Domestic Politics

Highlights Middle Eastern geopolitics will add upside risk to our bullish oil view, but not cause a drastic supply shock; Saudi Arabia is at last converting from a feudal monarchy to a modern nation-state; The greatest risk is domestic upheaval, motivating Saudi internal reforms and power consolidation; Abroad, the Saudis are constrained by military weakness, relatively low oil prices, and U.S. foreign policy; Geopolitical risk premia are seeping back into oil prices, but OPEC 2.0 and the Saudi-Iranian détente are still intact. Feature Geopolitical and political turbulence in Saudi Arabia kicked into high gear in November, with Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman apparently turning the Riyadh Ritz-Carlton into a luxury prison for members of the royal family.1 At the same time, rumors are swirling that the bizarre resignation of Lebanese Prime Minister Saad Hariri, allegedly orchestrated by Saudi Arabia, is a potential casus belli. In this scenario, Lebanon would become a proxy war for a confrontation between Sunni Gulf monarchies led by Saudi Arabia (aided by Israel) and their Shia rivals, led by Iran and its proxy Hezbollah. To our clients around the world we say, "please take a deep breath." In this report, we intend to separate the signal from the noise. The Middle East has been a theater of paradigm shifts since at least 2011.2 Not all of them are investment relevant. In this report, we conclude that: Changes under way in the Middle East are the product of impersonal, structural forces that have been in place since the U.S. pulled out of Iraq in 2011; Saudi Arabia is engaged in belated, European-style nation-building, a volatile process that will raise tensions in the country and the region; Saudi Arabia remains constrained by a lack of resources and military capabilities, and unclear alliance structures. Iran, meanwhile, benefits from the status quo. As such, no major war with Iran is likely in the short term, although proxy wars could intensify. In the short term, we agree that the moves by Saudi leadership will increase tensions domestically and in the region. However, over the long term, the evolution of Saudi Arabia from the world's last feudal monarchy into a modern nation-state should improve the predictability of Middle East politics. Regardless of our view, one thing is clear: Saudi Arabia has an incentive to keep oil prices at the current $64 per barrel, or higher, as domestic and regional instability looms. As such, we believe that risks to oil prices are to the upside, but a global growth-constraining geopolitical shock to oil supply is unlikely. The Paradigm Shift: Multipolarity "Tikrit is a prime example of what we are worried about ... Iran is taking over [Iraq]."3 -- Prince Saud al-Faisal, Saudi Foreign Minister, to U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry, March 5, 2015 Pundits, journalists, investors, and Middle East experts all make the same mistake when analyzing the region: they assume it exists on "Planet Middle East." It does not. The Middle East is part of a global system and its internal mechanic is not sui generis. Its actors are bit players in a much bigger game, which involves nuclear powers like the U.S., China, and Russia. Yes, the whims and designs of Middle East leaders do matter, but only within the global constraints that they are subject to. The greatest such constraint has been the objective and observable withdrawal of the U.S. from the Middle East, emblematized by a dramatic reduction of U.S. troops in the region (Chart 1). The U.S. went from stationing 250,000 troops in 2007 to mere 36,000 in 2017. The withdrawal was not merely a manifestation of President Barack Obama's dovish foreign policy. Rather, it was motivated by U.S. grand strategy, specifically the need to "pivot to Asia" and challenge China's rising geopolitical prowess head on (Chart 2). Chart 1U.S. Geopolitical Deleveraging U.S. Geopolitical Deleveraging U.S. Geopolitical Deleveraging Chart 2China's Ascendancy Challenges The U.S. China's Ascendancy Challenges The U.S. China's Ascendancy Challenges The U.S. As we expected, President Donald Trump has not materially increased the U.S. presence in the region since taking office.4 His efforts to eradicate the Islamic State have largely built on those of his predecessor. While he has rhetorically changed policy towards Iran, and taken steps to imperil the nuclear deal by decertifying it, he has not abrogated the deal. The U.S. president can withdraw from the nuclear deal without congressional approval, yet President Trump has merely passed the buck to Congress, which has until the end of the year to decide whether to re-impose sanctions. For Saudi Arabia, U.S. rhetoric and half measures do not change the fact that Iraq is now devoid of American troops and largely in the Iranian sphere of influence. Following the 1991 Gulf War, Saudi Arabia enjoyed the best of both worlds for two decades: a Sunni-dominated but weakened Iraq serving the role of an impregnable buffer between itself and the much more militarily capable Iran. Since Iraq's paradigm shift in the wake of American invasion, the buffer has not only vanished but has been replaced by a Shia-dominated, Iranian-influenced Iraqi state (albeit still relatively weak). Unsurprisingly, Saudi military spending as a share of GDP nearly doubled from the 2011 U.S. withdrawal to 2015, and in absolute terms has risen from $48.5 billion in 2011 to $63.7 billion in 2016, revealing a deep concern in Riyadh that its northern border has become nearly indefensible (Chart 3). Chart 3Saudis React To U.S. Withdrawal The Middle East: Separating The Signal From The Noise The Middle East: Separating The Signal From The Noise Meanwhile, Baghdad's heavy-handed political and military tactics produced an immediate reaction from the Sunni population.5 Militant Sunni insurgent groups, with material support from unofficial (and probably official) channels in Saudi Arabia and wider Gulf monarchies, began to fight back. Violence escalated and soon melded with the emerging civil war in Syria, which by early 2013 had taken on a sectarian cast as well. This led to the emergence of the Islamic State, which grew out of the earlier Sunni insurgence against the U.S. in the Al Anbar governorate. The military success of the Islamic State in 2014 against the inexperienced and demoralized Iraqi Army forced Baghdad to lean even more heavily on domestic Shia militias, and Iran, for survival. Islamic State militants reached the outskirts of Baghdad in September 2014 and were only beaten back by a combination of hardline Shia militias and Iranian advisers and irregular troops. From the Saudi perspective, this direct intervention by the Iranian military in Iraq was the final straw. Most jarring to the Saudis was the fact that the Americans acquiesced to the Iranian presence in Iraq and even collaborated with Iran. In fact, the overt presence of Iranian military personnel in Syria and Iraq drew no rebuke from the U.S. Some American officials even seemed to praise the Iranian contribution to the global effort against the Islamic State. Meanwhile, the nuclear negotiations continued undisturbed, right down to their successful conclusion in July 2015. Bottom Line: Global multipolarity and the rise of China has forced America's hand, and the dramatic withdrawal of military assets from the Middle East is the direct consequence. Saudi Arabia has suffered a dramatic reversal of geopolitical fortunes, with its crucial geographic buffer, Iraq, now dominated by its strategic rival, Iran. Saudi Arabia "Goes It Alone," And Fails Miserably "Saudi Arabia will go it alone."6 -- Mohammed bin Nawwaf Bin Abdulaziz Al Saud, Saudi ambassador to the U.K., December 17, 2013 To counter growing Iranian influence across the region and its strategic isolation, Saudi Arabia relied on five general strategies, all of which have failed: Map 1Saudi Arabia's Shia-Populated Eastern Province Is A Crucial Piece Of Real Estate The Middle East: Separating The Signal From The Noise The Middle East: Separating The Signal From The Noise Asymmetric warfare: Saudi Arabia has explicitly and implicitly supported radical-Islamist Sunni militant groups around the region. Some of these groups were either directly linked to, or vestiges of, al-Qaeda. The Islamic State, which received implicit support from Saudi Arabia in its early days of fighting president Bashar al-Assad in Syria, eventually turned against Saudi Arabia itself. Its agents claimed multiple mosque attacks in the Shia-populated Eastern Provinces (Map 1), attacks intended to incite sectarian violence in this key oil-producing Saudi area. Saudi officials also became alarmed at a large number of Saudi youth who went to fight with Islamic State fighters across the region, some of whom are now back in the country (Chart 4). "Sunni NATO": Talk of a broad, Sunni alliance against Iran has not materialized. Despite the Saudis' best efforts, the main Sunni military powers - Egypt and Pakistan - have remained aloof of its regional efforts to isolate Iran. The best example is the paltry contribution of its Sunni peers to the ongoing war in Yemen, where anti-government Houthi rebels are nominally allied with Iran. Pakistan contemplated sending a brigade of 3,000 troops to the Saudi-Yemen border earlier this year, but has refused to join the fight directly. Egypt sent under 1,000 troops early in the war, but none since. Talk of a 40,000 Egyptian deployment to the Yemen conflict earlier this year has not materialized. If Pakistan and Egypt are unwilling to help Saudi Arabia against the Houthis, why would they be interested in directly confronting a formidable military power like Iran? Direct warfare: When supporting militants and spending money on allies did not work, Saudi Arabia decided to try its hand at direct warfare. In February 2015, it began airstrikes against the Houthi rebels in Yemen. The war, which costs Saudi Arabia over $70 billion a year, has gone badly for Saudi Arabia.7 Despite two years of intensive involvement by Saudi Arabia and its GCC allies, the capital Sanaa remains in Houthi hands. As far as we are aware, there has been no real Saudi ground troop commitment to the conflict. K-street: Despite its best efforts, and the vast resources spent on lobbyists in Washington, Saudi Arabia could not prevent the U.S. détente with Iran. What the Saudis failed to appreciate was multipolarity, i.e. how the U.S. pivot to Asia would affect Washington's policy toward the Middle East.8 Oil prices: At the fateful November 2014 OPEC meeting, Saudi Arabia refused to cut oil production in the face of falling prices, instead increasing production (Chart 5). Since late 2016, however, Saudi Arabia has reversed this aggressive bid for market share and orchestrated oil production cuts with Russia and OPEC states. Chart 4The Islamic State Movement Threatens Saudi Arabia The Middle East: Separating The Signal From The Noise The Middle East: Separating The Signal From The Noise Chart 5Saudis Surged Production Into Falling Prices Saudis Surged Production Into Falling Prices Saudis Surged Production Into Falling Prices Each and every one of the above strategies has failed. The last one is the most spectacular: Saudi Arabia was forced to backtrack from its oil production surge and negotiate with long-time geopolitical rival Russia, which was courting the Saudis to relieve its budget pressures from low oil prices. Saudi Arabia not only accepted the need to work with Russia, but also acquiesced to Russia's geopolitical demands for détente in the ongoing Syrian Civil War. The latter will force Saudi Arabia at least tacitly to accept the continued leadership of President al-Assad in Syria. Furthermore, Saudi intervention in Yemen has gone nowhere. Pundits who claim that the Saudis are on the verge of a major military engagement in ______ (insert Middle East country), should carefully study the effectiveness of the Saudi military in Yemen. After over two years of Saudi bombardment, the Houthis are further entrenched in the country. Meanwhile, Saudi Arabia's Sunni allies have not committed many ground troops to the effort, save for Sudan, which is impoverished and has no choice but to curry favor with its largest foreign donor. Bottom Line: The past six years have taught the Saudi leadership a series of hard lessons. Saudi Arabia cannot "go at it alone." On the contrary, the rise of the Islamic State - a messianic political entity claiming religious superiority to the Saudi kingdom - has alarmed the Saudi leadership and awoken it to a truly existential risk: domestic upheaval. Nation-Building, Saudi Style "What happened in the last 30 years is not Saudi Arabia. What happened in the region in the last 30 years is not the Middle East. After the Iranian revolution in 1979, people wanted to copy this model in different countries, one of them is Saudi Arabia. We didn't know how to deal with it. And the problem spread all over the world. Now is the time to get rid of it."9 -- Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, October 24, 2017 European nation-states developed over the course of five hundred years, from roughly the end of the Hundred Years' War between England and France to the unification of Italy and Germany in the mid-nineteenth century. Fundamentally, these efforts were about centralizing state power under a single authority by evolving the governance system away from feudal monarchy toward a constitutional, bureaucratic, and national system. The defining feature of feudalism was the separation of feudal society into three "estates": the clergy, the nobility, and the peasantry. The first two estates - the clergy and the nobility - had considerable rights and privileges. The king, who was above all three estates, nonetheless had to curry favor with both in order to raise taxes and wage wars. The state was weak and often susceptible to foreign influence via interference in all three estates. Saudi Arabia is one of the world's last feudal monarchies and it does not have five hundred years to evolve. Still, the best model for what is going on inside Saudi Arabia today is the European nation-building of the past. In brief, recent Saudi policies - from foreign policy assertiveness to domestic reforms - are intended to centralize power and evolve Saudi Arabia into a modern nation-state. Three parallel efforts, modeled on European history from the last millennia, are under way: Curbing the "first estate": Saudi Arabia has begun to curb the power of the religious establishment. In April 2016, it severely curbed the powers of the hai'a - the country's religious police. They no longer have the power to arrest. Instead, they have to report violations of Islamic law to the secular police; and they are only allowed to work during office hours.10 The state has even arrested a prominent cleric who opposed the change in hai'a powers, and has dismissed many other conservative clerics since King Salman came to power. Curbing the "second estate": The detention of members of the Saudi royal family at the Ritz Carlton is part of an ongoing effort to curb the powers of the "landed aristocracy" and bring it under the control of the ruling Sudairi branch of the royal family.11 This is not just palace intrigue, but a necessary step in harnessing the financial resources of the state, which are currently dispersed amongst roughly 2,000 members of the "second estate." Rallying the "third estate": Nationalism was used by European leaders of the nineteenth century to rally the plebs behind the state-building efforts of the time. Similarly, King Salman and his son, Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman, are building a Saudi national identity. To do so, they are appealing to the youth, which makes up 57% of the country's population (Chart 6), as well as emphasizing the existential threat that Iran poses to the kingdom. Chart 6Still A Young Country Still A Young Country Still A Young Country We do not see these efforts as merely the reckless agenda of an impulsive thirty year-old, as Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman is often derisively portrayed by his opponents. We see genuine strategy in every policy that has been initiated by Saudi leadership since King Salman took over in January 2015. Several efforts are particularly notable. Vision 2030: A Major Salvo Against The "First Estate" As we indicated in May 2016, we consider the Saudi "Vision 2030" reform blueprint to be a serious document.12 While its plan to address Saudi economic constraints is overly ambitious and vague, there are nonetheless several prominent themes that reveal the preferences of Saudi leaders: Education: The document emphasizes the link between education and economic development. Notably, there is no mention of religion. Gender Equality: Elevating the role of women in the economy will require relaxing many strict social and religious rules that impede gender equality. As if on cue, the Saudi leadership announced that it would soon end its policy of forbidding women to drive. Corruption: A new emphasis on government transparency and reducing corruption will undermine many powerful vested interests, including the religious elites. We were right to emphasize these three themes back in May 2016 as it is now obvious that King Salman and his son Mohammad bin Salman are following the prescriptions of their Vision 2030. What explains their reformist zeal? Over half of the Saudi population of almost 30 million is below 35 years of age. The youth population is facing difficulty entering the labor force, with unemployment above 30% (Chart 7). This rising angst is often expressed online, where the Saudi population is as interconnected as its peers in emerging markets (Chart 8). Saudi citizens have an average of seven social media accounts and the country ranks seventh globally in terms of the absolute number of social media accounts. Between a quarter and a fifth of the population uses Facebook, a quarter of all Saudi teenagers use Snapchat,13 and Twitter has the highest level of penetration in Saudi Arabia of any other country in the region.14 Chart 7A Potential National Security Risk A Potential National Security Risk A Potential National Security Risk Chart 8Saudi Youth Is As Internet Savvy As Others Saudi Youth Is As Internet Savvy As Others Saudi Youth Is As Internet Savvy As Others The idea that the royal family can take on the religious establishment on behalf of the youth seems far-fetched. Skeptics point out that the conservative Sunni Wahhabi religious movement lies at the foundation of the Saudi state. However, commentators who take this mid-eighteenth-century alliance as a key feature of modern Saudi Arabia often overstate its nature and influence. Not only is the Wahhabi hold on power potentially overstated, but Westerners may even overstate the country's religiosity as a whole. According to the World Values Survey, Saudi Arabia is less religious than Egypt and is on par with Morocco.15 Although Saudi Arabia has not appeared in the survey since 2004, it is fair to assume that, with the proliferation of social media and rise in the youth population, the country has not become more religious over the past decade (Chart 9). In addition, Saudis identify with values of self-expression over values of survival (as much as moderate Muslim Malaysians, for example), which is a sign of a relatively wealthy, industrial society. Chart 9Saudi Arabia: More Modern Than You Think The Middle East: Separating The Signal From The Noise The Middle East: Separating The Signal From The Noise The Weekend At The Ritz: The "Second Estate" Is Put On Notice The ongoing effort to curb the power of the Saudi "second estate" is not just about court intrigue and political maneuvering. Without harnessing the economic resources of the wider Saudi aristocracy, the state would succumb to debilitating capital outflows. If the Saudi "second estate" decided to "vote" against King Salman and his son with their "deposits" - and flee the country - the all-important currency peg would collapse. Despite a pickup in oil prices, Saudi Arabia's currency reserves are falling rapidly and could soon dip below the total amount of local-currency broad money (Chart 10). Beneath that point, confidence among locals and foreigners in the currency peg could shatter, leading to massive capital flight, which was clearly a very serious problem as of end-2016 (Chart 11). Chart 10KSA: Forex Reserves Depleting KSA: Forex Reserves Depleting KSA: Forex Reserves Depleting Chart 11KSA: Capital Outflows Persist KSA: Capital Outflows Persist KSA: Capital Outflows Persist The peg of the Saudi riyal to the U.S. dollar is not just an economic tool. It is a crucial social stability anchor for an economy that imports nearly all of its basic necessities. De-pegging would lead to a massive increase in import costs and thus a potential political and social crisis. The Saudi Arabian Monetary Agency (SAMA) has at its disposal considerable resources for the next two years. However, this is only the case if capital outflows do not pick up and oil prices continue to stabilize. The Russia-OPEC deal is in place to ensure the latter. The "weekend at the Ritz" is meant to ensure the former. But doesn't the crackdown against the wealth of 2,000 royal family members represent appropriation of private property? Not in the minds of King Salman and his reformist son. In fact, if the financial wealth of the royal family is used to fill the coffers of the Saudi sovereign wealth fund, there is no reason why members of the Saudi "second estate" cannot benefit from its future investment returns and essentially "clip coupons" for a living. In fact, prior to the anti-corruption crackdown against the "second estate," Saudi officials hosted a completely different event at the Ritz Carlton: a gathering of top international investors for a conference called "Davos in the Desert." Judging by the conversations we had with a number of participants at that event, the point was not to encourage investments in Saudi Arabia. Rather, it was to secure the services of top international managers as Saudi Arabia ramps up the investment activities of its Public Investment Fund (PIF). Investors should therefore consider the first weekend at the Ritz as the launch of a new international investment vehicle by Saudi officials and the second weekend at the Ritz as its capitalization by the wider "second estate." We expect that fighting corruption will remain a major domestic policy thrust going forward. A recent academic study, for example, takes on the difficult job of eradicating wasta - the concept that each favor or privilege in Saudi society flows through middlemen or connections.16 The volume has been edited by Mohamed A. Ramady, professor of Finance and Economics at King Fahd University in Dhahran, Saudi Arabia, and is undoubtedly supported by the royal family. Moreover, King Salman and his son have the example of Chinese President Xi Jinping's impressive power consolidation via anti-corruption campaign right in front of them and are unlikely to have embarked on this course with the expectation that it would be a short process. Iran As An Existential Threat: Harnessing The "Third Estate" Real reform is always and everywhere difficult, otherwise the desired end-state would already be the form. For the Saudi leadership, attacking both the first and second estate presents considerable risks. It is appropriate, therefore, to believe that a palace coup may be attempted against King Salman and his son.17 International tensions with Iran are a particularly useful strategy to distract the opposition and paint all domestic dissent as treasonous. This is not to say that Saudi Arabia does not face considerable strategic challenges from Iran. As mentioned, Iranian influence in Iraq is particularly threatening to Saudi Arabia as it gives Tehran influence over a key strategic buffer that also produces 4.4 million barrels of crude per day. Furthermore, Iran supported the 2011 uprising in Shia-majority Bahrain against the Saudi-allied al-Khalifa monarchy; it at least nominally supports the Houthi rebels in Yemen; it has directly intervened in Syria on behalf of President al-Assad; and it continues to support Hezbollah in Lebanon. It is safe to say that, since 2011, Iran has been ascendant in the Middle East and has surrounded Saudi Arabia with strategic threats on all points of the compass. But to what extent is the Saudi rhetoric on Lebanon, Bahrain, Yemen, and Qatar a real threat to the stability in the Middle East? We turn to this question in our next section. Bottom Line: Saudi Arabia's domestic intrigue is far more logical than pundits and the media make it out to be. King Salman and his son, Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman, are trying to build a modern nation state from what is today the world's last feudal monarchy. To do so, they have to enlist the support of the third estate - the country's large youth population - and curb the powers of its first and second estates - the religious establishment and the landed aristocracy. The process will be filled with risks and volatility, but is ultimately necessary for the long-term stability of the kingdom. Regional Risk Of War Is Overstated "[I am] positive there will be no implications coming out of this dramatic situation at all."18 -- Secretary of Defense James Mattis, asked about the Qatar crisis and the fight against ISIS, June 5, 2017 As this report goes to publication Saudi Arabia has accused Iranian-allied Hezbollah of forcing Lebanese Prime Minister Saad Hariri to run for his life. Hariri resigned while visiting Saudi Arabia. Although he claims that he is not being held against his will by Saudi authorities, his resignation is highly suspect. Saudi officials have also called a failed missile attack on Riyadh's airport, allegedly launched by Houthi rebels in Yemen, as a possible "act of war" by Iran. Meanwhile, Bahrain's Saudi-allied government has accused Iran of destroying an oil pipeline via terrorist action. The region's rumor mill - one of the most productive in the world - is in overdrive. What are the chances of increased proxy warfare between Saudi Arabia and Iran? We think that there is a good chance that Saudi Arabia will step up its military activity in the ancillary parts of the Middle East. In particular, we could see renewed Saudi military campaigns in Yemen and Bahrain. In isolation, these campaigns would add a temporary risk premium to oil prices. But given that Iran has no intention to become directly involved in either, we would expect Saudi moves to be largely for show. Over the long term, we do not see a direct confrontation between Iran and Saudi Arabia for three reasons. First, Saudi military capabilities are paltry and the kingdom has failed to secure the support of the wider Sunni world for its "Sunni NATO." We have already mentioned Saudi military failures in Yemen. Anyone who thinks that Saudi Arabia is ready to directly confront Iran must answer two questions. First, how does the Saudi military confront a formidable foe like Iran when it cannot dislodge Houthis from Yemen? Second, if Saudi Arabia is itching for a real conflict with Iran, why is it not saber-rattling in Iraq, a far more strategic piece of real estate for Saudi Arabia than any of the other countries where it accuses Iran of meddling? Chart 12Correlation Between Oil Prices And Military Disputes The Middle East: Separating The Signal From The Noise The Middle East: Separating The Signal From The Noise Second, oil prices remain a constraint to war. The reality is that there is a well-known relationship between high oil prices and aggressive foreign policy in oil-producing states (Chart 12). Political science research shows that the relationship is not spurious. Chart 13 shows that oil states led by revolutionary leaders are much more likely to engage in militarized interstate disputes when oil prices are higher.19 While oil prices have recovered from their doldrums from two years ago, they are also a far cry from their pre-2014 highs. In fact, by our calculation, oil prices are still below the Saudi budget break-even price of oil, despite its best efforts to implement austerity (Chart 14). Chart 13More Oil Revenue = More Aggression The Middle East: Separating The Signal From The Noise The Middle East: Separating The Signal From The Noise Chart 14Saudi Spending Binge Raised Oil Breakevens Saudi Spending Binge Raised Oil Breakevens Saudi Spending Binge Raised Oil Breakevens Third, Saudi Arabia has failed to secure a clear security commitment from the U.S. While the Trump administration is far more open to supporting Saudi Arabia than the Obama administration, it still criticized the Saudi decision to ostracize Qatar. Secretary of Defense James Mattis made a visit to Qatar in September to offer American support. In a shocking reversal to over half-a-century of geopolitics, King Salman went to Moscow this October to deepen geopolitical relations with Russia.20 The visit included several business deals in the realm of energy and a significant promise by Saudi Arabia to purchase Russian arms in the future, including the powerful S-400 SAM system. Saudi Arabia is the world's third-largest arms importer and uses purchases as a tool of diplomacy, but has never purchased weapons from Russia in a significant way in the past. While many pundits have pointed to the Saudi-Russian détente as a sign of strength, we see it as a sign of weakness. It illustrates that Saudi Arabia is diversifying its security portfolio away from the U.S. It is doing so because it has to, not because it wants to. As U.S. petroleum imports continue to decline due to domestic shale production, Saudi Arabia is compelled to find new allies (Chart 15). The plan to hold an initial public offering for Aramco, and to target sovereign Chinese entities as major bidders for Aramco assets, fits this pattern as well. Chart 15Saudi Arabia Has To Diversify Its Security ##br##Portfolio As U.S. Oil Imports Decline Saudi Arabia Has To Diversify Its Security Portfolio As U.S. Oil Imports Decline Saudi Arabia Has To Diversify Its Security Portfolio As U.S. Oil Imports Decline However, diversifying the geopolitical security portfolio to include Russia and China will not mean that Saudi Arabia will have a blank check to wage direct war against Iran. Both Russia and China have considerable diplomatic and economic interests in Iran and are as likely to restrain as to enable Saudi ambition. Finally, talk of a Saudi-Israeli alliance against Hezbollah in Lebanon is as far-fetched as a direct Saudi-Iranian confrontation. Israel won the 2006 war against Hezbollah, but at a high cost of 157 soldiers killed and 860 wounded.21 The Israeli public grew tired of the one month campaign, showing political limits to offensive war. Furthermore, twelve years later, Hezbollah is even more deeply entrenched in Lebanon. Unless Saudi Arabia is willing to provide ground troops for the effort (see Yemen discussion above), it is unclear why Israel would want to enter the morass of Lebanese ground combat on behalf of Riyadh. Bottom Line: Constraints to Saudi offensive military action remain considerable: paltry military capability, fiscal constraints imposed by low oil prices, and a lack of clear support from the U.S. While rhetorical attacks on Iran serve the strategic goal of nation-building, we do not expect a major war between oil-producing states that would significantly raise oil prices over the medium term. The rhetoric and posturing will increase volatility and temporarily push up prices from time to time. Investment Implications Of Saudi Nation-Building First, on the question of OPEC 2.0, our baseline case is for the 1.8 million barrel-per-day production cuts to be extended through June 2018, drawing OECD inventories down toward their five-year average and creating the conditions for Brent and WTI prices to average $65 per barrel and $63 per barrel respectively next year.22 Moreover, both Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman and Russian President Vladimir Putin have endorsed extensions through end-2018. These comments add bullish upside risk to prices, though they also alter perceptions and thus raise the short-term downside risk if no extension is agreed this month (which we think is the least likely scenario). Second, as to broader geopolitical risks in the Middle East, we believe they are rising yet again in the short and medium term, after the relative calm of 2017.23 We could see Saudi officials decide to ramp up military operations in Yemen or revive them in neighboring Bahrain. However, we do not see much of a chance of serious conflict in Lebanon or Qatar. The former would require an Israeli military intervention, which is unlikely given the outcome of the 2006 war. The latter would require American acquiescence, which is unlikely given the vital U.S. strategic presence in the country's Al Udeid military base. Nonetheless, even temporary military operations in any of these locales could add a geopolitical risk premium to oil markets. For example, the 2006 Lebanon-Israel War, which had no impact on oil production, generated a significant jump in oil prices (Chart 16). Chart 16Even The 2006 Israel-Lebanon War Produced A Risk Premium... Even The 2006 Israel-Lebanon War Produced A Risk Premium... Even The 2006 Israel-Lebanon War Produced A Risk Premium... Over the long term, how should investors make sense of the complicated Middle East geopolitical theater? Our rule of thumb is always to seek out the second derivative of any geopolitical event. In the context of the Middle East, by "second derivative" we mean that we are interested in whether the market impact of a new piece of information - of a new geopolitical event - will amount to more than just a random perturbation with ephemeral, decaying market implications. To determine the potential of new information to catalyze a persistent market risk premium or discount, we investigate whether it changes the way things change in a given region or context. For a geopolitical event in the Middle East to have such second derivative implications, and thus global market implications, we would need to see it have an impact on at least two of the following three factors: Oil supply: The event should impact current global oil supply either directly or through a clear channel of contagion. Geography: The event should occur in a geography that is of existential significance to one of the regional or global players. Sectarian contagion: The event should exacerbate sectarian conflict - Sunni versus Shia. When we consider the security dilemma between Iran and Saudi Arabia, Iraq and the Eastern Province in Saudi Arabia are two regions critical to global oil supply. Tellingly, neither has played a role in the recent spate of tensions between the two countries. Saudi Arabia has been very careful not to increase tensions with Iran in Iraq. In fact, the Saudi leadership has reached out to Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi, who was received by King Salman in October in the presence of U.S. Secretary of State Rex Tillerson. How should investors price domestic political intrigue in Saudi Arabia? In the long term, any failure of King Salman and his son to reform the country would be negative for internal stability, with risks to oil production if social unrest were to increase. In the short and medium term, however, even a palace coup would likely have no lasting impact on oil prices as it would be highly unlikely that an alternative leadership would imperil the kingdom's oil exports. On the contrary, a coup against King Salman could lead to lower oil prices if the new leadership in Riyadh decided to renege on their oil production cuts with Russia. The bottom line is that the geopolitical risk premium is likely to rise. The evolution of Saudi Arabia away from a feudal monarchy requires the suppression of the kingdom's first and second estates, a dangerous business that will likely be smoothed by nationalism and saber-rattling. Risks to oil prices, therefore, are to the upside. However, given the considerable constraints on Saudi Arabia's military and foreign policy capabilities, we do not foresee global growth-constraining oil supply risks in the Middle East. Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Chief Geopolitical Strategist marko@bcaresearch.com 1 The latest news from Riyadh is that the nearby Courtyard by Marriott Hotel may have been enlisted by the Saudi authorities for the crackdown, in addition to the Ritz Carlton. If true, we can only imagine the horrors that the prisoners are subject to! 2 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Middle East: Paradigm Shift," dated November 13, 2013, and BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Middle East: Paradigm Shift (Update)," dated July 9, 2014, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see "Iran 'taking over' Iraq, Saudis warn, blaming U.S. refusal to send troops against ISIS," The National Post, dated March 5, 2015, available at nationalpost.com. 4 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "The Geopolitics Of Trump," dated December 2, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 5 Iran's influence in Iraq grew almost immediately following the American military withdrawal. Iraq's Shia Prime Minister, Nouri al-Maliki, wasted no time revealing his allegiance to Iran or his sectarian preferences. Baghdad issued an arrest warrant for the Sunni Vice President Tariq al-Hashimi literally the day after the last American troops withdrew from the country, signaling to the Sunni establishment that compromise was not a priority. Persecution of the wider Sunni population soon followed, with counter-insurgency operations in Sunni populated Al Anbar and Nineveh governorates. 6 Please see Mohammed bin Nawwaf bin Abdulaziz al Saud, "Saudi Arabia Will Go It Alone," New York Times, dated December 17, 2013, available at nytimes.com. 7 Please see Bruce Riedel, "Saudi Arabia's Mounting Security Challenges," Al Monitor, dated December 2015, available at al-monitor.com. 8 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Out Of The Vault: Explaining The U.S.-Iran Détente," dated July 15, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 9 Please see Martin Chulov, "I will return Saudi Arabia to moderate Islam, says crown prince," The Guardian, dated October 24, 2017, available at www.theguardian.com. 10 Something tells us that most violations of Islamic law are likely to be committed after hours! 11 The Sudairi branch of the Saud dynasty refers to the issue of Saudi Arabia's founder Abdulaziz Ibn Saud with Hassa bint Ahmed Al Sudairi, one of Ibn Saud's wives and a member of the powerful Al Sudairis clan. The union produced seven sons, the largest faction out of the 45 sons that Ibn Saud fathered. As the largest grouping, the sons - often referred to as the "Sudairi Seven" - were able to consolidate power and unite against the other brothers. In addition to the current King Salman, the other member of the Sudairi faction who became a king was Fahd, ruling from 1982 to 2005. 12 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Saudi Arabia's Choice: Modernity Or Bust," dated May 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 13 The app is used to transmit photos and videos between users that disappear from the device after being viewed in 10 seconds. It is highly unlikely to be used for religious education. It is highly likely to be used by teenagers for ... well, use your imagination. 14 Please see "Social Media In Saudi Arabia - Statistics And Trends," TFE Times, dated January 12, 2017, available at tfetimes.com; "Saudi social media users ranked 7th in the world," Arab News, November 14, 2015, available at arabnews.com. 15 The World Values Survey is used in academic political science research to track changes in global social and political values. Ronald Inglehart and Christian Welzel have summarized the key findings in Modernization, Cultural Change, and Democracy (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2005). For more information, please see http://worldvaluessurvey.org. 16 Please see Mohamed A. Ramady, ed., The Political Economy Of Wasta: Use and Abuse of Social Capital Networking (New York: Springer, 2016). 17 It would not be the first such coup in Saudi history. King Saud was deposed in 1962 by his brother, King Faisal. 18 Please see Nahal Toosi and Madeline Conway, "Tillerson: Dispute Between Gulf States And Qatar Won't Affect Counterterrorism," dated June 5, 2017, available at www.politico.com. 19 Please see Cullen S. Hendrix, "Oil Prices and Interstate Conflict Behaviour," Peterson Institute for International Economics, dated July 2014, available at www.iie.com. 20 Please see BCA Energy Sector Strategy and Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "King Salman Goes To Moscow, Bolsters OPEC 2.0," dated October 11, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 21 Please see "Mideast War, By The Numbers," Associated Press, August 17, 2006, available at www.washingtonpost.com. 22 Please see BCA Commodity & Energy Strategy Weekly Report, "Oil Forecast Lifted As Markets Tighten," dated October 19, 2017, available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 23 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Forget About The Middle East?" dated January 13, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com.

Highlights The bill is bullish for growth and therefore for the equity markets and the U.S. dollar; The bill consists mostly of tax cuts, not reforms, that favor corporations and the wealthiest taxpayers; The bill is bullish for growth in the short term, but also inflationary and hence a risk to growth in the medium term; A non-populist White House is a relief to the markets, particularly on trade policy, but may mean a more hawkish foreign policy. Feature Chart 1Trump: A Boon For##BR##Main Street And Wall Street Trump: A Boon For Main Street And Wall Street Trump: A Boon For Main Street And Wall Street Since the November 2016 election, and particularly since President Donald Trump's inauguration, financial markets have celebrated. This is ironic given that on the campaign trail, Trump often adopted populist rhetoric indistinguishable from that of Bernie Sanders, the bête noire of the business community. Trump's cabinet, however, quickly took on a pro-business outlook following the inauguration. Despite appointing several notable trade hawks, the administration sported half a dozen former Goldman Sachs employees. Business confidence soared, especially among small businesses, while regulatory worries hanging over CEO's melted away (Chart 1). Both Wall Street and Main Street took one look at President Trump's cabinet at the end of January and decided that there was not an iota of genuine populism in the White House. This view was reinforced by three early decisions by the Trump administration: China: President Trump reneged on his promise to designate China a currency manipulator formally on day one of his administration.1 Instead, he hosted President Xi Jinping at the Mar-A-Lago Summit in April and agreed to engage in trade talks over the rest of the year. (He again declined to accuse China of currency manipulation in October.) Budget: President Trump's "skinny budget" proposal in May oozed with Republican Party orthodoxy, bolstering spending on defense and border security, while calling for drastic cuts to domestic programs. The implication was that future tax cuts would ultimately be "paid for" via draconian fiscal austerity in the distant future. "Breitbart clique" ousted: Steve Bannon, the White House Chief Strategist and self-described economic nationalist, was fired in mid-August, with several prominent allies ousted in the wake of his departure. Bannon's departure left Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin, chief economic advisor Gary Cohn, and Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross firmly in charge of economic policy. Enter Tax Cuts The coup-de-grâce of Republican orthodoxy is the just-proposed tax cut plan. The proposal by the House Ways and Means Committee is heavily stacked in favor of corporations and the top-income brackets. As Table 1 clearly illustrates, the household component of the plan is nearly balanced - and therefore deserving of the moniker "reform" - whereas the corporate side of the ledger is closer to a pure and simple cut. Table 12017-2018 Republican Tax Cut Proposal - House Ways And Means Committee (Oct. 2017) Tax Cuts Are Here... So Much For Populism! Tax Cuts Are Here... So Much For Populism! Some of the more prominent measures proposed by the House and Ways Committee are: Household Income The highest tax rate remains 39.6%, but would now only kick in at $1 million in taxable income;2 The Alternative Minimum Tax (AMT) will be repealed, which hurts the upper middle class and wealthy by limiting tax benefits from a variety of deductions; The estate tax will be fully eliminated by 2024; The standard deduction will be doubled from $12,700 to $24,000, one of the few direct benefits to lower-income families; The plan would repeal the state and local income and sales tax deductions, while capping the state and local property tax deduction to $10,000; Almost all itemized deductions will be eliminated - such as medical expenses, property losses, casualty losses, etc.; The mortgage interest rate deduction for future home purchases will be capped, with only homes up to $500,000 covered. Corporate Income The corporate tax rate will be cut from 35% to 20%; Companies will be able to deduct the full amount of business investments in the year that they are made, although the provision would expire at the end of 2022; The tax rate on income from pass-through businesses would fall to 25%, considerably below the top household income tax rate; Several deductions would be eliminated, including the deduction of interest on debt; The "worldwide" tax system would be overhauled and foreign earnings repatriated: U.S. multinational corporations would pay a 12% tax rate on past profits that they repatriate, while future overseas earnings would be taxed at the new 20% corporate rate. We would caution clients from parsing too carefully through the proposal, lest they waste their time. The Senate is likely to pass a completely different set of proposals. The GOP plan is to get to a "conference committee" as fast as possible, where a new draft legislation can be hammered out from the two disparate proposals. We suspect that this entire process will miss the self-imposed target of "before Christmas," and probably last until the end of the first quarter.3 Nonetheless, we can discern the priorities of the House Republicans by gauging the winners and losers of their proposal. Our immediate take is that the tax cuts greatly benefit upper-income filers (households making over $423,000), moderately hurt upper-middle-class / lower-upper-class filers (those making between $260,000 and $423,000), and are largely neutral for the rest of households. First, the highest income groups are the clear beneficiaries: households making between roughly $450,000 and $1,000,000 will see their income tax rates fall by nearly 5%, by far the largest decrease planned. And, obviously, it is upper-income households that benefit from repealing the estate tax. Meanwhile, the upper middle class takes on the brunt of the burden of "reform": households making between $260,000 and $423,000 will see far fewer benefits under the proposed legislation. First, they are the only income bracket that will see a tax increase, from 33% to 35%. Second, they will not necessarily have the wherewithal to reclassify their income as pass-through business income. Third, many of the itemized deductions that will be eliminated will make a real difference in their filings. Fourth, they were the most likely to purchase homes between $500,000 and $1,000,000, which will no longer be eligible for interest-rate deduction. Fifth, the repeal of the estate tax will make less of a difference for this income group. Sixth, if they are domiciled in high-tax rate states and municipalities, these households will now be limited to how much they can deduct from federal taxes.4 Overall, the proposed tax cut plan fits general Republican orthodoxy.5 It tries to stimulate growth by favoring corporations and the wealthy. For economic growth, the plan is bullish in the short term. Particularly bullish is the ability of corporations to fully deduct the amount of business investment for the next five years. This provision could significantly increase investment in the short term, especially given the implicit threat that the opportunity will expire in 2022.6 Will the plan fail? It could, if enough Republican voters turn against it. The latest polling from Pew research - albeit from April of this year - shows that Americans no longer think that they pay too much in taxes (Chart 2). On the other hand, Republican and Republican-leaning voters do have a problem with the complexity of the tax code (Chart 3), and the proposed plan simplifies taxes for some middle-income households by doubling the standard deduction and repealing the AMT. The White House has already begun stressing this feature given that it polls well with voters. Chart 2American Voters Think Taxes Are Fair... Tax Cuts Are Here... So Much For Populism! Tax Cuts Are Here... So Much For Populism! Chart 3...But Republican Voters Think They Are Too Complex Tax Cuts Are Here... So Much For Populism! Tax Cuts Are Here... So Much For Populism! Polling suggests that President Trump remains relatively popular with Republican voters despite his dismal polling with the general public (Chart 4). He is polling only slightly below the average of previous Republican presidents at this point in his term in office. As long as Trump remains more popular with Republican voters than his Republican peers in Congress, we think that he will be able to force the tax plan through both the Senate and the House. In fact, we could even see some Democrats in the Senate supporting these tax cuts. Table 2 lists the 2018 Senate races to watch, particularly the vulnerable Democrats campaigning in red states that President Trump carried in 2016. Senators Nelson (D - Florida), Donnelly (D - Indiana), McCaskill (D - Missouri), Tester (D - Montana), Heitkamp (D - North Dakota), Brown (D - Ohio), and Baldwin (D - Wisconsin) are especially vulnerable. That makes seven potential votes for the Trump tax cut, potentially enough "slack" for the Republicans in the Senate to lose one or two votes on the tax bill. Chart 4Trump Remains Popular With GOP Voters Tax Cuts Are Here... So Much For Populism! Tax Cuts Are Here... So Much For Populism! Table 22018 Senate Races To Watch Tax Cuts Are Here... So Much For Populism! Tax Cuts Are Here... So Much For Populism! Is it even worthwhile to contemplate a scenario in which Republicans pass the tax cuts with Democrat support in the Senate? The short answer is yes. The 2001 Economic Growth and Tax Relief Reconciliation Act, the first of two Bush-era tax cuts, passed with 58 votes in favor, including 12 Democrats. Of the 12 that voted with Republicans, only three were from blue states, while the other nine were from red states that President Bush had carried in 2000. The 2003 tax-cut bill, Jobs and Growth Tax Relief Reconciliation Act of 2003, also passed with Democratic support with only 51 votes in favor. Senators Bayh (D - Indiana), Miller (D - Georgia), and Nelson (D - Nebraska) all crossed the aisle. Bayh was facing reelection in 2004, as was Nelson in 2006, in their respective red states. Bottom Line: The proposed tax cuts will benefit corporations and the upper-income Americans. The Senate may make some symbolic changes to the proposal to make it more palatable to the median American - given that senators have to capture the median voter in their state to win reelection. For example, the estate tax repeal may be scrapped and rules on deducting state and local taxes may be modified. Regardless of how the horse-trading goes, we believe that the U.S. economy will receive a modest stimulus in the form of a roughly $1.5 trillion tax cut (over ten years). Given that the U.S. economy is at full employment and firing on all cylinders, the proposed tax cuts should be marginally bullish for growth and inflation (Chart 5). Chart 5Regardless Of Tax Cuts, U.S. Economy Is Ripped Regardless Of Tax Cuts, U.S. Economy Is Ripped Regardless Of Tax Cuts, U.S. Economy Is Ripped What Do The Tax Cuts Tell Us About President Trump? We are big believers in the theory of "revealed preferences." While this concept was formally applied by economist Paul Samuelson to consumer behavior, we like to apply it to policymakers. The idea is to ignore the rhetoric and focus on what patterns of behavior reveal about genuine preferences. Politicians talk a lot, particularly during an election campaign. As a presidential candidate, Donald Trump was a clear populist candidate. He only revealed his tax reform plan in late September 2015 and then rarely mentioned it on the campaign trail. While his tax cut proposal languished on the campaign website, Trump focused on rallying voters around a combination of populist promises. These were, in no particular order, to build the border wall (and make Mexico pay for it), to rebuild American infrastructure, to repeal Obamacare, to destroy the Islamic State terrorist movement while disengaging the U.S. from global affairs, and to punish the unfair practices of trade partners like China and Mexico. Fast forward 12 months and we are now half-way to the 2018 mid-term election, with the Republicans controlling all three branches of government, and yet the only electoral promise that President Trump is even close to achieving is the just-announced tax cut.7 The revealed preference of the Trump administration, at least at this point, is Republican orthodoxy. Trump is a pro-growth, pro-business, anti-tax, anti-spending, red-blooded Republican. He has eschewed trade conflict with China, ignored infrastructure proposals, largely toed-the-line of foreign policy orthodoxy, and left hedge fund managers - a punching bag on the campaign trail - alone.8 To put it bluntly, Trump's behavior thus far suggests that he is a pluto-populist. A pluto-populist is someone who rules on the behalf of a plutocracy - an oligarchy controlled by the wealthiest citizens - but whose main tactic is to rally the plebeians (the common people) through populist policies. The House's draft tax plan provides sweeping gains for the wealthiest. It also preserves or expands some benefits for the poorest groups, so as to make it politically achievable. The upper middle class - the professional class - stands to suffer the most under the new tax scheme. If this analysis is correct, what does it reveal about President Trump's strategy going forward? Anti-globalization rhetoric is just talk: The fourth round of NAFTA renegotiations ended with a bang: the U.S. delivered four new demands, two of which both Ottawa and Mexico City have identified as non-starters.9 However, in the pluto-populist scenario, even if NAFTA is ultimately abrogated, the Trump administration will ensure that the critical components are preserved in bilateral agreements with Canada and Mexico. While those agreements are negotiated, the Trump Administration will not raise tariffs to the maximum, "bounded," level as allowed by the WTO. Meanwhile, trade relations with China may still sour in 2018, but they will not produce a trade war. Social unrest could increase: As we argued in a recent Special Report, the American structural context is ripe for more social unrest due to "elite overproduction."10 Trump's policies are likely to feed this condition. Meanwhile, his rhetoric and symbolic gestures will fuel the flames of division in order to play to his base, and force Democrats to argue about how to respond. This would be the populist part of pluto-populism. Hawkish foreign policy: With most of his domestic policies stymied, President Trump will pivot to the foreign theatre. We would particularly watch the growing tensions in the Middle East between Saudi Arabia and Iran, which could soon involve Lebanon.11 President Trump has also decertified the Iran nuclear deal, setting the stage for Congress to decide whether it will impose new sanctions and thus abrogate the deal. Plus, there is always North Korea. Bottom Line: Essentially, President Trump's strategy will be to pass pro-business, pro-market economic policies while distracting his largely anti-business, anti-market voters through ancillary issues. Investment Implications On the one hand, this analysis implies a very bullish policy mix as the Trump administration will not do anything domestically that hurts the ongoing bull market. On the other hand, some of those "ancillary" issues could flare up and impact the market, particularly if they involve a ratcheting up of tensions with Iran and North Korea. Chart 6No Debate: There Is No##BR##Trickle-Down From Tax Cuts No Debate: There Is No Trickle-Down From Tax Cuts No Debate: There Is No Trickle-Down From Tax Cuts The one risk that we remain concerned about is protectionism. We expected Trump to be more disruptive this year, and the above analysis suggests that protectionism, too, is merely hot air. However, Trump has only been in office for ten months. The absence of trade tensions with China may be a function of ongoing negotiations with North Korea: the U.S. needs China's cooperation in order to force North Korean leader Kim Jong-Un to the table. Ironically, then, a resolution of North Korean tensions could increase America's maneuvering vis-à-vis China, allowing Trump to become a lot more protectionist in 2018.12 Moreover, investors may be overemphasizing headline trade negotiations such as NAFTA or the China talks. The Trump administration may pursue protectionist aims through selective tariffs, such as countervailing and anti-dumping duties, in selective fashion. In other words, investors should pay attention to individual tariff decisions rather than overall negotiations.13 As for his electoral base, as long as President Trump can continue to ensure that they are focused on social disputes at home and hawkish rhetoric abroad, they may not notice the lack of movement on domestic promises. In particular, we have a high-conviction view that the just-proposed tax cuts will do nothing to curb income inequality in the U.S., and will likely deepen it, as previous such GOP-efforts did (Chart 6). Will this hurt President Trump in his 2020 reelection bid? We doubt it. But it does portend still greater socio-economic tensions and political populism in the long run. Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Chief Geopolitical Strategist marko@bcaresearch.com 1 The promise was made in a Wall Street Journal opinion piece that then-candidate Trump penned on November 9, 2015. Please see Donald J. Trump, "Ending China's Currency Manipulation," dated November 9, 2015, available at wsj.com. 2 The top marginal tax rate of 39.6% is currently applied to single individuals making more than $418,401, a head of household making more than $444,501, and married couples, filing jointly, making more than $470,701. Technically, according to the current draft bill, the top tax rate in the House plan is supposedly about 45.6% between $1-$1.2 million, after which it falls back to 39.6%. A quirk in the proposal holds that once a filer hits $1 million of income, the IRS starts clawing back the $12,000 that the filer saved from having a 12% tax rate on his first $90,000 of income instead of a 25% tax rate. That clawback comes in the form of 6% surtax on income above $1 million. The $12,000 is completely reclaimed once the filer hits $1.2 million. By extension, everyone who makes over $1.2 million has had to pay that extra $12,000 in taxes. 3 For more on how the reconciliation process works, and how it will affect the timeline, please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Reconciliation And The Markets - Warning: This Report May Put You To Sleep," dated May 31, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 4 From a political perspective, the GOP may have simply made a bet that high-tax-rate, blue-state households making $260,000-to-$430,000 do not vote Republican. 5 The congressional budget resolution that sets out the reconciliation instructions for these tax cuts also includes draconian spending cuts, which would presumably help balance the books. Although none of those cuts will pass Congress, they reveal the traditional preference of the Republican party: cut taxes, pay for the cuts by means of a smaller government delivering fewer services. 6 And perhaps this investment boost will come just in time to help re-elect Trump in 2020! 7 Although he deserves some credit for bringing to conclusion the pre-existing fight against the Islamic State. 8 In fact, the House tax bill leaves the "carried interest" tax break in the code. 9 For more on NAFTA, please see our upcoming Special Report with BCA's Global Investment Strategy, to be published on November 10. 10 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy and Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "Populism Blues: How And Why Social Instability Is Coming To America," dated June 9, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 11 Lebanese Sunni Prime Minister Saad Harriri recently resigned while visiting Saudi Arabia, claiming that he feared for his life due to Iranian influence in Lebanon; Saudi Arabia itself is engaged in deep political struggle. 12 Indeed, in our original forecast of Trump's trade policy, we surmised that 2017 would largely be a year of negotiations, while 2018 would see the real fireworks. Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "Trump, Day One: Let The Trade War Begin," dated January 18, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 13 An important such decision looms by January 12, 2018, which is the deadline by which President Trump must decide whether to impose "safeguard" tariffs on imports of solar panels and washing machines.

Dear Client, The attached report on China’s just-completed nineteenth National Party Congress marks the culmination of six years of political analysis by BCA’s Geopolitical Strategy. In it, my colleague Matt Gertken posits that President Xi Jinping’s domestic political constraints have significantly eased, allowing his administration to intensify its preference for structural reform. Our cardinal analytical rule holds that policymaker preferences are optional and subject to constraints, whereas constraints are neither optional nor subject to preferences. As a matter of methodology, we focus on constraints. In China, Xi faced formidable constraints when he took power five years ago, which is why we pushed against the enthusiastic narrative at the time that he would transform China through supply-side reforms. This narrative, strongest in the wake of the October 2013 Third Plenum, has not materialized in line with investor expectations thus far. In this report, we argue that it is time to adjust the view on China. Xi has amassed substantial political capital thanks to his anti-corruption campaign, centralization of power, and other actions largely popular with the middle class. Investors are today missing this point because they are disappointed with the lack of genuine progress since 2012. We expect that President Xi will begin spending this political capital by favoring supply-side reforms, especially by reining in the rampant credit growth that has underpinned China’s investment-led economic model. In the short term, this means that politics in China will evolve from a tailwind to a headwind to growth. In the long term, it is too soon to say what it means. For investors, however, it means that today’s synchronized global growth recovery may be at risk of a policy-induced growth slowdown in China. I sincerely hope you enjoy our report. If you are interested in similar investment-relevant geopolitical analysis, please do not hesitate to contact us for a sample of our work. Kindest Regards, Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Chief Geopolitical Strategist Highlights Xi Jinping has shed domestic political constraints that have been in place since 2012; The lack of constraints suggests his reform agenda will intensify over the next 12 months; The use of anti-corruption agencies to enforce economic policy suggests that reform implementation will become more effective; Chinese politics are shifting from a tailwind to a headwind for global growth and EM assets. Feature Chart 1Stability Continues After Party Congress? Stability Continues After Party Congress? Stability Continues After Party Congress? China's nineteenth National Party Congress concluded on October 25 with the new top seven leaders - the members of the Politburo Standing Committee (PSC) - taking the stage in the Great Hall of the People. The party congress is a five-year leadership reshuffle that, in this case, marks the halfway point of President Xi Jinping's term in office.1 President Xi was the center of attention throughout the event. It is widely perceived that he is the most powerful Chinese leader since Deng Xiaoping. The Communist Party chose to elevate his personal power in conspicuous ways that raises political uncertainties about the succession in 2022 as well as about the future trajectory of Chinese policy, including economic policy. BCA's Geopolitical Strategy has awaited this transition since 2012, when President Xi and Premier Li Keqiang took over the top two positions in China.2 While we are inherently skeptical of Xi's grandiose reform agenda, we are also deeply aware of the importance of political constraints in determining economic policy outcomes - and Xi has just overcome significant domestic constraints. If Xi accelerates and intensifies his reforms next year - particularly deleveraging and industrial restructuring - he will add volatility to Chinese risk assets and create a drag on Chinese growth. Xi's personal concentration of power could be an enabling factor in driving reforms. But it will certainly be a source of higher political uncertainty over the next five years (Chart 1), especially as the 2022 succession approaches. Therefore a lack of reform would be a noxious combination. Finally, China's ascendancy increases the phenomenon of global multipolarity - it is a challenge to the U.S.-led system and will eventually produce a reaction, most likely a negative one.3 In short, Chinese political and geopolitical risk is understated. This situation presents a range of risks and opportunities for investors, but it is broadly a headwind for global growth and EM assets. A Chinese "policy mistake" is also a risk to our House View of being overweight equities and underweight bonds for the next 12 months. Back To 2012 When Xi rose to power in 2012, it was widely known that China's economy had reached a pivotal moment. Exports were declining as a share of GDP in the wake of the Great Recession and end of the U.S. "debt super-cycle," and investment was weakening as the country's massive fiscal and credit stimulus wore off (Chart 2). Meanwhile the Communist Party faced a crisis of legitimacy, with an emergent middle class making ever greater demands on the system (Chart 3). The rapid rise in household income over preceding years, combined with high income inequality and poor quality of life, raised the prospect of serious socio-political challenges to single-party rule.4 President Hu Jintao searched for ways to strengthen state control over an increasingly restless society, while outgoing Premier Wen Jiabao warned openly that China's economy was unsustainable and imbalanced and that political reform would be an "urgent task." Hu Jintao's farewell address at the eighteenth party congress (2012) reflected the party's grave concerns. His successor, Xi Jinping, was in charge of drafting the report. This relationship highlighted an important degree of party consensus. The report called for fighting corruption and disciplining the party, while doing more to protect households from the negative externalities of the past decade's rapid growth, including pollution (Chart 4). Chart 2Xi Took Power Amid Economic Transition Xi Took Power Amid Economic Transition Xi Took Power Amid Economic Transition Chart 3The Communist Party's Newest Constraint The Communist Party's Newest Constraint The Communist Party's Newest Constraint Chart 4Xi Took Power Amid Instability Risks Xi Took Power Amid Instability Risks Xi Took Power Amid Instability Risks It also outlined China's hopes of becoming a more consequential global player through acquiring naval power and forging a new, peer relationship with the United States. The overriding imperative was to win back support and legitimacy for the party, lest it fall victim to the fate of the world's other Marxist-Leninist regimes - i.e. internal socio-economic sclerosis and external pressure from the U.S.-led, democratic-capitalist world order. Xi Jinping took over at this juncture, using the 2012 work report as his guideline for an ambitious policy agenda. Xi's main goals centered on power: namely, ensuring regime survival at home and increasing China's international clout abroad. Specifically, the Xi administration sought to (1) centralize political control so that difficult choices could be made and implemented effectively; (2) improve governance so that public discontent could be mitigated over the long run; and (3) restructure the economy so that productivity growth could remain robust in the face of sharply declining labor force growth, thus stabilizing the potential GDP growth rate.5 Obviously there was no guarantee that Xi would be successful. China's response to the Global Financial Crisis had required a large-scale decentralization of control: local governments, banks, state-owned enterprises and shadow lenders were encouraged to lever up and grow amid the global collapse (Chart 5). This created imbalances and liabilities for the central leadership while also creating new economic (and hence political) centers of power outside Beijing. Chart 5aLocal Government Spending Unleashed... Local Government Spending Unleashed... Local Government Spending Unleashed... Chart 5b...And Shadow Lending Too ...And Shadow Lending Too ...And Shadow Lending Too The central leadership also seemed to be losing control of the provinces: regional and institutional powerbrokers had emerged, challenging the party's hierarchy, and there was even reason to believe that the armed forces were deviating from central leadership.6 Without control of the local governments and other key institutions, any reform agenda would get bogged down. Finally, the political cycle was not particularly favorable to Xi. While the line-up of the all-powerful PSC looked favorable from 2012-17, the next crop of Communist leaders set to move up the ladder in 2017 seemed likely to constrain him. Moreover, the previous two presidents had chosen Xi's successors for 2022, according to party norms. Xi had very little room for maneuver - and this was negative for his policy outlook overall. As such, BCA's Geopolitical Strategy poured cold water on the more enthusiastic forecasts of economic reforms throughout Xi's first term. Our assessment was that he would focus on anti-corruption and governance reforms first and only attempt genuine economic reforms once his political capital grew significantly. Bottom Line: Xi Jinping faced major obstacles to his policy agenda of centralization, governance and economic reform in 2012. He faced a large and restless middle class, the difficulty of reining in local governments and state institutions, and the likelihood that China's previous top leaders would constrain his maneuverability in 2017 and 2022. Xi's First Term A lot has changed over the past five years. First, both global demand for Chinese goods and Chinese domestic demand have held up rather well, giving China a badly needed cushion during its economic transition. Steady consumption growth has partially offset the blow from declining investment, while Chinese exports have grown well, often faster than global trade (Chart 6).7 Second, Xi has consolidated power extensively within the party, the army, and other institutions. He executed the most aggressive purge that the party has seen in decades, enabling him to rebuild some public trust among a middle class worn out by corruption, as well as to remove political rivals (Chart 7). He also launched an extensive restructuring of the People's Liberation Army, its organizational structure and personnel, ensuring that "the party controls the gun."8 And he intensified social control, particularly in the online realm. Chart 6Changing The Economic Model Changing The Economic Model Changing The Economic Model Chart 7Anti-Corruption Campaign Still Going Anti-Corruption Campaign Still Going Anti-Corruption Campaign Still Going Symbolically, Xi was anointed the "core" of the Communist Party by the political elite in late 2016. Economic reform, however, has been compromised by Xi's focus on consolidating political power. True, he and Premier Li Keqiang tinkered with various policies to cut red tape, simplify domestic taxes, attract foreign investment, and encourage better SOE management, but none of the reforms launched over the past five years were painful and thus none were significant.9 Nowhere was this more apparent than during 2015-16, when economic and financial instability caused the Xi administration to delay reform initiatives and focus on reforming the economy. Beijing increased infrastructure spending, bailed out the local governments, depreciated the RMB, and imposed capital controls (Chart 8). "Old China," state-owned China, was the primary beneficiary. The stimulus-fueled rebound helped stabilize the global economy in 2016-17, particularly commodity-producing emerging markets, but it exacerbated China's internal problems - slow productivity growth, excessive debt creation, weak private sector investment, and waning foreign investment (Chart 9). Chart 8State Interventions In 2015-16 State Interventions In 2015-16 State Interventions In 2015-16 Chart 9Economic Reforms Still Needed Economic Reforms Still Needed Economic Reforms Still Needed The upside, however, was stability, which enabled Xi to approach the nineteenth National Party Congress from a position of strength. Now that the party congress has concluded, we can say that Xi has notched a series of significant "victories" and that his political capital is overflowing: Xi Jinping Thought: The congress voted to enshrine Xi's name into its constitution (Table 1), with a phrasing that echoes "Mao Zedong Thought," hence elevating Xi to immense moral authority within the party. The name of Xi's philosophy, "Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era," makes a slight adjustment to Deng Xiaoping's market-friendly philosophy. In other words, Xi's authority stems from his providing a synthesis of the regime's greatest two leaders: Mao's single-party Communist rule is being reaffirmed, but Deng's attention to economic reality and the need for pragmatic policies has also been preserved. As we have argued, this constitutional change is a reflection of the fact that Xi has already positioned himself to be the most influential leader well into the 2020s. Table 1Xi Jinping Thought China: Party Congress Ends ... So What? China: Party Congress Ends ... So What? Xi removes his successors: Xi managed to exclude any of China's "sixth generation" of leaders from the Politburo Standing Committee. He thus broke a very important (albeit informal) party norm. The norm was created under Deng Xiaoping to ensure a smooth transition of power, unlike the power struggle that occurred upon Mao's death. Now Xi will have a greater hand in choosing his successor, or even staying in power beyond 2022. This aids in the process of centralization, but it may well prove a step backwards in terms of governance and reform - that remains to be seen. It is a source of higher political uncertainty going forward. Xi dominates the Politburo: Xi prevented his predecessor Hu Jintao's loyalists from gaining a majority on the Politburo Standing Committee, as they seemed lined up to do in 2012. The line-up of the new Politburo and Politburo Standing Committee broadly indicates that Xi and his faction are the dominant force (Table 2). Taken with Xi's personal power, this is significant political capital with which the new administration can push its priorities, whatever they may be. Xi gets a new inquisitor: The Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CDIC) is the party's internal watchdog. It has taken the leading role in the sweeping party purge and anti-corruption campaign over the past five years. Xi removed its chief, the hugely influential Wang Qishan, by reinforcing the retirement age and two-term PSC limit - a notable case of institutional norms being upheld. He put one of his loyalists, Zhao Leji, in this role instead. The CDIC will have a huge role over the next five years, and a market-relevant one, as we discuss below. Table 2The Magnificent Seven: China's New Politburo Standing Committee China: Party Congress Ends ... So What? China: Party Congress Ends ... So What? The above conclusions raise the possibility that Xi has become excessively powerful, that political institutions in China are being eroded by personal rule, and that political risks are set to explode upward in the near future. However, it is too soon to declare that Xi has staged a Maoist "power grab." There are reasons to think that Xi's accumulation of power has not overturned the delicate internal balances within the top leadership bodies.10 The result is in keeping with what we expected in our Strategic Outlook last December: Xi Jinping has amassed formidable political capital, but he has not destabilized the Chinese political system.11 He is a strongman leader within the established political system of an authoritarian state - he is not a tyrant seizing power in a bloodless revolution. (At least, not yet.) This is broadly positive for China's policy continuity and political framework - and in this sense it is also broadly market-positive, being an outgrowth of the status quo rather than a disruptive break from it. China's leaders continue to be career politicians, trained in law or economics, with considerable executive experience in governing and limited business or military experience, all unified in the name of regime preservation (Chart 10). Over the long run, this suggests that China's "Socialist Put" remains intact, i.e. that the state will intervene to prevent a crash landing.12 Nevertheless, an important corollary of the above is that Xi holds the balance, and hence there are no longer any major domestic political or governmental constraints to prevent him from pursuing his policy agenda - especially over the next 12 months, when his political capital is still fresh and the economic backdrop is favorable. The fact that Xi emphasized "sustainable and sound" growth, deliberately excluded GDP growth targets beyond 2021, and altered the definition of the Communist Party's so-called "principal contradiction" in order to prioritize quality-of-life improvements, suggests that the reform agenda is about to get rebooted. Bottom Line: Xi Jinping has consolidated power extensively, but he has not staged a silent coup d' état or overthrown the balance of power within the Communist Party. This suggests that Xi's policies and reforms will intensify over the next year. Chart 10Characteristics Of Chinese Rulers Mostly Unchanged Since 2012 China: Party Congress Ends ... So What? China: Party Congress Ends ... So What? Xi's Second Term: What To Expect Instead of playing it safe in the lead-up to the all-important party congress over the past twelve months, Xi surprised the markets with a series of regulatory actions designed to tamp down the property bubble, regulate the financial markets, punish speculation, and reduce industrial overcapacity and pollution (Chart 11).13 This tightening of policy strongly signaled that Xi's appetite for political risk is rising in keeping with his growing political capital. Beijing is signaling that it aims to continue with tougher financial, industrial and environmental reforms in the aftermath of the party congress. In particular, systemic financial risk has been identified as a risk to the state's overall stability. Of course, China is unlikely to sharply reduce the ratio of total debt-to-GDP out of an ill-advised, self-imposed bout of austerity. But the Xi administration is likely to suppress its growth rate (Chart 12), as well as to continue cracking down on specific institutions and financial practices deemed to be excessively risky or under-regulated, as has occurred this year in insurance and shadow lending.14 Chart 11China's Borrowing Costs Rising China's Borrowing Costs Rising China's Borrowing Costs Rising Chart 12Debt Growth Faces Tougher Controls Debt Growth Faces Tougher Controls Debt Growth Faces Tougher Controls This financial focus is clear from top-level appointments and meetings in 2017, including a special Politburo meeting on financial risks in April and the once-in-five-years Central Financial Work Conference in July.15 The latter declared new regulatory powers for the central bank that will be put into place in the coming 12 months. The head of the new Financial Stability and Development Committee to oversee this work will likely be named, along with a replacement for the long-serving People's Bank of China Governor Zhou Xiaochuan. This change will initiate a new generation of leadership in the central bank, and one ostensibly directed at overseeing stricter macro-prudential controls.16 Another outcome of the financial conference was the warning that, going forward, local government officials will be held accountable over the course of their entire lives if they allow excessive financial risks and debt to build up under their watch.17 These developments suggest that policy will become a headwind to growth next year. We would expect downside risks to China's implicit 6.5% growth target. Why should the new deleveraging campaign have any more effect than similar efforts in the past? Aside from Xi's stronger position to enforce policies - explained above - the nineteenth party congress reinforced an important trend in policy implementation. The Xi administration has been using the CDIC, the party's anti-corruption unit, as a political tool to ensure broader policy enforcement. We have observed this trend over the past year both in the financial regulatory crackdown and the anti-pollution and overcapacity crackdown.18 Anti-corruption officials can compel more serious implementation from local governments, SOE managers, and others because they threaten to impose job losses or jail time, rather than mere fines. The CDIC appointed two new officials to oversee its operations in China's financial regulators just as the party congress was getting underway. Moreover, on the final day of the party congress, officials have announced that corruption investigations will be conducted into the commercial housing sector.19 The message is that the regulatory storm will expand - and will have teeth. Xi went a step further at the party congress by declaring the creation of a National Supervisory Commission, which will oversee the next phase of the anti-corruption campaign.20 This commission will expand the campaign outside the ranks of the Communist Party - where it has operated so far - to the government as a whole, i.e. the state administration and bureaucracy. It implies that every official from China's top ministries down to its lowest-level governments will be subjected to new forces of scrutiny. If this effort resembles the CDIC's role in hastening compliance in other areas of economic policy, then it will be a powerful tool for the Xi administration as it attempts to engineer a top-down restructuring of China's governance and economy. An aggressive new regulatory push, with the threat of corruption charges, in China's financial and industrial sectors would create a powerful drag on economic growth. It could easily send a chill down the spines of government officials, prompting them to cut or delay key investment decisions, as the initial anti-corruption campaign did in 2013-14.21 China's leaders will eventually attempt to offset any disorderly slowdown from reform measures with additional stimulus. However, given that the deleveraging campaign cuts to the heart of the financial sector, and that sharp new tools are being put to use, we would think that the probability of a "policy mistake" is going up. Bottom Line: Risks to Chinese economy and assets are rising as politics shifts from being a tailwind to a headwind. Xi Jinping faces few policy constraints and has shown appetite for greater political risk in the pursuit of his reform agenda. His administration has signaled that China's financial imbalances pose a threat to overall stability and require tougher regulation. New enforcement mechanisms - particularly those connected with anti-corruption efforts - threaten to bring the financial sector, as well as local government debt, under the spotlight and to create a chilling-effect among local officials. Investment Conclusions On one hand, any genuine attempt to hasten the transition of China's economy to consumer-led growth, de-emphasize GDP growth targets, and pare back overbuilt and heavy-polluting industry is highly consequential and will redistribute global growth.22 Table 3Post-Party Congress Scenarios And Probabilities China: Party Congress Ends ... So What? China: Party Congress Ends ... So What? Broadly speaking, the transition is negative for Chinese growth in the short term, but positive in the long term, as productivity trends would improve. It is negative for China's heavy industry, yet positive for technology, health and education; negative for commodities tied to the old economy (e.g. coal, iron ore, and diesel), but positive for commodities tied to consumers (oil/gasoline, aluminum, nickel, and zinc); negative for emerging markets that are commodity- and export-reliant and China-exposed, yet positive for domestic-oriented and/or China-insulated EMs. On the other hand, there is no longer a convincing excuse for poor implementation of central government policies. If China does not take concrete steps in pursuit of Xi's reform agenda - an agenda of "supply-side reform" that is now enshrined in the party's constitution - then it follows that Xi himself is unwilling to practice what he preaches. The first big test will be whether, when the economy starts to wobble, policymakers stimulate the "old economy" with the usual fervor, or whether they hold true to a course of re-ordering the economy and concentrating any stimulative credit flows more heavily into the social safety net and consumer-led industries and services. Given Xi's and China's rare opportunity, a failure to undertake difficult reforms in the coming months and years would be a clear sign that China will never pursue significant reforms of its own accord. It would have to be forced to do so by an internal or external crisis. This would mean that China's potential GDP would continue to decline for the foreseeable future (Table 3). Chart 13China's Ascendancy Challenges The U.S. China's Ascendancy Challenges The U.S. China's Ascendancy Challenges The U.S. If that were the case, declining potential GDP growth would combine with political uncertainty over Xi's 2022 succession to create a noxious brew of social malaise. A final and very important consideration is China's relationship with the United States and its allies, given the ongoing strains over U.S.-China trade, North Korea's nuclear and missile advances, China's militarization of the South China Sea, Taiwan's widening ideological distance from the mainland, and Japan's accelerating re-armament. The party congress was a highly visible display of Chinese power and self-confidence, in which Xi broke with the past to suggest that China is moving into "center stage" in the world. Xi not only reaffirmed state-led growth but also emphasized that China's foreign policy assertiveness is here to stay over the long run. This is a poignant reminder of our long-term investment theme of global multipolarity. The United States is not likely to relinquish global or even regional leadership easily. So while relations may be pacified in the short term, the risk of conflict, whether economic or military, is rising over time (Chart 13). Matt Gertken, Associate Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "China's Nineteenth Party Congress: A Primer," dated September 13, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "China: Two Factions, One Party," dated September 2012, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Sino-American Conflict: More Likely Than You Think, Part II," dated November 6, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 4 Popular unrest was boiling up due to grievances over corrupt officials, mismanagement of internal migration, local government land seizures, a weak justice system, and a host of labor disputes and environmental incidents. 5 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Taking Stock Of China's Reforms," dated May 13, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. See also BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "Reflections On China's Reforms," in "The Great Risk Rotation - December 2013," dated December 11, 2013. 6 The arrest and excommunication of Chongqing Party Secretary Bo Xilai in 2012 epitomizes the regional and institutional challenge, since Bo had a network of alliances that fell under Xi Jinping's anti-corruption dragnet and sprawled across the energy sector and public security agencies. The regional problem was highlighted again this year when one of Bo's successors, Chongqing Party Secretary Sun Zhengcai, was ousted for allegedly failing to extirpate Bo's influence. Meanwhile, the People's Liberation Army became more vocal and independent in ways that raised concerns among foreign observers, such as U.S. Defense Secretary Robert Gates, who suggested that the PLA took China's civilian leadership by surprise when it conducted a test flight of its stealth J-20 fifth generation fighter during Gates's visit to Beijing in January 2011. 7 Please see BCA China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "China's Economy - 2015 Vs Today (Part I): Trade," dated October 26, 2017, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 8 For the military reshuffle, please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy and China Investment Strategy Special Report, "Five Myths About Chinese Politics," dated August 10, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 9 The most important reform was the loosening of the one-child policy, which was a social change with long-term economic benefits. Reforms to household registration, land rights, the property sector, SOEs, fiscal policy, private property, and the judicial system have moved slowly. 10 The PSC has a three-way balance of sorts, with two representatives of each faction (Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao, and Xi Jinping), plus Xi presiding over all. Please see Cheng Li, "The Paradoxical Outcome Of China's 19th Party Congress," Brookings Institution, October 26, 2017. Our own analysis of the 2017 result, drawing on Cheng Li's work, shows that the party bureaucracy, state bureaucracy and the military are represented at roughly the same levels as before on the 25-member Politburo. Further, the profile of the PSC members is relatively continuous with the previous PSC profiles. Namely, the relatively high share of leaders who have spent their careers ruling the provinces, or who have mostly worked in central government, is no higher than it was before, while the relatively low share of leaders who served on the military or managed state-owned enterprises is no lower than it was before. The division between rural and urban regions on the PSC is also the same as before. Thus, the only substantial change in the character profile of the PSC is the fact that China's leaders are increasingly coming from an educational background in the "soft sciences" rather than the "hard sciences": which is to be expected as the society evolves from manufacturing and construction to a services-oriented economy, even though it also suggests growing ideological orthodoxy. 11 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now," dated December 14, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 12 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "The Socialism Put," dated May 11, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 13 Please see BCA China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Housing Tightening: Now And 2010," dated October 13, 2016, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 14 Please see BCA China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "China: Financial Crackdown And Market Implications," dated May 18, 2017, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 15 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Northeast Asia: Moonshine, Militarism, And Markets," dated May 24, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 16 Please see "China: A Preemptive Dodd-Frank," in BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "The Wrath Of Cohn," dated July 26, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 17 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy and China Investment Strategy Special Report, "How To Read Xi Jinping's Party Congress Speech," dated October 18, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 18 Please see note 15 above. See also Barry Naughton, “The General Secretary’s Extended Reach: Xi Jinping Combines Economics And Politics,” dated September 11, 2017, available at www.hoover.org. 19 Please see "China To Launch Nationwide Inspection On Commercial Housing Sales," Xinhua, October 25, 2017, available at www.chinadaily.com. 20 Supervisory commissions will be created at every level of administration in all regions to ensure that the anti-corruption campaign is enforced across all government, not only within the Communist Party. The commissions will be based on experiences gained from trial programs in Beijing, Zhejiang, and Shanxi. Please see Viola Zhou, "Super anti-graft agency pilot schemes extended across China," South China Morning Post, October 30, 2017, available at www.scmp.com. 21 Please see note 5 above, "Taking Stock," and BCA China Investment Strategy, "Policy Mistakes And Silver Linings," dated October 7, 2015, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 22 Please see note 5 above, "Taking Stock," and BCA China Investment Strategy, "Understanding China's Master Plan," dated November 20, 2013, available at cis.bcaresearch.com.

Highlights Xi Jinping has shed domestic political constraints that have been in place since 2012; The lack of constraints suggests his reform agenda will intensify over the next 12 months; The use of anti-corruption agencies to enforce economic policy suggests that reform implementation will become more effective; Chinese politics are shifting from a tailwind to a headwind for global growth and EM assets. Feature Chart 1Stability Continues After Party Congress? Stability Continues After Party Congress? Stability Continues After Party Congress? China's nineteenth National Party Congress concluded on October 25 with the new top seven leaders - the members of the Politburo Standing Committee (PSC) - taking the stage in the Great Hall of the People. The party congress is a five-year leadership reshuffle that, in this case, marks the halfway point of President Xi Jinping's term in office.1 President Xi was the center of attention throughout the event. It is widely perceived that he is the most powerful Chinese leader since Deng Xiaoping. The Communist Party chose to elevate his personal power in conspicuous ways that raises political uncertainties about the succession in 2022 as well as about the future trajectory of Chinese policy, including economic policy. BCA's Geopolitical Strategy has awaited this transition since 2012, when President Xi and Premier Li Keqiang took over the top two positions in China.2 While we are inherently skeptical of Xi's grandiose reform agenda, we are also deeply aware of the importance of political constraints in determining economic policy outcomes - and Xi has just overcome significant domestic constraints. If Xi accelerates and intensifies his reforms next year - particularly deleveraging and industrial restructuring - he will add volatility to Chinese risk assets and create a drag on Chinese growth. Xi's personal concentration of power could be an enabling factor in driving reforms. But it will certainly be a source of higher political uncertainty over the next five years (Chart 1), especially as the 2022 succession approaches. Therefore a lack of reform would be a noxious combination. Finally, China's ascendancy increases the phenomenon of global multipolarity - it is a challenge to the U.S.-led system and will eventually produce a reaction, most likely a negative one.3 In short, Chinese political and geopolitical risk is understated. This situation presents a range of risks and opportunities for investors, but it is broadly a headwind for global growth and EM assets. A Chinese "policy mistake" is also a risk to our House View of being overweight equities and underweight bonds for the next 12 months. Back To 2012 When Xi rose to power in 2012, it was widely known that China's economy had reached a pivotal moment. Exports were declining as a share of GDP in the wake of the Great Recession and end of the U.S. "debt super-cycle," and investment was weakening as the country's massive fiscal and credit stimulus wore off (Chart 2). Meanwhile the Communist Party faced a crisis of legitimacy, with an emergent middle class making ever greater demands on the system (Chart 3). The rapid rise in household income over preceding years, combined with high income inequality and poor quality of life, raised the prospect of serious socio-political challenges to single-party rule.4 President Hu Jintao searched for ways to strengthen state control over an increasingly restless society, while outgoing Premier Wen Jiabao warned openly that China's economy was unsustainable and imbalanced and that political reform would be an "urgent task." Hu Jintao's farewell address at the eighteenth party congress (2012) reflected the party's grave concerns. His successor, Xi Jinping, was in charge of drafting the report. This relationship highlighted an important degree of party consensus. The report called for fighting corruption and disciplining the party, while doing more to protect households from the negative externalities of the past decade's rapid growth, including pollution (Chart 4). Chart 2Xi Took Power Amid Economic Transition Xi Took Power Amid Economic Transition Xi Took Power Amid Economic Transition Chart 3The Communist Party's Newest Constraint The Communist Party's Newest Constraint The Communist Party's Newest Constraint Chart 4Xi Took Power Amid Instability Risks Xi Took Power Amid Instability Risks Xi Took Power Amid Instability Risks It also outlined China's hopes of becoming a more consequential global player through acquiring naval power and forging a new, peer relationship with the United States. The overriding imperative was to win back support and legitimacy for the party, lest it fall victim to the fate of the world's other Marxist-Leninist regimes - i.e. internal socio-economic sclerosis and external pressure from the U.S.-led, democratic-capitalist world order. Xi Jinping took over at this juncture, using the 2012 work report as his guideline for an ambitious policy agenda. Xi's main goals centered on power: namely, ensuring regime survival at home and increasing China's international clout abroad. Specifically, the Xi administration sought to (1) centralize political control so that difficult choices could be made and implemented effectively; (2) improve governance so that public discontent could be mitigated over the long run; and (3) restructure the economy so that productivity growth could remain robust in the face of sharply declining labor force growth, thus stabilizing the potential GDP growth rate.5 Obviously there was no guarantee that Xi would be successful. China's response to the Global Financial Crisis had required a large-scale decentralization of control: local governments, banks, state-owned enterprises and shadow lenders were encouraged to lever up and grow amid the global collapse (Chart 5). This created imbalances and liabilities for the central leadership while also creating new economic (and hence political) centers of power outside Beijing. Chart 5aLocal Government Spending Unleashed... Local Government Spending Unleashed... Local Government Spending Unleashed... Chart 5b...And Shadow Lending Too ...And Shadow Lending Too ...And Shadow Lending Too The central leadership also seemed to be losing control of the provinces: regional and institutional powerbrokers had emerged, challenging the party's hierarchy, and there was even reason to believe that the armed forces were deviating from central leadership.6 Without control of the local governments and other key institutions, any reform agenda would get bogged down. Finally, the political cycle was not particularly favorable to Xi. While the line-up of the all-powerful PSC looked favorable from 2012-17, the next crop of Communist leaders set to move up the ladder in 2017 seemed likely to constrain him. Moreover, the previous two presidents had chosen Xi's successors for 2022, according to party norms. Xi had very little room for maneuver - and this was negative for his policy outlook overall. As such, BCA's Geopolitical Strategy poured cold water on the more enthusiastic forecasts of economic reforms throughout Xi's first term. Our assessment was that he would focus on anti-corruption and governance reforms first and only attempt genuine economic reforms once his political capital grew significantly. Bottom Line: Xi Jinping faced major obstacles to his policy agenda of centralization, governance and economic reform in 2012. He faced a large and restless middle class, the difficulty of reining in local governments and state institutions, and the likelihood that China's previous top leaders would constrain his maneuverability in 2017 and 2022. Xi's First Term A lot has changed over the past five years. First, both global demand for Chinese goods and Chinese domestic demand have held up rather well, giving China a badly needed cushion during its economic transition. Steady consumption growth has partially offset the blow from declining investment, while Chinese exports have grown well, often faster than global trade (Chart 6).7 Second, Xi has consolidated power extensively within the party, the army, and other institutions. He executed the most aggressive purge that the party has seen in decades, enabling him to rebuild some public trust among a middle class worn out by corruption, as well as to remove political rivals (Chart 7). He also launched an extensive restructuring of the People's Liberation Army, its organizational structure and personnel, ensuring that "the party controls the gun."8 And he intensified social control, particularly in the online realm. Chart 6Changing The Economic Model Changing The Economic Model Changing The Economic Model Chart 7Anti-Corruption Campaign Still Going Anti-Corruption Campaign Still Going Anti-Corruption Campaign Still Going Symbolically, Xi was anointed the "core" of the Communist Party by the political elite in late 2016. Economic reform, however, has been compromised by Xi's focus on consolidating political power. True, he and Premier Li Keqiang tinkered with various policies to cut red tape, simplify domestic taxes, attract foreign investment, and encourage better SOE management, but none of the reforms launched over the past five years were painful and thus none were significant.9 Nowhere was this more apparent than during 2015-16, when economic and financial instability caused the Xi administration to delay reform initiatives and focus on reforming the economy. Beijing increased infrastructure spending, bailed out the local governments, depreciated the RMB, and imposed capital controls (Chart 8). "Old China," state-owned China, was the primary beneficiary. The stimulus-fueled rebound helped stabilize the global economy in 2016-17, particularly commodity-producing emerging markets, but it exacerbated China's internal problems - slow productivity growth, excessive debt creation, weak private sector investment, and waning foreign investment (Chart 9). Chart 8State Interventions In 2015-16 State Interventions In 2015-16 State Interventions In 2015-16 Chart 9Economic Reforms Still Needed Economic Reforms Still Needed Economic Reforms Still Needed The upside, however, was stability, which enabled Xi to approach the nineteenth National Party Congress from a position of strength. Now that the party congress has concluded, we can say that Xi has notched a series of significant "victories" and that his political capital is overflowing: Xi Jinping Thought: The congress voted to enshrine Xi's name into its constitution (Table 1), with a phrasing that echoes "Mao Zedong Thought," hence elevating Xi to immense moral authority within the party. The name of Xi's philosophy, "Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era," makes a slight adjustment to Deng Xiaoping's market-friendly philosophy. In other words, Xi's authority stems from his providing a synthesis of the regime's greatest two leaders: Mao's single-party Communist rule is being reaffirmed, but Deng's attention to economic reality and the need for pragmatic policies has also been preserved. As we have argued, this constitutional change is a reflection of the fact that Xi has already positioned himself to be the most influential leader well into the 2020s. Table 1Xi Jinping Thought China: Party Congress Ends ... So What? China: Party Congress Ends ... So What? Xi removes his successors: Xi managed to exclude any of China's "sixth generation" of leaders from the Politburo Standing Committee. He thus broke a very important (albeit informal) party norm. The norm was created under Deng Xiaoping to ensure a smooth transition of power, unlike the power struggle that occurred upon Mao's death. Now Xi will have a greater hand in choosing his successor, or even staying in power beyond 2022. This aids in the process of centralization, but it may well prove a step backwards in terms of governance and reform - that remains to be seen. It is a source of higher political uncertainty going forward. Xi dominates the Politburo: Xi prevented his predecessor Hu Jintao's loyalists from gaining a majority on the Politburo Standing Committee, as they seemed lined up to do in 2012. The line-up of the new Politburo and Politburo Standing Committee broadly indicates that Xi and his faction are the dominant force (Table 2). Taken with Xi's personal power, this is significant political capital with which the new administration can push its priorities, whatever they may be. Xi gets a new inquisitor: The Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CDIC) is the party's internal watchdog. It has taken the leading role in the sweeping party purge and anti-corruption campaign over the past five years. Xi removed its chief, the hugely influential Wang Qishan, by reinforcing the retirement age and two-term PSC limit - a notable case of institutional norms being upheld. He put one of his loyalists, Zhao Leji, in this role instead. The CDIC will have a huge role over the next five years, and a market-relevant one, as we discuss below. Table 2The Magnificent Seven: China's New Politburo Standing Committee China: Party Congress Ends ... So What? China: Party Congress Ends ... So What? The above conclusions raise the possibility that Xi has become excessively powerful, that political institutions in China are being eroded by personal rule, and that political risks are set to explode upward in the near future. However, it is too soon to declare that Xi has staged a Maoist "power grab." There are reasons to think that Xi's accumulation of power has not overturned the delicate internal balances within the top leadership bodies.10 The result is in keeping with what we expected in our Strategic Outlook last December: Xi Jinping has amassed formidable political capital, but he has not destabilized the Chinese political system.11 He is a strongman leader within the established political system of an authoritarian state - he is not a tyrant seizing power in a bloodless revolution. (At least, not yet.) This is broadly positive for China's policy continuity and political framework - and in this sense it is also broadly market-positive, being an outgrowth of the status quo rather than a disruptive break from it. China's leaders continue to be career politicians, trained in law or economics, with considerable executive experience in governing and limited business or military experience, all unified in the name of regime preservation (Chart 10). Over the long run, this suggests that China's "Socialist Put" remains intact, i.e. that the state will intervene to prevent a crash landing.12 Nevertheless, an important corollary of the above is that Xi holds the balance, and hence there are no longer any major domestic political or governmental constraints to prevent him from pursuing his policy agenda - especially over the next 12 months, when his political capital is still fresh and the economic backdrop is favorable. The fact that Xi emphasized "sustainable and sound" growth, deliberately excluded GDP growth targets beyond 2021, and altered the definition of the Communist Party's so-called "principal contradiction" in order to prioritize quality-of-life improvements, suggests that the reform agenda is about to get rebooted. Bottom Line: Xi Jinping has consolidated power extensively, but he has not staged a silent coup d' état or overthrown the balance of power within the Communist Party. This suggests that Xi's policies and reforms will intensify over the next year. Chart 10Characteristics Of Chinese Rulers Mostly Unchanged Since 2012 China: Party Congress Ends ... So What? China: Party Congress Ends ... So What? Xi's Second Term: What To Expect Instead of playing it safe in the lead-up to the all-important party congress over the past twelve months, Xi surprised the markets with a series of regulatory actions designed to tamp down the property bubble, regulate the financial markets, punish speculation, and reduce industrial overcapacity and pollution (Chart 11).13 This tightening of policy strongly signaled that Xi's appetite for political risk is rising in keeping with his growing political capital. Beijing is signaling that it aims to continue with tougher financial, industrial and environmental reforms in the aftermath of the party congress. In particular, systemic financial risk has been identified as a risk to the state's overall stability. Of course, China is unlikely to sharply reduce the ratio of total debt-to-GDP out of an ill-advised, self-imposed bout of austerity. But the Xi administration is likely to suppress its growth rate (Chart 12), as well as to continue cracking down on specific institutions and financial practices deemed to be excessively risky or under-regulated, as has occurred this year in insurance and shadow lending.14 Chart 11China's Borrowing Costs Rising China's Borrowing Costs Rising China's Borrowing Costs Rising Chart 12Debt Growth Faces Tougher Controls Debt Growth Faces Tougher Controls Debt Growth Faces Tougher Controls This financial focus is clear from top-level appointments and meetings in 2017, including a special Politburo meeting on financial risks in April and the once-in-five-years Central Financial Work Conference in July.15 The latter declared new regulatory powers for the central bank that will be put into place in the coming 12 months. The head of the new Financial Stability and Development Committee to oversee this work will likely be named, along with a replacement for the long-serving People's Bank of China Governor Zhou Xiaochuan. This change will initiate a new generation of leadership in the central bank, and one ostensibly directed at overseeing stricter macro-prudential controls.16 Another outcome of the financial conference was the warning that, going forward, local government officials will be held accountable over the course of their entire lives if they allow excessive financial risks and debt to build up under their watch.17 These developments suggest that policy will become a headwind to growth next year. We would expect downside risks to China's implicit 6.5% growth target. Why should the new deleveraging campaign have any more effect than similar efforts in the past? Aside from Xi's stronger position to enforce policies - explained above - the nineteenth party congress reinforced an important trend in policy implementation. The Xi administration has been using the CDIC, the party's anti-corruption unit, as a political tool to ensure broader policy enforcement. We have observed this trend over the past year both in the financial regulatory crackdown and the anti-pollution and overcapacity crackdown.18 Anti-corruption officials can compel more serious implementation from local governments, SOE managers, and others because they threaten to impose job losses or jail time, rather than mere fines. The CDIC appointed two new officials to oversee its operations in China's financial regulators just as the party congress was getting underway. Moreover, on the final day of the party congress, officials have announced that corruption investigations will be conducted into the commercial housing sector.19 The message is that the regulatory storm will expand - and will have teeth. Xi went a step further at the party congress by declaring the creation of a National Supervisory Commission, which will oversee the next phase of the anti-corruption campaign.20 This commission will expand the campaign outside the ranks of the Communist Party - where it has operated so far - to the government as a whole, i.e. the state administration and bureaucracy. It implies that every official from China's top ministries down to its lowest-level governments will be subjected to new forces of scrutiny. If this effort resembles the CDIC's role in hastening compliance in other areas of economic policy, then it will be a powerful tool for the Xi administration as it attempts to engineer a top-down restructuring of China's governance and economy. An aggressive new regulatory push, with the threat of corruption charges, in China's financial and industrial sectors would create a powerful drag on economic growth. It could easily send a chill down the spines of government officials, prompting them to cut or delay key investment decisions, as the initial anti-corruption campaign did in 2013-14.21 China's leaders will eventually attempt to offset any disorderly slowdown from reform measures with additional stimulus. However, given that the deleveraging campaign cuts to the heart of the financial sector, and that sharp new tools are being put to use, we would think that the probability of a "policy mistake" is going up. Bottom Line: Risks to Chinese economy and assets are rising as politics shifts from being a tailwind to a headwind. Xi Jinping faces few policy constraints and has shown appetite for greater political risk in the pursuit of his reform agenda. His administration has signaled that China's financial imbalances pose a threat to overall stability and require tougher regulation. New enforcement mechanisms - particularly those connected with anti-corruption efforts - threaten to bring the financial sector, as well as local government debt, under the spotlight and to create a chilling-effect among local officials. Investment Conclusions On one hand, any genuine attempt to hasten the transition of China's economy to consumer-led growth, de-emphasize GDP growth targets, and pare back overbuilt and heavy-polluting industry is highly consequential and will redistribute global growth.22 Table 3Post-Party Congress Scenarios And Probabilities China: Party Congress Ends ... So What? China: Party Congress Ends ... So What? Broadly speaking, the transition is negative for Chinese growth in the short term, but positive in the long term, as productivity trends would improve. It is negative for China's heavy industry, yet positive for technology, health and education; negative for commodities tied to the old economy (e.g. coal, iron ore, and diesel), but positive for commodities tied to consumers (oil/gasoline, aluminum, nickel, and zinc); negative for emerging markets that are commodity- and export-reliant and China-exposed, yet positive for domestic-oriented and/or China-insulated EMs. On the other hand, there is no longer a convincing excuse for poor implementation of central government policies. If China does not take concrete steps in pursuit of Xi's reform agenda - an agenda of "supply-side reform" that is now enshrined in the party's constitution - then it follows that Xi himself is unwilling to practice what he preaches. The first big test will be whether, when the economy starts to wobble, policymakers stimulate the "old economy" with the usual fervor, or whether they hold true to a course of re-ordering the economy and concentrating any stimulative credit flows more heavily into the social safety net and consumer-led industries and services. Given Xi's and China's rare opportunity, a failure to undertake difficult reforms in the coming months and years would be a clear sign that China will never pursue significant reforms of its own accord. It would have to be forced to do so by an internal or external crisis. This would mean that China's potential GDP would continue to decline for the foreseeable future (Table 3). Chart 13China's Ascendancy Challenges The U.S. China's Ascendancy Challenges The U.S. China's Ascendancy Challenges The U.S. If that were the case, declining potential GDP growth would combine with political uncertainty over Xi's 2022 succession to create a noxious brew of social malaise. A final and very important consideration is China's relationship with the United States and its allies, given the ongoing strains over U.S.-China trade, North Korea's nuclear and missile advances, China's militarization of the South China Sea, Taiwan's widening ideological distance from the mainland, and Japan's accelerating re-armament. The party congress was a highly visible display of Chinese power and self-confidence, in which Xi broke with the past to suggest that China is moving into "center stage" in the world. Xi not only reaffirmed state-led growth but also emphasized that China's foreign policy assertiveness is here to stay over the long run. This is a poignant reminder of our long-term investment theme of global multipolarity. The United States is not likely to relinquish global or even regional leadership easily. So while relations may be pacified in the short term, the risk of conflict, whether economic or military, is rising over time (Chart 13). Matt Gertken, Associate Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "China's Nineteenth Party Congress: A Primer," dated September 13, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "China: Two Factions, One Party," dated September 2012, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Sino-American Conflict: More Likely Than You Think, Part II," dated November 6, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 4 Popular unrest was boiling up due to grievances over corrupt officials, mismanagement of internal migration, local government land seizures, a weak justice system, and a host of labor disputes and environmental incidents. 5 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Taking Stock Of China's Reforms," dated May 13, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. See also BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "Reflections On China's Reforms," in "The Great Risk Rotation - December 2013," dated December 11, 2013. 6 The arrest and excommunication of Chongqing Party Secretary Bo Xilai in 2012 epitomizes the regional and institutional challenge, since Bo had a network of alliances that fell under Xi Jinping's anti-corruption dragnet and sprawled across the energy sector and public security agencies. The regional problem was highlighted again this year when one of Bo's successors, Chongqing Party Secretary Sun Zhengcai, was ousted for allegedly failing to extirpate Bo's influence. Meanwhile, the People's Liberation Army became more vocal and independent in ways that raised concerns among foreign observers, such as U.S. Defense Secretary Robert Gates, who suggested that the PLA took China's civilian leadership by surprise when it conducted a test flight of its stealth J-20 fifth generation fighter during Gates's visit to Beijing in January 2011. 7 Please see BCA China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "China's Economy - 2015 Vs Today (Part I): Trade," dated October 26, 2017, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 8 For the military reshuffle, please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy and China Investment Strategy Special Report, "Five Myths About Chinese Politics," dated August 10, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 9 The most important reform was the loosening of the one-child policy, which was a social change with long-term economic benefits. Reforms to household registration, land rights, the property sector, SOEs, fiscal policy, private property, and the judicial system have moved slowly. 10 The PSC has a three-way balance of sorts, with two representatives of each faction (Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao, and Xi Jinping), plus Xi presiding over all. Please see Cheng Li, "The Paradoxical Outcome Of China's 19th Party Congress," Brookings Institution, October 26, 2017. Our own analysis of the 2017 result, drawing on Cheng Li's work, shows that the party bureaucracy, state bureaucracy and the military are represented at roughly the same levels as before on the 25-member Politburo. Further, the profile of the PSC members is relatively continuous with the previous PSC profiles. Namely, the relatively high share of leaders who have spent their careers ruling the provinces, or who have mostly worked in central government, is no higher than it was before, while the relatively low share of leaders who served on the military or managed state-owned enterprises is no lower than it was before. The division between rural and urban regions on the PSC is also the same as before. Thus, the only substantial change in the character profile of the PSC is the fact that China's leaders are increasingly coming from an educational background in the "soft sciences" rather than the "hard sciences": which is to be expected as the society evolves from manufacturing and construction to a services-oriented economy, even though it also suggests growing ideological orthodoxy. 11 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now," dated December 14, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 12 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "The Socialism Put," dated May 11, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 13 Please see BCA China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Housing Tightening: Now And 2010," dated October 13, 2016, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 14 Please see BCA China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "China: Financial Crackdown And Market Implications," dated May 18, 2017, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 15 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Northeast Asia: Moonshine, Militarism, And Markets," dated May 24, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 16 Please see "China: A Preemptive Dodd-Frank," in BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "The Wrath Of Cohn," dated July 26, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 17 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy and China Investment Strategy Special Report, "How To Read Xi Jinping's Party Congress Speech," dated October 18, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 18 Please see note 15 above. See also Barry Naughton, “The General Secretary’s Extended Reach: Xi Jinping Combines Economics And Politics,” dated September 11, 2017, available at www.hoover.org. 19 Please see "China To Launch Nationwide Inspection On Commercial Housing Sales," Xinhua, October 25, 2017, available at www.chinadaily.com. 20 Supervisory commissions will be created at every level of administration in all regions to ensure that the anti-corruption campaign is enforced across all government, not only within the Communist Party. The commissions will be based on experiences gained from trial programs in Beijing, Zhejiang, and Shanxi. Please see Viola Zhou, "Super anti-graft agency pilot schemes extended across China," South China Morning Post, October 30, 2017, available at www.scmp.com. 21 Please see note 5 above, "Taking Stock," and BCA China Investment Strategy, "Policy Mistakes And Silver Linings," dated October 7, 2015, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 22 Please see note 5 above, "Taking Stock," and BCA China Investment Strategy, "Understanding China's Master Plan," dated November 20, 2013, available at cis.bcaresearch.com.

Highlights China's ascendancy will increase U.S.-China tensions in the medium and long term; "Xi Jinping Thought" is China's rejection of Soviet-style collapse; Xi's new policies face very few domestic political constraints; Xi is playing down GDP targets and playing up centralization; Tax cuts are still coming to the U.S. Feature Global risk assets continue to rally despite an apparent loss of faith in world leaders. In Spain, the showdown between Catalonia and Madrid is escalating as Spanish lawmakers vote to withdraw aspects of self-rule from the wealthy northeastern province. In the U.K., the Brexit negotiations are floundering, causing the Labour Party to raise the alarm against a "no deal" exit from the European Union. In Brazil, the interim president is under legislative scrutiny for corruption; in South Africa, the ruling party is grasping at government employees' pension funds to keep a struggling state airliner afloat. However, policymakers are not always as incompetent as investors (and the financial media) like to think. In China, President Xi Jinping has turned himself into the highest authority since Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping. And the country has sprung back from the 2015-16 deflationary spiral so well that financial authorities are tightening financial controls and contemplating interest rate hikes (Chart 1). In Japan, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has won a two-thirds supermajority in the House of Representatives for the second time, giving him a mandate to continue his "Abenomics" agenda (Chart 2). With unemployment already exceedingly low at 2.8%, Abe could make history. He could rouse the country out of both its deflationary and pacifist slumber in the face of the historic challenges posed by a rising China and multipolar world. Less grandiose, but still highly market-relevant, the U.S. Congress has drawn closer to approving a budget resolution for fiscal 2018 that would pave the way for tax legislation to hit President Donald Trump's desk by the end of the first quarter of next year. This development is in marked contrast to informal surveys of investors around the world, including at BCA's annual New York Conference last month. The market has hardly reacted to the positive news (Chart 3). Chart 1Real Deposit Rate Is Negative Real Deposit Rate Is Negative Real Deposit Rate Is Negative Chart 2Shinzo Abe Does It Again Xi Jinping: Chairman Of Everything Xi Jinping: Chairman Of Everything Chart 3Market Still Doubts Trump Market Still Doubts Trump Market Still Doubts Trump In this report, we focus on China and the United States. Our recent assessments of Spain and Japan are on track - the former is an overstated risk, the latter an opportunity now largely priced in.1 It is the "G2" that poses the biggest risk of negative surprises over the next 12 months. First Take On The Party Congress China's nineteenth National Party Congress will conclude just as we go to press. Our assessment of the line-up of the new Politburo and specific changes to the Communist Party's constitution will have to wait for a Special Report next week. We can still draw some preliminary conclusions, however.2 First, Xi Jinping's induction into the Communist Party's constitution, under the slogan "Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era," makes him second only to Chairman Mao as a philosophical guide in the party. This says as much about the spirit of the age as about Xi's (formidable) power. It is an era of "charismatic authority," in which populations are restless and political elites either adopt populist tactics (like Xi), or are populists themselves.3 The Communist Party wanted a new Mao and Xi obliged them. Why is this the case in China? The Communist Party has based its legitimacy on economic growth since Deng Xiaoping came to power in 1978. But economic growth is slowing as a result of irreversible, secular trends. The party needs a new source of legitimacy, and Xi has offered a "synthesis" of Mao and Deng: he promises to preserve the Communist regime above all, yet also to continue Deng's pragmatic use of the market to strengthen the fundamentally socialist economy. Thesis, antithesis, synthesis. Xi's focus remains on power, namely reinforcing China's ruling institutions and asserting its international influence.4 We will take the latter first, as it is the biggest source of change in the world and a key driver of market-relevant geopolitical risk. Multipolarity Chart 4U.S. Decline Vis-à-Vis China U.S. Decline Vis-à-Vis China U.S. Decline Vis-à-Vis China The most important takeaway from the party congress is that it perfectly captures our long-term investment theme of global multipolarity. This describes a world run by multiple independent powers as American power declines in relative terms.5 The erosion of U.S. global dominance is most striking in relativity to China (Chart 4).6 Xi has declared that it is time for China to take "center stage" in world affairs. He also modified an earlier goal to say that China will become a "leading global power" by 2050. China is unified under a single leader and a single party, its economy has been robust, and it is therefore feeling confident in its ability to take action in the global arena. The implications are disruptive over the long run: Assertive foreign policy will continue: China will continue with the bolder foreign policy it has demonstrated over the past ten years. China's military expenditures, which are widely believed to be larger than official statistics reveal, will continue to drive regional security dynamics (Chart 5).7 Maritime tensions still matter: China's "core interests" in separatist-prone regions like Tibet and Xinjiang have become more secure, whereas its interests in Taiwan and the South China Sea are less secure because of increasing pushback from the U.S. and its allies. The South China Sea is still a potential flashpoint as it governs the vital supply lines of China's major regional rivals and $4 trillion in trade (Diagram 1).8 Diagram 1The South China Sea: Still A Risk Xi Jinping: Chairman Of Everything Xi Jinping: Chairman Of Everything Economic statecraft is the new norm: China is using its economic heft to fill spaces left void by the United States. The U.S. is perceived across the region as relying increasingly on "hard power," ceding ground to China to create "soft power" relationships through trade and investment. Beijing is launching its own system of multilateral trade and finance that could someday operate as a sphere of influence in Asia outside of U.S.-led international norms - such as Xi's "Belt and Road Initiative," which was also enshrined in the Communist Party constitution (Chart 6). Moreover, Beijing is using its growing economic leverage to achieve political goals, having imposed informal sanctions on Japan, both Koreas, Vietnam, Taiwan and others in recent years.9 Chart 5China Raises Asian Security Fears China Raises Asian Security Fears China Raises Asian Security Fears Chart 6China's Belt And Road Club Xi Jinping: Chairman Of Everything Xi Jinping: Chairman Of Everything These trends were all reaffirmed at the party congress, confirming our view that U.S.-China frictions are a serious geopolitical risk. Fortunately, neither Xi nor China is a loose cannon. Most of these trends are developing over the long run. With Xi Jinping overseeing an extensive overhaul of the People's Liberation Army, there is less reason to suppose that the PLA will act aggressively independent of civilian leadership (as was a concern under the previous administration). One would also think that a transition across the armed forces is an inopportune time to instigate conflicts. Notably, the Xi administration has also tactically adopted a milder diplomatic approach since President Trump's coming to power with an arsenal of threats aimed at China. This approach is evident with Japan, India, and Southeast Asian neighbors. Trump's perceived belligerence gives China the ability to play a mediating role and promote trade and investment with other powers looking to hedge against the U.S. Finally, Beijing appears to have domestic unrest in check, at least for now. Public security disturbances have been elevated in the wake of the global financial crisis, but have declined since 2011 (Chart 7). This is a positive sign for markets because China will have greater ability to push domestic reforms - and less reason to be aggressive abroad - if unrest is subdued. Official statistics suggest that China spends about as much on public security as national defense, revealing a key vulnerability to the state (Chart 8). Chart 7Domestic Unrest Down, Though Not Out Domestic Unrest Down, Though Not Out Domestic Unrest Down, Though Not Out Chart 8Domestic Unrest A Risk To The State Xi Jinping: Chairman Of Everything Xi Jinping: Chairman Of Everything Bottom Line: The party congress has highlighted China's rising global influence. This ultimately creates higher geopolitical risk, especially in U.S.-China relations. China also has greater control over domestic factors that could instigate conflicts, at least for the time being. Thus the U.S.'s next moves will be critical. Reform And Opening Up The second major takeaway is that the Xi administration is still officially committed to the reform agenda laid out in the 2012 party congress, the 2013 Third Plenum, and the supply-side structural reforms announced in 2015. Xi's work report calling for "sustained and sound" growth is a nod to the need to reduce capital intensity and systemic risks. He also said that supply-side structural reform would be the "main task" for economic policy for the foreseeable future. His economic reform slogans also made it into the party's constitution. Significantly, there are no more GDP targets beyond 2020. Broadly, we have defined Xi's reform agenda as a combination of centralizing control, improving governance, and streamlining the economy.10 Centralization is not necessarily market-positive, but under the Xi administration it has coincided with efforts to improve governance (fighting corruption, reining in provincial freewheeling, and reducing pollution). This is a sign of growing policy responsiveness to public demands and as such is marginally positive. The clear takeaway from the congress is that the anti-corruption campaign will be institutionalized across the country through new "supervisory commissions." This campaign should improve the legitimacy of the party-state and the implementation of central government policies. We have always been skeptical of progress on structural economic reforms, but the party congress marks a new phase in the political cycle: Xi is in a better position than any Chinese leader since Deng Xiaoping to launch significant reforms. He has increased his political capital massively over the past few years, as illustrated by the dotted line in our "J-Curve of Structural Reform" (Diagram 2). Cyclically, the next opportunity for China to undertake bold reforms may not occur until 2027. Hence it is either now or never for reform. The policy focus is supposed to push along China's economic transition from investment- to consumption-led growth (Chart 9). Importantly, Xi declared that the "principle contradiction" in Chinese society has changed since the 1980s. The principle contradiction used to be that of a poor, economically and technologically "backward" country trying to meet the basic material needs of the population. Now the contradiction is that of an "imbalanced" and under-developed economy trying to provide people with "better lives." These goals can be put into perspective by comparison with South Korea, which reveals both how far China has come and how far it has to go (Chart 10). Xi's statement points to an overall shift in policy toward addressing imbalances and improving quality of life. Diagram 2The J-curve Of Structural Reform Xi Jinping: Chairman Of Everything Xi Jinping: Chairman Of Everything Chart 9Changing The Economic Model Changing The Economic Model Changing The Economic Model Chart 10From Basic Needs To 'Better Lives' From Basic Needs To 'Better Lives' From Basic Needs To 'Better Lives' To put a time frame on many of these reforms, Xi created a new long-term deadline of 2035 to become a fully "modernized" economy, which is smack in the middle of the country's previously declared two "centenary goals" of 2020 (middle income status) and 2050 (global prominence). The interim deadline includes a target for narrowing regional and income disparities. Wealth inequality in China has become extreme and ultimately poses a threat to the regime (Chart 11). Such a goal will require serious redistributionist policies as well as ongoing efforts to build a better social safety net. As expected, Xi reaffirmed China's embrace of globalization, claiming that the door of trade "will only open wider." The financial sector is likely to be at the forefront of any new opening measures - top financial officials claim that a package of reforms is forthcoming. The developed world has begun to doubt China's commitment to financial reform given the closing of the capital account last year and other negative trends, like the persistently low (and falling) share of foreign banks in domestic lending. Only recently have foreign banks begun lending again after withdrawing funds in preceding years (Chart 12). Foreign ownership of domestic equities, which is tightly controlled, has also fallen in importance (Chart 13). Chart 11Inequality: A Liability For The Party Inequality: A Liability For The Party Inequality: A Liability For The Party Chart 12Banks Shying Away From China Banks Shying Away From China Banks Shying Away From China Chart 13Foreign Investors Limited In China Foreign Investors Limited In China Foreign Investors Limited In China The centralization of power should speed up policy implementation, but it also raises risks. The important thing is whether we see hard evidence that Xi's "absolute power" is corrupting absolutely. This would present a new structural risk to the Chinese system, even if markets initially cheered. Why? Because an administrative (as opposed to propagandistic) turn in China in favor of a "cult of personality" as opposed to "collective leadership" would increase the odds of policy mistakes, set off factional struggle in the Communist Party, increase policy uncertainty for the foreseeable future, and jeopardize the smooth transition of power in 2022 ... or whenever "Chairman Xi" outwears his welcome. Therefore, the implementation of policy, the grooming of "heirs apparent," the position of the opposing faction in the party, and the upkeep of rules and norms will be important to monitor - not just after the party congress, but over the next five years. Bottom Line: Xi has reaffirmed formal structural economic goals like consumer-led growth and a commitment to globalization and has signaled that more reforms are in the works. Policy implementation will improve. Stay overweight H-shares within EM equities. However, excessive concentration of power in Xi himself is a serious political risk. It is only a positive in the long term if Xi uses his authority to build institutions rather than personalize them. Principal Contradictions China's declared goals are, of course, riddled with contradictions. As expected, Xi has tried to be everything to everyone. This leaves investors with a number of missing pieces to try to fit together. For example, the slogan indicating Xi's governing philosophy is a revision of Deng Xiaoping's market-oriented slogan, "Socialism with Chinese Characteristics" (Table 1). Xi is announcing that China has entered a "New Era" that will redefine Deng's formulation. Thus, by quoting Deng, he is reaffirming China's need to continue reforming and opening up. But by simultaneously qualifying Deng, he is reasserting the primacy of the state.11 Table 1Xi Jinping Thought Xi Jinping: Chairman Of Everything Xi Jinping: Chairman Of Everything What matters are the concrete policies China actually enacts. Nowhere are the contradictions clearer than in the party's constant assurances that it will both intensify reforms and keep the economy stable. Beijing continues to stress that it will deleverage the financial sector, restructure industry, eliminate overcapacity, and fight smog, all without any negative impact to growth. Given the sharp deceleration in the growth of China's monetary aggregates, we expect a significant slowdown in the coming year.12 "Reform" will in large part consist of demonstrating a higher-than-usual tolerance for slower growth so as to impose market discipline. Authorities will, as always, inject further stimulus if necessary to avoid a hard landing. A key risk to global markets, as discussed last week, is that fiscal spending may not offset a crunch in credit growth next year, should one occur. This is increasingly the case because the composition of fiscal spending in China is shifting as the country focuses more heavily on social stability and economic transition. Education, social security, worker training and relocation, and other public services are simply not as capital intensive as building railroads, urban infrastructure, and houses (Chart 14). Moreover, a critical test of the reform-stimulus trade-off will be Beijing's tolerance for failing companies. Bankruptcies have risen over the past year in China, which suggests that market forces are being given wider scope and that the central government is laying down the legal framework to make bankruptcy more acceptable (Chart 15), a notable reform. This is a clear sign of "short-term pain, long-term gain," but it remains to be seen how far it will go. Chart 14China's Fiscal Spending Is Becoming Less Capital Intensive Xi Jinping: Chairman Of Everything Xi Jinping: Chairman Of Everything Chart 15Creative Destruction At Long Last? Xi Jinping: Chairman Of Everything Xi Jinping: Chairman Of Everything It is also unclear whether failures will be allowed among state-owned enterprises (SOEs), which are the least profitable and most indebted Chinese companies. The future of SOE reform is no clearer than before the congress: Xi promised both to restructure the sector and to enlarge and strengthen it. The principle is in alignment with the Jiang Zemin administration's maxim, "grasp the large, let go of the small," and does not mean that reform is doomed. More than a fourth of SOEs are under water and the government is already committed to cutting the number of centrally administered SOEs in half. There are now several pilot projects for allowing partial privatization, or creating state holding companies, that can be rolled out nationally. And there are a range of perfectly un-strategic sectors (retail, chemicals, real estate, electronics, et al) that have substantial state ownership that could be liquidated. Judging by listed Chinese firms, those that are deemed to be strategic will not likely see their state share diluted much beneath 80% of ownership; yet those that are designated for partial privatization and mixed ownership could see the state share dwindle to less than 10% of ownership (Table 2). This implies that sweeping changes could occur if the government prioritized SOE reform. (This is true despite the fact that the state's hand would still be obtrusive overall.) Table 2Plenty Of Room For Privatization Xi Jinping: Chairman Of Everything Xi Jinping: Chairman Of Everything Bottom Line: Deleveraging and bankruptcies are a key aspect of reform but pose headwinds to growth. The profile of China's fiscal spending is changing to become less capital intensive, which will mean less stimulus for China's aging industries if reforms are pursued. This underscores a real risk to Chinese growth, capex, and imports, and hence to EM. There is no clarity on SOE reform, but it would have far-reaching consequences if prioritized in Xi's second term, given his soaring political capital. Tax Blues In The USA: Are Tax Cuts Really Coming? On the other side of the Pacific, investors remain highly skeptical that tax reform is on the legislative menu (Chart 16). This is after both houses of Congress passed their version of the budget resolution, containing reconciliation instructions for tax reform. Once the House of Representatives passes the Senate version of the budget resolution - which we assume will be swift - the reconciliation process will kick off.13 The Senate version of the budget resolution instructs the Senate Committee on Finance and the House Ways and Means Committee to limit the increase in the budget deficit to no more than $1.5 trillion through 2027.14 The resolution also instructed the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) and Joint Committee on Taxation (JCT) to consider "to the greatest extent practicable... the budgetary effects of changes in economic output, employment, capital stock, and other macroeconomic variables resulting from such major legislation." In plain English, this refers to "dynamic scoring," macroeconomic modeling that takes into account the revenue-raising potential of major tax cuts. BCA's Geopolitical Strategy has harped on "dynamic scoring" since last November. The tool is a favorite of Republican legislators when passing tax legislation. It allows them to cut taxes and then score the impact on the budget deficit holistically, taking into consideration the supposed pro-growth impact of the legislation. Democrats banned this practice when they took back the Senate in the Obama years, but the GOP promptly re-authorized it in January 2015. Fast forward a year later and two core conclusions of our November 2016 forecast on tax policy are now coming true.15 First, the tax bill will not be revenue neutral, except in the imagination of macroeconomic modeling pursued by Republican economists. The bill will be mildly stimulative, to the tune of $100-150 billion per year over the next decade. The numbers are modest, but given that the U.S. is close to full employment and wage pressures are certain to build up (Chart 17), any additional tax relief is bound to be stimulative for the economy. Chart 16High-Tax Firms Not Outperforming (Yet) High-Tax Firms Not Outperforming (Yet) High-Tax Firms Not Outperforming (Yet) Chart 17Inflation Coming Even Without Tax Cuts Inflation Coming Even Without Tax Cuts Inflation Coming Even Without Tax Cuts Second, Republican legislators are not fiscally conservative. The House budget resolution authorizing a $1.5 billion hole in the budget was passed with 18 Republicans dissenting, but 11 of them were from highly-taxed "blue states." Their contention with the bill was not that it would be profligate, but that it would do away with state and local tax deductions in order to pay for the likely $5-$6 trillion price tag. As such, they voted not to make tax cuts less, but rather more, profligate. Going forward, the real threat to the proposed tax bill is in the Senate, where Republicans hold only a slim 52-48 majority. This threat is a surprise, as 12 months ago the question was how a profligate bill would pass the supposedly conservative House. Three risks lurk in the Senate: Alabama: Judge Roy Moore, a highly conservative candidate for the December 12 special election, is holding onto a relatively slim lead against Democrat Doug Jones. A recent Fox News poll shows the two tied in public opinion. Even if the poll is unreliable, other polls suggest that Jones has narrowed the gap to single digits. This is remarkable because Alabama Republicans have defeated their Democrat opponents by an average of 36% in Senate races over the past decade.16 If Moore were to lose, the Republican majority in the Senate would fall to 51. This would leave room for only one defection in passing legislation. The Corker-Flake-McCain Axis: Senators Bob Corker (R - Tennessee), Jeff Flake (R - Arizona), and John McCain (R - Arizona) have all voted in favor of the Senate budget resolution authorizing reconciliation instructions for tax legislation. On that basis, there should be no problem. However, Corker and Flake have announced their retirement, in our view because they plan to challenge President Trump in the 2020 Republican primary. Furthermore, Corker has said in the past that he would not vote for a tax bill that is not revenue neutral. We think that Corker and Flake will ultimately vote for tax cuts, if only because their chances of successfully challenging Trump in 2020 will be higher if they stick to Republican orthodoxy. However, these three Senators are risks to our view as they have the freedom not to care about the 2018 midterms. God: The death of Massachusetts Senator Ted Kennedy on August 25, 2009 greatly changed the fortunes of President Barack Obama, who at the time was enjoying a 60-seat majority in the Senate.17 Democrats failed to move quickly on the Affordable Care Act, assuming that a Democrat would win the special election in staunchly liberal Massachusetts. (If the parallels with Alabama today seem eerie, it is because they are.) But the January 2010 election cost Democrats the 60th seat in a shocking upset. These things can happen again, especially given that the average age of a senator is 103.18 Any one of these factors could reduce the Republican majority in the Senate to 51, forcing President Trump to rely on vociferous critics McCain and Corker. The latter, by the way, is also a likely 2020 primary challenger against Trump. Could a Democrat come to the president's aid? The short answer is yes. The 2001 Economic Growth and Tax Relief Reconciliation Act, the first of two Bush-era tax cuts, passed with 58 votes in favor, including 12 Democrats. Of the 12 that voted with Republicans, only three were from blue states, while the other nine were from red states that President Bush had carried in 2000. The 2003 tax-cut bill, Jobs and Growth Tax Relief Reconciliation Act of 2003, also passed with Democratic support with only 51 votes in favor. Senators Bayh (D - Indiana), Miller (D - Georgia), and Nelson (D - Nebraska), all crossed the aisle. Bayh was facing reelection in 2004, as was Nelson in 2006, in their respective red states, while Zell Miller of Georgia effectively ceased to be a Democrat and endorsed President George W. Bush reelection at the 2004 Republican National Convention. Ominously for today's efforts, John McCain voted against both versions. Given that he is unlikely to campaign again due to terminal cancer, and given his vociferous opposition to President Trump, we have to assume that he will vote against the tax bill as well. Which Democrats could potentially cross the aisle with this year's reconciliation bill? Table 3 lists the 2018 Senate races to watch, particularly the vulnerable Democrats campaigning in red states that President Trump carried in 2016. Particularly vulnerable are Senators Nelson (D - Florida), Donnelly (D - Indiana), McCaskill (D - Missouri), Tester (D - Montana), Heitkamp (D - North Dakota), Brown (D - Ohio), and Baldwin (D - Wisconsin). That makes seven potential votes for the Trump tax cut, plenty of "slack" for the Republicans in Senate to lose one or two votes on the tax bill. Table 32018 Senate Races To Watch Xi Jinping: Chairman Of Everything Xi Jinping: Chairman Of Everything As far as the timing of the bill is concerned, we are sticking with our updated view that the end of Q1 2018 is far more likely for passage of tax legislation than the end of 2017. There are simply too many things on the legislative agenda between now and the end of the year, including a potential government shutdown and an immigration fight. Bottom Line: The market remains unconvinced that Republicans can pass tax legislation through Congress. However, the tax process has played out thus far almost exactly as we expected last year (aside from starting later). Republicans have proposed a profligate tax bill and are using dynamic scoring to get it through Congress. Going forward, we think that GOP can afford to lose one or two votes, as it did in 2003 with the highly controversial Bush tax cuts. This is because there are up to seven Democratic Senators who can pick up the slack. Matt Gertken, Associate Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Chief Geopolitical Strategist marko@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Is King Dollar Back?" dated October 4, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy and China Investment Strategy Special Report, "How To Read Xi Jinping's Party Congress Speech," dated October 18, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now," dated December 14, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 4 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Taking Stock Of China's Reforms," dated May 13, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 5 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "Strategy Outlook 2015 - Paradigm Shifts," dated January 21, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 6 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Sino-American Conflict: More Likely Than You Think, Part II," dated November 6, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 7 Xi is also overhauling the armed forces to imitate modern American joint operations and combatant commands (as opposed to the army-centric Soviet system). 8 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "The South China Sea: Smooth Sailing?" March 28, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 9 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Does It Pay To Pivot To China?" July 5, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 10 See note 4 above. 11 Whether Xi is mentioned specifically, and described as the founder of a school of "Thought," or a lesser "Theory," or something else, will be a notable watchword. 12 Please see note 2 above, "How To Read Xi Jinping's Party Congress Speech," and BCA Emerging Market Strategy Weekly Report, "China: Deflation Or Inflation?" October 4, 2017, available at ems.bcaresearch.com. 13 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Reconciliation And The Markets - Warning: This Report May Put You To Sleep," dated May 31, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 14 Please see S.Con.Res.25, available at congress.gov. 15 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Constraints And Preferences Of The Trump Presidency," dated November 30, 2016, available at gps.bcareserach.com. 16 Current U.S. Attorney General Jeff Sessions, whose retirement from the Senate has prompted the current special election, ran unopposed in 2014 and garnered 97.25% of the vote! 17 Democrats picked up eight seats in the Senate in the watershed 2008 election, boosting their majority to 57, with two Independents caucusing with the Democrats. Shortly after the election, Pennsylvania Republican Arlen Spector changed parties, giving Democrats the 60-seat, filibuster-proof, majority. 18 It is actually 62, but we wanted to make sure you were still reading. Geopolitical Calendar

Highlights Chinese politics is shifting from a tailwind to a headwind for the economy; Policy implementation should improve in Xi's second five-year term; Tighter financial and environmental controls will continue to bite next year; Key internal and external risks are structural in nature - volatility will rise; Re-initiate our long China volatility and long Big Bank trades; stay overweight Chinese H-shares in EM portfolios Feature Xi Jinping is slated to deliver his "work report" as we go to press, at the opening of China's nineteenth National Party Congress.1 The speech will be filled with communist slogans and jargon and will not give clear "answers" to the questions so heavily debated about China. But it will be the most authoritative distillation of the party's thinking in five years and will bear Xi Jinping's imprimatur as the "core" of the Communist Party. Hence investors will need to read the tea leaves to try to get a sense of the country's policy preferences over the next five years. In this Special Report, we offer a guide to interpreting the work report and the likely changes to the party constitution. Broadly, we think the party congress will herald a period of more effective domestic policy reforms in 2018-19. The nature of these reforms is an open question, but they likely entail that government policy will shift from being a tailwind for Chinese growth, as it has been since 2015, to being a headwind. While the party will aim to maintain stability as always, more effective policy execution will in itself probably increase the risks to stability. At present levels, Chinese political risks are understated by the market (Chart 1). The Stability Imperative Xi's speech is an authoritative party document drafted over the past year. It will be part of the running narrative laid out by his predecessors, particularly former President Hu Jintao's report at the eighteenth party congress in 2012, which Xi himself drafted and which marked the transition of power from Hu to Xi.2 Going back to 1992, the reports tell a story of China's shift from focusing on rapid, market-oriented "catch-up" economic growth to focusing on social stability and consumer-led growth. Analysis of the words most often used in the speeches reveals this critical policy evolution, with terms like "rural" and "security" gaining considerable ground recently (Chart 2). Chart 1Stability Achieved For Party Congress Stability Achieved For Party Congress Stability Achieved For Party Congress Chart 2The Shifting Emphasis In Key Speeches How To Read Xi Jinping's Party Congress Speech How To Read Xi Jinping's Party Congress Speech Broadly, Xi is pre-committed to the following key points about the economy: Primacy of the party and state: The idea of building a "socialist market economy" means maintaining the primacy of the party and the state in the economy. State resources will still be used to prop up economic growth and public ownership will remain dominant in strategic industries. Any debate about reform must occur within this context. Reform and opening up: The period after Chairman Mao is broadly defined as a period of market reform and globalization. China, as a major exporter and growing global investor and consumer, continues to benefit from these forces, as Xi highlighted in his speech at the Davos Forum earlier this year.3 Recently, however, productivity growth has declined, and foreign companies and governments have grown resentful of China's attempts to protect its market while encroaching on their markets and capturing their technology. Foreign direct investment is at the lowest point since the height of the global financial crisis.4 Xi's administration will re-commit to reform and opening up, but the proof will be in the actual policies issued forth in the coming months. Two "Centenary Goals": China has long committed to two overriding "centenary goals" of building a "moderately prosperous society" by 2020 and becoming a "modern socialist" developed country by 2049. The essence of these goals is not only to meet middle-income GDP and income targets by 2020 (Chart 3) but also to avoid getting stuck in the "middle-income trap." The first deadline coincides with the end of the thirteenth Five-Year Plan and is integral to the symbolic hundredth anniversary of the Communist Party in 2021 - another politically sensitive year in which economic stability will be paramount.5 China's global influence: China's global influence is rising along with its economic and military heft. Hu Jintao's 2012 party congress report was the first to emphasize China's emerging status as a "maritime power" and to introduce the concept of a "new type of great power relations."6 The latter would require the U.S. to concede a much greater global leadership role for China in order to avoid conflicts as China carves out a sphere of influence. The 2012 report also focused on building closer economic ties with Asia and the emerging world. Xi is doubling down on these global trends, notably by his assertive foreign policy in the South China Sea and promotion of the Belt and Road Initiative.7 He may make tactical adjustments but the strategic path is set for him. Maintaining stability and balance: China had a tumultuous history under foreign domination and Maoist revolution for most of the past two centuries. Whatever new initiatives its policymakers undertake, they will stress the need to keep the ship of state on an even keel. This applies to the nature of the policies themselves (e.g. rebalancing growth away from investment toward consumption) as well as to the principle of cautious execution. What is the economic implication of these inherited party goals? Looking at the low growth rate in China's various monetary aggregates presents a risk that the country could face a cyclical slowdown next year (Chart 4).8 This risk could be compounded by Xi's tougher policy stance this year (for instance, his imposing curbs on the property market).9 Yet the next politically sensitive deadline is not until 2020-21, implying that Xi still has some wiggle-room to push "reforms," which for us means deleveraging and industrial restructuring. Chart 3Political Deadlines For Xi Jinping Political Deadlines For Xi Jinping Political Deadlines For Xi Jinping Chart 4Money Growth In China Is Slowing bca.gps_sr_2017_10_18_c4 bca.gps_sr_2017_10_18_c4 Over the long term, the "Socialist Put" will remain in place and growth rates will not be allowed to collapse, as long as the party can help it.10 If policy continues tightening in 2018, as we expect, it will become more accommodative as the 2020 political deadline approaches. Bottom Line: Xi's speech will not change the fact that the Communist Party remains committed to regime survival and national stability above all. The Evolution Of The Anti-Corruption Campaign The consensus view of the current party congress is that it marks Xi's consolidation of power. This is true, but it only matters if policymaking becomes more purposeful and effective. If so, then the market is in for some surprises next year, as Xi's policy agenda is ambitious. Chart 5Anti-Corruption Campaign Still Going Anti-Corruption Campaign Still Going Anti-Corruption Campaign Still Going Events over the past year suggest that surprises are coming. First, Xi has continued the sweeping anti-corruption campaign that defined his first five years. This campaign - more so than Xi's accrual of official titles - epitomizes his consolidation of power over the party and military. The latest probes culminated with the sacking of Politburo member Sun Zhengcai, heretofore the likeliest candidate to succeed Premier Li Keqiang in 2022.11 Thus Xi is actively manipulating the post-2022 leadership of China, and this process will continue in the coming years. Regardless of whether Xi overstays his term in office in 2022, he is lining himself up to be the most powerful man in China well into the 2020s. Second, while the anti-corruption campaign appears, on paper, to have passed peak intensity (Chart 5), it is apparently morphing into broader policy enforcement.12 In particular, Xi is using the Central Discipline and Inspection Commission (CDIC), the party's anti-corruption watchdog, to supercharge his policy efforts in financial and environmental regulation. Since last fall, Xi has launched a series of financial tightening and anti-pollution efforts that have proved to be fairly aggressive, especially given the need for overall stability ahead of the party congress. This aggressiveness is partly because of his use of the CDIC, and it looks to be part of the game plan for next year: Anti-corruption officials appointed to top financial regulatory bodies: In late September, the leadership put two leading anti-corruption officials in charge of overseeing anti-corruption efforts within the China Banking Regulatory Commission (CBRC) and the China Insurance Regulatory Commission (CIRC).13 These are two of the three top financial regulating bodies (the other being the China Securities Regulatory Commission). The timing of these appointments, along with other key appointments earlier this year, suggests that the "financial regulatory crackdown" will continue apace in 2018.14 Local government officials to be held accountable for debt: In June and July, Chinese authorities, including Xi, highlighted that local government officials should be held accountable for excessive debt creation - not only in their current office but over the course of their entire lives.15 The implication is that they could get expelled from the party or even imprisoned, rather than simply demoted. Moreover, officials could be punished for accruing illegal debts, and promotions could be tied to fiscal sustainability rather than just economic growth. The implication is that there will be legal ramifications, as well as financial restrictions, for local government officials who add to the country's systemic risks. Tackling systemic financial risk is a clear policy priority. Xi emphasized this at an extraordinary Politburo meeting in April as well as at the National Financial Work Conference in July.16 Not only has China accumulated more debt as a share of its GDP than any other country since the global financial crisis, but also it has done so faster than most other countries (Chart 6 A&B). Regardless of China's high national savings rate, China's top leadership sees leverage as a threat to stability and is taking action. Chart 6AChina Has Added Massive Debt... How To Read Xi Jinping's Party Congress Speech How To Read Xi Jinping's Party Congress Speech Chart 6B... And Done So Faster Than Others How To Read Xi Jinping's Party Congress Speech How To Read Xi Jinping's Party Congress Speech Something similar is taking place in the realm of environmental regulation. This is also a clear priority for the party: Hu Jintao included an "ecological" section in the work report for the first time in 2012; environmental spending grew faster than any other central government category in the beginning of Xi's first five years (Table 1). Table 1Fiscal Priorities Of Recent Chinese Presidents How To Read Xi Jinping's Party Congress Speech How To Read Xi Jinping's Party Congress Speech Here again, the powers that Xi amassed in his anti-corruption campaign are paying off. In August, the anti-pollution teams that fanned out across the country to enforce tougher environmental standards included anti-corruption watchdogs as well. This helps explain why production cuts and factory closures have been so effective in recent months, for instance cutting steel supply (Chart 7). Managers are not only facing environmental fines but also arrest and jail time. Meanwhile, ministerial-level ranking officials accompanied each environmental inspection team, giving them greater clout.17 It is unclear, so far, whether the CDIC or other tools will be brought to bear on the reform of state-owned enterprises (SOEs). SOE reform is one of the major unknowns of Xi's second term. So far, it has moved slowly, with the 2013 broad overview only put into a concrete plan in late 2015, which has since resulted in pilot projects of questionable value and little general implementation. The 2015-16 stimulus gave state companies some breathing space, as they were at last able to build up cash faster than they were borrowing it (Chart 8); but this period has ended and they are still plagued with inefficiencies (Chart 9). Chart 7Cutting Steel Supply, And Iron Demand Cutting Steel Supply, And Iron Demand Cutting Steel Supply, And Iron Demand Chart 8Stimulus Helped Corporate Balance Sheets... Stimulus Helped Corporate Balance Sheets... Stimulus Helped Corporate Balance Sheets... Chart 9...But SOEs Are Still Inefficient ...But SOEs Are Still Inefficient ...But SOEs Are Still Inefficient Chinese authorities have recently been emphasizing that reform is set to "deepen."18 If this effort is to have any teeth, it must include real encouragement to private and foreign capital, as well as real creative destruction - the sale of loss-making assets plus bankruptcies and layoffs (however carefully managed by the state). It will not suffice merely to continue the ongoing process of debt-for-equity swaps, mergers and acquisitions, and the creation of national champions. Anecdotal evidence suggests that bankruptcies are rising, but the proof will be in the pudding.19 What are the macro implications of the above? Assuming that we are right and deleveraging intensifies, the standard policy move in China would be to boost fiscal spending at the National People's Congress in March in order to compensate for the resulting slowdown in credit growth (Chart 10). This is precisely how President Jiang Zemin and Premier Zhu Rongji approached the negative growth effects of supply-side structural reforms after the fifteenth party congress in 1997: more fiscal spending. Xi's recent emphasis on poverty alleviation would seem to call for such spending as part of the broader effort to build a social safety net, reinforce social stability, and boost consumption as a driver of growth (Chart 11). There is a risk, however, as our colleagues at BCA's Emerging Market Strategy have argued, that fiscal spending may not offset a significant drop in credit growth in China. This is not the baseline case of China Investment Strategy, but it is a legitimate concern: it is not clear that any decrease in credit growth will go off seamlessly (Chart 12).20 Chart 10Two Sides Of The Same Coin Two Sides Of The Same Coin Two Sides Of The Same Coin Chart 11High Savings Rate Suppresses Consumer Demand High Savings Rate Suppresses Consumer Demand High Savings Rate Suppresses Consumer Demand Chart 12Credit Growth As Large As Government Spending Credit Growth As Large As Government Spending Credit Growth As Large As Government Spending If Xi seriously addresses China's long-festering financial systemic risks he could create a drag on growth that would be negative for emerging markets and certain commodity prices, like copper and iron ore.21 More broadly, the gradual transition away from China's investment-led growth model toward consumption-led growth is a headwind for the economies that have benefited the most from the status quo over the past two decades. Bottom Line: Xi's anti-corruption campaign is the clearest measure of his consolidation of power, and the party congress puts the capstone on it. Policy implementation will be more effective going forward. If Xi continues to prioritize deleveraging and industrial-environmental restructuring next year, he could create a drag on growth that is negative for the assets of EM exporters and key commodity producers. Xi Jinping Theory... What Does It Mean? Aside from Xi's big speech, the Communist Party will amend its constitution at the party congress. It is not clear what amendments may be made. The current debate is about whether and how Xi Jinping's ideas will be incorporated into the constitution and what this might mean for policy. Currently, the party constitution highlights the thinking of Marx and Lenin as well as China's top leaders since 1949. Each of China's leaders is said to have contributed something essential to the party's guiding philosophy: namely, "Mao Zedong Thought," "Deng Xiaoping Theory," "the important thinking of the Three Represents" (Jiang Zemin's contribution), and "the Scientific Outlook on Development" (Hu Jintao's contribution). These theories are outlined in Table 2. Table 2Xi Jinping Theory How To Read Xi Jinping's Party Congress Speech How To Read Xi Jinping's Party Congress Speech It is hard to draw strict correlations between these theories and economic policy, but the broad trends are well enough known: Mao founded the People's Republic and put a personal stamp on its Marxist-Leninist foundations. Deng Xiaoping brought pragmatism, enabling China to pursue a "socialist market economy," or "socialism with Chinese characteristics," thus opening the door to private and foreign capital, and profit incentives for households and businesses. National and household income surged (Chart 13). Jiang Zemin brought entrepreneurialism, building on Deng's achievement, particularly by phasing out many of the bloated SOEs and "command-style" economic controls and opening the real estate sector for consumers to buy houses (Chart 14). Hu Jintao brought social responsibility into greater focus, emphasizing the need to invest in infrastructure in undeveloped regions, reduce rural and urban disparities, and build out the social safety net (Chart 15). Chart 13Deng Unleashed China's Economic Potential Deng Unleashed China's Economic Potential Deng Unleashed China's Economic Potential Chart 14Jiang Rebooted Growth, Launched Housing Boom Jiang Rebooted Growth, Launched Housing Boom Jiang Rebooted Growth, Launched Housing Boom Chart 15Hu Jintao Sought 'Harmonious Society' Hu Jintao Sought 'Harmonious Society' Hu Jintao Sought 'Harmonious Society' If Xi's ideas are incorporated into this section, it will be notable since that honor usually occurs at the end of a general secretary's term. The precise wording will be heavily studied: e.g. whether Xi is named personally (like Mao and Deng), whether his ideas are referred to as "Thought" or "Theory" (like Mao or Deng respectively), which of his slogans are included, and what they actually mean. The real takeaway for investors is that the party is demanding a return to centralization and Xi is fulfilling this demand.22 Structurally, Xi's anti-corruption campaign has put him at the top of a more disciplined party. He has simultaneously reasserted the party's primacy over the military, which has been extensively reshuffled and reformed, and civil society, which has been muzzled. Re-centralization is also apparent in fiscal and financial management. The previous administration decentralized economic control in order to accelerate growth in the face of the global recession. This specifically meant freeing up the state banks and the provincial governments to borrow, invest, and build to their heart's content. Comparing the trajectory of central and local government spending, it is clear that Xi is overseeing a marginal re-concentration of taxation and spending into the hands of the central government vis-à-vis the provincial governments (Chart 16 A&B). Chart 16ALocal Government Gap Widened Post-Crisis... Local Government Gap Widened Post-Crisis... Local Government Gap Widened Post-Crisis... Chart 16B...But Gap Narrowed Under Xi Jinping ...But Gap Narrowed Under Xi Jinping ...But Gap Narrowed Under Xi Jinping Similarly, he is overseeing a marginal re-concentration of lending back into traditional state-owned bank loans, after nearly a decade of rapid growth in the non-bank, "shadow lending" sub-sector (Chart 17 A&B). Chart 17AShadow Loans Outpaced Bank Loans... Shadow Loans Outpaced Bank Loans... Shadow Loans Outpaced Bank Loans... Chart 17B...But Gap Has Narrowed Under Xi ...But Gap Has Narrowed Under Xi ...But Gap Has Narrowed Under Xi However, re-centralization is not the result of any "coup" by Xi Jinping so much as the Communist Party's strategic response to the fact that the country stands at a historic juncture with serious systemic risks: The "Thucydides Trap": The world has not seen the contest of a fully established world empire (the U.S.) and a newly emergent peer competitor (China) since the Cold War, and strictly speaking since the late 1800s, when Germany emerged as a challenger to the U.K. (Chart 18). The CPC's founding myth is the rejection of a "century of humiliation" at the hands of western powers, so there is no moment more critical than now, when China is emerging as a rival to the greatest western power. Economic reform: China's economic model is slowly evolving, and the outgoing model has left imbalances that are key vulnerabilities to China and could undermine its global emergence. The corporate debt pile is the clearest, but by no means the only, example of this internal threat (Chart 19). Lack of political reform: The country faces an inherent contradiction between its single-party system and the emergent middle class, which is still denied political participation (Chart 20). This is a source of socio-political imbalances that could also undermine China's emergence. Chart 18The 'Thucydides Trap' The 'Thucydides Trap' The 'Thucydides Trap' Chart 19An Outstanding Economic Imbalance An Outstanding Economic Imbalance An Outstanding Economic Imbalance Chart 20Not Your Father's China Not Your Father's China Not Your Father's China True, China has a single authoritative leader (with no alternative) at the head of a unified ruling party (with no alternative). Thus, it faces fewer domestic political constraints, in the strict sense, than any major country in the world. Nevertheless, the challenges themselves are structural and could outstrip any leadership's ability to address them. The policy responses to the crises of 2015-16 - when Beijing committed a series of blunders - do not suggest that Xi is nearly as omnipotent or omniscient as the media will make it sound this week.23 Of crucial importance going forward will be the deteriorating U.S.-China relationship, since the next 12 months will provide at least two major occasions for clashes: North Korea, where diplomacy is balking, and Trump's need to look tough on China ahead of midterm elections.24 Bottom Line: The possible incorporation of Xi's ruling philosophy into the Communist Party's constitution would be a symbolic nod to the concrete executive power that Xi has already achieved. However, only when new structural risks materialize will Xi's capabilities - and the Communist Party's capabilities as a ruling party - truly be put to the test in a way that yields significant information for investors. Investment Conclusions On the brink of the party congress, Xi looks to be continuing his double game of centrally driven internal reforms and external assertiveness. But between these, the key to watch is the extent to which he re-emphasizes internal reforms. Over the next few years, rebooting reforms could help Xi to waylay the Trump administration's threatened punitive measures; to use Trump as a foil to excuse the painful consequences of necessary reforms at home; and to win goodwill among other countries, which would see greater opportunities in a China that is recommitting to opening up to them (and investing more in them). Our "Reform Reboot" checklist, which focuses on deleveraging, is designed for the post-party congress period. As such, most of the points are yet to be determined (see Appendix). We would remind readers to watch for the following: Chart 21Volatility Will Go Up Volatility Will Go Up Volatility Will Go Up The composition of the next Politburo, Politburo Standing Committee, and Central Committee, expected to be revealed on October 25, for a sense of whether reformers will hold key posts and whether Xi's faction will gain the upper hand - we will report on this in subsequent weeks;25 Post-party congress leaks or discussions in state media covering new policy priorities, particularly on financial regulation, the property sector, and SOE reform; Any hints at who will replace Zhou Xiaochuan as governor of the central bank, who will be the first head of the new Financial Stability and Development Committee, and how the National Financial Work Conference's goals are implemented; Outcomes of U.S. President Donald Trump's visit to China and Asia Pacific, November 3-14 - particularly on North Korea and trade frictions; How far the latest property market curbs advance, and whether recently promised "long-term" curbs are implemented, including any nationwide property tax; Whether the financial crackdown spreads further into state-owned and domestic-oriented financial institutions; When and how the tougher scrutiny on local government debt is implemented - and whether local government budget balances rise or fall after the congress; Whether SOE "mixed ownership" and "state capital management" reforms accelerate - and whether asset sales and operational restructuring begin occurring more frequently across multiple provinces; How the party implements its recent proposals to increase the role of entrepreneurs and provide easier access to credit for small and medium-sized enterprises; Priorities for domestic reforms, especially those affecting household registration (hukou) reforms, the urbanization rate, social safety net expansion, and household credit; How foreign investment is attracted, including the implementation of the nationwide foreign investment negative list; When and how capital controls will be lifted; if the government wants "de-risking" reforms in the financial sector, it will have to do that first, before pursuing any capital account reforms. We continue to believe that Xi's second term provides a window of opportunity for rebooting reforms, within the Communist Party's stability constraint, due to his consolidation of power and the currently robust domestic and global economic backdrop. This window will likely close as the term progresses due to political deadlines in 2020 and the likelihood of the external backdrop worsening. Both internal and external risks will rise from here (Chart 21). Xi's initial attack over the next six-to-eight months will determine whether we remain optimistic about incremental progress on reforms. We are re-initiating our long China CBOE volatility ETF trade, and our long Big Five banks relative to smaller banks trade. We also remain overweight Chinese equities versus EM equities. We are adjusting this trade to include Chinese H-shares only. Xi's political recapitalization lessens domestic political constraints, and China's shift to more domestically driven growth will disfavor China-exposed, export-reliant, and commodity-producing EMs. Matt Gertken, Associate Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Chief Geopolitical Strategist marko@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "China's Nineteenth Party Congress: A Primer," dated September 13, 2017. 2 For this transition, please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "China: Two Factions, One Party," dated September 2012, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see Xi Jinping, "Jointly Shoulder Responsibility Of Our Times, Promote Global Growth," dated January 17, 2017, available at america.cgtn.com. 4 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "China: Looking Beyond The Party Congress," dated July 19, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 5 Moreover, Xi's term officially ends the following year, in 2022, which will require arrangements for a smooth transition regardless of whether Xi retains power. 6 The term is not used precisely in this way in the report but has been developed in official policy outlets since then. Please see Hu Jintao, "Firmly March On The Path Of Socialism," Report to the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, November 8, 2012, available at www.china.org.cn, and Timothy Heath, "The 18th Party Congress Work Report: Policy Blueprint For The Xi Administration," China Brief 12:23, Jamestown Foundation, November 30, 2012, available at jamestown.org. 7 Please see BCA Frontier Markets Strategy and Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "China's Belt And Road Initiative: Can It Offset A Mainland Slowdown?" dated September 13, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 8 Please see BCA Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report, "China: Deflation Or Inflation?" dated October 4, 2017, available at ems.bcaresearch.com. 9 Please see BCA China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Chinese Real Estate: Which Way Will The Wind Blow?" dated September 28, 2017, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 10 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "The Socialism Put," dated May 11, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 11 For our take on factional struggles in anticipation of Sun's fall, please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy and China Investment Strategy Special Report, "Five Myths About Chinese Politics," dated August 10, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 12 There is much speculation about whether anti-corruption chief Wang Qishan will make it onto the next Politburo Standing Committee (to be revealed around October 25) despite having passed the retirement age. This topic is a red herring: age limits have always been arbitrarily enforced, while Xi will maintain a hardline toward corruption even if he replaces Wang. If Xi wishes to stay in power beyond 2022, it will not depend on Wang. 13 Please see Wu Hongyuran, Yang Qiaoling and Leng Cheng, "Two Determined Graft-Busters Put In Senior Posts At Banking, Insurance Watchdogs," Caixin, dated October 11, 2017, available at www.caixinglobal.com. 14 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Northeast Asia: Moonshine, Militarism, And Markets," dated May 24, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 15 Please see Huang Ge, "China's First Lifelong Accountability System To Prevent Local Officials From Accruing Mountainous Debt," Global Times, dated July 24, 2017, available at www.globaltimes.cn. 16 Notably, authorities pledged to give the People's Bank of China greater regulatory powers going forward, coinciding with a generational change at the top of the central bank. Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "The Wrath Of Cohn," dated July 26, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 17 See Barry Naughton, "The General Secretary's Extended Reach: Xi Jinping Combines Economics And Politics," dated September 11, 2017, available at www.hoover.org. 18 Please see Fran Wang, "China To Take Flexible Approach To SOE Reform," Caixin, September 29, 2017, available at www.caixinglobal.com. 19 See "China bankruptcies rise steadily in 2017 amid 'zombie firm' crackdown," August 3, 2017, available at www.reuters.com. 20 Please see BCA Emerging Markets Strategy Special Report, "Revisiting China's Fiscal And Credit Impulses," dated April 13, 2016, available at ems.bcaresearch.com. 21 Please see BCA Commodity & Energy Strategy Weekly Report, "Slow-Down In China's Reflation Will Temper Steel, Iron Ore In 2018," dated September 7, 2017, available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 22 We have long highlighted this theme as critical to Xi's reforms, along with governance and productivity. Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Taking Stock Of China's Reforms," dated May 13, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 23 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "Annus Horribilis," dated January 20, 2016, and "China: Eye Of The Storm," dated September 9, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 24 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Political Risks Are Understated In 2018," dated April 12, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 25 This will be the subject of our party congress post-mortem pieces in coming weeks. Appendix How To Read Xi Jinping's Party Congress Speech How To Read Xi Jinping's Party Congress Speech

Dear Client, This week, in addition to this regular Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, we decided to send you a collaborative report we penned with BCA's Energy Sector Strategy. My colleague Matt Conlan runs the service, which blends BCA's macroeconomic framework with his bottom-up expertise in the energy sector. Matt's service is one of the few that our firm publishes with specific company recommendations. In the report titled "King Salman Goes To Moscow, Bolsters OPEC 2.0," Matt argues that the emerging détente between Russia and Saudi Arabia will strengthen OPEC 2.0 and provide a structural tailwind for BCA's bullish view on energy. I highly recommend that you check out the research Matt and his team produce at nrg.bcaresearch.com. All the very best, Marko Papic Senior Vice President, Geopolitical Strategy Highlights Easier fiscal policy and tighter monetary policy is bullish for U.S. equities; The Dec. 12 Alabama Senate race could be a game changer in U.S. politics; Trump's anti-immigration policies could boost inflation; Our Catalan view is bearing out. Go long Spain's IBEX 35 / short Eurostoxx 50. Separately, book profits on our China volatility trade and our long China big bank trade. Feature "Buy In May And Enjoy Your Day!" has been our mantra throughout the summer. Despite the doom and gloom in the media surrounding the Mueller investigation, North Korea, Trump's legislative agenda, the French elections, Brexit, and so on, the S&P 500 is up 16% and global equities are up 10.8%. Our April 23 Weekly Report bearing the same cheery title focused on three overstated risks:1 European politics - massively overstated; U.S. politics - all noise, no signal; Brexit - irrelevant for global investors. We have also cautioned investors throughout the year to worry, but not to obsess, about North Korea. Yes, it is a risk.2 Yes, it will continue to buoy safe haven assets on occasion.3 But it is extremely unlikely to produce total war and therefore has lost some market relevance as assets have adjusted to the higher geopolitical volatility on the Korean Peninsula under the Trump regime.4 We are not reiterating these calls just to pat ourselves on the back. Rather, our point is to emphasize that there is nothing supernatural about the ongoing bull market. It has not "ignored" geopolitical risks. Rather, geopolitical risks on hand have not developed in a market-relevant way. The bottom line here is that geopolitics is not voodoo. It is not an "error term," a disturbance in an elegant model that can go awry at any moment because "one cannot forecast politics." Investors can systematically analyze geopolitics just as they do the economy or the markets. When geopolitical risks are overstated, as they have been since the beginning of the year, recognizing the mispricing can generate significant alpha. Going forward, however, geopolitics will likely play a headwind for the market. We are particularly concerned with three dynamics: The upcoming party congress in China may signal a shift towards more growth-stalling reforms, as we have been writing all year. The Trump administration could make a hard turn towards a more populist agenda, particularly on trade, if it fails to enact any legislative successes this year. A plethora of political risks in emerging markets (EM) - with the usual suspects of Brazil, South Africa, and Turkey on top of our list - could re-surface in 2018 if China is not firing on all cylinders. We will be focusing on these three risks to markets until the end of 2017 and beyond. This week, however, we focus on upcoming tax legislation in the U.S. First, a reason to be optimistic ("easier fiscal policy, tighter monetary policy" is a winning policy combination). Then, a reason to be pessimistic (Alabama). Finally, a few words about inflation from a political perspective and a quick word on Catalonia. Easy Fiscal, Tighter Monetary Policy Mix - What Does It Mean? If our base case view on tax legislation is correct, U.S. equities should gain double-digit returns from current levels. Our colleague Anastasios Avgeriou, Chief Strategist of BCA's U.S. Equity Strategy, believes that the passage of stimulative tax legislation would serve as a catalyst to further fuel the blow-off phase in equities. In his latest Weekly Report, Anastasios presents empirical evidence suggesting that easy fiscal policy outweighs the drag from Fed interest rate tightening.5 Filtering the post-World War Two era for periods of easing fiscal and tightening monetary policies during economic expansions is revealing. Anastasios defines easy fiscal policy as periods with a positive fiscal thrust and tight monetary policy as a rising fed funds rate. Fiscal thrust is the year-over-year change in the cyclically-adjusted fiscal balance as a percentage of potential GDP (shown inverted on the bottom panel of Chart 1). While such a policy mix is a rare occurrence, it has happened seven times since the mid-1950s (shaded areas, Chart 1).6 All iterations resulted in positive returns, with the SPX rising on average by over 16%. Table 1 details all seven periods that have an average duration of 16 months. For sectoral implications of such an "easier fiscal, tighter monetary" policy mix, we encourage our clients to peruse the work of BCA's U.S. Equity Strategy. On the other hand, the demand for fiscal stimulus usually rises during times of high volatility, unlike today (Chart 2). Investors have become acutely aware of the political difficulties of stimulating the economy late in the economic cycle. We now turn to some emerging risks to our sanguine view on tax policy. Chart 1Easy Fiscal + Tight Money##br## = Buy SPX Easy Fiscal + Tight Money = Buy SPX Easy Fiscal + Tight Money = Buy SPX Table 1SPX Returns During Periods Of Loose##br## Fiscal And Tight Monetary Policy Why So Serious? Why So Serious? Chart 2Fiscal Stimulus Usually##br## Comes With High Volatility Fiscal Stimulus Usually Comes With High Volatility Fiscal Stimulus Usually Comes With High Volatility Bottom Line: If our base case view holds, and Republicans pass mildly stimulative tax legislation, the blow-off phase in equities should continue. "Alabama, You Got The Weight On Your Shoulders" The market continues to doubt that the Trump administration can pass significant tax legislation over the next six-to-nine months. The gap in the probabilities assigned to such an outcome by the market and ourselves has narrowed over the past two weeks, generating alpha on several of our "Trump Reflation" trades (Chart 3). But skepticism abounds. Chart 3Signs Of Life For 'Trump Reflation' Trades Signs Of Life For 'Trump Reflation' Trades Signs Of Life For 'Trump Reflation' Trades We have spent the entire year pushing against the skepticism, but there is now an actual reason to worry. The December 12 Alabama Senate special election - being held to elect a replacement for former Senator Jeff Sessions, now the U.S. Attorney General - has become a premier league event. Former Alabama Chief Justice Roy Moore won the Republican primary against a candidate backed by the Republican establishment and President Trump. The reason the Alabama special election is of global significance is because the Republicans are already down to essentially 50 votes in the Senate. The rhetorical war between President Donald Trump and Senator Bob Corker (R - Tennessee) has reached epic proportions, with the latter insinuating via twitter that the president was an adult baby. Corker has announced his retirement from the Senate, which increases the probability that he will go out by refusing to support the president's agenda across all fronts.7 This now makes two GOP senators that want nothing to do with President Trump's agenda. John McCain (R - Arizona) has harbored ill will since the presidential campaign and has twice played the spoiler in the effort to repeal Obamacare. Further complicating matters is the role of former White House Chief Strategist Steve Bannon, who strongly backed Moore when nobody in the Republican establishment would. If Moore should remain loyal to Bannon beyond the election, it would mean that Trump's former campaign strategist would become the kingmaker on tax legislation. Bannon's departure from the White House was cheered by the markets, as it signaled victory for the "Goldman Sachs clique" and the trio of generals managing President Trump's foreign policy over Bannon's populist "Breitbart clique." We do not think that Bannon is opposed to stimulative tax policy. Yes, he has branded his ideology "economic nationalism," but his media empire, Breitbart, has so far stayed away from attacking the Republican tax plan. Instead, Bannon and Moore could hold out on supporting tax policy until they see movement on other pillars of the populist agenda, namely on immigration policy. As such, Moore's Alabama victory would complicate the horse-trading surrounding tax legislation, and elevate Bannon's standing on Capitol Hill, but it would not be a death knell for stimulus. The actual death knell for tax reform would be if Moore actually lost the December 12 Alabama special election. Moore's views are generally considered to be staunchly conservative, even for Alabama, and therefore a shock defeat cannot be ignored.8 Polls are limited, but most show Moore leading the Democratic candidate Doug Jones by only 5%-8%. This in a state where Republican Senate candidates have defeated their Democrat counterparts by an astounding average of 36% in the last decade! If Jones were to win, Republicans would be down to 51 Senators. Given the staunch opposition to Trump by Corker and McCain, this would effectively end the tax legislation push. Not all is negative for the tax push in Washington. The U.S. House of Representatives has passed a budget resolution that includes steep spending cuts as well as reconciliation instructions for tax legislation. This now sets in motion the reconciliation process by which Republicans can pass tax legislation with merely 51 votes in the Senate. Of the 18 GOP representatives who voted against the budget resolution, only three were from the 31-member Freedom Caucus, which is rhetorically committed to fiscal conservativism. This is very bullish for tax cuts as it means that the Freedom Caucus is toeing the line of its Chair Mark Meadows (R - North Carolina) who has been hinting since the spring that he would have no problem with budget-busting tax cuts. The majority of Republicans who voted against the budget resolution were from highly-taxed "Blue States," suggesting that the real point of contention for Republicans in the House was the proposal to end the state and local tax deduction. Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin has already signaled that the White House is willing to compromise on this particular revenue offset. Bottom Line: The December 12 Alabama special election now has global market relevance. A defeat for GOP candidate Roy Moore would be a massive game changer. It would reduce the Republican majority in the Senate to 51 votes, putting in danger President Trump's tax agenda given the staunch opposition from Senators Corker and McCain. What Can Politics Do To Inflation? The greatest surprise to the markets this year has been lackluster inflation data in the U.S. Both headline and core data have been disappointing (Chart 4). This is particularly puzzling as the U.S. has closed its output gap and unemployment has fallen below the low reached in 2007 (Chart 5). Chart 4U.S. Inflation Has Disappointed... U.S. Inflation Has Disappointed... U.S. Inflation Has Disappointed... Chart 5...Which Is Puzzling At Full Employment ...Which Is Puzzling At Full Employment ...Which Is Puzzling At Full Employment One possible explanation is that the U.S. has been importing deflation from abroad. The U.S. imports around 12.5% of GDP worth of goods and 2.8% of GDP worth of services (Chart 6). However, the import price deflator has been growing at 2.7% so far this year and yet inflation has been nonexistent (Chart 6, bottom panel). Export prices have grown by 5% in 2017, from the lows of -15% amidst the commodity bust in 2015 (Chart 7). Chart 6The U.S. Is Not Importing Deflation The U.S. Is Not Importing Deflation The U.S. Is Not Importing Deflation Chart 7Global Export Prices Are Rising Global Export Prices Are Rising Global Export Prices Are Rising Another explanation is that structural changes in the labor market - globalization and the fall in the unionization rate - have eroded the bargaining power of workers (Chart 8). When combined with the shock of the 2008 Great Recession, workers may simply be happy to have a job and are therefore delaying asking of a raise or switching to a higher-paying, but higher-risk, job. As a result, the economy may have closed its output gap, but with no inflationary effects coming from the low unemployment figures. Chart 8Globalization Suppressed U.S. Wages Globalization Suppressed U.S. Wages Globalization Suppressed U.S. Wages Further restricting wage gains may be the high number of migrants - legal or illegal (Chart 9). The foreign born population in the U.S. is at an all-time high of 43.2 million, although unauthorized migration has come down from around 12 million prior to the GFC to 11.3 million in 2016. The conventional wisdom is that most immigrants are uneducated, competing with blue collar laborers and suppressing wages at the lower income levels. However, this is a stereotype stuck in the 1980s. Today's migrants are as educated as Americans: 29.7% have a Bachelor's degree or higher, compared with just over 30% Americans in general (Chart 10). Chart 9Immigration Helps Explain Weak Wage Growth Why So Serious? Why So Serious? Chart 10Immigrants Not Stealing Low-Skill Jobs Why So Serious? Why So Serious? The point is that immigration has evolved along with the U.S. economy. With 78% of the U.S. economy based in services, the modern migrant has had to keep up with the educational requirements of the American job market. The Trump administration could be a game-changer for the skilled, legal immigration into the U.S. First, President Trump ordered a full review of the high-skilled, H-1B immigration visa in April. Second, President Trump asked Congress in August to curb legal migration by sharply curtailing family reunification while keeping immigration based on job skills roughly the same. Third, anti-immigrant rhetoric - as well as restrictions to family reunification down the line - could influence highly-skilled migrants to choose job opportunities in countries like Australia, Canada, and New Zealand, instead of in the U.S. Bottom Line: Investors often think of fiscal policy as the main vehicle through which politicians can influence inflation. However, the U.S. economy has been enjoying, since the 1980s, the combined effect of rapidly expanding immigration and a parallel increase in the educational attainment of incoming migrants. In a way, the influx of skilled migrants has been an important supply side reform for the U.S. economy. The Trump administration could influence immigration either directly, through policies to curb it, or indirectly, through creating a general atmosphere that redirects some of the flows to other developed economies. Spain: Fade Catalan Risks As we have expected since 2014, the prospects for Catalan independence remain slim.9 As we go to press, Catalan President Carles Puigdemont has backed away from his earlier hints toward a unilateral declaration of independence. Instead, he has succumbed to domestic and international pressure and told the regional parliament that he has "suspended" any declaration in order to begin negotiations with Madrid. Puigdemont's decision to suspend something that has not happened is not only illogical but also ineffectual. The Catalan pro-independence government is trying to force Madrid to be the "bad guy" and refuse negotiations; Spain has refused any discussion of independence. But slight narrative shifts and "gotcha" politics will not work in this case. While Puigdemont is playing checkers with Spanish Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy, the rest of Europe is playing chess. International recognition of Catalan independence is not forthcoming. And without it, Catalonia will not become independent. As we have extensively written, we strongly believe that investors should fade secessionism risk in Spain. First, the independence process in Catalonia falls far short of the democratic ideals established in similar referendums in the developed world, particularly in Scotland (2014), Montenegro (2006), and Quebec (1980 and 1995) (Table 2). The pro-independence government has been unable to significantly boost turnout figures from 2014, no doubt due to interference by the federal authorities. However, even if the pro-independence Catalans were to receive mediation from the EU, the outcome would likely be to strengthen Madrid's hand. For example, when the EU negotiated the 2006 divorce between Serbia and Montenegro, it required a supermajority of 55% in order to recognize the result of the Montenegro independence referendum. As an integrationist project, the EU has an anti-secession bias. Table 2Catalan Independence Demand Exaggerated By Low Voter Turnout Why So Serious? Why So Serious? Second, the French government has come out forcefully against Catalan independence, as we suspected it would. This is particularly important for Catalonia as it is nestled between Spain and France.10 It is quite likely that, were Catalans somehow to enforce their independence, both European powers would close their borders to Catalan travel and trade. In addition, French European Affairs Minister Nathalie Louiseau has repeated Madrid's assertion that by choosing independence Catalonia would automatically be kicked out of the EU. Third, Madrid is unlikely to make another mistake as the disastrous attempt to disrupt the independence referendum. Images of civilians being dragged through the streets of an advanced European economy while attempting to vote - even if the referendum was constitutionally illegal - shocked the world. Spanish officials have already offered rather tepid apologies for the police action, suggesting that a re-run of the heavy-handed actions is not to be expected. For investors who disagree with us, we suggest an empirical way to test our thesis. Chart 11 shows that only 34.7% of Catalans support independence. These are not pro-Madrid polls. They are the product of the Centre d'Estudis d'Opinió, which is affiliated with the Catalan (currently staunchly pro-independence) government and has been conducting polls on the issue of independence since 2005. Even if the level of support for independence is off in this data, the direction gives us valuable insight into the support for secession. The data clearly suggests that (A) the majority of Catalans have never supported independence and that (B) support for independence peaked in 2013, at the height of Spain's economic crisis, and has been in steady decline since then. That said, Chart 11 also shows that the other 57.5% of Catalans are not necessarily "pro-Spain." In fact, 30.5% support Catalonia remaining in its current form of an autonomous region, with considerable sovereignty devolved to the province. Another 21.7% favor a federal state, which would be a step in the direction of even greater sovereignty. Investors should watch the polls to see whether voters who previously favored federal or autonomous status have begun to shift towards independence, especially in light of the crackdown against the referendum by Madrid. Centre d'Estudis d'Opinió normally releases its third series of polls in October, which would mean that investors will have an update from the official polling agency soon. That said, we are willing to put our geopolitical views on the line. An unwarranted selloff in Spanish equities on the back of increased Catalonia-related geopolitical risk has created an opportunity for a market neutral trade: long Spanish IBEX 35/short Eurostoxx 50. This is a market neutral way to express our view that Catalonia does not pose a grand geopolitical risk as it will remain an integral part of Spain and thus the EU. Importantly, adding a hedge to this pair trade would also make sense for certain investors. Chart 12 shows that EUR/USD and relative Spanish equity performance are joined at the hip. Currently an uncharacteristically wide gap has opened. Thus, putting on this equity pair trade and simultaneously going short EUR/USD on the expectation of a convergence, should generate alpha, as the geopolitical dust settles. Chart 11The Silent Majority Fears Independence The Silent Majority Fears Independence The Silent Majority Fears Independence Chart 12Expect A Convergence Expect A Convergence Expect A Convergence Bottom Line: Fade geopolitical risks in Spain. For those with risk appetite, buy Spanish equities at any sign of geopolitical risk premium. Housekeeping With the Communist Party convening for the nineteenth National Party Congress over the next week, we think the time is opportune to book profits on two trades: our long China ETF volatility index, for a gain of 17.72%, and our long Chinese Big Five state-owned banks versus small and medium-sized banks, for a gain of 11.63%. We will revisit these trades in an upcoming report. Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Chief Geopolitical Strategist marko@bcaresearch.com Jesse Anak Kuri, Research Analyst jesse.kuri@bcaresearch.com Anastasios Avgeriou, Vice President U.S. Equity Strategy & Global Alpha Sector Strategy anastasios@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Buy In May And Enjoy Your Day," dated April 26, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "North Korea: Beyond Satire," dated April 19, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Can Pyongyang Derail The Bull Market?" dated August 16, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 4 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Insights From The Road - The Rest Of The World," dated September 6, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 5 Please see BCA U.S. Equity Strategy Weekly Report, "Can Easy Fiscal Offset Tighter Monetary Policy?" dated October 9, 2017, available at uses.bcaresearch.com. 6 Omitted from the sample are brief periods in the early-1960s, early-1970s, and twice in the early-1980s as they were very close to the end of recessions. 7 We suspect that Senator Corker is planning a centrist challenge to President Trump in the 2020 GOP presidential primaries. 8 "Staunchly conservative" does not do justice to Moore's ideological orientation. He was removed from his position as Chief Justice of the Alabama Supreme Court twice for failing to follow federal law. In both cases, Moore chose to inform his actions as the Chief Justice through Biblical scripture, rather than the U.S. Constitution. 9 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy and European Investment Strategy Special Report, "Secession In Europe: Scotland And Catalonia," dated May 14, 2014, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 10 Yes, we are aware that Catalonia also borders Andorra. However, given that French President Emmanuel Macro is the co-prince of Andorra, and that Andorra is a microstate, this fact is largely irrelevant and would in no way aid Catalan independence. However, you have now learned that the French President is automatically a co-prince of another country. And that there is such a thing as a "co-prince." Therefore, this footnote has not been a complete waste of your time.

Highlights China's growth momentum is unlikely to continue to accelerate, but the downside risk is low. Some more recent developments suggest economic momentum remains fairly robust. The heated debate on a "soft or hard landing" in recent years has disproportionally diverted investors' attention to China's cyclical growth fluctuations, while some larger picture changes have gone unnoticed. The Chinese economy will undoubtedly continue to experience cyclical swings; it is equally important to keep in mind some mega trends that hold the potential to reshape the world in profound ways. Feature The Chinese economy has likely ended the third quarter on a slightly higher note, according to "nowcast" types of models using high-frequency data (Chart 1). The latest PMI surveys, focusing on both the manufacturing and service sectors, accelerated in September from the prior month, and remain comfortably in expansionary territory, heralding positive surprises in the macro numbers to be released in the coming weeks. China's mini-cycle acceleration since early last year has been fairly modest by historical standards, but it has been a key component driving synchronized improvement in global growth. Moreover, the resilience of the Chinese economy has led to a quick repricing of risk assets that were deeply depressed in previous years due to China "hard landing" concerns. Stock prices of both Chinese investable equities and the emerging market benchmark have rallied massively since the 2016 bottom. Total returns of Chinese equities and EM stocks, price appreciation and dividend payments combined, have both broken out to all-time highs (Chart 2). Chart 1Chinese Q3 GDP Should Have Remained Strong Chinese Q3 GDP Should Have Remained Strong Chinese Q3 GDP Should Have Remained Strong Chart 2Breakout In China And EM Equities Breakout In China And EM Equities Breakout In China And EM Equities Looking forward, Chinese growth momentum is unlikely to continue to accelerate, but the downside risk remains low in the near term, as we have argued in recent months. In fact, some more recent developments suggest economic momentum remains fairly robust. More importantly, the heated debates among investors and analysts in recent years on China's macro stability have disguised some dramatic changes in the Chinese economy, which will have a profound and long-lasting impact on the global economy and financial markets from a big-picture standpoint. Given China's rising economic significance, getting China right will become all the more important for investors going forward. Near-Term Growth Outlook Remains Solid The Chinese economy will likely continue to surprise to the upside in the coming months. First, there is little risk of aggressive policy tightening that would prematurely choke off the economy, as economic growth is within the government's target, consumer price inflation is exceedingly low and financial excesses have been reined in.1 The latest decision of the People's Bank of China (PBoC) to lower reserve requirement ratios (RRR) for banks offering loans to small-sized enterprises should not be confused as a broad attempt to boost credit and growth. The move certainly reflects the authorities' preference for offering credit to smaller private borrowers, but it also reflects the PBoC's continued fine-tuning of its liquidity management.2 The PBoC has significantly ramped up direct lending to banks since 2015 to offset the liquidity drainage from capital outflows from the country's financial sector - the pace of PBoC direct lending has slowed since early this year (Chart 3, top panel). This means that the central bank will need to resort to other tools to manage interbank liquidity should stress increase - releasing required reserves being one of them. Taken together, the PBoC's liquidity injection has almost precisely matched the liquidity withdrawal due to capital outflows, as can be seen in the bottom panel of Chart 3. The key point here is that the PBoC's latest decision is not to encourage a lending spree, but it certainly does not indicate intentions of aggressive tightening. Second, some view China's lukewarm industrial activity as a sign of weak growth momentum, and argue for a pending relapse. In fact, some sectors have been under strict government scrutiny to cut capacity and production in recent years - a key reason behind the exceptional weakness in these industries despite massive improvement in their sales, pricing power and profits. In other words, these sectors have not been responding to market signals due to government restrictions of "supply side reforms" to cut excess capacity and reduce pollution. For example, some sectors that are subject to "supply side" constraints such as coal, base metals and cement producers have chronically underperformed in recent years, and have also hurt the overall performance of the industrial sector (Chart 4). Similarly, capital spending in the mining sector, historically highly sensitive to moves in global metals prices, have continued to contract, despite the sharp increase in metals prices since 2016. Without these regulations, the performance of the industrial sector should have been a lot stronger. In addition, without aggressive expansion in the "good times," the odds of another major relapse in these highly cyclical industries when the "bad times" do come are also lower. Chart 3The PBoC Liquidity Operation The PBoC Liquidity Operation The PBoC Liquidity Operation Chart 4Policy Constraints Weigh Heavy On Some Sectors Policy Constraints Weigh Heavy On Some Sectors Policy Constraints Weigh Heavy On Some Sectors Third, the Chinese authorities' tightening measures on the real estate sector pose a growth risk, and should continue to be monitored; the impact is unlikely to be significant, as discussed in detail in last week's report.3 Developers have also been subject to "supply side" constraints and have not increased construction in this cycle, despite rising home prices, increasing transactions and booming profits (Chart 5). Tighter policies imposed by local governments will probably keep developers in dormancy, but a major downturn is highly unlikely, simply because there is not much excess to begin with. Finally, while China has been a key component of the synchronized global growth improvement, the country has also benefited from a pickup in global demand.4 Korean exports, a harbinger of global trade, jumped by a whopping 35% in dollar terms in September versus a year ago. It is certainly unrealistic to expect such strong momentum to last, but the benign global demand situation is unlikely to immediately falter without some sort of extreme external shock. Similarly, our model expects Chinese export growth to moderate, but there are no signs of a sharp contraction anytime soon (Chart 6). Chart 5Real Estate Investment May Surprise To The Upside Real Estate Investment May Surprise To The Upside Real Estate Investment May Surprise To The Upside Chart 6Exports: Moderating, Not Relapsing Exports: Moderating, Not Relapsing Exports: Moderating, Not Relapsing Bottom Line: China's near-term growth outlook will remain resilient, providing a supportive macro backdrop for global risk assets. The China Debate: Seven Years On Ever since the Chinese economy recovered from the aftermath of the global financial crisis, with the help of a massive government stimulus package, investors' opinions on China's macro situation have been deeply divided.5 To be sure, sensational predictions of an imminent China collapse have always existed, ever since the country's economic reform, but they were mostly rooted in ideological bashing and were largely ignored by global investors. In recent years, however, predictions of a Chinese "hard landing" have been taken much more seriously by the mainstream media, as well as investors and policymakers. Amid mounting doubts about its long term sustainability, the Chinese economy has experienced some remarkable achievements and dramatic changes in the past several years. The Chinese economy continues to gain global significance, accounting for 16% of global economic output currently versus 9% in 2010. More importantly, its contribution to global economic growth is far larger, given its faster growth rate (Chart 7). China's nominal GDP currently stands at about US$11.5 trillion, a distant second to the mighty US$19.2 trillion U.S. economy. However, 7% of nominal growth in China feasibly amounts to an increase of US$800 billion in gross output, compared with US$770 billion for the U.S., assuming the latter is to grow by 4% in nominal terms. Although China's growth rate has downshifted since the global financial crisis, the increase in the country's total output in value terms has become even greater, given the economy's much larger size. China remains the dominant factor in driving global commodities demand, especially base metals. China's base metals consumption accounts for over 50% of the global total, higher than the rest of the world combined (Chart 8). More importantly, China's base metal consumption has continued to climb in recent years, while demand from the rest of the world has stagnated. In recent years, "sluggish" Chinese metals consumption has been blamed for commodities woes by some analysts; in reality, the country has been the only source of demand increase for base metals. China's role in driving the supply/demand balance of raw materials has increased significantly since the global financial crisis. Chart 7China's Growing Significance In World Economy China's Growing Significance In World Economy China's Growing Significance In World Economy Chart 8China And Base Metals China And Base Metals China And Base Metals The country's heavy investment on infrastructure has massively changed its urban landscape, leading to a significant improvement in the country's transportation system, with massive expansion in high-speed railway, urban metro and light-rail system, and further extensions of the highway network (Chart 9). This has significantly narrowed the country's infrastructure gap with more advanced countries, facilitating both international trade and domestic demand (Chart 10). Chinese car sales have jumped from about 10 million per year in 2010 to 25 million currently, by far the largest car market in the world. Without improvement in logistical infrastructure, there is little doubt the country's growth trajectory would have faced severe bottlenecks. Chart 9Massive Expansion Of ##br##Transportation Infrastructure... Massive Expansion Of Transportation Infrastructure... Massive Expansion Of Transportation Infrastructure... Chart 10...Has Narrowed The Gap ##br##With Developed Economies On A Higher Note On A Higher Note Finally, the impact of Chinese consumers has become all the more visible on the global stage. Even though China still ranks as a middle-income country with a per-capita GDP of about US$8000, a fraction of the US$57,000 in the U.S., the sheer size of the Chinese population, the rapid increase in household income and the country's very high savings rate have fundamentally shifted the wealth distribution of the global population. Currently, only about 20% of the world population has a per-capita GDP higher than China, a rapid change within a short period of time (Chart 11). This dramatic shift has profoundly redefined the global economic landscape, affecting the spectrum of essentially all businesses, from manufacturers' cost structures to luxury goods markets to tourism and education to financial services. Chart 11China's Rising Income In Perspective On A Higher Note On A Higher Note The list can easily be extended, but the point here is that the heated debate on a "soft or hard landing" in recent years has disproportionally diverted investors' attention to China's cyclical growth fluctuations, while some larger picture changes have gone unnoticed. Of course, financial markets are an emotional discounting mechanism, and stock prices always exaggerate any subtle changes in growth fundamentals, which can in turn impact economic reality through a complex web of reflexivity relationships. Chinese equities lagged significantly behind developed markets, particularly the U.S. bourses, between 2011 and 2015, which apparently validated the bears' views. In reality, however, multiples of Chinese equities, and emerging market in general, were deeply compressed compared with their developed market peers (Chart 12). In other words, it is largely multiples compression associated with heightened risk aversion and greater risk premium that was behind the woes of Chinese and EM markets before 2015. Since 2016, China's mini-cycle upturn has progressively raised investors' risk appetite towards China and EM, lifting their multiples and prices - essentially a positive re-rating of these markets. Chart 12Positive Rerating Of China ##br##And EM Has Further To Run Positive Rerating Of China And EM Has Further To Run Positive Rerating Of China And EM Has Further To Run The debate on China's growth sustainability will likely remain firmly in place in the coming years, which will continue to create cross-currents and outsized volatility. As an investor, it is futile to argue with "Mr. Market." Even with strong convictions on the fundamental case, investors should be nimble and avoid standing in front of an oncoming train - however ill-informed the market consensus could be. For now, Chinese and EM equities are still much more attractively valued compared with the developed world, and the train of the positive re-rating of these bourses will likely have further to run. It is too soon to bet on a trend reversal. Whither China: The Big Picture Fundamentally the China debate boils down to the country's growth model, which invests a much greater share of its output than most other major economies. The "bears" conclude this amounts to capital misallocation and propose a "rebalancing" towards consumption. Some even claim China's massive savings, essential for financing domestic capital spending, are byproducts of banks' "out of thin air" money printing - to me, if "thin air" money was indeed such a magical silver bullet, the world would have solved its poverty problems a long time ago. Over the years I have argued firmly against these assertions. In economics, it is well known that a country's income level is fundamentally determined by its productivity, which is in turn determined by the level and sophistication of its capital stock. Chart 13 shows a clear positive correlation between a country's per capita output, a measure of productivity, and its per capita capital stock. In general, industrialized countries enjoy much higher levels of per capita capital stock than developing economies, leading to much higher productivity, income as well as living standards. Therefore, the industrialization process, by definition, is the process of accumulation of capital stock through investment, which has been proven by many economies that have successfully industrialized. China's growth path in the past several decades is simply repeating these success stories. As shown in Chart 14, despite some remarkable achievements, the productivity level of the average Chinese worker is still just a fraction of the level in more advanced countries. If China remains on the path of accumulation of capital stock through savings and investment, the country will continue to progress on the productivity and income ladder. If, however, it abandons its current growth model and "rebalances" towards a consumption-driven one, odds are much higher that the country will stagnate and fail to advance beyond the "middle income trap." Chart 13Productivity Is Positively ##br##Correlated With Capital Stock On A Higher Note On A Higher Note Chart 14China's Catchup Process ##br##Has A Lot Further To Run On A Higher Note On A Higher Note In my 15 years of covering China for BCA, the country has dramatically shifted beyond recognition - the pace of changes are still accelerating. Looking forward, the Chinese economy will undoubtedly continue to experience cyclical swings; it is equally important to keep in mind some mega trends that hold the potential to reshape the world in profound ways. The following are a few worth highlighting. Chart 15China's Tech Boom China's Tech Boom China's Tech Boom The first mega trend is the explosive growth of the Chinese technology sector, which will increasingly challenge players in more advanced economies. The tech boom is reflected in the dramatic expansion of e-commerce and mobile payments, spectacular price gains in the BAT giants (Baidu, Alibaba and Tencent) and surging patent applications among the corporate sector (Chart 15). With a massive and homogenous domestic market and increasingly affluent consumers, China has rapidly become the testing ground of all new high-tech sectors - from big data and artificial intelligence to industrial robotics and additive manufacturing, to genetic analysis and quantum computing - with numerous startups and venture capitalists as well as government support on basic research and development. This is bound to create exciting investment opportunities with winners and losers far beyond Chinese borders. The second major development is the "Belt & Road Initiative" (BRI), also known as "One Belt One Road," or OBOR, that links China with some less developed nations. The project, initially proposed by President Xi Jinping in 2013 but met with heavy doubts, has been quietly gaining momentum. Some commentators have viewed the BRI as an attempt by the Chinese authorities to export excess domestic industrial capacity and have tried to quantify the impact, which is shortsighted and likely useless. China's vision of the BRI is an ambitious open-ended geo-strategic, economic and social undertaking to promote globalization with distinct "Chinese characteristics." There is no doubt that BRI will face tremendous challenges, and its ultimate destiny is simply an "unknowable unknown" at the moment. However, some solid progress has been made, and foreign authorities are increasingly taking the BRI seriously. Even with limited success, the BRI holds the promise of redefining the balance of geopolitics, global trade and international finance. The role of the RMB in international finance will inevitably grow at the expense of other majors, particularly the dollar. Investors will be well served to closely follow this mega development. Finally, how China's governance and political system will evolve remains a major question mark for investors, especially from a long-term perspective. Democracy has increasingly become the norm of world politics since the early 1990s, with over half of the global population currently living in democratic regimes, while China's political system is decisively foreign (Chart 16). Investors are ideologically skeptical on the long-term sustainability of China's essentially meritocratic authoritarian regime. Investors mostly see democracy as China's ultimate future, and expect the country to progressively move in this direction, along with rising economic prosperity. In reality, however, the ruling Communist Party has tightened its grip over the country in recent years, apparently reverting the trend of political liberalization that was underway in previous years. Chart 16Is Democracy China's Future? On A Higher Note On A Higher Note In essence, China, with over 20% of the world population, is conducting a mega-political experiment by searching for an alternative to open democracy, the prospect of which remains unknown. The majority of the Chinese population have been content with the existing system, and have been adapting to drastic social and economic changes with ease in the past several decades. Numerous previous predictions of an imminent collapse of the Chinese regime have repeatedly proven wrong, but the underlying anxiety will remain, especially when China's economic growth further downshifts. Political and social stability is crucial for the country's continued economic development. A major social upheaval, on the other hand, would have devastating consequences, not only for China but also for the entire world. Stay tuned. Yan Wang, Senior Vice President China Investment Strategy yanw@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see China Investment Strategy Weekly Report "Chinese Financial Tightening: Passing The Phase Of Maximum Strength," dated June 22, 2017, available at cis.bcaresearch.com 2 Please see China Investment Strategy Special Report "More On The Chinese Debt Debate," dated April 20, 2017, available at cis.bcaresearch.com 3 Please see China Investment Strategy Weekly Report "Chinese Real Estate: Which Way Will The Wind Blow?" dated April 20, 2017, available at cis.bcaresearch.com 4 Please see China Investment Strategy Weekly Report "China Outlook: A Mid-Year Revisit," dated July 13, 2017, available at cis.bcaresearch.com 5 Please see China Investment Strategy Weekly Report "The China Debate," dated April 14, 2010, and China Investment Strategy Weekly Report "The China Debate: Four Years On," dated April 30, 2014, available at cis.bcaresearch.com Cyclical Investment Stance Equity Sector Recommendations

Highlights Catalonia is a red herring - stay focused on U.S. tax cuts; Tax cuts are on track and will swell the budget deficit; The dollar is poised for a comeback; Believe the Phillips Curve, not the "Amazon effect"; Shinzo Abe's gamble is bullish; go long USD/JPY. Feature Global investors woke up on Monday to shocking news of a mass shooting in Las Vegas and police brutality in Catalonia, where Spain's federal law enforcement attempted to break up the October 1 independence referendum. According to final figures, nearly 92% of those who voted chose to separate from Spain, setting the stage for a unilateral declaration of independence. Our views on the Catalan independence "struggle" are well known to our clients.1 We will only briefly recap them here. Instead, we focus this Weekly Report on the prospects for the U.S. dollar and on Japan's snap election. Catalan Independence: Indignation Is Not A Strategy Why are we so dismissive of the imbroglio in Catalonia? Five reasons: Police "brutality" is overstated: Catalan officials reported that 844 people had been hurt in clashes, but the BBC noted that the "majority had minor injuries or had suffered from anxiety attacks."2 Not the first referendum: The turnout was only 42.34%, as many voters refused to participate. Given that the latest polls show that only 34.7% of Catalans actually want independence, the result was unsurprising (Chart 1).3 Those who oppose independence from Spain stayed home, as they did in 2014. In fact, Table 1 shows that there were about 100,000 less "yes" voters in 2017 than three years ago. Catalonia is not Catalan: According to the latest data from the Institut d'Estadística de Catalunya, only 31% of the population identifies Catalan as their "first language," compared with 55% who identify with Spanish. This is a product of decades of migration from within Spain which has diluted Catalonia's homogeneity. For the most part, the non-Catalans belong to the working class and do not get involved in independence protests or in breathlessly tweeting about the return of dictatorship to Madrid. But if they sense that independence is being imposed on them by an elitist minority, they could let their voice be heard. A declaration of independence means nothing: A unilateral declaration without international support, or the ability to enforce it with arms, is vacuous. U.S. President Donald Trump lent his support to Spanish Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy ahead of the vote, while French President Emmanuel Macron reiterated his support for Madrid following the referendum violence. The EU has made it clear that an independent Catalonia would have to go through the accession process in order to enter the EU, which means it would not have access to the Common Market post-independence. Catalans will not resort to force en masse: Our expectation is that Catalans will not resort to force in order to breakaway from Spain. German sociologist Max Weber famously defined sovereignty as a "monopoly over the use of legitimate force" in a defined geographical territory. If a Catalan minority is unwilling to wrestle control of borders from Spain, its declarations will be irrelevant. Chart 1Catalonia: A Revolt By The Minority Catalonia: A Revolt By The Minority Catalonia: A Revolt By The Minority Table 1What Has Changed Since 2014? Is King Dollar Back? Is King Dollar Back? There is more to the referendum than the government in Catalonia is letting on. The Junts pel Sí (Together for Yes) coalition of four parties is unified only by its stance on independence. But the main two nationalist parties that make up the government are on the opposite sides of the ideological spectrum. Without the independence push, the regional government would lose its raison d'être and fall. From the market perspective, the situation in Catalonia would become relevant if the Catalan government, or militant groups in the region, decided to step up tensions by employing force. This could derail Spain's economic recovery, especially since so much of it was centered on manufacturing in the region. We do not see this as likely. First, there are no "militant groups" in Catalonia. Second, throughout the half-century long Basque conflict - which saw over thousand people killed between 1959 and 2011 - Catalonia never experienced violent unrest. Catalan extremists never got inspired by the militant Basque group ETA on any significant scale. Why? Because the independence movement in Catalonia is mainly a bourgeois, middle and upper class, "struggle" for independence that is unlikely to descend into violence. Yes, there are some farmers and blue-collar supporters of independence. But the majority of Catalonia's working class are actually not Catalan. They are either recent migrants from the rest of Europe or migrants from poorer regions of Spain. Not only are they opposed to independence, but they are openly hostile to a bourgeois minority lording their Catalan ethnic superiority over the recently arrived migrants. With Catalan tensions, the ongoing North Korean saga, and the recent tragedy in Las Vegas, there is plenty to distract investors from the most investment-relevant political issue: U.S. tax policy. Bottom Line: As we noted in February, European assets will continue to "climb the wall of worry," which includes Catalan tensions.4 Investors should fade any market reaction to the crisis in Catalonia, which is sure to dominate the news flow for at least the entirety of Q4 2017. Do Republican Voters Want Tax Cuts? The market was shocked at the end of September by President Donald Trump's tax reform plan. After months of doubting whether Republican policymakers can accomplish anything, the market reacted positively to the announcement (Chart 2). And yet a lot of skepticism remains. Primarily, the fear is that fiscally conservative Republicans in the House and Senate will stand in opposition to the plan. After all, Republicans have just failed to repeal and replace Obamacare. Why should tax policy be any different? Chart 2Sign Of Life For 'Trump Reflation' Sign Of Life For "Trump Reflation" Sign Of Life For "Trump Reflation" We have argued since November that Republicans in Congress are actually not fiscally responsible.5 Not now and not ever. As if on cue, this spring, the leader of the Tea Party-linked Freedom Caucus, Mark Meadows (R, NC) said that the upcoming tax reform effort did not have to be "revenue-neutral," a claim he repeated on NBC's Meet The Press this weekend. If the leader of the single-most fiscally conservative grouping in Congress is okay with profligacy, who is left to oppose it?!6 Republican voters might have something to say about deficit-busting tax legislation. But GOP legislators are not the only ones willing to compromise on their austerity rhetoric. Republican voters are just as comfortable with profligacy. Chart 3 speaks volumes. It shows that Americans become a lot more comfortable with a bigger government providing more services when Republican presidents are in power. Given Democrats' stable preference for more spending, the movement in the poll is mainly due to Republican and independent voters. There are two ways to interpret the data: Republican voters do not mind a profligate government, as long as the spending is aligned with their priorities. Republican voters do not actually disagree with Democrats on spending priorities, but merely doubt that Democratic policymakers can deliver on those priorities in a fiscally sustainable manner. Whatever the explanation, Chart 3 is clear evidence that the American public grows more comfortable with profligacy when Republicans are in charge. But do voters want tax cuts? The latest polls show that Americans no longer think that they pay too much in taxes (Chart 4). Republican and Republican-leaning voters do not have a problem with how much they pay in taxes, but they do have a problem with the complexity of the tax code (Chart 5). Chart 4American Voters Think Taxes Are Fair... Is King Dollar Back? Is King Dollar Back? Chart 5...But Republican Voters Think They Are Too Complex Is King Dollar Back? Is King Dollar Back? The charge that the Trump tax legislation will be a massive tax cut for the wealthy and corporations could stick with some voters, we think primarily with Democrats. Pew research polling consistently shows that Democrats, across the income brackets, agree by 70%-80% that corporations and wealthy people pay too little tax. Republican voters could be susceptible to the same argument, given that around 35%-45% of them agree with Democrats on this issue. To preempt the debate, the Trump administration is focusing heavily on tax complexity. In addition, Trump left the proposed surcharge on the wealthy - a fourth income bracket in the new plan - as yet undefined. This is on purpose. It allows the White House and Congressional GOP legislators to respond to the criticism as it develops. What could be the stumbling blocks going forward? A "Breitbart clique" revolt: A populist revolt against tax cuts for the rich could turn skittish Republicans in Congress against the legislation. The recent electoral defeat for the political establishment in the Alabama Senate primary has shown off the power of the "Breitbart clique" in itself, independent of Trump. However, a quick survey of Breitbart.com shows that the former White House Chief Strategist and Rabble-Rouser-in-Chief Steve Bannon has not unleashed his media machine against the tax plan. In fact, the only prominent Breitbart piece on the tax plan thus far has excoriated the mainstream media for misinterpreting the comments of Gary Cohn, the White House's chief economic adviser, on middle class tax cuts.7 It may be the first time that the website has ever written anything positive about Cohn. Blue State Republicans: There are 29 Republican representatives facing tough reelection campaigns next year who are based in states that voted for Secretary Hillary Clinton in 2016. These Republican representatives will staunchly oppose any proposal to end the state and local tax deduction, given that their voters will be subjected to higher rates of state and local taxes.8 These "Blue State Republicans" could scuttle the current tax blueprint in the House. Anticipating the problem, Gary Cohn has said that the removal of the deduction is not a "red line" for the administration. Senators: Republicans have only a slim margin for error in the Senate. Senators Bob Corker (R, TN) and John McCain (R, AZ) could be the two staunchest opponents to the tax reform effort. The former is a deficit hawk and critic of the president, the latter is a maverick and firmly opposed to the president. On the other hand, the usual thorn in the side of the GOP establishment, Rand Paul (R, KY), could be brought around to support the proposal. Moderates like Susan Collins (R, ME) and Lisa Murkowski (R, AK) should be watched carefully. Investors should expect more Republicans to come out in opposition to certain provisions of the proposed tax legislation. However, the path of least resistance is not for the entire effort to fail, but rather for it to become more profligate. For example, the White House has already gestured towards a compromise with Blue State Republicans on the state and local tax deduction that would increase the deficit. Furthermore, we continue to stress that the failure of the Obamacare repeal and replace bill is not a good guide for what will happen with tax legislation. Taking away an entitlement program is politically challenging. Tax cuts, on the other hand, are generally not. Bottom Line: President Donald Trump is an economic populist. Our research into international comparisons shows that populists tend to get what they want, which is primarily higher nominal GDP growth (Chart 6). We therefore continue to expect the roughly $1.5 trillion tax cut effort - which may or may not deserve the title of tax reform - to pass. Is King Dollar Primed For A Rally? Investors should consider the proposed tax legislation a form of modest stimulus. If we assume that the $1.5 trillion in tax cuts will be offset with a combination of revenue-raising policies to the tune of 50%, it still leaves roughly $750 billion in new deficit spending (stimulus) over the next ten years. A more reasonable figure for total revenue offsets is around $400 billion, which would put the cost of stimulus at roughly $1.1 billion.9 This is not extraordinary large, but even a modest effort this far into the economic cycle could have a significant effect. BCA's Chief Global Strategist, Peter Berezin, believes that inflation is around the corner.10 So why the delay in the data? Peter points out that while the Phillips Curve has gotten a lot flatter over the past four decades (Chart 7), it remains a curve. Once the economy reaches full employment - as it has done in the U.S. (Chart 8) - the curve steepens much faster. As Peter puts it: Chart 6Populists Deliver (Nominal) GDP Growth Is King Dollar Back? Is King Dollar Back? Chart 7The Phillips Curve Has Gotten Flatter Is King Dollar Back? Is King Dollar Back? Chart 8U.S. Economy At Full Employment U.S. Economy At Full Employment U.S. Economy At Full Employment The idea that the Phillips curve steepens at low levels of unemployment is very intuitive: If excess capacity is high to begin with, a modest decline in slack will still leave many workers idle. In such a setting, inflation is unlikely to rise. However, once the output gap is fully closed, any further decline in slack will cause bottlenecks to emerge, pushing wages and prices higher. The empirical evidence supports this conclusion. Chart 9 shows that U.S. wage growth has tended to accelerate once the unemployment rate falls into the range of 4%-5%. Chart 9Watch Out For The 'Kink' In The Phillips Curve Is King Dollar Back? Is King Dollar Back? When we present Peter's argument to clients, many retort that "this time is different," namely because of phenomena like the "Amazon effect." To put that argument to rest, our colleague Mark McClellan has penned a Special Report titled, "Did Amazon Kill The Phillips Curve?"11 Mark shows that while e-commerce is undoubtedly increasing its share of retail sales (Chart 10), its contribution to annual headline CPI is modest. For example, Chart 11 shows that online prices fell relative to the overall CPI for most of the time since the early 1990s. However, e-commerce only contributed about -0.15 percentage points to annual CPI in June 2017, and has never contributed more than -0.3 percentage points. Chart 10E-Commerce: Steady Increase In Market Share E-Commerce: Steady Increase In Market Share E-Commerce: Steady Increase In Market Share Chart 11Online Price Index Online Price Index Online Price Index To further test the impact of e-commerce on inflation, Mark focused on the parts of the CPI that are most exposed to it. If online shopping is having a significant deflationary impact on overall inflation, we should see large and persistent negative contributions from these parts of the CPI. He therefore combined the components of the CPI that most closely matched the sectors that have high e-commerce exposure (Chart 12). Again, the contribution of e-commerce-heavy sectors to annual CPI is minimal. Chart 12Electronic Shopping Price Index Electronic Shopping Price Index Electronic Shopping Price Index Chart 13BCA E-Commerce Proxy Price Index BCA E-Commerce Proxy Price Index BCA E-Commerce Proxy Price Index Chart 14BCA E-Commerce Adjusted Proxy Price Index BCA E-Commerce Adjusted Proxy Price Index BCA E-Commerce Adjusted Proxy Price Index Mark finally recalculated the e-commerce proxy using only the sectors displaying the most relative price declines - clothing, computers, electronics, furniture, sporting goods, air travel, and other goods - and assumed that all other sectors actually deflated at the average pace of the entire index. The adjusted e-commerce proxy suggests that online pricing reduced overall CPI by about 0.1-0.2 percentage points in recent years (Chart 13 & Chart 14). We find Mark's work intuitive. The "Amazon effect" is a great example of fitting a broad theory to a particular set of data, a common error in the investment community. The weak inflation print - which is a "Summer of 2017" phenomenon - is being extrapolated into a decade-long theme. But the data is clear: the deceleration of inflation since the Great Financial Crisis has been in areas unaffected by online sales, chiefly energy, food, and shelter costs. High corporate profit margins in the retail sector also argue against the idea that e-commerce represents a large positive macro supply shock. In fact, today's creative destruction in retail may be no more deflationary than the shift to "big box" stores in the 1990s. Putting it all together, the three above views provide a fairly clear signal in terms of asset implications: Geopolitical Strategy Tax Policy View: Tax legislation is a form of modest stimulus enacted by a populist White House in search of higher nominal GDP growth, and it will pass; Global Investment Strategy Phillips Curve View: The Phillips Curve is not dead, just dormant, and will steepen as the U.S. unemployment rate declines further below the equilibrium level; The Bank Credit Analyst "Amazon Effect" View: There is no "Amazon Effect." Pro-cyclical fiscal stimulus in the U.S. should be bullish for the U.S. dollar, bullish for U.S. small caps relative to large caps, and bearish for U.S. 10-year Treasuries. We are already long USD against EUR by recommending that our clients go long Euro Area equities relative to the S&P 500 with a currency hedge.12 We think there may be more upside for the USD against the yen, especially given our view of the upcoming general election in Japan below. What are the risks to a bullish USD view? Continued strong global growth is the main risk (Chart 15). Global data is improving to the point that even moribund Italy is now on fire (Chart 16). However, the positive data may be peaking. European data, in particular, looks like it is reaching its absolute highs (Chart 17). Chart 15Can Global Growth Get Any Higher? Can Global Growth Get Any Higher? Can Global Growth Get Any Higher? Chart 16Italy Is On Fire... Italy Is On Fire... Italy Is On Fire... Chart 17...As Is Europe Overall ...As Is Europe Overall ...As Is Europe Overall Particularly concerning from the global perspective is the ongoing slowdown in the pace of expansion of Chinese money and credit, which we have been arguing for almost a year is policy induced.13 Our colleague Arthur Budaghyan, Chief Strategist of BCA's Emerging Market Strategy has flagged that the official M2, as well as BCA's own custom version of broad money M3, are slowing down to new lows (Chart 18). From the broad money M3, Arthur and his team construct the M3 impulse, which leads both the Chinese leading economic indicator and the well-known "Li Keqiang index" (a growth proxy) by six months (Chart 19).14 Most importantly from the global perspective, the slowdown in Chinese money and credit growth ought to negatively impact demand for imports from China-exposed export sectors in Asia and Europe (Chart 20). Chart 18But Credit Growth In China Is Slowing bca.gps_wr_2017_10_04_c18 bca.gps_wr_2017_10_04_c18 Chart 19Chinese Credit Leads The Domestic Economy... Chinese Credit Leads The Domestic Economy... Chinese Credit Leads The Domestic Economy... Chart 20...As Well As Exports To China ...As Well As Exports To China ...As Well As Exports To China The policy-induced crackdown against money and credit growth in China should be particularly pertinent in Europe. BCA's Foreign Exchange Strategy has noted how the close trading relationship between China and Europe influences the growth delta between Europe and the U.S.15 Given the potential slowdown in China, and subsequent impact on EM economies, bullishness on Europe could be peaking. Bottom Line: Our view that a modest fiscal stimulus may be afoot is only a small part of a wider BCA bullish-USD narrative. We think it is once again time to turn bullish towards the greenback. We are opening a long USD/JPY recommendation. Our colleague Mathieu Savary, Chief Strategist of BCA's Foreign Exchange Strategy, has been long since USD/JPY hit 109 on August 11. Japan: Abenomics Will Survive Abe Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's snap election on October 22 took us by surprise. Not because of the timing, which was telegraphed by rumors in the press, but because, for Abe and the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), the upside risk is limited while the downside is unlimited. Since May 24 we have argued that Abe's political capital has peaked, based on the empirically grounded expectation that his pursuit of constitutional changes to legitimize Japan's defense forces would erode his popular support.16 This view received confirmation in early July, when Yuriko Koike, a former LDP politician, led an insurgency against the LDP in the Tokyo metropolitan elections and dealt them a historic blow in that region. At that time, we argued that Abe would not lose power anytime soon: he maintained his two-thirds supermajority in the lower house (and virtual supermajority in the upper house), did not face an election until December 2018, and could thus double down on reflationary economic policies in order to rebuild popular support.17 Chart 21An Upstart Party Challenges The LDP Is King Dollar Back? Is King Dollar Back? Now, Abe has made a risky decision to move the general election forward 14 months. He wants to capitalize on Japan's recent strong economic performance, the peaking of North Korean tensions (which are likely to decline by late next year), and an uptick in approval ratings. Last but not least, he wants to take the fight to the political opposition at a time when the rival Democratic Party is in total collapse and Governor Koike, his chief antagonist, is unready to wage a national campaign. The timing was shrewd but comes at a cost. Koike announced a new political party, the Party of Hope, just hours before Abe called the early election. In the first set of opinion polls it has sprung up to 15% approval, only nine points shy of the LDP. True, this is still 14 points short of the ruling coalition (Chart 21). But crucially, the collapse of the Democratic Party prompted its leader, Seiji Maehara, to declare that his party would not contest the new elections. This leaves its members free to join Koike's party; it also partly obviates the problem of the Democratic Party and Party of Hope stealing each other's votes.18 Throughout Abe's term we have compared his approval ratings to those of former Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, the LDP's last heavyweight leader, to test whether he retains political capital (Chart 22). According to this measure, he does. Yet, given Abe's long tenure and gradually declining support, this comparison only works as long as there is no viable alternative. That is because Abe's net approval rating, as well as his ability to bring star-power to the LDP, has been fading in recent years (Chart 23). Now he has called an election at the very moment that a possible alternative has emerged!19 Chart 22Abe Losing Favor Over Time Is King Dollar Back? Is King Dollar Back? Chart 23Abe Becoming A Liability Abe Becoming A Liability Abe Becoming A Liability However, we say a possible alternative for a reason: Koike herself, as yet, is refusing to run for the prime minister's slot. She is in a "dilemma of irresponsibility" in which, having just become governor of Tokyo on the pledge to put "Tokyo First," she will be criticized for flagrant ambition and flip-flopping if she abandons that post to run against Abe directly.20 As long as Koike remains on the sidelines, Abe will retain his absolute majority. It would be very difficult for a new party that is struggling to field candidates across the whole country, lacks a clear prime minister candidate, and faces competition with other opposition parties to deprive an incumbent coalition of 85 seats. (Depriving the LDP of its 50-seat party majority alone would be momentous, though conceivable.) The LDP has fallen out of power on only two previous occasions since 1955: once, briefly, in 1993, in the wake of the collapse of Japan's Heisei bubble, and once in 2009, in the wake of the global financial crisis (Chart 24). And the LDP has never lost more than 22 seats in an election year, like this year, in which economic growth is faster than the preceding year. That size of loss would leave Abe wounded but still in control.21 Chart 24The LDP Seldom Loses Elections In Japan The LDP Seldom Loses Elections In Japan The LDP Seldom Loses Elections In Japan On the other hand, if Koike changes her mind and throws herself headlong into competition with Abe, it is possible, albeit still highly unlikely, that she could pull off a historic upset.22 Currently the number of undecided voters is high at about 43%. In recent years, these voters have tended to correlate negatively with LDP support (Chart 25), meaning that LDP voters grew dissatisfied and "undecided" but then came crawling back when the party wooed them. However, Koike could change this dynamic - not only because she apparently has momentum, but also because her background and platform are substantially similar to Abe's, yet with a fresh face.23 Chart 25Undecided Voters Often Return To LDP Undecided Voters Often Return To LDP Undecided Voters Often Return To LDP Koike must make her decision by October 10. It is unlikely that she will join or that her party will field enough competitive candidates - in this respect, Abe gambled correctly in calling the election now. Barring her entrance, what is at stake is Abe's 6-seat "supermajority" in the lower house. Abe is likely to lose this advantage simply based on the Party of Hope's strength in Greater Tokyo and the Kanto Plain, augmented as it is by collaboration with the Democratic Party. A back-of-the-envelope calculation suggests that Koike could easily deprive Abe of this supermajority. Assuming that the Party of Hope performs in line with Koike's performance in the Tokyo/Kanto region in July, gaining 39% of the seats (34% of the popular vote), implies that the Party of Hope could steal as many as 47 seats from the ruling coalition on October 22 (Table 2). This is a generous estimate in giving Koike's party strong support, but a conservative estimate in assuming that it will not win a single seat outside the Tokyo/Kanto region.24 Losing this supermajority would be a big loss of momentum for Abe and the LDP that would carry over into the legislative process (where Abe would struggle to control the LDP factions and fend off corruption allegations) and future elections (where the LDP would be more vulnerable). It would sow the seeds for a leadership challenge against Abe in the LDP next September. But it keeps the LDP in power for the next four years. And its direct impact on passing bills is limited. A lower house majority would still be under the LDP leader's control, and the LDP would still have a near-supermajority in the upper house, removing any risk that it would delay bills. The only initiative likely to suffer would be Abe's treasured constitutional revisions, and yet even those would still have a fighting chance of passing the Diet. The important thing for investors to realize is that a setback or defeat for Abe will not be the death of Abenomics.25 Reflation will continue and Japanese risk assets will continue to outperform on a currency-hedged basis. Why? Table 2The Party Of Hope Threatens The LDP Supermajority From Its Base In The Tokyo/Kanto Region Is King Dollar Back? Is King Dollar Back? Abenomics is already bearing fruit: Inflation remains weak, but Japan's output gap is closing and unemployment gap is gone (Chart 26). It is only a matter of time before supply constraints put more upward pressure on prices, lowering real rates and easing financial conditions for the economy as a whole. Koike, who styles herself as a pro-business Thatcherite, will not stand in the way of growth. Monetary policy will remain dovish: The dovish shift in the Bank of Japan in 2013 was a regime change within the institution itself. Governor Haruhiko Kuroda was the leader of the change, but since then the entire policy board has been staffed with doves. In fact, in the board's recent minutes, the only dissenting voice argued for more stimulus.26 Kuroda can legally be reappointed for governor for another five years. If not, his replacement will likely perpetuate his legacy, as neither Abe nor Koike have given any hint at wanting more hawkish monetary policy. The market is right to expect barely any rate hikes over the next year and for the BoJ to continue suppressing yields even as other DM central banks become more hawkish (Chart 27). Chart 26Tight Labor Market, But Still No Inflation Tight Labor Market, But Still No Inflation Tight Labor Market, But Still No Inflation Chart 27Monetary Policy Will Remain Easy Monetary Policy Will Remain Easy Monetary Policy Will Remain Easy Fiscal policy will ease further: We have shown Chart 28 again and again to clients: the main failure of Abenomics so far has been Abe's own fiscal responsibility. Upon calling the election, he yet again pitched himself to voters on the basis of fiscal irresponsibility. He offered a new 2 trillion yen stimulus package and suspended his pledge to balance the budget by 2020. And while he pledged to pay for education and elderly care by raising the consumption tax from 8% to 10% as scheduled in October 2019, few doubt that he will delay a tax hike (as in 2015) if it threatens to upset his economic recovery. Meanwhile, Koike is running on a platform of easier fiscal policy: she has outright opposed the consumer tax hike, saying that to do so would be to "throw cold water on the still-intangible economic recovery." She wants more earthquake-resistant infrastructure and more social spending (e.g. childcare). She wants measures to boost the female participation rate further (Chart 29).She is hardly likely to boost consumption without continuing Abe's quest to lift wages overall (Chart 30). And in her most significant difference from Abe, she hopes to do away with nuclear power and turn Japan into a renewable energy powerhouse (inevitably requiring large-scale government subsidies and investment). Foreign policy will remain hawkish: Koike is a conservative who is in favor of constitutional revisions to normalize Japan's military. Her Party of Hope could even vote with the LDP on this issue, for a price. While it may be somewhat more China-friendly than Abe (possibly a boon for exports), it would not be willing or able to break Japan's recent trend of rising defense spending and economic diplomacy. Chart 28Fiscal Policy Will Get Easier Fiscal Policy Will Get Easier Fiscal Policy Will Get Easier Chart 29Abe And Koike Want Women Workers Abe And Koike Want Women Workers Abe And Koike Want Women Workers Chart 30Abe And Koike Want Higher Wages Abe And Koike Want Higher Wages Abe And Koike Want Higher Wages Moreover, given that Japan has a much higher ratio of public investment to private investment than other comparable countries, and that fiscal spending is limited by a massive debt load, Koike would be committed to boosting private investment just like Abe (Chart 31). Indeed, judging solely by key policy planks, the Party of Hope could almost become an LDP coalition partner. It cannot win a majority without Koike as frontrunner, and even if it did, it would lead to a fractious parliament where it would be forced to cooperate with the LDP in order to pass bills through the LDP-dominated upper house. Koike's sudden emergence does not represent a shift in national trends but rather a confirmation of the post-2011 Japanese political consensus in favor of a dovish central bank, dovish fiscal policy, and hawkish foreign policy. Chart 31Abe And Koike Want Private Investment Abe And Koike Want Private Investment Abe And Koike Want Private Investment Chart 32Not Abandoning Nuclear Power Anytime Soon Not Abandoning Nuclear Power Anytime Soon Not Abandoning Nuclear Power Anytime Soon Bottom Line: As things stand, Abe will probably lose his supermajority yet retain his majority in the lower house. This will cause some volatility and policy uncertainty in Japan. Nevertheless, the outlook is still highly reflationary. Koike reveals that the median voter favors pushing Abenomics even further. Should Koike make a dash for the prime minister's slot, she does have a small chance of coming to power. It is hard to put a probability on it until more polling data is available. The biggest policy consequence of a Party of Hope-led government would be her energy agenda of weaning Japan off of nuclear power, which would in the first instance shrink the current account surplus, as during the nuclear shutdown following the Tohoku earthquake in 2011 (Chart 32). However, a Koike majority is unlikely to materialize as things stand, and the LDP in the upper house would be a check on such policies. Go long USD/JPY in expectation of more reflation. Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Chief Geopolitical Strategist marko@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken, Associate Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Jim Mylonas, Vice President Client Advisory & BCA Academy jim@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Secession In Europe: Scotland And Catalonia," dated May 14, 2014, and BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Can Equities And Bonds Continue To Rally?" dated September 20, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see BBC, "Catalan referendum: Catalonia has 'won right to statehood,'" dated October 2, 2017, available at bbc.com. 3 We are referencing poll numbers collected by the Centre d'Estudis d'Opinió, which is run by the pro-independence government of Catalonia. In other words, if biased, the polls should be biased towards independence. 4 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy and Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "Climbing The Wall Of Worry In Europe," dated February 15, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 5 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Constraints And Preferences Of The Trump Presidency," dated November 30, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 6 Apparently, the Democrats! Democratic leaders in Congress oppose tax reform policy that is not revenue-neutral. However, the GOP can ignore them as they plan to use the reconciliation procedure to pass tax policy. 7 Please see John Carney, "Mainstream Media Distort Every Single Thing Gary Cohn Says About GOP Tax Plan," dated September 30, 2017, available at breitbart.com. 8 The announced tax reform plan does not include such a proposal - nor does it provide any detail on how tax cuts would be paid for - but it has been floated as a possibility. This is because it could save the government nearly $370 billion by 2020, according to a report from the congressional Joint Committee on Taxation. 9 For revenue offsets that are likely to pass, we combine the repatriation of foreign earnings ($138 billion over the next decade), the repeal of certain corporate tax breaks ($138 billion), and the repeal of certain individual tax expenditures ($385 billion). We roughly estimate that the offset would total $400 billion, as horse-trading in Congress is likely to reduce the eventual size of overall revenue-offsets. The path of least resistance in Congress is towards more deficit spending, not less. 10 Please see BCA Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Is The Phillips Curve Dead Or Dormant?" dated September 22, 2017, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 11 Please see The Bank Credit Analyst Special Report, "Did Amazon Kill The Phillips Curve?" dated August 31, 2017, available at bca.bcaresearch.com. 12 We recently closed our recommendation of being long Euro Area equities relative to the U.S. in an unhedged position for a 7.88% gain. 13 Please see "China: Xi Is A 'Core' Leader ... So What?" in BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "De-Globalization," dated November 9, 2016; "China: How Far Will Deleveraging Go?" in Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Northeast Asia: Moonshine, Militarism, And Markets," dated May 24, 2017; and Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "China: Looking Beyond The Party Congress," dated July 19, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 14 Please see BCA Emerging Market Strategy Weekly Report, "Copper Versus Money/Credit In China - Which One Is Right?" dated September 6, 2017, available at ems.bcaresearch.com. 15 Please see BCA Foreign Exchange Strategy Weekly Report, "ECB: All About China?" dated April 7, 2017, available at fes.bcaresearch.com. 16 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Northeast Asia: Moonshine, Militarism, And Markets," dated May 24, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 17 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "The Wrath Of Cohn," dated July 26, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 18 The problem still partially exists, as the opposition remains divided by various parties, and left-wing members of the Democratic Party have formed a new Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan that will contest the election and compete with the Party of Hope as well as the ruling LDP. 19 Incidentally, she is one of Koizumi's disciples who can count on his support. 20 According to Shinjiro Koizumi, "If she runs it's irresponsible, if she doesn't run it's irresponsible ... she's in a 'dilemma of irresponsibility.'" Quoted in Robin Harding, "Yuriko Koike hits trouble in Japan election campaign," Financial Times, October 2, 2017, available at www.ft.com. 21 The 22-seat loss referred to above occurred under the leadership of Takeo Miki in 1976. 22 There have been only two occasions in which a multi-term prime minister like Abe lost power due to holding a general election - 1960 and 1972. In the latter, comparable case, Eisaku Sato, who had been in power for eight years, lost power despite the fact that economic growth had recovered from a slight slowdown in 1971. In other words, the lack of enthusiasm for Abe amid a recovering economy is an important warning sign, which we discussed in BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Insights From The Road - Asia," dated August 30, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 23 It will also be important to see if leading politicians continue to defect from other parties and flock to her ranks. Especially politicians from the LDP, and especially those who are not worried, like Mineyuki Fukuda, about losing their seats anyway. 24 It also neglects recent reforms to the electoral system that will eliminate ten seats, only one of which is likely to go to the Party of Hope. 25 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "The Wrath Of Cohn," dated July 26, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 26 Please see Bank of Japan, "Summary Of Opinions At The Monetary Policy Meeting," September 20-21, 2017, p. 5, available at www.boj.or.jp/en.

Highlights Oil prices have hit our target, but more upside is likely. President Trump's tax proposal has arrived and the Trump trades have responded. Surging M&A activity is not a sign of a market top. The supports are all in place for a robust period of U.S. capital spending. We expect another solid earnings season in Q3, with little impact from the hurricanes. Feature The S&P 500, Treasury yields and the dollar all rose last week, with the S&P hitting a new all-time high, even as 10-year Treasury yields hit a 2-month high. The sweet spot for risk assets has been extended by the rise in oil prices and rising prospects for tax cuts in the U.S. M&A activity will continue, which is market bullish because it has not yet reached frothy levels. Moreover, capex is blasting off, which will give growth (and EPS) another boost. The downtrends in both Treasury yields and the dollar this year are over, and they both have more upside given that economic growth and underlying inflation are both improving. Moreover, the FOMC is still in a position to deliver on a December rate hike with 2-3 additional hikes in 2018, which will be a wake-up call for bonds and will reverse this year's dollar weakness. More Upside In Oil Prices Last week, both Brent ($57.50/bbl) and WTI ($51.60/bbl) hit the midpoints of the ranges set by our commodity and energy strategists earlier this year. This milestone provides us with an opportunity to revisit BCA's stance on the oil market. OPEC's deal to cut production will be extended to at least June 2018. Based on BCA's latest assessment of the global oil market,1 OPEC 2.0 will fall short of reducing visible inventories to their 5-year average if the coalition's production cut agreement expires which was initially agreed upon in March 2018. Extending OPEC 2.0's cuts through December 2018 would nudge OECD commercial inventories closer to levels originally targeted by OPEC 2.0 at the end of last year (Chart 1). Therefore, in 2018 we expect WTI to average slightly less than $57.50/bbl and Brent to average just under $59/bbl. Accordingly, there is a higher risk that prices will exceed the upper end of our WTI range ($45/bbl to $65/bbl) with greater frequency next year. Furthermore, BCA's Commodity & Energy Strategy team has raised its global oil demand forecasts for both 2017 and 2018; increased demand will support prices in the next 12 months (Chart 2). Chart 1OPEC 2.0 Needs To Extend Cuts,##BR##To Reduce Global Inventories OPEC 2.0 Needs To Extend Cuts, To Reduce Global Inventories OPEC 2.0 Needs To Extend Cuts, To Reduce Global Inventories Chart 2Base Case For BCA Oil Supply-Demand Balances##BR##Reflects June 2018 Expiry Of OPEC 2.0 Cuts Base Case For BCA Oil Supply-Demand Balances Reflects June 2018 Expiry Of OPEC 2.0 Cuts Base Case For BCA Oil Supply-Demand Balances Reflects June 2018 Expiry Of OPEC 2.0 Cuts Geopolitical risks in Iraq and an escalation in supply disruptions add to BCA's bullish view. The Kurd's vote for independence from Iraq last week will elevate tensions in the region and could trigger a civil war. If a war breaks out over Kirkuk, it will lead to production cuts. Furthermore, civil war in Iraq would reduce the flow of FDI into Iraq's oil infrastructure, further crimping output. Moreover, Russia, which supports the Kurd's fight, would also benefit from high oil prices. Oil production wildcards in 2017 mostly favored more oil output. However, in 2018, supply disruptions will curtail global oil output. Bottom Line: Additional supply cuts, higher demand, elevated tensions in Iraq and a normal spate of supply disruptions, all suggest that there is upside risk to our $45-$65 stance on WTI. A risk to this forecast is a sharply higher dollar linked to expansionary fiscal policy. Tax Cuts Imminent Chart 3Trump Trades Making A Comeback Trump Trades Making A Comeback Trump Trades Making A Comeback As BCA's Geopolitical Strategy service predicted last month, President Trump's long-awaited tax plan will likely be enacted in Q1 2018. Trump and the Republicans in Congress, still desperate for a legislative win after again failing to repeal and replace Obamacare, introduced the proposal last week. However, the plan must clear several hurdles before it becomes law. First, the proposals may run afoul of both deficit hawks and moderates in the Congress' Republican caucus. The initial framework has tax decreases, but no revenue or spending offsets. The implication is that the package would blow out the deficit, alienating the fiscal conservatives. Moderates may not like the lack of cuts for the middle class. Democrats have not yet had their say. The CBO still must score the legislation, and even with dynamic scoring2 which counts on stronger economic growth to boost revenues and reduce outlays for automatic stabilizers and some social programs, it will add to the deficit. This may also cause an uproar in Congress. Nonetheless, on a positive note, Trump has the support of the influential House Ways and Means Committee, as well as the Senate Finance Committee. This was not the case with the Obamacare repeal and replace when the President and his GOP allies were at odds. First and foremost, the GOP-led Congress needs to pass a budget resolution, expected by the end of October. Congress considers the President's request as it formulates a budget resolution, which both houses of Congress must pass. Bottom Line: Investors should watch the response of Congressional Republicans to Trump's tax proposals. A lukewarm reception would indicate that investors' renewed optimism may be premature. The Trump trades have made a comeback in the past two weeks and will continue to be profitable if the current proposal (or something similar) is signed into law in Q1 2018 (Chart 3). If Trump and the GOP could extend the tax cuts into broader tax reform, it would provide a lift to corporate M&A activity. Little Froth From M&A Market U.S. merger and acquisition (M&A) volume peaked along with U.S. equity prices in the late 1990s and mid-2000s, but another top in the current deal market does not signal a top in equity prices. Deal volume (in dollars) and relative to market cap peaked in 1999, again in 2007, and more recently in mid-2015, before a 13% pullback in the S&P 500 in late 2015 and early 2016 (Chart 4). Although not shown on the chart, deal volume surpassed its late 1980s' pinnacle in 1995, five years before equity markets reached record highs in 2000. Through August, corporate takeovers relative to GDP matched those prior heights, but remained below the 1999, 2007 and 2015 tops as a percentage of market cap. Furthermore, global or cross-border M&A, a better indicator of market zest than U.S.-only activity, has not eclipsed the peaks in 2007. Measured against both global GDP and market cap, worldwide corporate combinations are below their 2015 zenith and well below the 2007 peak. At just 7% in 2016, the GDP-based metric was significantly under the mid-2000s pinnacle of 10%. That said, it is difficult to analyze this in context as the time series does not reach back to the late 1990s, which were the boom years for M&A. Bottom Line: Booming M&A activity is not a sign of froth in equity markets but it is a sign that animal spirts are stirring. Overall net equity withdrawal (which includes the net impact of IPOs, share buybacks, and M&A) has not been out of line with previous economic expansions (Chart 5). Stay overweight stocks versus bonds. The uptrend in capital spending is another sign of a shift in animal spirits. Chart 4Roaring M&A Volume Not##BR##A Sign Of A Market Peak Roaring M&A Volume Not A Sign Of A Market Peak Roaring M&A Volume Not A Sign Of A Market Peak Chart 5Comparison Of Corporate Outlays Across Four Economic Expansion Phases Managing The Risks Managing The Risks Capital Spending Blasting Off The capital spending outlook remains bright despite the recent loss of momentum in industrial production, as indicated by BCA's aggregate for IP in the advanced economies (Chart 6). This is disconcerting because global and regional industrial production are important indicators of both economic growth and corporate earnings. The recent softening is due to a few factors. Much of it is linked to weakness in the U.S. where hurricanes affected the August figures. However, most of our leading indicators remain constructive. Chart 7 presents simple models for real GDP growth for the G4 economies based on our household and capital spending indicators. Real GDP growth will continue to accelerate for the G4 economies, according to the model. BCA's aggregate consumer indicator for the G4 appears to have peaked, but the capex indicator is blasting off. The bullish capital spending reading is unanimous across the major economies. Robust capital goods imports for our 20-country aggregate supports the view that "animal spirits" are stirring in boardrooms in the advanced economies. These imports and BCA's capital spending indicators suggest that the small pullback in advanced-economy industrial production will not last, purchasing managers' indexes will remain elevated, and the acceleration in global export activity is only starting (Chart 7). Despite the lack of progress in Washington on repealing Obamacare and enacting tax cuts, even the U.S. small business sector has shifted into a higher gear in terms of hiring and capital spending, according to the NFIB survey (not shown). Moreover, both BCA's real and nominal U.S. capex models, driven by sturdy capital goods orders, elevated ISM readings and surging sentiment on capex, point to strong business spending in the next few quarters (Chart 8). Chart 6Animal Spirits Are Stirring... Animal Spirits Are Stirring... Animal Spirits Are Stirring... Chart 7...Contributing To Stronger G4 Economic Growth ...Contributing To Stronger G4 Economic Growth ...Contributing To Stronger G4 Economic Growth Chart 8Prospects For U.S. Capex Are Good Prospects For U.S. Capex Are Good Prospects For U.S. Capex Are Good Bottom Line: Business capital spending remains sturdy and it will lift overall GDP in 2H despite the recent severe weather. BCA's U.S. Equity Strategy strategists note3 that U.S. industrial machinery manufacturers should be particularly well positioned to see earnings growth outpace the rest of the S&P 500. Stay overweight industrials. Moreover, above-potential GDP growth will keep the Fed on track for gradual tightening this year, and supports BCA's position of stocks over bonds. Stout capital spending will be a theme as the Q3 earnings season unfolds in the next six weeks. Will Hurricanes Impact Q3 Earnings? Chart 9Strong EPS Growth Ahead,##BR##Will Start To Slow Soon Strong EPS Growth Ahead, Will Start To Slow Soon Strong EPS Growth Ahead, Will Start To Slow Soon The Q3 earnings season will be above average and the BCA Earnings model predicts EPS growth will hit roughly 20% later this year on a 4-quarter moving total basis, before moderating in 2018 (Chart 9). The consensus anticipates a 6% year-over-year increase in EPS in Q3 2017 versus Q3 2016, and 12% for 2017. Energy and technology will likely lead the way in earnings growth in Q3, and utilities and telecom will again be the laggards. The favorable profit picture for Q3 and the rest of the year partly reflects the rebound in oil prices, which are expected to swell the energy sector's EPS by 134%. The positive picture also mirrors the sweet spot of rising top-line growth and still muted labor costs, which are driving a countercyclical rally in profit margins. Investors and corporate executives will focus in Q3 on the improving economic conditions in Europe and the EM, the U.S. dollar, the sustainability of margins, and the impact of Hurricanes Harvey and Irma. President Trump's tax proposal will also be vetted during conference call Q&A's, as investors drill managements on the implications of tax cuts on their operations. Rising interest rates may also demand attention from some analysts because the 10-year Treasury yield in Q3 2017 was 45 bps above Q2 2016 and rose sharply in the final weeks of the third quarter. Guidance from CEOs and CFOs on trends in Q4 2017 and beyond are more important than the actual Q3 results (Chart 10). Investors should guard against managements' over-optimism because earnings growth forecasts almost always move lower over time. Chart 10Unusual Stability In '17 And '18 EPS Estimates Unusual Stability In '17 And '18 EPS Estimates Unusual Stability In '17 And '18 EPS Estimates In Q3, as in Q2, firms with elevated overseas sales should benefit from the improved growth profile in Europe, Japan and the EM. Global GDP growth projections for this year and next have steadily perked up, in sharp contrast with prior years when forecasters have relentlessly lowered GDP estimates. The U.S. dollar, which has been only a small drag on EPS in recent quarters, should become a modest plus in Q3; the dollar is down by 3% versus a year ago against a broad basket of currencies. Moreover, in the most recent Beige Book (September 6), mentions of a "strong dollar" declined by 4% compared with a year ago, indicating that the stronger currency has faded as a primary concern of managements in recent months. Nonetheless, BCA's view is that the dollar will appreciate by another 10% in the next 12-18 months. The appreciation would trim EPS growth by roughly 2.5 percentage points, although most of this would occur next year due to lagged effects. Another up leg in the dollar, on its own, should not provide a substantial headwind for the stock market. Indeed, the dollar would only climb in the context of robust U.S. economic growth and an expanding corporate top line. The timely enactment of Trump's tax proposal would boost the greenback. Investors are skeptical that margins can advance in Q3 for the fifth consecutive quarter. BCA's view is that we are in a temporary sweet spot for margins, which should continue for the next quarter or two, but the secular "mean reversion" of margins will resume beyond that time. The effect of Harvey and Irma on Q3 results will be muted for the S&P 500 and most sectors, but several weather-sensitive industries (insurance, airlines, chemicals, refining, leisure, etc.) will see significant disruptions. Charts 11A and 11B show that the impact of major hurricanes does not alter the pre-landfall trajectory of S&P 500 earnings forecasts. Earnings estimates for the energy, industrial and utilities sectors (relative to the S&P) tend to move higher after storms, while relative EPS growth in the materials and staples sectors lag behind. Chart 11AImpact Of Major Hurricanes##BR##On Forward EPS Estimates... Impact Of Major Hurricanes On Forward EPS... Impact Of Major Hurricanes On Forward EPS... Chart 11B...Is Muted For S&P 500##BR##And Most Sectors ...Is Muted For S&P 500 And Most Sectors ...Is Muted For S&P 500 And Most Sectors Bottom Line: Look for another solid performance for earnings and margins in Q3 and the rest of 2017, supporting our stocks-over-bonds stance for this year. However, it may be tougher sledding in 2018 when earnings growth begins to moderate and margins begin to "mean revert". Higher inflation, a more active Fed and a stronger dollar will be headwinds for earnings starting in the early part of 2018. FOMC Unified Yet Divided Chart 12Recent Inflation Readings##BR##Challenge The Fed's View Recent Inflation Readings Challenge The Fed's View Recent Inflation Readings Challenge The Fed's View U.S. inflation is likely to trend higher over the coming months as a variety of one-off factors that depressed inflation earlier this year fall out of the equation. That said, the August PCE deflator challenges that view (Chart 12). Core PCE inflation slowed further to 1.3%, down from 1.4% last month. In fact, core PCE inflation of 1.3% is at the exact same level as when the Fed delivered its first rate hike in December 2015. Moreover, the diffusion index dipped back to zero, implying the price weakness was widespread. The rollover in the PCE this year is consistent with the soft CPI readings. However, Fed officials highlight the trend in underlying inflation (Chart 12, panel 4) as they make the case for gradual rate hikes. Risk assets are unlikely to suffer if inflation rises towards the Fed's target against the backdrop of stronger growth. However, if inflation moves above the Fed's target due to brewing supply bottlenecks, the Fed will have little choice but to pick up the pace of rate hikes. This could unsettle markets and sow the seeds for the next recession, which we tentatively expect to occur in the second half of 2019. The market is pricing in only 42 basis points of hikes between now and the end of next year. FOMC voting members agree that the path for the normalization of monetary policy should be gradual. However, the path of inflation has provoked squabbling in the past month (Diagram 1) in the Fed and regional branches. Even though the Fed is path-dependent rather than data-dependent, the consensus remains that low inflation is due to temporary factors and higher consumer prices should soon rebound, justifying a December 2017 rate hike. FRBNY President William Dudley remains committed to further gradual rate hikes, although he has been recently surprised by the shortfall of inflation from the FOMC's 2% long-run objective. Fed Chair Janet Yellen confidently backed Dudley's optimism, stating that "low inflation likely reflects factors whose influence should fade over time." But she also struck a cautious tone by highlighting the risks around the uncertainty for the inflation outlook. Yellen even conceded that the Fed would not rule out pausing its gradual rate hike cycle given that they "may have misjudged the strength of the labor market, the degree to which longer-run inflation expectations are consistent with the inflation objective, or even fundamental forces driving inflation". Diagram 1Unified On Gradual Path But Divided On Inflation Path Managing The Risks Managing The Risks To manage risks, Chair Yellen offered a prescription of scenarios to strengthen the case for a gradual path: "Moving too quickly risks over adjusting policy to head off projected developments that may not come to pass. A gradual approach is particularly appropriate in light of subdued inflation and a low neutral real interest rate, which imply that the FOMC will have only limited scope to cut the federal funds rate should the economy be hit with an adverse shock. But we should also be wary of moving too gradually. Without further modest increases in the federal funds rate over time, there is a risk that the labor market could eventually become overheated, potentially creating an inflationary problem down the road that might be difficult to overcome without triggering a recession." In contrast, dovish FOMC members are apprehensive about the outlook for higher inflation. Governor Lael Brainard, known for her influence on the consensus at the FOMC, needs more confirmation that inflation is moving towards the 2% objective. FRB Chicago President Charles Evans, a dove, but mostly in line with the FOMC consensus, also is skeptical about inflation overshooting its 2% target and is worried about a potential policy mistake. Even FRB Minneapolis President Kashkari, the most dovish and a known dissenter, does not see inflation spiraling out of control given that the economy is unlikely to overheat anytime soon. Not surprising, FOMC hawks Esther George (Kansas City) and Patrick Harker (Philadelphia) noted in speeches late last week that policy was still accommodative and that gradual rate hikes are in order. Ultimately, a pickup in inflation is required to convince the doves at the Fed that even gradual rate hikes are required. BCA's stance is that inflation will pick up over the next year as the unemployment rate falls further and the output gap closes. Bottom Line: The Fed is likely to raise rates in December and three or four more times in 2018. We recommend investors remain underweight duration. Nonetheless, the Treasury market remains unconvinced about the Fed's view on rates and inflation. The implication for investors is that although 10-year Treasury bond yields have risen sharply in recent weeks, we see more upside in yields. John Canally, CFA, Senior Vice President U.S. Investment Strategy johnc@bcaresearch.com Jizel Georges, Senior Analyst jizelg@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see BCA Research's Commodity & Energy Strategy Weekly Report, "OPEC 2.0 Will Extend Cuts To June 2018," September 21, 2017. Available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see BCA Research's Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Reconciliation And The Markets - Warning: This Report May Put You To Sleep," May 31, 2017. Available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see BCA Research's U.S. Equity Strategy Insight "Accelerating Global Manufacturing Means More Machines", dated September 22, 2017. Available at uses.bcaresearch.com.