia’s efforts in Ukraine, and does not adopt Russia’s belligerence against neighboring democracies like Taiwan, Germany will avoid imposing sanctions. This stance will not be a major problem with the US under the Biden administration, which is prioritizing solidarity with the allies, but it could become a major problem in a future Republican administration, which will seek to ramp up the strategic pressure on China. Ultimately, however, Germany will cleave to the West. Germany is undertaking a revolution in fiscal policy to increase domestic demand and reduce export dependency. Meanwhile its export-driven economy is primarily geared toward other developed markets, which rake up 70% of German exports (78% of which go to other EU members). China and the former Soviet Union pale in comparison, at 8% and 3% respectively (Chart 5). From a national security perspective Germany will also be forced to cleave to the United States. NATO vastly outweighs Russia in the military balance. But Russia vastly outweighs Germany (Chart 6). The poor performance of Russia’s military in Ukraine will not console the Germans given Russian instability, belligerence, and nuclear status. Germany has no choice but to rely on the US and NATO for national security. If the US conflict with China escalates to the point that the US demands Germany carry a greater economic cost, then Germany will eventually be forced to yield. But this shift will not occur if driven by American whim – it will only occur if driven by Chinese aggression and alliance with Russia. Which brings us to our next point: China will also strive to retain its economic relationship with Germany and Europe. Why China Will Play Both Sides But Ultimately Cleave To Russia Chart 7China Will Delay Any Break With Europe China Will Delay Any Break With Europe China Will Delay Any Break With Europe The US cannot defeat China in a war, so it will continue to penalize China’s economy. Washington aims to erode the foundations of China’s military and technological might so that it cannot create a regional empire and someday challenge the US globally. Chinese cooperation with other US rivals will provide more occasions for the US to punish China. For example, Presidents Biden and Xi Jinping talked on March 18 and Biden formally threatened China with punitive measures if Beijing provides Russia with military aid or helps Russia bypass US sanctions. Since China will help Russia bypass sanctions, US sanctions on China are likely this year, sooner or later. Europe thus becomes all the more important to China as a strategic partner, an export market, and a source of high-quality imports and technology. China needs to retain close relations as long as possible to avoid a catastrophic economic adjustment. Europe is three times larger of an export market for China than Russia and the former Soviet Union (Chart 7). Chart 8China Cannot Reject Russia The Geopolitical Consequences Of The Ukraine War The Geopolitical Consequences Of The Ukraine War When push comes to shove, however, China cannot afford to reject Russia. Russia’s decision to break ties with Europe reflects the Putin regime’s assessment that the country cannot preserve its national security against the West without allying with China. Ultimately Russia offers many of the strategic benefits that China needs. Most obviously, if China is ever forced into a military confrontation with the West, say over the status of Taiwan, it will need Russian assistance, just as Russia needs its assistance today. China’s single greatest vulnerability is its reliance on oil imported from the Persian Gulf, which is susceptible to American naval interdiction in the event of conflict. Russia and Central Asia form the second largest source of food, energy, and metals for China (Chart 8). Russia provides an overland route to the supply security that China craves. Chart 9Russia Offers Key To China's Eurasian Strategy Russia Offers Key To China's Eurasian Strategy Russia Offers Key To China's Eurasian Strategy Russia also wields immense influence in Central Asia and significant influence in the Middle East. These are the critical regions for China’s Eurasian strategy, symbolized in the Belt and Road Initiative. Chinese investment in the former Soviet Union has lagged its investment in the Middle East and the rest of Asia but the Ukraine war will change that. China will have an historic opportunity to invest in the former Soviet Union, on favorable terms, to secure strategic access all the way to the Middle East (Chart 9). China will always prioritize its East Asian neighbors as investment destinations but it will also need alternatives as the US will inevitably seek to upgrade relations with Southeast Asia. Another reason China must accept Russia’s overtures is that China is aware that it would be strategically isolated if the West pulled off a “Reverse Kissinger” maneuver and allied with Russia. This option seems far-fetched today but when President Putin dies or is overthrown it will become a fear for the Chinese. There has never been deep trust between the Chinese and Russians and the future Russian elite may reject the idea of vassalage to China. Therefore just as Russia needs China today, China will need Russia in the future. Why The Middle East Will Rumble Again The Middle East is destabilizing once again and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine will reinforce this trajectory. Most directly, the reduction in grain exports from Russia and Ukraine will have a disproportionate impact on food supplies and prices in countries like Pakistan, Turkey, Egypt, Libya, and Lebanon (Chart 10).   A new shatter-belt will take shape not only in Russia’s and China’s neighborhood, as they seek to establish spheres of influence, but also in the Middle East, which becomes more important to Europe as Europe diversifies away from Russia. Part of the strategic purpose of Russia’s invasion is to gain greater naval access to the Black Sea and Mediterranean, and hence to expand its ability to project power across the Middle East and North Africa. This is both for general strategic purposes and to gain greater leverage over Europe via its non-Russian energy and supply sources. Chart 10A New Shatter-Belt Emerging The Geopolitical Consequences Of The Ukraine War The Geopolitical Consequences Of The Ukraine War The critical strategic factor in the Middle East is the US-Iran relationship. If the two sides arrange a strategic détente, then Iranian oil reserves will be developed, the risk of Iraqi civil war will decline, and the risk of general war in the Middle East will decline. This would be an important reduction of oil supply risk in the short and medium term (Chart 11). But our base case is the opposite: we expect either no deal, or a flimsy deal that does not truly reduce regional tensions. Chart 11Middle East Still Unstable, Still Essential The Geopolitical Consequences Of The Ukraine War The Geopolitical Consequences Of The Ukraine War A US-Iran nuclear deal might come together soon – we cannot rule it out. The Biden administration is willing to lift sanctions if Iran freezes its nuclear program and pledges to reduce its militant activities in the region. Biden has reportedly even provided Russia with guarantees that it can continue trading with Iran. Theoretically the US and Russia can cooperate to prevent Iran from getting nuclear weapons. Russia’s pound of flesh is that Ukraine be neutralized as a national security threat. However, any US-Iran deal will be a short-term, stop-gap measure that will fall short of a strategic détente. Iran is an impregnable mountain fortress and has a distinct national interest in obtaining deliverable nuclear weapons. Iran will not give up the pursuit of nuclear weapons because it cannot rely on other powers for its security. Iran obviously cannot rely on the United States, as any security guarantees could be overturned with the next party change in the White House. Tehran cannot rely on the US to prevent Israel from attacking it. Therefore Iran must pursue its own national survival and security through the same means as the North Koreans. It must avoid the predicaments of Ukraine, Libya, and Iraq, which never obtained nuclear weaponization and were ultimately invaded. Insofar as Iran wants to avoid isolation, it needs to ally with Russia and China, it cannot embark on a foreign policy revolution of engagement with the West. The Russians and Chinese are unreliable but at least they have an interest in undermining the United States. The more the US is undermined, the more of a chance Iran has to make progress toward nuclear weapons without being subject to a future US attack. Chart 12Iran’s Other Nuclear Option The Geopolitical Consequences Of The Ukraine War The Geopolitical Consequences Of The Ukraine War Of course, the US and Israel have declared that nuclear weaponization is a red line. Israel is willing to attack Iran whereas Japan was not willing to attack North Korea – and where there is a will there is a way. But Iran may also believe that Israel would be unsuccessful. It would be an extremely difficult operation. The US has not shown willingness to attack states to prevent them from going nuclear. A split between the US and Israel would be an excellent foreign policy achievement for Tehran. The US may desire to pivot away from the Middle East to focus on containing Russia and China. But the Middle East is critical territory for that same containment policy. If the US abandons the region, it will become less stable until a new security order emerges. If the US stays involved in the region, it will be to contain Iran aggressively or prevent it from acquiring nuclear weapons by force. Whatever happens, the region faces instability in the coming decade and the world faces oil supply disruptions as a result. Iran has significant leverage due to its ability to shutter the Strait of Hormuz, the world’s premier oil chokepoint (Chart 12). Why A Fourth Taiwan Strait Crisis Looms Chart 13US Cannot Deter China Without Triggering Crisis US Cannot Deter China Without Triggering Crisis US Cannot Deter China Without Triggering Crisis There is a valid analogy between Ukraine and Taiwan: both receive western military support, hence both pose a fundamental threat to the national security of Russia and China. Yet both lack a mutual defense treaty that obligates the US alliance to come to their defense. This predicament led to war in Ukraine and the odds of an eventual war in Taiwan will go up for the same reason. In the past, China could not prevent the US from arming Taiwan. But it is increasingly gaining the ability to take Taiwan by force and deter the US from military intervention. The US is slated to deliver at least $8.6 billion worth of arms by 2026, a substantial increase in arms sales reminiscent of the 1990s, when the Third Taiwan Strait Crisis occurred (Chart 13). The US will learn from Russian aggression that it needs to improve its vigilance and deterrence against China over Taiwan. China will view this American response as disproportionate and unfair given that China did nothing to Ukraine. Chart 14Taiwanese Opinion Hard To Reconcile With Mainland Rule The Geopolitical Consequences Of The Ukraine War The Geopolitical Consequences Of The Ukraine War China is probably just capable of defeating Taiwan in a war but Beijing has powerful economic and political incentives not to take such an enormous risk today, on Russia’s time frame. However, if the 2022-24 election cycle in Taiwan returns the nominally pro-independence Democratic Progressive Party to power, then China may begin to conclude that peaceful reunification will be politically unachievable. Already it is clear from the steady course of Taiwanese opinion since the Great Recession that China is failing to absorb Taiwan through economic attraction (Chart 14). As China’s trend economic growth falters, it will face greater sociopolitical instability at home and an even less compelling case for Taiwan to accept absorption. This will be a very dangerous strategic environment. Taiwan is the epicenter of the US-China strategic competition, which is the primary geopolitical competition of the century because China has stronger economic foundations than Russia. China will become even more of a threat to the US if fortified by Russian alliance – and China’s fears over US support for Taiwan necessitate that alliance. Why The US Will Avoid Civil War None of the headline geopolitical risks outlined above – NATO-Russia war, Israeli-Iranian war, or Sino-Taiwanese war – would be as great of risks if the United States could be relied on to play a stable and predictable role as the world’s leading power. The problem is that the US is divided internally, which has led to erratic and at times belligerent foreign policy, thus feeding the paranoia of US rivals and encouraging self-interested and hawkish foreign policies, and hence global instability. Chart 15True, A Second US Civil War Is Conceivable The Geopolitical Consequences Of The Ukraine War The Geopolitical Consequences Of The Ukraine War It seems likely that US political polarization will remain at historic peaks over the 2022-24 election cycle. The Ukraine war will probably feed polarization by adding to the Democratic Party’s woes. Inflation and energy prices have already generated high odds that Republicans will retake control of Congress. But midterm churn is standard political clockwork in the US. The bigger risk is stagflation or even recession, which could produce another diametric reversal of White House policy over a mere four-year period. Former President Donald Trump is favored to be the Republican presidential nominee in 2024 – he is anathema to the left wing and unorthodox and aggressive in his foreign and trade policies. If he is reelected, it will be destabilizing both at home and abroad. But even if Trump is not the candidate, the US is flirting with disaster due to polarization and uncertainties regarding the constitution and electoral system. Chart 16Yet US Polarization Is Peaking... Aided By Foreign Threats Yet US Polarization Is Peaking... Aided By Foreign Threats Yet US Polarization Is Peaking... Aided By Foreign Threats US polarization is rooted in ethnic, ideological, regional, and economic disparities that have congealed into pseudo-tribalism. The potential for domestic terrorism of whatever stripe is high. These divisions cannot said to be incapable of leading to widespread political violence, since Americans possess far more firearms per capita than other nations (Chart 15). In the event of a series of negative economic shocks and/or constitutional breakdown, US political instability could get much worse than what was witnessed in 2020-21, when the country saw large-scale social unrest, a contested election, and a rebellion at the Capitol. Yet we would take the other side of the bet. US polarization will likely peak in the coming decade, if it has not peaked already. The US has been extremely polarized since the election of 1800, but polarization collapsed during World War I, the Great Depression, and World War II. True, it rose during the Cold War, but it only really ignited during the Reagan revolution and economic boom of the 1980s, when wealth inequality soared and the Soviet Union collapsed (Chart 16). The return of proactive fiscal policy and serious national security threats will likely drive polarization down going forward. Investment Takeaways The good news is that the war in Ukraine is unlikely to spread to the rest of Europe and engender World War III. The bad news is that the risk of such a war has not been higher for decades. Investors should hedge against the tail risk by maintaining significant safe-haven assets such as gold, cash, Treasuries, and farmland. Chart 17Investment Takeaways Investment Takeaways Investment Takeaways Europe and China will strive to maintain their economic relationship, which will delay a total breakdown in East-West relations. However, Germany and Europe will ultimately cleave to the US, while China will ultimately cleave to Russia, and the pace of transition into a new bifurcated world will accelerate depending on events. If the energy shock escalates to the point of triggering a European or global economic crash, the pace of strategic confrontation will accelerate. The global peace that emerged in 1945 is encountering very significant strains comparable to the most precarious moments of the Cold War. The Cold War period was not peaceful everywhere but the US and USSR avoided World War III. They did so on the basis of the peace settlement of 1945. The reason the 1945 peace regime is decaying is because the US, the preponderant power, is capable of achieving global hegemony, which is threatening to other great powers. The US combines the greatest share of wealth and military power and no single power can resist it. Yet a number of powers are capable of challenging and undermining it, namely China, but also Russia in a military sense, as well as lesser powers. The US is internally divided and struggling to maintain its power and prestige. The result is a return to the normal, anarchic structure of international relations throughout history. Several powerful states are competing for national security in a world that lacks overarching law. Great Power struggle is here to stay. Investors must adjust their portfolios to keep them in tune with foreign policies – in addition to monetary and fiscal policies. Given that US and Indian equities are already richly valued, in great part reflecting this geopolitical dynamic, investors should look for opportunities in international markets that are relatively secure from geopolitical risk, such as in the Americas, Western Europe, and Oceania (Chart 17).   Matt Gertken Chief Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Strategic Themes Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months)

Executive Summary Petrocurrencies Have Lagged Terms Of Trade Petrocurrencies Have Lagged Terms Of Trade Petrocurrencies Have Lagged Terms Of Trade  Petrocurrencies have lagged the surge in crude prices. This has been specific to the currency space since energy stocks have been in an epic bull market.Both cyclical and structural factors explain this conundrum.Cyclically, rising interest rate expectations in the US have dwarfed the terms-of-trade boost that the CAD, NOK, MXN, COP and even BRL typically enjoy (Feature Chart).Structurally, the US is now the biggest oil producer in the world (and a net exporter of natural gas). This has permanently shifted the relationship between the foreign exchange of traditional oil producers and the US dollar.Oil prices are overbought and vulnerable tactically to any resolution in the Russo-Ukrainian conflict. That said, they are likely to remain well bid over a medium-term horizon, ultimately supporting petrocurrencies.Petrocurrencies also offer a significant valuation cushion and carry relative to the US dollar, making them attractive for longer-term investors.Tactically, the currencies of oil producers relative to consumers could mean revert. It also suggests the Japanese yen, which is under pressure from rising energy imports, could find some footing, even as oil prices remain volatile.RECOMMENDATIONINCEPTION LEVELINCEPTION DATERETURNShort NOK/SEK1.112022-03-24-Bottom Line: Given our thesis of lower oil prices in the near term, but firmer prices in the medium term, we will be selling a basket of oil producers relative to oil consumers, with the aim of reversing that trade from lower levels.FeatureOil price volatility is once again dominating global market action. After hitting a low of close to $96/barrel on March 16th, Brent crude is once again at $120 as we go to press. Over the last two years, Brent crude has been as cheap as $16, and as expensive as $140. Energy stocks (and their respective bourses) have been the proximate winner from rising oil prices (Chart 1).Related ReportForeign Exchange StrategyWhat Next For The RMB?In foreign exchange markets, the currencies of commodity-producing countries have surprisingly lagged the improvement in oil prices (Chart 2). Historically, higher oil prices have had a profound impact on the external balance of oil producing versus consuming countries in general and petrocurrencies in particular. Chart 1Energy Stocks Have Tracked Forward Oil Prices Energy Stocks Have Tracked Forward Oil Prices Energy Stocks Have Tracked Forward Oil Prices   Chart 2Petrocurrencies Have Lagged Oil Prices Petrocurrencies Have Lagged Oil Prices Petrocurrencies Have Lagged Oil Prices  Based on the observation above, this report addresses three key questions:Are there cyclical factors depressing the performance of petrocurrencies?Are there structural factors that have changed the relationship of these currencies with the US dollar?What is the outlook for oil, and the impact on short term versus longer-term currency strategy?We will begin our discussion with the outlook for oil.Russia, Oil, And PetrocurrenciesA high-level forecast from our Commodity & Energy Strategy colleagues calls for oil prices to average $93 per barrel this year and next.1 The deduction from this forecast is that we could see spot prices head lower from current levels this year but remain firm in 2023. From our perspective, there are a few factors that support this view:Forward prices tend to move in tandem with the spot fixing (Chart 3), but recently have also been a fair predictor of where current prices will settle over the medium term. Forward oil prices are trading at a significant discount to spot, suggesting some measure of mean reversion (Chart 4). Chart 3Forward And Spot Oil Prices Move Together Forward And Spot Oil Prices Move Together Forward And Spot Oil Prices Move Together   Chart 4The Oil Curve And Spot Prices The Oil Curve And Spot Prices The Oil Curve And Spot Prices  There is a significant geopolitical risk premium embedded in oil prices. According to the New York Federal Reserve model, the demand/supply balance would have caused oil prices to fall between February 11 and February 25 this year. They however rose. This geopolitical risk premium has surely increased since then (Chart 5).Chart 5Oil Prices Embed A Significant Geopolitical Risk Premium The Oil-Petrocurrency Conundrum The Oil-Petrocurrency Conundrum  Russian crude is trading at a sizeable discount compared to other benchmarks. This means that the incentive for substitution has risen significantly. Our Chief Commodity expert, Robert Ryan, noted on BLU today that intake from India is rising. This is helping put a floor on the Russian URAL/Brent discount blend at around $30 (Chart 6). Oil is fungible, and seaborne crude can be rerouted from unwilling buyers to satiate demand in starved markets.A fortnight ago, we noted how the US sanctions on Russia could shift the foreign exchange landscape, especially vis-à-vis the RMB. Specifically, RMB-denominated trade in oil is likely to increase significantly going forward. China has massively increased the number of bilateral swap lines it has with foreign countries, while stabilizing the RMB versus the US dollar.2Finally, smaller open economies such as Canada, Norway and even Mexico are opening the oil spigots (Chart 7). While individually these countries cannot fill any potential gap in Russian production, collectively they could help in the redistribution of oil supplies. Chart 6Russian Oil Is Selling At A Discount Russian Oil Is Selling At A Discount Russian Oil Is Selling At A Discount   Chart 7Small Oil Producers Will Benefit From High Prices Small Oil Producers Will Benefit From High Prices Small Oil Producers Will Benefit From High Prices  The observations above suggest that the currencies of small oil-producing nations are likely to benefit in the medium term from a redistribution in oil demand. Remarkably, there has been little demand destruction yet from the rise in prices, according to the New York Fed. This suggests that as the global economy reopens, and the demand/supply balance tightens, longer-term oil prices will remain well bid.The key risk in the short term is the geopolitical risk premium embedded in oil prices fades, especially given the potential that Europe, China, and India continue to buy Russian supplies. We have been playing this very volatile theme via a short NOK/SEK position. We are stopped out this week for a modest profit and are reinitiating the trade if NOK/SEK hits 1.11.On The Underperformance Of Petrocurrencies? Chart 8Petrocurrencies Have Lagged Terms Of Trade Petrocurrencies Have Lagged Terms Of Trade Petrocurrencies Have Lagged Terms Of Trade  The more important question is why the currencies of oil producers like the CAD, NOK, MXN or even BRL have not kept pace with oil prices as they historically have. As our feature chart shows (Chart 8), petrocurrencies have severely lagged the improvement in their terms of trade. This has been driven by both cyclical and structural factors.Cyclically, the underlying driver of FX in recent quarters has been the nominal interest rate spread between the US and its G10 counterparts. We have written at length on this topic, and on why we think there is a big mispricing in market behavior in our report – “The Biggest Macro Question By FX Investors Could Potentially Be The Least Relevant.” In a nutshell, two-year yields in the G10 have been lagging US rates, despite other central banks being ahead of the curve in hiking interest rates. This means that rising interest rate expectations in the US have dwarfed the terms of trade boost that the CAD, NOK, MXN, COP and even BRL typically enjoy.Structurally, the US is now the biggest oil producer in the world (Chart 9). This means the CAD/USD and NOK/USD exchange rates are experiencing a tectonic shift on a terms-of-trade basis. In 2010, the US accounted for only about 6% of global crude output. Collectively, Canada, Norway, and Mexico shared about 10% of global oil production. The elephant in the room was OPEC, with a market share just north of 40%. Today, the US produces over 14%, with Russia and Saudi Arabia around 13% each, the US having grabbed market share from many other countries. Chart 9The US Dominates Oil Production The US Dominates Oil Production The US Dominates Oil Production   Chart 10The US Dollar Is Becoming Increasingly Correlated To Oil The US Dollar Is Becoming Increasingly Correlated To Oil The US Dollar Is Becoming Increasingly Correlated To Oil  As a result of this shift, the positive correlation between petrocurrencies and oil has gradually eroded. Measured statistically, the dollar had a near-perfect negative correlation with oil around the time US production was about to take off. Since then, that correlation has risen from around -0.9 to around -0.2 (Chart 10).A Few Trade IdeasThe analysis above suggests a few trade ideas are likely to generate alpha over the medium term:Long Oil Producers Versus Oil Consumers: This trade will suffer in the near term as oil prices correct but benefit from a relatively tighter market over a longer horizon. It will also benefit from the positive carry that many oil producers provide (Chart 11). We will go long a currency basket of the CAD, NOK, MXN, BRL, and COP versus the euro at 5% below current levels.Chart 11Real Rates Are High Amongst Petrocurrencies The Oil-Petrocurrency Conundrum The Oil-Petrocurrency Conundrum  Sell CAD/NOK As A Trade: Norway is at the epicenter of the likely redistribution that will occur with a Russian blockade of crude, while Canada is further away from it. Terms of trade in Norway are doing much better than a relative measure in Canada (Chart 12). The discount between Western Canadian Select crude oil and Brent has also widened, which has historically heralded a lower CAD/NOK exchange rate. Chart 12CAD/NOK And Terms Of Trade CAD/NOK And Terms Of Trade CAD/NOK And Terms Of Trade  Follow The Money: Oil now trades above the cash costs for many oil-producing countries. This means the incentive to boost production, especially when demand recovers, is quite high. This incentivizes players with strong balance sheets to keep the taps open. This could be a particular longer-term boon for the Canadian dollar which is seeing massive portfolio inflows (Chart 13). Chart 13Canadian Oil Export Boom And Portfolio Flows Canadian Oil Export Boom And Portfolio Flows Canadian Oil Export Boom And Portfolio Flows  On The Yen (And Euro): Rising oil prices have been a death knell for the yen which is trading in lockstep with spot prices. Ditto for the euro. However, the yen benefits from very cheap valuations and extremely depressed sentiment. Any temporary reversal in oil prices will boost the yen (Chart 14). In our trading book, we were stopped out of a short CHF/JPY position last Friday, and we will look to reinitiate this trade in the coming days.  Chart 14The Yen And Oil Prices The Yen And Oil Prices The Yen And Oil Prices   Chester NtoniforForeign Exchange Strategistchestern@bcaresearch.comFootnotes1 Please see Commodity & Energy Strategy Weekly Report, “Uncertainty Tightens Oil Supply”, dated March 17, 2022.2 Please see Foreign Exchange Strategy Special Report, “What Next For The RMB?”, dated March 11, 2022.Trades & ForecastsStrategic ViewTactical Holdings (0-6 months)Limit OrdersForecast Summary

Executive Summary Oil Remains A Prominent Inflation Variable WTI Futures Strongly Linked To US Inflation Expectations WTI Futures Strongly Linked To US Inflation Expectations Tight oil and metals markets will translate into persistently high inflation and inflation expectations over the next 5 – 10 years. High and volatile commodity prices caused by low capex will keep global inventories tight for years.  This will keep the key 5-year/5-year (5y5y) CPI swap rates used by policy makers elevated, given the strong relationship between commodity prices – particularly longer-dated oil prices – and inflation expectations. Central banks will exacerbate this tightness if they follow through on more aggressive policy.  This would increase the cost of capital for commodity producers and could induce a recession.  All the same, commodity supplies still will remain tight, and will keep inflationary pressures emanating from the real economy elevated.  Stagflation is the likely outcome. Gold is lagging as an inflation hedge vs. the average return of our commodity recommendations.  We expect this to persist.  Still, as a safe-haven and store of value during recessionary and inflationary periods, we continue to recommend gold as a portfolio hedge. Bottom Line: The dearth of capex in oil, gas and base metals markets makes persistently high inflation a foregone conclusion for the next 5-10 years.  We remain long the S&P GSCI and the COMT ETF for direct commodity-index exposure, and the XOP, XME and PICK ETFs for exposure to commodity producers' equity. Feature That's all well and good in practice, but how does it work in theory? - Seen on a T-shirt at the University of Chicago1 Related Report  Commodity & Energy StrategyCommodities' Watershed Moment   Central banks are signaling they expect higher inflation and inflation expectations to persist, and now are communicating their collective resolve to deal with this aggressively, if needs be.2 As central-bank policy evolves, commodities – particularly oil – will become even more important as coincident and leading indicators used to assess the likely course of inflation and inflation expectations, particularly their persistence. The ECB notes oil prices have become more than just one of the input costs of manufacturing, or of mining, agriculture and the production of other forms of energy essential to powering modern economies, and delivering these goods globally. For the ECB, "oil is barometer of global economic activity as well as a financial asset."3 Likewise, the BIS stresses the importance of augmenting conventional Phillips curve models with commodity inputs to more accurately capture inflation dynamics.4 This Special Report follows our earlier report published on March 10, 2022 entitled Commodities' Watershed Moment. Here we explore the consequences of tightening commodity markets, especially as regards inflation and inflation expectations, and attempt to dispel some notions about commodities and markets that could lead to policy errors. We also evaluate our commodity recommendations' performance as inflation hedges compared to gold's performance. Modeling Inflation And Inflation Expectations Our own research and modeling broadly aligns with the ECB and BIS approaches. We periodically estimate cointegrating regressions of inflation expectations using WTI futures prices to forecast 5y5y CPI swap rates (Chart 1).5 Our results are strongest when we use 3-years forward WTI prices to forecast 5y5y CPI swap rates, but shorter-term futures also provide useful information and are cointegrated with inflation expectations discovered in the 5y5y market (Chart 2). The prompt-delivery WTI futures are cointegrated with the longer-dated 3-years forward futures contract, indicating that, over time, these different maturities are following a common long-term trend. This also explains why a similar equilibrium obtains using commodity indexes – the Bloomberg Commodity Index, the S&P GSCI, etc. – as regressors in estimating inflation expectations via the 5y5y CPI swap rates. Chart 1WTI Futures Strongly Linked To US Inflation Expectations WTI Futures Strongly Linked To US Inflation Expectations WTI Futures Strongly Linked To US Inflation Expectations Chart 2US Oil Output Slightly Higher US Oil Output Slightly Higher US Oil Output Slightly Higher Globalization of production, distribution and consumption across markets weaves these markets together – e.g., global fertilizer markets experienced a supply shock this past winter when large consuming markets in Asia and Europe got into a bidding war for limited LNG supplies – and transmits shocks across commodity markets. This partly explains the common long-term trend commodities generally share. Another feature weaving markets together globally is the fact that most global trade is invoiced and funded in USD, which means that the Fed's monetary policy decisions reverberate around the world when rates are increased or dollar liquidity is reduced.6 Lastly, trading markets are global. Commodity markets have evolved – as the ECB notes – into asset markets as well as hedging markets. This means arbitrage across commodity and rates markets (interest rates, inflation rates, FX rates, etc.) accelerates the impounding of information into prices quickly. In this environment, cointegration is strengthened among physical and financial trading markets, creating prices that share long-term equilibria. This makes the current time especially fraught, as the Fed embarks on a policy-tightening course against the backdrop of war in Europe and global commodity shortages. These effects are experienced across geographies and across time, forming a dynamic system in which supply, demand and inventories are constantly adjusting to new information. This affects current and expected fundamentals and financial conditions, which arrives to markets instantaneously. It is not surprising, then, that prices in these markets are, for the most part, cointegrated over the long run.7 Policy Errors Likely On The Way Monetary policy is not well suited to dealing with commodity scarcity. Nor is fiscal policy – e.g., government subsidies to soften the blow of rising energy prices only encourage over-consumption of scarce resources, which accelerates inventory depletion and tightens markets further. The Fed, in particular, likely is reviewing its 1970s playbook for lessons learned in the last major supply shock to hit the world – the Arab Oil Embargo of 1973, which was followed by the Iran-Iraq war in 1979. Together, these events triggered a surge in real oil prices, which rose by 4.5x – from $21.55/bbl in 1970 to $116.11/bbl in 1980, according to the EIA (Chart 3). Chart 3Fed Will Look Back At 1970s Playbook Tight Commodity Markets: Persistently High Inflation Tight Commodity Markets: Persistently High Inflation In setting policy, economists generally – at the Fed, the IMF, the World Bank and elsewhere – mistakenly view commodity forward curves as something of a forecast.8 This use of the futures curve is mistaken because it only reflects the price levels as which transactions occurred on any given day. So while a non-specialist might view a backwardated forward curve for Brent as a market-based forecast for lower prices in the future – since prompt prices are trading below deferred prices – a more accurate reading would suggest markets are tight and likely will remain tight. This particular term structure indicates physical inventories are tight, and will remain so until sufficient supply is brought to market to allow refiners to restock. Steep backwardations also predispose markets to higher price volatility, because because of low inventory levels: The market's shock absorber (inventories) is low, so volatility increases.9 Suppose policy makers are counting on lower oil prices – per a forward curve's "forecast" – to bring inflation down. In that case, they likely will be disappointed unless additional supplies arrive. Should the Fed act on the belief that backwardation is a forecast for lower prices and continue to provide forward guidance to markets suggesting inflation will be lower next year, e.g., any delay in its rate hikes will leave it behind the inflation curve. Additional policy errors can come from the fiscal side, for example, when governments provide subsidies to soften the blow of higher oil prices. This retards the function of the price mechanism, and incentivizes higher consumption, which will exacerbate price increases. This would be bullish for oil prices in the short and medium term (6 months – 2 years). Commodity markets are tight globally – at or near scarcity levels in many cases, as can be seen by the continually declining inventories in oil and base metals (Chart 4 and 5). Base metals markets are extremely tight, and are on the back foot – i.e., with physical deficits and low inventories – just as the world's largest economic blocks (EU, US, China) are launching massive buildouts of their renewable-generation fleets and electric grids, and embarking on massive military buildups. These applications will require huge increases in base metals supplies to pull off. Grain markets will tighten as the impact of the Russian invasion of Ukraine unfolds in the spring, when winter wheat crops in Ukraine will need to be fertilized and tended. Chart 4Oil Markets Remain Tight... Oil Markets Remain Tight... Oil Markets Remain Tight... Chart 5…As Do Metals Tight Commodity Markets: Persistently High Inflation Tight Commodity Markets: Persistently High Inflation Barring an extremely deep recession that sharply reduces aggregate demand globally, it is difficult to see how this is not inflationary for years to come. Nonetheless, even a deep recession will still leave markets massively short base metals, and, after core-OPEC producers Saudi Arabia and the UAE bring what left of their spare capacity to market, oil. Investment Implications In days gone by, gold served as a go-to inflation hedge. At present, gold is lagging as an inflation hedge vs. the average return of our direct and equity-related commodity recommendations (Chart 6). We expect this to persist. Gold has performed well against the broad-trade weighted USD, however (Chart 7). We continue to recommend gold as a portfolio hedge, as it remains responsive to policy and geopolitical shocks. And it remains a safe-haven and store of value during recessionary and inflationary periods. Chart 6Commodity Recommendations Outperform Gold Commodity Recommendations Outperform Gold Commodity Recommendations Outperform Gold Chart 7Gold Outperforms USD Gold Outperforms USD Gold Outperforms USD The dearth of capex in oil, gas and base metals markets makes persistently high inflation a foregone conclusion for the next 5-10 years, barring a steep recession. Such a turn of events diminishes in probability, as governments keep funneling subsidies to households to soften the blow of higher prices and stave off a recessionary contraction in GDP. These subsidies only succeed in retarding the price signal the market is sending to reduce consumption of scarce commodities, which means available inventories will be drawn down more quickly. We remain long the S&P GSCI and the COMT ETF for direct commodity-index exposure, and the XOP, XME and PICK ETFs for exposure to commodity producers' equity. These are long-term holdings, given our view the commodities bull market will run for years.   Robert P. Ryan Chief Commodity & Energy Strategist rryan@bcaresearch.com     Footnotes 1     Please see That Works Very Well in Practice, But How Does It Work In Theory? Published by quoteinvestigator.com for a history of how this phrase made it to UChicago's T-shirts. 2     Please see Between A Rock And A Hard Place, published 21 March 2022 by our US Investment Strategy, which is led by Doug Peta, a UChicago alum. 3    For insight into how central banks assess inflation and inflation expectations vis-à-vis commodity markets, particularly oil, please see the ECB's September 2020 working paper entitled " Global financial markets and oil price shocks in real time," by Fabrizio Venditti, Giovanni Veronese.  In it, the authors note, "The role that the price of oil plays in economic analysis in central banks and in financial markets has evolved over time. Oil is not seen anymore just as a (sic) input to production but also as a barometer of global economic activity as well as a financial asset."   4    The BIS recently noted augmenting standard Phillips Curve models with information from commodities and FX markets to reflect the profound changes wrought by globalization is critical for improving inflation forecasts, and explaining the dynamics of inflation and inflation expectations. Please see "Has globalization changed the inflation process?" by Kristin J. Forbes, published by the Bank for International Settlements in June 2019.  She notes, "The results in this paper suggest it is necessary to incorporate additional “global” factors in models of inflation dynamics, including global slack, non-fuel commodity prices (as well as oil prices), the exchange rate, and global price competition" to accurately explain and forecast inflation.  See below for further discussion. 5    In our modeling, the regressor with the best fit in our 5y5y CPI swap forecasts is the WTI 3-years forward futures contract. Both the 5y5y CPI swap rate and the WTI futures are non-stationary variables sharing a common long-term trend, meaning these are cointegrated random variables. The time series we use start in 2010, so post-GFC, which was a regime change for markets globally. The regression diagnostics are very strong, particularly for the ARDL model. We also find the 3-years forward WTI price is cointegrated with the prompt WTI futures contract, indicating these variables – one calling for delivery of crude oil in 3 years, the other in one month – are cointegrated. We get similar cointegration results using commodity indexes – e.g., the Bloomberg Commodity Index, and the LME base metals index – which tend to use futures contracts closer to delivery. This indicates commodity prices generally can be thought of as non-stationary variables vibrating randomly around a common long-term trend. We use cointegration models to avoid spurious relationships – e.g., regressing a stationary variable on a non-stationary variable. Statistically, cointegration is much stronger than simple correlation because it avoids the trap of spurious relationships. Please see Granger, C.W.J., Developments in the Study of Cointegrated Variables, Chapter 4 in Engle and Granger (eds): 1991, Long-Run Economic Relationships. Readings in Cointegration, Oxford University Press. This is an a article by Clive Granger, who received the Nobel prize in economics in 2003 for his pioneering work developing the mathematics of cointegration. See also Geman, H. (2007), Mean reversion versus random walk in oil and natural gas prices, in Advances in Mathematical Finance (pp. 219-228), for a rigorous discussion of random-walking oil and gas variables. 6    Please see Global Dimensions of U.S. Monetary Policy by Maurice Obstfeld, which appeared in the February 2020 issue of International Journal of Central Banking for an excellent discussion of the Fed's role in global trade. This is not all a one-way street, as Obstfeld notes, in that policy decisions can create "potential spillback onto the U.S. economy from the disproportionate influence of U.S. monetary policy on the outside world." 7     These cointegrating features of commodity markets, inflation rates and USD effects are not agreed by all economists. See, e.g., the Oxford Institute for Energy Studies report of August 2021 Is the Oil Price-Inflation Relationship Transitory? by Ilia Bouchouev. The paper notes, "In theory, the fundamental relationship that exists between short-term inflation and gasoline futures should be fading away with time, and for 5y5y breakeven it should indeed be close to zero. In practice, however, it is not." 8    Please see Forecasting the price of oil, which was published by the ECB in Issue 4 of its 2015. The Bank notes, "Oil price futures are frequently used as the baseline for oil price assumptions in economic projections. They are used, for example, in the Eurosystem/ECB staff macroeconomic projections and in the projections of many other central banks and international institutions. The main reason for using futures as a baseline for oil price assumptions is that they provide a simple and transparent method which is easy to communicate." (p. 90) 9    Please see Kogan, Leonid, Dmitry Livdan and Amir Yaron (2009), " Oil Futures Prices in a Production Economy With Investment Constraints," The Journal of Finance, 64:3, pp. 1345-1375.   Investment Views and Themes Strategic Recommendations Trades Closed in 2021 Image

Due to travel commitments, there will be no Counterpoint report next week. Instead, we will send you a timely update and analysis of the Ukraine Crisis written by my colleague Matt Gertken, BCA Chief Geopolitical Strategist. Executive Summary The tight connection between the oil price and inflation expectations is intuitive, appealing… and wrong. The inflation market is tiny, and its principle function is not to predict inflation per se, but to serve as a hedging investment in an inflation scare, such as that which follows an oil price spike. Hence, we should treat inflation expectations and the real bond yield that is derived from them with extreme care – especially after an oil price spike, which will give the illusion that the real bond yield is lower than it really is. In the near term, the Ukraine crisis has added to already elevated fears about inflation, which will pressure both bonds and stocks. However, looking beyond the next few months, the Ukraine crisis triggered supply shock will cause demand destruction, while central banks also choke demand, and the recent massive displacement of demand into goods, and its associated inflationary impulse, reverses. The 12-month asset allocation conclusion is to overweight stocks and bonds, and to underweight TIPS and commodities. Fractal trading watchlist: The sell-off in some T-bonds is approaching capitulation. The Tight Relationship Between The Oil Price And Inflation Expectations Is Intuitive, Appealing... And Wrong The Tight Relationship Between The Oil Price And Inflation Expectations Is Intuitive,Appealing... And Wrong The Tight Relationship Between The Oil Price And Inflation Expectations Is Intuitive,Appealing... And Wrong Bottom Line: In the near term, an inflationary impulse will dominate, but on a 12-month horizon, a disinflationary impulse will dominate. Feature In his seminal work Thinking Fast And Slow, Nobel Laureate psychologist Daniel Kahneman presented the bat-and-ball puzzle. A bat and ball cost $1.10. The bat costs one dollar more than the ball. How much does the ball cost? “A number came to your mind. The number, of course, is 10: 10 cents. The distinctive mark of this easy puzzle is that it evokes an answer that is intuitive, appealing, and wrong. Do the math, and you will see. If the ball costs 10 cents, then the total cost will be $1.20 (10 cents for the ball and $1.10 for the bat), not $1.10. The correct answer is 5 cents. It is safe to assume that the intuitive answer also came to the mind of those who ended up with the correct number – they somehow managed to resist the intuition.” Kahneman’s crucial finding is that many people are prone to place too much faith in an intuitive answer, an intuitive answer that they could have rejected with a small investment of effort. The Connection Between The Oil Price and Inflation Expectations Is Intuitive, Appealing… And Wrong Today, the financial markets are presenting their very own bat-and-ball puzzle. The surging price of crude oil is driving up the market expectation for inflation over the next ten years (Chart I-1). This tight relationship is intuitive and appealing, because we associate a high oil price with a high inflation rate. But the intuitive and appealing relationship is wrong, and it requires just a small investment of effort to prove the fallacy. Chart I-1The Tight Relationship Between The Oil Price And Inflation Expectations Is Intuitive, Appealing... And Wrong The Tight Relationship Between The Oil Price And Inflation Expectations Is Intuitive, Appealing... And Wrong The Tight Relationship Between The Oil Price And Inflation Expectations Is Intuitive, Appealing... And Wrong Inflation over the next ten years equals the price in ten years’ time divided by the current price. So, to the extent that there is any relationship between the current price and expected inflation, dividing by a higher price today means a lower prospective inflation rate. Empirically, the last fifty years of evidence confirms this very clear inverse relationship (Chart I-2). Chart I-2A High Oil Price Means Lower Subsequent Inflation A High Oil Price Means Lower Subsequent Inflation A High Oil Price Means Lower Subsequent Inflation This raises an obvious question: while many people accept the intuitive (wrong) relationship between the oil price and expected inflation, how can the market make such a glaring error? The answer is that the inflation market is relatively tiny, and that its principle function is not to predict inflation per se, but to serve as a hedging investment in an inflation scare. Compared to the $25 trillion T-bond market, the Treasury Inflation Protected Securities (TIPS) market is worth just $1.5 trillion, slightly more than the market capitalisation of Tesla. Just as we do not expect Tesla to represent the view of the entire stock market, we should not expect TIPS to represent the view of the entire bond market. A high oil price means lower subsequent inflation. A recent paper by The Oxford Institute For Energy Studies explains: “the tight relationship between the oil price and inflation expectations defies not only the thesis of economics, but the norms of statistics as well, with a correlation that has reached 90 percent over the last ten years and a corresponding r-squared of 82 percent (Chart I-3 and Chart I-4). The root cause of this phenomenon should probably be searched for in the behaviour of another large group of market participants, the systematic portfolio allocators, and factor investors.”1  Chart I-3Inflation Expectations Are Just A Mathematical Function Of The Oil Price... Inflation Expectations Are Just A Mathematical Function Of The Oil Price... Inflation Expectations Are Just A Mathematical Function Of The Oil Price... Chart I-4...Therefore 'The Real Bond Yield' Is Just A Mathematical Function Of The Oil Price ...Therefore 'The Real Bond Yield' Is Just A Mathematical Function Of The Oil Price ...Therefore 'The Real Bond Yield' Is Just A Mathematical Function Of The Oil Price So, here’s the explanation for the intuitive, appealing, but wrong connection between the oil price and inflation expectations. In the inflation scare that a surging oil price unleashes, the two main asset-classes – bonds and equities – are vulnerable to sharp losses, leaving TIPS as one of the very few assets that can provide a genuine hedge against inflation. But given that bonds and equities dwarf the $1.5 trillion TIPS (and other inflation) markets, the inflation hedger quickly becomes the dominant force in this tiny market. This large volume of hedging demand chasing limited supply drives down the real yields on TIPS to artificial lows, both in absolute terms and relative to T-bond yields. And as the difference between nominal and real yields defines the ‘market’s expected inflation’, it explains the surge in expected inflation. Be Careful How You Use ‘The Real Bond Yield’ It is an unfortunate reality that we often close the stable door after the horse has bolted, meaning that we react after, rather than before, the event. In financial market terms, this means that we demand inflation protection after, rather than before, it happens, and end up overpaying for it. A high oil price unleashes a massive hedging demand for the tiny TIPS market, driving down the real TIPS yield versus the nominal T-bond yield. To repeat, a high oil price unleashes a massive hedging demand for the tiny TIPS market, driving down the real TIPS yield versus the nominal T-bond yield. The upshot is that the performance of TIPS versus T-bonds is nothing more than a play on the oil price (Chart I-5). Chart I-5The Performance Of TIPS Versus T-Bonds Is Just A Play On The Oil Price The Performance Of TIPS Versus T-Bonds Is Just A Play On The Oil Price The Performance Of TIPS Versus T-Bonds Is Just A Play On The Oil Price A bigger message is that we should interpret the oft-quoted ‘real bond yield’ with extreme care. The real bond yield is nothing more than the nominal bond yield less a mathematical function of the oil price. So, when the oil price is high, it will give the illusion that the real bond yield is low. The danger is that if we value equities against the real bond yield when the oil price is high – such as through 2011-14 or now – equities will appear cheaper than they really are (Chart I-6). Chart I-6When The Oil Price Is High, 'The Real Bond Yield' Will Appear Lower Than It Really Is When The Oil Price Is High, 'The Real Bond Yield' Will Appear Lower Than It Really Is When The Oil Price Is High, 'The Real Bond Yield' Will Appear Lower Than It Really Is In The Case Against A ‘Super Bubble’ (And The Case For) we explained the much better way to value equities is versus the product of the nominal bond price and current profits. This valuation approach perfectly explains the US stock market’s evolution both over the long term (Chart I-7) and the short term. Specifically, over the past year, the dominant driver of the US stock market has been the 30-year T-bond price (Chart I-8). Chart I-7The US Stock Market = Profits Times The 30-Year T-Bond Price (Long-Term Chart) The US Stock Market = Profits Times The 30-Year T-Bond Price (Long-Term Chart) The US Stock Market = Profits Times The 30-Year T-Bond Price (Long-Term Chart) Chart I-8The US Stock Market = Profits Times The 30-Year T-Bond Price (Short-Term Chart) The US Stock Market = Profits Times The 30-Year T-Bond Price (Short-Term Chart) The US Stock Market = Profits Times The 30-Year T-Bond Price (Short-Term Chart) 12-Month Asset Allocation Conclusion The current inflation scare comes not from an aggregate demand shock, but from a massive displacement of demand (into goods) followed by the more recent supply shock for energy and food triggered by the Ukraine crisis. In response, central banks are trying to douse the inflation in the only way they can – by choking aggregate demand. Hence, there is a dangerous mismatch between the malady and the remedy. In the near term, the Ukraine crisis has added to already elevated fears about inflation – and this will pressure both bonds and stocks. However, looking beyond the next few months, the near-term inflationary impulse will unleash a disinflationary response from three sources. First, a supply shock means higher prices without stronger demand, which causes an inevitable demand destruction that then pulls down prices. Second, central banks are explicitly trying to pull down prices – or at least price inflation – by choking demand. And third, the massive displacement of demand into goods, and its associated inflationary impulse, is reversing. On a 12-month horizon, the disinflationary impulse will outweigh the inflationary impulse. Therefore, on a 12-month horizon, the disinflationary impulse will outweigh the inflationary impulse. The asset allocation conclusion is to overweight stocks and bonds, and to underweight TIPS and commodities. Is The Bond Sell-Off Close To Capitulation? Finally, several clients have asked if the recent sell-off in bonds is close to capitulation, based on the fragility of its fractal structures. The answer is yes, but only for the shorter maturity T-bonds. Specifically, the 5-year T-bond has reached the point of fragility on its composite 130-day/260-day fractal structure that marked the bottom of the sell-off in 2018, as well as the top of the rally in 2020 (Chart I-9). Chart I-9The Sell-Off In Shorter-Dated T-Bonds Is Close To Capitulation The Sell-Off In Shorter-Dated T-Bonds Is Close To Capitulation The Sell-Off In Shorter-Dated T-Bonds Is Close To Capitulation Accordingly, this week’s trade recommendation is to buy the 5-year T-bond, setting the profit target and symmetrical stop-loss at 4 percent, and with a maximum holding period of 1 year. Please note that our full fractal trading watchlist is now available on our website:  cpt.bcaresearch.com     Dhaval Joshi Chief Strategist dhaval@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 https://www.oxfordenergy.org/wpcms/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/Is-the-Oil-Price-Inflation-Relationship-Transitory.pdf Chart 1The Strong Trend In The 18-Month-Out US Interest Rate Future Is Fragile The Strong Trend In The 18-Month-Out US Interest Rate Future Is Fragile The Strong Trend In The 18-Month-Out US Interest Rate Future Is Fragile Chart 2The Strong Trend In The 3 Year T-Bond Is Fragile The Strong Trend In The 3 Year T-Bond Is Fragile The Strong Trend In The 3 Year T-Bond Is Fragile Chart 3AUD/KRW Is Vulnerable To Reversal AUD/KRW Is Vulnerable To Reversal AUD/KRW Is Vulnerable To Reversal Chart 4Canada Versus Japan Is Vulnerable To Reversal Canada Versus Japan Is Vulnerable To Reversal Canada Versus Japan Is Vulnerable To Reversal Chart 5Canada's TSX-60's Outperformance Might Be Over Canada's TSX-60's Outperformance Might Be Over Canada's TSX-60's Outperformance Might Be Over Chart 6US Healthcare Vs. Software Approaching A Reversal US Healthcare Vs. Software Approaching A Reversal US Healthcare Vs. Software Approaching A Reversal Chart 7The Euro’s Underperformance Could Be Approaching a Resistance Level The Euro's Underperformance Could Be Approaching a Resistance Level The Euro's Underperformance Could Be Approaching a Resistance Level Chart 8A Potential Switching Point From Tobacco Into Cannabis A Potential Switching Point From Tobacco Into Cannabis A Potential Switching Point From Tobacco Into Cannabis Chart 9Bitcoin's 65-Day Fractal Support Is Holding For Now Bitcoin's 65-Day Fractal Support Is Holding For Now Bitcoin's 65-Day Fractal Support Is Holding For Now Chart 10Biotech Approaching A Major Buy Biotech Approaching A Major Buy Biotech Approaching A Major Buy Chart 11CAD/SEK Reversal Has Started CAD/SEK Reversal Has Started CAD/SEK Reversal Has Started Chart 12Financials Versus Industrials Is Reversing Financials Versus Industrials Is Reversing Financials Versus Industrials Is Reversing Chart 13Norway's Outperformance Could End Norway's Outperformance Could End Norway's Outperformance Could End Chart 14Greece's Brief Outperformance Has Ended Greece's Brief Outperformance Has Ended Greece's Brief Outperformance Has Ended Chart 15BRL/NZD At A Resistance Point BRL/NZD At A Resistance Point BRL/NZD At A Resistance Point Fractal Trading System Fractal Trades Solved: The Mystery Of The Oil Price And Inflation Expectations Solved: The Mystery Of The Oil Price And Inflation Expectations Solved: The Mystery Of The Oil Price And Inflation Expectations Solved: The Mystery Of The Oil Price And Inflation Expectations 6-Month Recommendations Structural Recommendations Closed Fractal Trades Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-1Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Euro Area Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Euro Area Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Euro Area Chart II-2Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Europe Ex Euro Area Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Europe Ex Euro Area Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Europe Ex Euro Area Chart II-3Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Asia Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Asia Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Asia Chart II-4Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Other Developed Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Other Developed Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Other Developed   Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-5Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-6Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-7Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-8Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations  

Executive Summary Biden’s Low Approval On Foreign Policy Biden's Foreign Policy And The Midterms Biden's Foreign Policy And The Midterms   The energy shock stemming from President Biden’s foreign policy challenges could get worse, especially if US-Iran talks fail. The energy and inflation shocks condemn the Democrats to a dismal midterm election showing, even if Biden handles the Ukraine crisis reasonably well and his approval rating stabilizes. Biden’s foreign policy is still somewhat defensive, focusing on refurbishing US alliances, and as such should not force the EU to boycott Russian energy outright. Biden’s foreign policy doctrine will likely be set in stone with his imminent decision on whether to rejoin the 2015 nuclear deal with Iran. We doubt it will happen but if it does the market impact will be fleeting due to lack of implementation. Biden’s foreign policy toward China will likely grow more aggressive over time. Recommendation (Cyclical) Inception Level Initiation Date Return Long ISE Cyber-Security Index  647.53  Dec 8, 2021 -4.6% Bottom Line: President Biden foreign policy challenges are creating persistent downside risks for equity markets. Feature External risk is one of our key views for US politics in 2022. This risk includes but is not limited to the war in Ukraine. The Biden administration’s urgent foreign policy challenges are creating persistent downside risks for the global economy and financial markets in the short run – embodied in rising energy costs (Chart 1). Related Report  US Political Strategy2022 Key Views: Gridlock Begins Before The Midterms Chart 1Oil Prices And Prices At The Pump Oil Prices And Prices At The Pump Oil Prices And Prices At The Pump Ukraine Can Still Hurt US Stocks The Ukraine war is not on the verge of resolution – more bad news is likely to hit US equity markets. The Russian military is bombarding the port city of Mauripol, which will fall in the coming days or weeks (Map 1). Given that Mauripol is refusing to surrender, it is highly unlikely that the central government in Kiev will surrender anytime soon. Map 1Russian Invasion Of Ukraine 2022 Biden's Foreign Policy And The Midterms Biden's Foreign Policy And The Midterms The military situation is approaching stalemate and yet ceasefire talks are not promising. The Ukrainians do not accept Russian control of Donbas and Crimea and will need to hold a referendum on the terms of any peace agreement. Lack of progress will drive the Russians to escalate the conflict, whether by means of bombardment, troop reinforcements, or bringing the Belarussian military into the fight. The United States and its allies are increasing defense support for Ukraine while warning that Russia could use chemical, biological, or even tactical nuclear weapons. In our sister Geopolitical Strategy service we argue that the war to get worse before it gets better, with Russia determined to replace the government in Kiev. US investors should expect continued equity market volatility. US and global growth expectations are yet to be fully downgraded as a result of the global energy shortage – the Fed now expects GDP growth of 2.8% while the Atlanta Fed shows GDP clocking in at 1.3%, well below consensus expectations (Chart 2). Corporate earnings will suffer downgrades as a result of higher energy costs. The Federal Reserve just started hiking interest rates and it is not discouraged by foreign affairs. Real rates will rise. Chairman Jerome Powell sounded a hawkish tone by saying that he is willing to hike by 50 basis points at a time if required. The threat of a wage-price spiral is real. The 2-year/10-year Treasury slope is on the verge of inverting. The Fed’s new interest rate projections suggest that the interest rate will rise above the neutral rate in 2023-24. Chart 2Growth Will Take A Hit chart 2 Growth Will Take A Hit Growth Will Take A Hit Ukraine’s Impact On The Midterm Elections A negative foreign policy and macroeconomic background will compound the Democratic Party’s woes in the midterm elections. Biden’s approval rating is languishing at Donald Trump levels, yet without Trump’s high marks on the economy (Chart 3). Biden will not be able to turn the economy around because even if inflation starts to abate, voters will react to the one-year and two-year increase in inflation rather than any month-on-month improvement. Republicans have pulled ahead of Democrats in generic congressional ballot opinion polling (Chart 4). Even if Biden’s ratings stabilize ahead of the midterms (even if he handles Ukraine well), Democrats face a shellacking. The market is rightly priced for Republicans to take over all of Congress, though the GOP’s odds of taking the Senate are lower than consensus holds (Chart 5). A Republican victory is not negative for US corporate earnings but uncertainty over the general direction of US policy will continue to weigh on the equity market this year. Chart 3Biden’s Approval Ratings Biden's Foreign Policy And The Midterms Biden's Foreign Policy And The Midterms Chart 4Republicans Take The Lead Biden's Foreign Policy And The Midterms Biden's Foreign Policy And The Midterms Biden’s foreign policy can and will get a lot more aggressive if the Democratic Party views its election odds as so dismal that foreign tensions come to be seen as a source of badly needed popular support. That is not yet the case but developments with Russia and Iran could force the administration to adopt a more offensive foreign policy, which would be negative for financial markets. Hence investors will have to worry about rising policy uncertainty over the 2022-24 political cycle. Chart 5Midterm Election Odds Biden's Foreign Policy And The Midterms Biden's Foreign Policy And The Midterms Biden’s Policy Toward Russia And Europe It is too soon to say precisely what is the “Biden Doctrine” of foreign policy. The withdrawal from Afghanistan and the war in Ukraine were thrust upon Biden. What will define his foreign policy is how he handles Russia, Iran, and China going forward. By the end of the year, Biden will have forged his foreign policy doctrine, for better or worse. Biden began with a defensive foreign policy. His administration’s primary intention is to refurbish US alliances in Europe and Asia to counter Russia and China. Consider: In 2021, Biden condoned Germany’s deepening economic and energy integration with Russia (i.e. the Nord Stream II pipeline). Russia’s invasion forced Germany to change its mind and join the US and other democracies in imposing harsh sanctions on Russia. Even so, the US is calibrating its actions to what the European allies can stomach. Biden is attempting to negotiate new trade deals with allies, by contrast with President Trump’s tendency to slap tariffs on allies as well as rivals.1 Biden is likely to try to revive the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) with Europe, he is scheduled to restart talks with the UK about a post-Brexit trade deal, and he will probably attempt to rejoin the Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) in future. Now that Russia has invaded Ukraine, Biden’s foreign policy is becoming more aggressive, albeit still within certain limitations: The US is not willing to send troops to defend Ukraine or impose a no-fly zone, which would trigger direct conflict with Russia. But the US is continuing to provide Ukraine with lethal weapons, which helped precipitate the war. Congress recently voted to increase Ukraine aid by $13.6 billion, including $6.5 billion in defense support, including drones, Stinger anti-aircraft missiles, and Javelin anti-tank missiles. These are supposed to start arriving in Ukraine in a few days. The US is reportedly looking into providing Ukraine with Soviet-era SA-8 air defense, though not the S-300s missile defense.2 The US is bulking up its military presence across Europe to deter Russia from broadening its attacks beyond Ukraine. Biden has declared a red line in that he will defend “every inch” of NATO territory. This means that a single Russian attack that spills over into Poland or another NATO country will precipitate a new and bigger crisis (and financial market selloff). The risk going forward is that American policy could grow increasingly aggressive to the point that tensions with Russia escalate. Unlike Russia and Europe, the US does not have vital national interests at stake in Ukraine. American national security is not directly threatened by the war there. Hence the US can afford to take actions that its European allies would prefer not to take. As long as Biden prioritizes solidarity with the Europeans, geopolitical risks may be manageable for the markets. But if Biden attempts to lead an even bolder charge against Russia (or China), then risks will become unmanageable. So far Biden is allowing Europe to impose sanctions at its own pace and intensity. The Europeans must tread more carefully than the US, lest sanctions cause a broad energy cutoff that plunges their economy into recession along with Russia’s. This would destabilize the whole Eurasian continent and increase the chances of strategic miscalculation and a broader military conflict. Europe has opted for a medium-term strategy of energy diversification while avoiding the US’s outright boycott of Russian energy. The EU depends on Russia for 26% of its oil and 16% of its natural gas imports (Chart 6). The dependency is higher for certain countries. Germany, Italy, Hungary, and others oppose an outright boycott – and a single EU member can veto any new sanctions. Theoretically the Europeans could ban oil while still accepting natural gas. Natural gas trade routes are fixed due to physical pipelines, whereas oil is more easily rerouted, leaving Russia with alternatives if Europe stops importing oil. But Russia exports 63% of its oil to developed markets and 65% of its natural gas, with the bulk of that going to the European Union at 48% and 15% respectively (Chart 7). Russia’s economy would suffer from an oil ban and it would assume that a natural gas ban would soon follow, which could unhinge expectations that war tensions can be contained. Chart 6EU Mulls Boycott Of Russian Oil Biden's Foreign Policy And The Midterms Biden's Foreign Policy And The Midterms Chart 7Russian Regime Depends On O&G Biden's Foreign Policy And The Midterms Biden's Foreign Policy And The Midterms Given the damaged state of the Russian economy and high costs of war, Moscow will probably keep accepting energy revenues as long as Europe is buying. But if it believes Europe will cut off the flow, then it has an incentive to act first. This is a risk, not our base case. Still, as Russia targets the capital Kiev with intense shelling and civilian casualties increase, US pressure for an expansion of sanctions will increase. This is the risk that investors need to monitor. If the US brings the EU around to adopting sanctions on Russian energy then equity markets will plunge anew. And since Europe is diversifying over time anyway, Russia will have to escalate the war now to try to achieve its aims before its source of funds dries up. Biden’s Policy Toward China Biden’s foreign policy also started out defensively with regard to China. Biden intended to stabilize relations, i.e. engage in some areas like climate policy and avoid expanding President Trump’s trade war. Both the Democratic Party and the Communist Party face important political events in 2022 and their inclination is to prevent global instability from interfering. But the Ukraine war has made this goal harder. As with Europe the immediate question is whether Biden will try to force China to cooperate on Russia sanctions. But in China’s case Biden is more likely to use punitive measures – at least eventually. After a two-hour bilateral phone call on March 18, Biden “described the implications and consequences if China provides material support to Russia as it conducts brutal attacks against Ukrainian cities and civilians.”3 Biden’s threat of sanctions is a negative for Chinese exporters and banks (Chart 8). Chinese stock markets were already suffering from China’s historic confluence of internal and external political and economic risks. The Ukraine war has increased the fear of western investors that investing in China will result in stranded capital when strategic tensions rise explode, as with Russia. Chart 8Biden Threatens China With Sanctions Biden Threatens China With Sanctions Biden Threatens China With Sanctions Economically, China is much more dependent on the West than Russia. While Germany and Russia take a comparable share of Chinese exports, at 3.4%and 2.0% respectively, the EU takes up more than three times as many Chinese exports as the Commonwealth of Independent States, at 15.4% versus 3.2% (Chart 9A Chart 9B). China was never eager to commit to an exclusive economic relationship with Russia at the expense of its western markets. Strategically, however, China cannot afford to reject Russia. Chart 9AEU Wary Of Targeting China EU Wary Of Targeting China EU Wary Of Targeting China Chart 9BEU Wary Of Targeting China EU Wary Of Targeting China EU Wary Of Targeting China   Russia has now severed ties with the West and has no choice but to offer favorable deals to China on the whole range of relations. China’s greatest strategic threat is US sea power; Russia offers a strategically vital overland source of natural resources. Russia also offers intelligence and security assistance in critical regions like Central Asia and the Middle East that China needs to access. Like Russia, China fears US containment policy and views US defense relations with its immediate neighbors as a fundamental national security threat. President Biden reassured China that US policy toward the Taiwan Strait has not changed but also said that the US opposes any unilateral attempt to change the status quo. The implication is that China will segregate its EU and Russia networks of trade and finance to minimize the impact of any US secondary sanctions. China will offer Russia some assistance while making diplomatic gestures to maintain economic relations with Europe. The Europeans will lobby the Americans not to expand sanctions on China. The Biden administration will be reluctant to increase sanctions on China immediately, since it wants to maintain global stability in general, control the pace of rising global tensions, and maintain maneuverability for immediate problems with Russia and Iran. Biden’s priority is to rebuild US alliances and Europe will be averse to expanding the sanction regime to China. Therefore any sanctions on China will come only slowly and with ample warning to global investors. But sanctions are possible over the course of the year. If the Biden administration concludes that it has utterly lost domestic support, that the midterm elections are a foregone conclusion, then it can afford to get tougher in the international arena in hopes that it can improve its standing with voters. Biden’s Policy Toward Iran While Afghanistan and Ukraine were thrust upon Biden, the major foreign policy challenge in which he retains the initiative is whether to rejoin the 2015 nuclear deal with Iran. Thus it may be policy toward Iran and the Middle East that defines the Biden doctrine. The Ukraine war has not stopped the Biden administration from seeking to rejoin the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, which was a strategic US-Iran détente that sought to freeze Iran’s nuclear program in exchange for its economic development. The original nuclear deal occurred with Russia’s blessing after the US and EU overlooked Russia’s invasion of Crimea. Now negotiations toward rejoining that deal are reaching the critical hour. The US has supposedly offered Russia guarantees to retain Russian support. The reason for Biden to rejoin the 2015 deal is to open Iran’s oil and natural gas reserves to the global and European economy and thus mitigate the global energy shock ahead of the midterm elections. Iran could return one million barrels per day to global markets. There is also a strategic logic for normalizing relations with Iran: to maintain a balance of power in the Middle East, reduce US military commitment there, provide Europe with greater security, and free up resources to counter Russia and China. Whether the deal will fulfill these ends is debatable but the Biden administration apparently believes it will. Biden is capable of rejoining the deal because the critical concessions do not require congressional approval. Through executive action alone, Biden could meet Iran’s demands: sanctions relief, delisting the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps as a terrorist organization, and ensuring that Russo-Iranian trade (especially nuclear cooperation) is not exempted from the new Russia sanctions. There will be domestic political blowback for each of these concessions but not as much as there will be if gasoline prices continue to rise due to greater global instability stemming from the Middle East. The Iranians are also capable of rejoining the deal. Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, in his Persian New Year speech, gave a green light for President Ebrahim Raisi’s administration to pursue policies that would remove US sanctions. Khamanei implied that Iran should let the West lift sanctions while continuing to fortify its economy to future US sanctions.4 While the US and Iran are clearly capable of a stop-gap deal, it will not be a durable agreement – and hence any benefits for global energy supply will be called into question. The reason is that the underlying strategic logic is suffering: Biden will appear incoherent if he alienates Saudi Arabia and the UAE while appealing to them to increase oil production – and they are more capable than Iran on this front (Chart 10). Biden will appear incoherent if he agrees to secure Russo-Iranian trade at the same time as he seeks to cut Russia off from all other trade. Biden may not achieve a reduction in regional tensions through an Iran deal, since Israel insists that it is not bound to the nuclear deal. If Iran does not comply with the nuclear freeze, Israel will ramp up military threats. The Iranians cannot trust American guarantees that the next president, in 2025, will not tear up the nuclear deal and re-impose sanctions on Iran. The Iranians need Russian and Chinese assistance so they cannot afford to embark on a special new relationship with the West. Ultimately the Iranians are highly likely to pursue deliverable nuclear weapons for the sake of regime survival, as our Geopolitical Strategy has argued. Chart 10US-Iran Deal Will Not Be Durable US-Iran Deal Will Not Be Durable US-Iran Deal Will Not Be Durable   Thus Biden may choose a deal with Iran but we would not bet on it. Moreover any stop-gap deal will be undermined in practice, so that the investment repercussions will be ephemeral. If Biden fails to clinch his Iran deal as expected, then the world faces an even larger energy shock due to rising tensions in the Middle East. Investment Takeaways The Biden administration’s foreign policy challenges will compound its macroeconomic challenges and weigh on the Democratic Party in the midterm elections. The war in Ukraine will hurt Biden and the Democrats primarily because of the energy shock. The energy shock will get worse if Biden fails to agree to a stop-gap deal with Iran. But we expect either the US or Iran to back out for strategic reasons. With Republicans likely to reclaim Congress this fall, US political polarization will remain at historically high levels over the course of the 2022-24 election cycle. However, Russia’s belligerence underscores our view that rising geopolitical threats will cause the US to unify and reduce polarization over the long run. The war reinforces our US Political Strategy themes of “Peak Polarization” and “Limited Big Government,” as a new bipartisan consensus is forming around the view that the federal government should take a larger role in the economy to address national challenges both at home and abroad. One of our cyclical investment ideas stemming from these themes is to buy cyber-security stocks. President Biden warned US government and corporations on March 21 that Russia could stage cyber attacks against the United States and that private businesses must be prepared. Cyber stocks have suffered amid the general rout in tech stocks but they are starting to recover. Year to date, they are outperforming the S&P 500, and the tech sector, and look to be starting to outperform defensive sectors (Chart 11). Chart 11Biden Warns Of Cyber Attacks Biden Warns Of Cyber Attacks Biden Warns Of Cyber Attacks   Matt Gertken Senior Vice President Chief US Political Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com     Footnotes 1     See Yuka Hayashi, “U.S., U.K. Strike Trade Deal to End Tariffs on British Steel and American Whiskey”, Wall Street Journal, March 22, wsj.com 2     See Nancy Youssef and Michael Gordon, “U.S. Sending Soviet Air Defense Systems It Secretly Acquired to Ukraine”, Wall Street Journal, March 21, wsj.com. 3    White House, “Readout of President Joseph R. Biden Jr. Call with President Xi Jinping of the People’s Republic of China,” March 18, 2022, whitehouse.gov. 4    Ayatollah Ali Khamenei implied at his Persian New Year speech that a deal with the Americans could go forward. He emphasized the need to improve the economy and implied that some of the economic burdens will go away starting this year. He pointed to a way forward with US sanctions intact, while also saying that he did not discourage attempts to remove sanctions. “We should not tie the economy to sanctions... It is possible to make economic advances despite U.S. sanctions. It is possible to expand foreign trade, as we did, enter regional agreements and have achievements in oil and other areas … I never say to not go after sanctions relief, but I am asking you to govern the country in a way in which sanctions do not hurt us.” See “Iran's Khamenei Says Economy Should Not Be Tied to U.S. Sanctions,” Reuters, March 21, 2022, usnews.com.   Strategic View Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Table A2Political Risk Matrix Biden's Foreign Policy And The Midterms Biden's Foreign Policy And The Midterms Table A3US Political Capital Index Biden's Foreign Policy And The Midterms Biden's Foreign Policy And The Midterms Chart A1Presidential Election Model Biden's Foreign Policy And The Midterms Biden's Foreign Policy And The Midterms Chart A2Senate Election Model Biden's Foreign Policy And The Midterms Biden's Foreign Policy And The Midterms Table A4APolitical Capital: White House And Congress Biden's Foreign Policy And The Midterms Biden's Foreign Policy And The Midterms Table A4BPolitical Capital: Household And Business Sentiment Biden's Foreign Policy And The Midterms Biden's Foreign Policy And The Midterms Table A4CPolitical Capital: The Economy And Markets Biden's Foreign Policy And The Midterms Biden's Foreign Policy And The Midterms

Executive Summary Ebbing Stagflation Fear Will Prompt Rerating Ebbing Stagflation Fear Will Prompt Rerating Ebbing Stagflation Fear Will Prompt Rerating European inflation will rise further before peaking this summer. Core CPI will reach between 2.8% and 3.2% by year-end before receding. The combination of stabilizing growth and the eventual peak in inflation will cause stagflation fears to recede. European assets have greater upside. Cyclicals, small-caps, and financials will be major beneficiaries of declining stagflation fears. The underperformance of UK small-cap stocks is nearing its end. UK large-cap equities are a tactical sell against Eurozone and Swedish shares. TACTICAL INCEPTION DATE RETURN SINCE INCEPTION (%) COMMENT EQUITIES Buy European & Swedish Equities / Sell UK Large Caps Stocks 03/21/2022     Bottom Line: Stagflation fears are near an apex as commodity inflation recedes. A peak in these fears will allow European asset prices to perform strongly over the coming quarters.     Despite a glimmer of hope that Ukraine and Russia may find a diplomatic end to the war, the reality on the ground is that the conflict has intensified. Although the hostilities are worsening and the European Central Bank (ECB) surprised the markets with its hawkish tone, European assets have begun to catch a bid. The crucial question for investors is whether this rebound constitutes a new trend or a counter-trend move? Our view about Europe is optimistic right now. The path is not a direct line upward. The recent optimism about the outcome of the Russia-Ukraine talks is premature; however, we are getting to the point when markets are becoming desensitized to the war and energy prices are losing steam. Moreover, the increasing number of statements by Chinese economic authorities pointing toward greater stimulus and support to alleviate the pain created by China’s stringent zero-COVID policy are another positive omen. Higher Inflation For Some Time European headline inflation is set to exceed 7% this summer and core CPI will increase between 2.8% and 3.2% by the end of 2022. Related Report  European Investment StrategySpring Stagflation The main force that will push inflation higher in Europe remains commodity prices. Energy inflation is extremely strong at already 32% per annum (Chart 1). It will increase further because of both the recent jump in Brent prices to EUR122/bbl on March 8 and the upsurge in natural gas prices, which were as high as EUR212/MWh on the same day before settling to EUR106/MWh last Friday. The impact of energy prices will not be limited to headline inflation and will filter through to core CPI (Chart 1, bottom panel). The average monthly percentage change in the Eurozone core CPI inflation stands at 0.25% for the past six months (compared to an average of 0.09% over the past ten years), or the period when energy-prices inflation has been the strongest. Assuming monthly inflation remains at such an elevated level, annual core CPI will hit 3.3% in the Eurozone by the end of 2022 (Chart 2). Chart 2Core CPI to Rise Further Core CPI to Rise Further Core CPI to Rise Further Chart 1Energy Inflation: Alive And Well Energy Inflation: Alive And Well Energy Inflation: Alive And Well The picture is not entirely bleak. Many forces suggest that these inflationary forces will recede before year-end in Europe. Energy prices are peaking, which is consistent with a diminishing inflationary impulse from that space. We showed two weeks ago that the massive backwardation of oil curves, the heavy bullish sentiment, and the high level of risk-reversals were consistent with a severe but transitory adjustment in the energy market. Oil markets will experience further volatility, as uncertainty around peace/ceasefire negotiations continues to evolve in Ukraine. Nonetheless, the peak in energy prices has most likely been reached. BCA’s energy strategists expect Brent to average $93/bbl in 2022 and in 2023. The potential for a decline in headline CPI after the summer is not limited to energy prices. Dramatic moves in the commodity market, from metals to agricultural resources, have made headlines. Yet, the rate of change of commodity prices is decelerating, hence, the commodity impulse to inflation is slowing sharply. As Chart 3 shows, this is a harbinger of a slowdown in European headline CPI. Related Report  European Investment StrategyFallout From Ukraine Looking beyond commodity markets, the recent deceleration in European economic activity also suggests weaker inflation in the latter half of 2022. Germany will likely suffer a recession because it already registered a negative GDP growth in Q4 2021. Q1 2022 growth will be even worse because of the country’s high exposure to both China and fossil fuel prices. More broadly, the recent deceleration in the rate of change of both the manufacturing and services PMIs is consistent with an imminent peak in the second derivative of goods and services CPI (Chart 4). Chart 3Commodity Impulse Is Peaking Commodity Impulse Is Peaking Commodity Impulse Is Peaking Chart 4Inflation's Maximum Momentum Is Now Inflation's Maximum Momentum Is Now Inflation's Maximum Momentum Is Now Underlying drivers of inflation also remain tame in Europe. European negotiated wages are only expanding at a 1.5% annual rate, which translates into unit labor costs growth of 1% (Chart 5). This contrast with the US, where wages are expanding at a 4.3% annual rate. A peak in inflation, however, does not mean that CPI readings will fall below the ECB’s 2% threshold anytime soon. The European economy continues to face supply shortages that the Ukrainian conflict exacerbates (Chart 6). Moreover, the recent wave of COVID-19 in China increases the risk of disruptions in supply chains, as highlighted by the closure of Foxconn factories in Shenzhen. Finally, inflation has yet to peak; mathematically, it will take a long time before it falls back below levels targeted by Frankfurt. Chart 5The European Labor Market Is Not Inflationary The European Labor Market Is Not Inflationary The European Labor Market Is Not Inflationary Chart 6Not Blemish-Free Not Blemish-Free Not Blemish-Free Bottom Line: European headline inflation will peak this summer, probably above 7%. Additionally, core CPI is likely to reach between 2.8% and 3.2% in the second half of 2022. As a result of a decline in the commodity impulse, inflation will decelerate afterward, but it will remain above the ECB’s 2% target for most of 2023. Hopes For Growth Two weeks ago, we wrote that Europe was facing a stagflation episode in the coming one to two quarters, but that, ultimately, economic activity will recover well. Recent evidence confirms that assessment. Chart 7A Coming Chinese Tailwind? A Coming Chinese Tailwind? A Coming Chinese Tailwind? The tone of Chinese policymakers is becoming more aggressive, in favor of supporting the economy. On March 16, Vice-Premier Liu He highlighted that Beijing was readying to support property and tech shares and that it will do more to stimulate the economy. True, this response was made in part to address the need to close cities affected by the sudden spike of Omicron cases around China. Nonetheless, the global experience with Omicron demonstrates that, as spectacular and violent the surge in cases may be, it is short-lived. Meanwhile, the impact of stimulus filters through the economy over many months. As a result, Europe will experience the impact of China’s Omicron-induced slowdown, while it also suffers from the growth-sapping effects of the Ukrainian conflict; however, it will also enjoy the positive effect on growth of a rising credit impulse over several subsequent quarters (Chart 7). Beyond China, the other themes we have discussed in recent weeks remain valid. First, European fiscal policy will become looser, as governments prepare to fight the slowdown caused by the war, while also increasing infrastructure spending to wean Europe off Russian energy. Moreover, European military spending is well below NATO’s 2% objective. This will not remain the case, as military expenditure may leap from less than EUR100bn per year to nearly EUR400bn per year over the coming decade. Second, European spending on consumer durable goods still lags well behind the trajectory of the US. With the energy drag at its apex today, consumer spending on durable goods will be able to catch up in the latter half of the year, especially with the household savings rate standing at 15% or 2.5 percentage points above its pre-COVID level. Bottom Line: European growth will be very low in the coming quarters. Germany is likely to face a technical recession as Q1 2022 data filters in. Nonetheless, Chinese stimulus, European fiscal support, pent-up demand, and a declining energy drag will allow growth to recover in the latter half of the year. As a result, we agree with the European Commission estimates that European growth will slow markedly this year. Market Implications In the context of a transitory shock to European economic activity and a coming peak in inflation, European stock prices have likely bottomed. Chart 8Depressed Sentiment To Help Beta Depressed Sentiment To Help Beta Depressed Sentiment To Help Beta Sentiment has reached levels normally linked with a durable market floor. The NAAIM Exposure Index has fallen to a point from which global markets often recover. Europe’s high beta nature increases the odds that European equities will greatly benefit in that context (Chart 8). Valuations confirm that sentiment toward European assets has reached a capitulation stage. The annual rate of change of the earnings yields in the earnings yields has hit 73%, which is consistent with a market bottom (Chart 9). More importantly, the change in European forward P/E tracks closely our European Stagflation Sentiment Proxy (ESSP), based on the difference between the Growth and Inflation Expectations’ components of the ZEW survey (Chart 10). For now, our ESSP indicates that stagflation fears in Europe have never been so widespread, but these fears will likely dissipate as energy inflation declines. This process will lift European earnings multiples. Chart 9Bad News Discounted? Bad News Discounted? Bad News Discounted? Chart 10Ebbing Stagflation Fear Will Prompt Rerating Ebbing Stagflation Fear Will Prompt Rerating Ebbing Stagflation Fear Will Prompt Rerating Earnings revisions will likely bottom soon as well. The ESSP is currently consistent with a dramatic decline in European net earnings revisions (Chart 10, bottom panel). It will take a few more weeks for lower earnings revisions to be fully reflected. However, they follow market moves and, as such, the 17% decline in the MSCI Europe Index that took place earlier this year already anticipates their fall. Consequently, as stagflation fears recede, earnings revisions will rise in tandem with equity prices. Chart 11Maximum Pressure On Corporate Spreads Maximum Pressure On Corporate Spreads Maximum Pressure On Corporate Spreads A decline in stagflation fears is also consistent with a decrease in European credit spreads in the coming months (Chart 11). This observation corroborates the analysis from the Special Report we published jointly with BCA’s Global Fixed-Income Strategy team last week.  In terms of sectoral implications, a decline in stagflation fears is often associated with a rebound in the performance of small-cap equities relative to large-cap ones (Chart 12, top panel). This reflects the greater sensitivity of small-cap equities to domestic economic conditions compared to large-cap stocks. Moreover, small-cap equities had been oversold relative to their large-cap counterparts but now, momentum is improving (Chart 12). As a result, it is time to buy these equities. Similarly, financials have suffered greatly from the recent events associated with the Ukrainian conflict. European financial institutions have not only been penalized for their modest exposure to Russia, they have also historically declined when stagflation fears are prevalent (Chart 13). This relationship reflects poor lending activity when the economy weakens, and the risk of a policy-induced recession caused by high inflation. Financials will continue their sharp rebound as stagflation fears dissipate. Chart 13Financials Have Suffered Enough Financials Have Suffered Enough Financials Have Suffered Enough Chart 12Small-Caps Time To Shine Small-Caps Time To Shine Small-Caps Time To Shine The dynamics in inflation alone are very important. As Table 1 highlights, in periods of elevated inflation over the past 20 years, financials underperform the broad market by 11.3% on average. It is also a period of pain for small-cap equities and cyclicals. Logically, exiting the current environment will offer opportunities in European cyclical equities and for financials in particular. Table 1Who Suffers From High Inflation? Is Europe Turning The Corner? Is Europe Turning The Corner? Chart 14Long Industrials & Materials / Short Energy Long Industrials & Materials / Short Energy Long Industrials & Materials / Short Energy Finally, a pair trade buying industrials and materials at the expense of energy makes sense today. Materials and industrials suffer relative to energy equities when stagflation rises, especially in periods when these fears reflect rising energy pressures (Chart 14). A reversal in relative earnings revisions in favor of materials and industrials will propel this position higher. Bottom Line: Sentiment toward European assets reached a selling climax in recent weeks. Stagflation fears in Europe have reached an apex, and their reversal will lift both multiples and earnings revisions in the subsequent quarters. Diminishing stagflation fears will also boost the appeal of European corporate credit, contributing to an easing in financial conditions. Small-cap stocks, cyclicals, and financials will reap the greatest benefits from this adjustment. Going long materials and industrials at the expense of energy stocks is an attractive pair trade. Key Risk: A Policy Mistake The view above is not without risks. The number one threat to European growth and assets is a policy mistake from the ECB. On March 10, 2022, the ECB’s policy statement and President Christine Lagarde’s press conference showed that the Governing Council (GC) will decrease asset purchases faster than anticipated. Chart 15Will The ECB Repeat It Past Mistakes? Will The ECB Repeat It Past Mistakes? Will The ECB Repeat It Past Mistakes? It is important to keep in mind the dynamics of 2011. Back then, the ECB opted to increase interest rates as European headline CPI was drifting toward 2.6% on the back of rising energy prices. According to our ESSP, the April 2011 interest rates hike took place at the greatest level of stagflation fears recorded until the current moment (Chart 15). Lured by rising inflation, the ECB ignored underlying weaknesses in European economic activity, which wreaked havoc on European financial markets and growth. If the ECB were to increase rates as growth remains soft, a similar outcome would take place. For now, the ECB’s communications continue to de-emphasize the need for rate hikes in the near term, which suggests that the GC is cognizant of the risk created by weak growth over the coming months. Waiting until next year, when activity will be stronger and the output gap will be closed, will offer the ECB a better avenue to lift rates durably. This risk warrants close monitoring of the ECB’s communication over the coming months. If headline inflation does not peak by the summer, the ECB is likely to repeat its past error, which will substantially hurt European assets. Our optimism is tempered by this threat. UK Outperformance Long In The Tooth? Last week, the Bank of England (BoE) increased the Bank Rate by 25bps to 0.75%, in a move that was widely expected. Yet, the pound fell 0.7% against the euro and gilt yields fell 6 bps. This market reaction reflected the BoE’s choice to temper its forward guidance. The central bank is now expected to increase interest rates to 2.2% next year, before they decline in 2024. The dovish projection of the BoE shows the MPC’s concerns over the impact of higher energy costs and rising National Insurance contributions on household spending. In the BoE’s opinion, the economy is very inflationary right now, but it will slow, which will mitigate the inflationary impact down the road. We share the BoE’s worries about the UK’s near-term economic outlook. The combination of higher taxes, higher interest rates, and rising energy costs will have an impact on growth. However, the rapid decline in small-cap stocks, which have massively underperformed their large cap-counterparts, already discounts considerable bad news (Chart 16). Additionally, small-cap equities relative to EPS have begun to stabilize, while relative P/E and price-to-book ratios have also corrected their overvaluations. In this context, UK small-cap equities are becoming attractive. Chart 17UK vs Eurozone: A Stagflation Bet UK vs Eurozone: A Stagflation Bet UK vs Eurozone: A Stagflation Bet Chart 16UK Small-Cap Stocks Have Purged Their Excesses UK Small-Cap Stocks Have Purged Their Excesses UK Small-Cap Stocks Have Purged Their Excesses In contrast to small-cap stocks, UK large-cap equities have greatly benefited from the global stagflation scare. The UK large-cap benchmark had the right sector mix for the current environment, overweighting defensive names as well as energy and resources. It is likely that when stagflation fears recede, UK equities will undo their outperformance (Chart 17). Technically, UK equities are massively overbought against Euro Area and Swedish stocks, both of which have been greatly impacted by stagflation fears and their pro-cyclical biases (Chart 18 & 19). An attractive tactical bet will be to sell UK large-cap stocks while buying Eurozone and Swedish equities, as energy inflation declines and as China’s stimulus boosts global industrial activity in the latter half of 2022 Bottom Line: Move to overweight UK small-cap stocks within UK equity portfolios. Go long Euro Area and Swedish equities relative to UK large-cap stocks as a tactical bet. Chart 18UK Overbought Relative To Euro Area... UK Overbought Relative To Euro Area... UK Overbought Relative To Euro Area... Chart 19… And Sweden ... And Sweden ... And Sweden   Mathieu Savary, Chief European Strategist Mathieu@bcaresearch.com Tactical Recommendations Cyclical Recommendations Structural Recommendations Closed Trades