East Europe & Central Asia

Highlights So What? Maintain a cautious stance on Turkish currency and risk assets. Why? Following the AKP’s defeat in Istanbul, Erdogan has doubled down on unorthodox economic policies. Improvements in the current account balance are temporary. Unless investor sentiment is meaningfully repaired, the lira will resume its decline in 2020. In the meantime, tensions with the West – especially the U.S. – will remain elevated. The imposition of secondary sanctions from the U.S. is likely. Feature U.S. President Donald Trump is wavering in the trade war, which is ostensibly positive news for global risk assets that are selling off dramatically amid very gloomy expectations about the near future. The question is whether the delay is too little, too late to halt the slide in financial markets in the near term. The reason to be optimistic is that interest rates have fallen and the global monetary policy “put” is fully in effect. Moreover, it is irrefutable now that President Trump is sensitive to the negative financial effects of the trade war. He is delaying new tariffs on some of the remaining $300 billion worth of imports from China not simply because consumer price inflation has ticked up but more fundamentally because the tightening of financial conditions increases the risk of a recession. A president can survive a small increase in inflation but not a big increase in unemployment. The reason to be pessimistic is that global economic expectations are threatening the crisis levels of 2008 (Chart 1) and Trump’s tariff delay offers cold comfort. His administration has not delayed all the tariffs, and the delay lasts only three months. Rather than renew the license for U.S. companies to do business with Chinese telecom giant Huawei, his Commerce Department has deferred any decision – leaving uncertainty to fester in the all-important tech sector. Chart 1Global Economic Expectations Near Crisis Levels Global Economic Expectations Near Crisis Levels Global Economic Expectations Near Crisis Levels Chart 2More China Stimulus Needed To Prevent EM Breakdown More China Stimulus Needed To Prevent EM Breakdown More China Stimulus Needed To Prevent EM Breakdown Beneath the surface is the fact that China’s money-and-credit growth faltered in July, suggesting that negative sentiment is still suppressing credit demand and preventing policy stimulus from having as big of a bang as in 2015-16. The late-July Politburo meeting signaled a more accommodative turn in policy, as we have expected, and BCA’s China strategist Jing Sima expects more fiscal stimulus to be announced after the October 1 National Day celebration. But high-beta economies and assets will suffer in the meantime – especially emerging market assets (Chart 2). Emerging markets are also seeing geopolitical risks rise across the board – and with the exception of China and Brazil, these risks are underrated by markets: Greater China: Beijing is getting closer to intervening in Hong Kong with police or military force. Such a crackdown will increase the odds of a confrontation with Taiwan and a backlash across the region and world, meaning that East Asian currencies in particular have more room to break down. India: The escalation in Kashmir is not a “red herring.” A single terrorist attack in India blamed on Pakistan could trigger a dangerous military standoff that hurts rather than helps Indian equities, unlike the heavily dramatized standoff ahead of the election earlier this year. Russia: Large-scale protests, overshadowed by Hong Kong, highlight domestic instability amid falling oil prices. These developments bode ill for Russian currency and equities. We will return to these risks in the coming weeks. This week we offer a special report on Turkey, where political risk is becoming extremely underrated as the lira rallies despite a further deterioration in governance (Chart 3). Chart 3Political Risks Are Underrated In Turkey Political Risks Are Underrated In Turkey Political Risks Are Underrated In Turkey Too Early To Write Off Erdogan “Whoever wins Istanbul, wins Turkey … Whoever loses Istanbul, loses Turkey.” President Recep Tayyip Erdogan Turkey’s ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) has had a tough year. The March 31 local elections – especially the rerun election for mayor of Istanbul – dealt the party its biggest electoral losses since it emerged as the country’s dominant political force in 2002 (Chart 4). The elections came to be seen as a referendum on President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and thus raise the question of whether the party’s strongman leader is in decline – and what that might mean for emerging market investors. Erdogan’s grip on power has long been overrated – it is his vulnerability that has driven him to such extremes of policy over the past decade. The Gezi Park protests of 2013 and the attempted military coup of 2016 revealed significant strains of internal opposition in the aftermath of the Great Recession. Chart 4 With each case of dissent, the AKP responded by stimulating the economy and tightening state control over society (Chart 5). But this strategy faltered last year when monetary policy finally became overextended, the currency collapsed, and the country slid into recession. The opposition finally had its moment. Chart 5 The AKP is less a source of unity. Chart 6 As a consequence, the AKP is less a source of unity among Turkish voters. Both its share of seats in parliament and the overall level of party concentration in the Turkish parliament have declined since 2002 (Chart 6). Were it not for its coalition partner, the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), the AKP would not have gained a majority in the 2018 parliamentary election. The AKP’s popular base consists of conservative, rural, and religious voters. This bloc is losing influence in parliament relative to centrist and left-wing parties (Chart 7). Moreover, the share of Turks identifying with political Islam, while still the largest grouping, is declining. Those who identify with more secular Turkish nationalism are on the rise (Chart 8). Chart 7 Does this shift entail a major turn in national policy? Will a new party emerge to challenge the AKP at last? Chart 8Secular Nationalism Is On The Rise Secular Nationalism Is On The Rise Secular Nationalism Is On The Rise There has long been speculation that former AKP leaders such as former Turkish president Abdullah Gul, former prime minister Ahmet Davutoglu, and former deputy prime minister Ali Babacan might form a political alternative. The latter resigned from the AKP on July 8, reviving speculation that a rival party could emerge that is capable of combining disillusioned AKP voters with the broader opposition movement at a time when Erdogan’s vulnerability has been made plain. However, the opposition is likely getting ahead of itself. The ruling party still has many tools at its disposal. Its share of seats in parliament is more than double that of the main opposition party, the Republican People’s Party (CHP). It is also viewed favorably in rural areas, and support for Erdogan there will not shift easily. Moreover, despite the negative electoral trend, the AKP has a lot of enthusiasm among its supporters – it is the party with the highest favorability among its own voters (Chart 9). The March election served as a wakeup call for the AKP – a warning not to take its power for granted. Erdogan can still salvage his position. The next election is not due until June 2023, leaving the party with four years to recuperate. While polls for the 2023 parliamentary election paint an ominous sign (Chart 10), they are very early, and the key will be whether Erdogan can divide the opposition and reconnect with his voter base. Above all, this will depend on what changes he makes to economic policy. Chart 9 Chart 10Erdogan Needs To Reconnect With Voter Base Erdogan Needs To Reconnect With Voter Base Erdogan Needs To Reconnect With Voter Base Bottom Line: Erdogan’s and the AKP’s popularity is waning, but it is too soon to write them off. The key question is how Erdogan will handle economic policy now that there are chinks in his armor. Doubling Down On Erdoganomics The fluctuation in the lira “is a U.S.-led operation by the West to corner Turkey … The inflation rate will drop as we lower interest rates.” President Recep Tayyip Erdogan Chart 11 Erdogan needs to see the economy back to recovery in order to secure his success in the next election. A survey conducted early this year reveals that Turks view unemployment, the high cost of living, and the depreciation of the lira as the most significant problems facing Turkey, with 27% of respondents indicating that unemployment is the most important problem facing the country (Chart 11). More importantly, Turks do not have much confidence in the government’s ability to manage this pain – only one-third of respondents viewed economic policies as successful, a 14pp decline from the previous year. This highlights the need for Erdogan to revive confidence in Turkey’s policymaking institutions and to deliver on the economic front.     The key is how Erdogan will handle economic policy. However, it is still too early to call for a sustainable improvement in the Turkish economy as many of the same fundamental imbalances continue to pose risks. While the current account has improved significantly – even registering a surplus in May – the improvement will not endure (Chart 12). On the one hand, the weaker lira has made exports more attractive relative to global competition. However, the improvement in the external balance is in large part due to weaker imports which are now more expensive for Turkey’s residents and have fallen by 19% y/y in 1H2019. Shrinking imports also reflect weak domestic demand which has been weighed down by tight monetary conditions (Chart 13). Chart 12Current Account Improvement Will Not Endure Current Account Improvement Will Not Endure Current Account Improvement Will Not Endure Chart 13Tight Monetary Conditions Weighed On Domestic Demand Tight Monetary Conditions Weighed On Domestic Demand Tight Monetary Conditions Weighed On Domestic Demand What is more, portfolio inflows which in the past were necessary to offset the large current account deficit, have collapsed (Chart 14). Were it not for the improvement in the trade balance, the central bank of the Republic of Turkey (CBRT) would have experienced a pronounced decline in its foreign reserves, and currency pressures would have been significant. A meaningful improvement in investor sentiment – which will remain cautious on the back of economic and geopolitical risks – is a necessary precondition for the return of these inflows. Nevertheless, the current account deficit will likely remain narrow in the second half of the year as the trade balance improves on the back of a weak lira and imports remain depressed due to soft domestic demand. This will keep the lira supported over this period. Although risks from a wide current account deficit have been temporarily put off, years of foreign debt accumulation are a hazard to a sustainable improvement in the lira. Foreign debt obligations (FDO) due over the coming 12 months are extremely elevated at $167 billion (Chart 15). It is not clear that they can be paid off. While the FDO figure is overly pessimistic as some of these debts will be rolled over, net central bank foreign exchange reserves can cover only 2.7% of these obligations. This poses downside risks on the lira at a time when inflows have not yet recovered.1 Moreover, unorthodox economic policies will eventually reverse any improvement in the currency. Chart 14Financial Account Does Not Lend Support Financial Account Does Not Lend Support Financial Account Does Not Lend Support Chart 15FDO Pose A Risk To The Currency FDO Pose A Risk To The Currency FDO Pose A Risk To The Currency While the 4 years between now and the next election could be an opportunity to embark on unpopular structural reforms that will improve the outlook by the time voting season rolls in, Erdogan has instead doubled down on his current strategy. Less than two weeks after the results of the Istanbul election rerun, CBRT governor Murat Cetinkaya was removed by presidential decree. A month later, key CBRT staff were dismissed.2 Chart 16 At his first monetary policy committee meeting as governor on July 25, Murat Uysal slashed the one-week repo rate by 425bps. Given Erdogan’s outspoken distaste for high interest rates, the president’s consolidation of power over economic decision making implies that the outlook for easier monetary policy is now guaranteed. However, the ramifications of this dovish shift will be concerning for voters. The depreciating lira was singled out as the most important economic problem facing Turkey by the largest number of survey respondents (Chart 16). Erdogan’s pursuit of dovish policies despite popular opinion shows that he is doubling down on unorthodox policy despite popular opinion. Monetary easing threatens to unwind the current account improvement and ultimately de-stabilize the lira. Assuming that the banking sector does not hold back the supply of credit to the private sector, lower rates will generate a pickup in demand which will raise imports and widen the current account deficit. Unless there is a marked improvement in investor sentiment – which will remain tainted by the erosion of central bank independence and increased tensions with the West – a return in portfolio inflows to pre-2018 levels is unlikely. As a consequence the lira will begin to soften anew in 2020. The lira will soften anew in 2020. While inflation will subside as the lira stabilizes this year, it will likely remain elevated relative to pre-2018 levels – in the 10% to 15% range. Contrary to Erdoganomics, traditional economic theory postulates that interest rate cuts pose upside pressure on prices. The resurgence in domestic demand will occur against a backdrop of rising wages (Chart 17). Chart 17Price Pressures Will Persist Price Pressures Will Persist Price Pressures Will Persist With foreign currency reserves running low, the CBRT recently adopted several measures to discourage locals from exchanging their liras for foreign currency. These efforts reflect attempts to mitigate the negative impact of monetary easing on the lira, and to ensure FX reserves are supported: A 1-percentage point increase in the reserve requirement ratio for foreign currency deposits and participation funds. A 1-percentage point reduction in the interest rate on dollar-denominated required reserves, reserve options and free reserves held at the bank. An increase in the tax on some foreign exchange sales to 0.1% from zero. These measures make it more expensive for banks to hold foreign currency, incentivizing lira holdings instead. They also raise the CBRT’s foreign reserves highlighting the downside risks on these holdings and the lira. However, given that these measures boost CBRT reserves only superficially – rather than mirroring an improvement in the underlying economic conditions – they highlight that need for policy tightening to defend the lira, even as the CBRT officially pursues an accommodative path. Bottom Line: The Turkish economy will be extremely relevant to Erdogan’s fate in 2023. However with large foreign debt obligations, a rate cutting cycle underway, and foreign investors who remain uneasy, the case for Turkey’s economic recovery – especially amid turbulent global conditions – is weak. In the meantime, Erdogan will continue to blame external factors for the nation’s malaise. Don’t Bet On Trump-Erdogan Friendship “Being Asian and in Asia is as important as being European and in Europe for us.” Turkish Foreign Minister Melvut Cavusoglu For several years Erdogan has attempted to distract the populace from the country’s economic slide by adopting an aggressive foreign policy, particularly toward the West. The immediate cause is Syria, where Turkey has fundamental security interests that clash with those of the U.S. and Europe. But tensions also stem from Erdogan’s economic and political instability. This aggressive foreign policy has not changed in the wake of the AKP’s electoral loss. Erdogan is continuing to test the U.S.’s and EU’s limits and the result is likely to be surprise events, such as U.S.-imposed sanctions, that hurt Turkey’s economy and financial assets. Erdogan clashes with the West both because of substantive regional disagreements and because it plays well domestically. Turks increasingly see the U.S. and other formal NATO allies as a threat, while looking more favorably upon American rivals like Russia, China, Iran, and Venezuela (Chart 18). The U.S., meanwhile, is expanding the use of “secondary sanctions” to impose costs on states that make undesirable deals with its rivals, and Turkey is now in its sights. The reason is Erdogan’s decision to purchase the S400 missile defense system from Russia. This decision exemplifies the breakdown in the U.S.-Turkish alliance and Turkey’s search for alternative partners and allies. The arms sale is likely – eventually – to trigger secondary sanctions under the U.S. International Emergency Economic Powers Act and especially the Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA). Washington has already imposed sanctions on China for buying the same weapons from Russia. Erdogan recently accepted the first delivery of components for the S400s, which are supposed to go live by April 2020. He stuck with this decision in disregard of Washington’s warnings. He has a solid base of popular support across political parties for this act of foreign policy and military independence from the U.S. (Chart 19). But the full consequences have not yet been felt. Chart 18 Chart 19 President Trump’s response is muted thus far. He banned Turkish pilots from the U.S. F-35 program and training but has not yet imposed sanctions due to his special relationship with Erdogan and ongoing negotiations over Syria. Syria is the root of the breakdown in Turkish-American relations since 2014. Washington and Ankara have clashed repeatedly over their preferred means of intervening into the Syrian civil war and fighting the Islamic State. The U.S. relies on the Syrian Democratic Forces, led by the Kurdish People’s Protection Units (YPG), which are affiliated with the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). The PKK is based in Turkey and both the U.S. and Turkey designate it as a “terrorist organization” due to its militant activities in its long-running struggle for autonomy from Turkey. Chart 20 Turkey has intervened in Syria west of the Euphrates River and has repeatedly threatened to conduct deeper strikes against the Kurds. The latter would put U.S. troops in harm’s way and could result in lost leverage for Western forces seeking to maintain their YPG allies and force an acceptable settlement to the Syrian conflict. There is a basis for a deal between Presidents Trump and Erdogan that could keep sanctions from happening. Trump is attempting to wash its hands of Syria to fulfill a promise of limiting U.S. costs in wars abroad. Meanwhile an aggressive intervention in Syria is not a popular option in Turkey, which is why Erdogan has not acted on threats to seize a larger swath of territory (Chart 20). As a result, the U.S. and Turkey recently formed a joint operation center to coordinate and manage “safe zones” for Syrian refugees. If they can manage the gray area on the Turkish-Syrian border, the Trump administration can continue to prepare for withdrawal while preventing Erdogan from taking too much Kurdish territory. The tradeoff is clear, but similar agreements have fallen apart. First, the U.S. Congress is ready to impose sanctions over the S400s and Trump is under pressure to punish Turkey for undermining NATO and dealing with the Russians. Second, the Trump administration has not found an acceptable solution to the Syrian imbroglio that makes full withdrawal possible. If Trump becomes convinced that the risks of a total and rapid withdrawal from Syria are greater than the rewards (as many of his GOP allies staunchly believe), then he has less incentive to protect Erdogan. Meanwhile Erdogan could still decide he needs to plunge deeper into Syria to counteract the YPG. Or he could retaliate against any sanctions over the S400s and provoke a broader tit-for-tat exchange. He has threatened to cancel orders for Boeing aircraft worth $10 billion. Clearly U.S. sanctions will cause the lira to fall and send Turkey into another bout of financial turmoil. In the meantime Turkey’s relations with Europe also pose risks. While the refugee crisis has abated, in great part due to Turkish cooperation, other disagreements are still problematic: The EU is not upgrading Turkey’s customs union and both sides know that Turkey is not eligible for EU membership anytime soon. In response to what the EU has deemed as illegal drilling for oil and gas off the coast of Cyprus, the EU called off high-level political meetings with Turkey and suspended EUR 145.8 million in pre-accession aid. EU foreign ministers have also put off talks on the Comprehensive Air Transport Agreement between the two parties which would have led to an increase in passengers using Turkish airports as a transit hub. In addition, EU ministers asked the European Investment Bank to review its lending activities in Turkey, which amounted to EUR 358.8 million last year. Erdogan is taking a bolder approach to Cyprus. He has decided to send a fourth ship to drill for natural gas in Cyprus’s Exclusive Economic Zone in the Eastern Mediterranean. The purpose is to rally support for his government by calling on the public’s strong allegiance to Turkish Cypriots (Chart 21). The problem is that a confrontation sought as a domestic distraction could provoke negative policy reactions from the EU (or the U.S., which is reconsidering its arms embargo on the Greek Cypriot side). Relations with the West would get worse. Chart 21 Chart 22... But Turkey Cannot Afford To Flout The EU ... But Turkey Cannot Afford To Flout The EU ... But Turkey Cannot Afford To Flout The EU Turkey cannot afford to flout the U.S. and EU. Its economy is dependent on Europe (Chart 22). And the U.S. still underwrites Turkey’s NATO membership and access to the global financial system. The problem is that Erdogan is an ambitious and unorthodox leader and he has clearly wagered that he can rally domestic support through various confrontations with Western policies. This means that for the immediate future the country is more likely to clash with Western nations than it is to recognize its own limits. Political risks are frontloaded and investors should be cautious before trying to snap up the depressed lira or Turkish government bonds. Bottom Line: Tensions with the West – especially the U.S. – will likely lead to economic sanctions. While there is a basis for Presidents Trump and Erdogan to avoid a falling out, it is not reliable enough to underpin a constructive investment position – especially given Erdogan has not changed course in the wake of this year’s significant electoral loss. Investment Conclusions Chart 23Optimism On Lira Amid Unresolved Risks Optimism On Lira Amid Unresolved Risks Optimism On Lira Amid Unresolved Risks The lira has rallied by 3.6% since the Istanbul election. It has risen 0.3% since the replacement of CBRT Governor Murat Cetinkaya and rallied further despite the sacking of the central bank’s chief economist and other high-level staff (Chart 23). Given that the market knows that the central bank reshuffle entails interest rate cuts, is this a clear signal that the lira has hit a firm bottom and cannot fall further? Turkey is more likely to clash with Western nations.  We doubt it. First, Erdogan’s doubling down on unorthodox policy threatens the recovery in the currency and risk assets and his aggressive foreign policy raises the risk of sanctions and further economic pain. Second, although Turkey is not overly exposed to China, it is heavily exposed to Europe, which is on the brink of a full-fledged recession and depends heavily on the Chinese credit cycle – which had another disappointment in July. German manufacturing PMI has been sinking further below the 50 boom-bust mark since the beginning of the year, and the economy contracted in 2Q2019 (Chart 24). Chart 24Global Backdrop Not Yet Supportive Global Backdrop Not Yet Supportive Global Backdrop Not Yet Supportive Chart 25Improvement In Spread Will Be Fleeting Improvement In Spread Will Be Fleeting Improvement In Spread Will Be Fleeting Given these domestic and global economic risks and geopolitical tensions, we expect any improvement in the sovereign spread to be fleeting (Chart 25). While the lira may experience temporary improvement, pressures will re-emerge in 2020 as the lagged impact of Erdogan’s pursuit of growth at all costs re-emerge. Stay on the sidelines as any improvement in the near term is fraught with risk.     Roukaya Ibrahim, Editor/Strategist Geopolitical Strategy roukayai@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken, Vice President Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 See Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report, “Country Insights: Indonesia, Turkey, And The UAE” May 2, 2019, ems.bcaresearch.com. 2 Among those removed are the central bank’s chief economist Hakan Kara as well as the research and monetary policy general manager, markets general manager, and banking and financial institutions general manager.

Highlights So What? Key geopolitical risks remain unresolved and most of the improvements are transitory. Maintain a cautious tactical stance toward risk assets. Why? U.S.-China relations remain the preeminent geopolitical risk to investors and President Trump remains a wild card on trade. Japan’s rising assertiveness in the region will also produce clashes with the Koreas and possibly also with China. USMCA ratification is not a red herring for investors. We expect USMCA will pass by year’s end but our conviction level is low. Trump’s threat to withdraw from NAFTA cannot be entirely ruled out. Remain long JPY-USD and overweight Thailand relative to EM equities. Feature Chart 1U.S. And Chinese Policy Growing More Simulative U.S. And Chinese Policy Growing More Simulative U.S. And Chinese Policy Growing More Simulative We maintain our cautious tactical stance toward risk assets despite improvements to the cyclical macro outlook. American and Chinese monetary and fiscal policy are growing more stimulative on the margin – an encouraging sign for the global economy and risk assets. We have frequently predicted this combination as a positive factor for the second half of the year and 2020. With the Federal Reserve likely to deliver a 25 basis point interest rate cut on July 31, the market is pricing in positive policy developments (Chart 1). Yet in the U.S., long-term fiscal and regulatory policies are increasingly uncertain as the Democratic Party primary and 2020 election heat up. And in China, the trade war continues to drag on the effectiveness of the government’s stimulus drive. President Trump remains a wild card on trade: the resumption of U.S.-China talks is precarious and will be accompanied by heightened uncertainty surrounding Mexico, Canada, Japan, and Europe in the near term. Even the USMCA’s ratification is not guaranteed, as we discuss below. Even more pressing are the dramatic events taking place in East Asia: Hong Kong, Japan, the Koreas, Taiwan, and the South and East China Seas. These events each entail near-term uncertainty amid the ongoing slowdown in trade and manufacturing. Our long-running theme of geopolitical risk rotation from the Middle East to East Asia has come to fruition, albeit at the moment geopolitical risk is rising in both regions due to the simultaneous showdown between Iran and the United States and United Kingdom. The market recognizes that geopolitical risks are unresolved, according to this month’s update of our currency- and equity-derived GeoRisk Indicators. This is in keeping with the above points. We regard most of the improvements as transitory – especially the drop in risk in the U.K., where Boris Johnson is now officially prime minister. We are therefore sticking with our cautious trade recommendations despite our agreement with the BCA House View that the cyclical outlook is improving and is positive for global risk assets on a 12-month horizon. What Is Happening To East Asian Stability? A raft of crises has struck East Asia, a region known for political stability and ease of doing business throughout the twenty-first century after its successful recovery from the financial crisis of 1997. The thawing of Asia’s frozen post-WWII conflicts is a paradigm shift with significant long-term consequences for investors. The fundamental drivers are as follows: China’s rise is not peaceful: President Xi Jinping has reasserted Communist Party control while pursuing mercantilist trade policy and aggressive foreign policy. The populations of Hong Kong and Taiwan have reacted negatively to Beijing’s tightening grip, exposing the difficulty of resolving serious political disagreements given unclear constitutional frameworks. Recent protests in Hong Kong are even larger than those in 2014 and 1989 (Table 1). Table 1Hong Kong: Recent Protests The Largest Ever East Asia Risks And The USMCA – GeoRisk Indicators Update: July 26, 2019 East Asia Risks And The USMCA – GeoRisk Indicators Update: July 26, 2019 America’s “pivot” is not peaceful: The United States is determined to respond to China’s rise, but political polarization has prevented a coherent strategy. The Democrats took a gradual, multilateral path emphasizing the Trans-Pacific Partnership while the Republicans have taken an abrupt, unilateral path emphasizing sweeping tariffs. Underlying trade policy is the increased use of “hard power” by both parties – freedom of navigation operations, weapons sales, and alliance-maintenance. America is threatening the strategic containment of China, which China will resist through alliances and relations with Russia and others. Japan’s resurgence is not peaceful: Japan’s “lost decades” culminated in the crises and disasters of 2008-11. Since then, Japan’s institutional ruling party – the Liberal Democrats – have embraced a more proactive vision of Japan in which the country casts off the shackles of its WWII settlement. They set about reflating the economy and “normalizing” the country’s strategic and military posture. The result is rising tension with China and the Koreas. Korean “reunion” is not peaceful: North Korea has seen a successful power transition to Kim Jong Un, who is attempting economic reforms to prolong the regime. South Korea has witnessed a collapse among political conservatives and a new push to make peace with the North and improve relations with China. The prospect of peace – or eventual reunification – increases political risk in both Korean regimes and provokes quarrels between erstwhile allies: the North and China, and the South and Japan. Southeast Asia’s rise is not peaceful: Southeast Asia is the prime beneficiary in a world where supply chains move out of China, due to China’s internal development and American trade policy. But it also suffers when China encroaches on its territory or reacts negatively to American overtures. Higher expectations from the U.S. will increase the political risk to Taiwan, South Korea, Vietnam, and the Philippines. This is the critical context for the mass protests in Hong Kong and the miniature trade war between Japan and South Korea, and other regional risks. Which conflicts are market-relevant? How will they play out? The U.S.-China Conflict The most important dynamic is the strategic conflict between the U.S. and China. Its pace and intensity have ramifications for all the other states in the region. Because the Trump administration is seeking a trade agreement with China, it has held off from unduly antagonizing China over Hong Kong and Taiwan. President Trump has not fanned the flames of unrest in Hong Kong and has maintained only a gradual pace of improvements in the Taiwan relationship.1 But if the trade war escalates dramatically, Beijing will face greater economic pressure, growing more sensitive about dissent within Greater China, and Washington may take more provocative actions. Saber-rattling could ensue, as nearly occurred in October 2018. Currently events are moving in a more market-positive direction. Next week, the U.S. and China are expected to resume face-to-face trade negotiations between principal negotiators for the first time since May. China is reportedly preparing to purchase more farm goods – part of the Osaka G20 ceasefire – while the Trump administration has met with U.S. tech companies and is expected to allow Chinese telecoms firm Huawei to continue purchasing American components (at least those not clearly impacting national security). We are upgrading the odds of a trade agreement by November 2020 to 40% from 32% in mid-June. With this resumption of talks, we are upgrading the odds of a trade agreement by November 2020 to 40%, from 32% in mid-June (Diagram 1). Of this 40%, we still give only a 5% chance to a durable, long-term deal that resolves underlying technological and strategic disputes. The remaining 35% goes to a tenuous deal that enables President Trump to declare victory prior to the election and allows President Xi Jinping to staunch the bleeding in the manufacturing sector. Diagram 1U.S.-China Trade War Decision Tree (Updated July 26, 2019) East Asia Risks And The USMCA – GeoRisk Indicators Update: July 26, 2019 East Asia Risks And The USMCA – GeoRisk Indicators Update: July 26, 2019 Note that these odds still leave a 60% chance for an escalation of the trade war by November 2020. Our conviction level is low when it comes to the two moderate scenarios. Ultimately, Presidents Trump and Xi can agree to a trade agreement at the drop of a hat – no one can stop Xi from ordering large imports from the U.S. or Trump from rolling back tariffs. Our conviction level is much higher in assigning only a 5% chance of a grand compromise and a 36% chance of a cold war-style escalation of tensions. We doubt that China will offer any structural concessions deeper than what they have already offered (new foreign investment law, financial sector opening) prior to finding out who wins the U.S. election in 2020. Beijing is stabilizing the economy even though tariffs have gone up. As long as this remains the case, why would it implement additional painful reforms? This would set a precedent of caving to tariff coercion – and yet Trump could renege on a deal anytime, and the Democrats might take over in 2020 anyway. The one exception might be North Korea, where China could do more to bring about a diplomatic agreement favorable to President Trump as part of an overall deal before November 2020 – and this could excuse China from structural concessions affecting its internal economy. The takeaway is that U.S.-China trade issues are still far from resolved and have a high probability of failure – and this will be a source of strategic tension within the region over the next 16 months, particularly with regard to Taiwan, the Koreas, and the South China Sea. Hong Kong And Taiwan Chart 2 August can be a crucial time period for policy changes as Chinese leaders often meet at the seaside resort of Beidaihe to strategize. This year they need to focus on handling the unrest in Hong Kong, and the Taiwanese election in January, as well as the trade war with the United States. Protests in Hong Kong have continued, driven by underlying socio-economic factors as well as Beijing’s encroachment on traditional political liberties. Even the groups that are least sympathetic to the protesters – political moderates, the elderly, low-income groups, and the least educated – are more or less divided over the controversial extradition bill that prompted the unrest (Chart 2). This reveals that the political establishment is weak on this issue. Chief Executive Carrie Lam is clinging to power, as Beijing does not want to give the impression that popular dissent is a viable mechanism for removing leaders. But she has become closely associated with the extradition bill and will likely have to go in order to satiate the protesters and begin the process of healing. As long as Beijing refrains from rolling in the military and using outright force to crush the Hong Kong protests, the unrest should gradually die down, as the political establishment will draw support for its concessions while the general public will grow weary of the protests – especially as violence spreads. Hong Kong has no alternative to Beijing’s sovereignty. The scene of action will soon turn to Taiwan, where the January 2020 election has the potential to spark the next flashpoint in Xi Jinping’s struggle to consolidate power in Greater China. Chart 3 A large majority of Taiwanese people supports the Hong Kong protests – even most supporters of the pro-mainland Kuomintang (KMT) (Chart 3). This dynamic is now affecting the Taiwanese election slated for January 2020. The relatively pro-mainland KMT has been polling neck-and-neck with the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), which has struggled to gain traction throughout its term given diplomatic and economic headwinds stemming from the mainland. Similarly, while popular feeling is still largely in favor of eventual independence, pro-unification feeling has regained momentum in an apparent rebuke to the pro-independence ruling party (Chart 4). However, the events in Hong Kong have changed things by energizing the democratic and mainland-skeptic elements in Taiwan. President Tsai Ing-wen is now taking a slight lead in the presidential head-to-head opinion polls despite a long period of lackluster polling (Chart 5). Chart 4 Chart 5 A close election increases the risk that policymakers and activists in Taiwan, mainland China, the United States, and elsewhere will take actions attempting to influence the election outcome. Beijing will presumably heed the lesson of the 1996 election and avoid anything too aggressive so as not to drive voters into the arms of the DPP. However, with Hong Kong boiling, and with Beijing having already conducted intimidating military drills encircling Taiwan in recent years, there is a chance that past lessons will be forgotten. The United States could also play a disruptive role, especially if trade talks deteriorate. If the KMT wins, then anti-Beijing activists will eventually begin gearing up for protests themselves, which in subsequent years could overshadow the Sunflower Movement of 2013. If the DPP prevails, Beijing may resort to tougher tactics in the coming years due to its fear of the province’s political direction and the DPP’s policies. In sum, while the Hong Kong saga is far from over and has negative long-run implications for domestic and foreign investors, Taiwan is the greater risk because it has the potential not only to suffer individually but also to become the epicenter of a larger geopolitical confrontation between China and the U.S. and its allies. This would present a more systemic challenge to global investors. Japan And “Peak Abe” Chart 6 Japan’s House of Councillors election on July 21 confirmed our view that Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has reached the peak of his influence. Abe is still popular and is likely to remain so through the Tokyo summer Olympics next year (Chart 6). But make no mistake, the loss of his two-thirds supermajority in the upper house shows that he has moved beyond the high tide of his influence. Having retained a majority in the upper house, and a supermajority in the much more powerful lower house (House of Representatives), Abe’s government still has the ability to pass regular legislation (Chart 7). If he needs to drive through a bill delaying the consumption tax hike on October 1 due to a deterioration in the global economic and political environment, he can still do so with relative ease. While the Hong Kong saga is far from over ... Taiwan is the greater risk. Chart 7 Clearly, the election loss will not impact Abe’s ability to negotiate a trade deal with the United States, which we expect to happen quickly – even before a China deal – albeit with some risk of tariffs on autos in the interim. Chart 8 The problem is that Abe’s final and greatest aim is to revise Japan’s American-written, pacifist constitution for the first time. This requires a two-thirds vote in both houses and a majority vote in a popular referendum. While Abe can still probably cobble together enough votes in the upper house, the election result makes it less certain – and the dent in popular support implies that the national referendum is less likely to pass. Constitutional revision was always going to be a close vote anyway (Chart 8). If Abe falls short of a majority in that referendum, then he will become a lame duck and markets will have to price in greater policy uncertainty. Even if he succeeds – which is still our low-conviction baseline view – then he will have reached the pinnacle of his career and there will be nowhere to go but down. His tenure as party leader expires in September 2021 and the race to succeed him is already under way. Hence, some degree of uncertainty should begin creeping in immediately. Abe’s departure will leave the Liberal Democrats in charge – and hence Japanese policy continuity will be largely preserved. But the entire arc of events, from now through the constitutional revision process to Abe’s succession, will raise fundamental questions about whether Abe’s post-2012 reflation drive can be sustained. We have a high conviction view that it will be, but Japanese assets will challenge that view. What of the miniature trade war between Japan and South Korea? On July 4, Japan imposed export restrictions on goods critical to South Korea’s semiconductor industry in retaliation for a South Korean court ruling that would set a precedent requiring Japanese companies such as Mitsubishi and Nippon Steel to pay reparations for the use of forced Korean labor during Japanese rule from 1910-45. Chart 9Japan Has A Stronger Hand In The Mini Trade War Japan Has A Stronger Hand In The Mini Trade War Japan Has A Stronger Hand In The Mini Trade War Japan has the stronger hand in this dispute from an economic point of view (Chart 9). While the unusually heavy-handed Japanese trade measures partly reveal the influence of President Trump, who has given a license for U.S. allies to weaponize trade, it also reflects Japan’s growing assertiveness. Abe’s government may have believed that a surge of nationalism would help in the upper house election. And the constitutional referendum will be another reason to stir nationalism and a recurring source of tension with both Koreas (as well as with China). Therefore, Japanese-Korean tensions and punitive economic measures could persist well into 2020. Bottom Line: U.S.-China relations remain the preeminent geopolitical risk to investors, especially if the Taiwan election becomes a lightning rod. Japan’s rising assertiveness in the region will also produce clashes with the Koreas and possibly also with China. We are playing these risks by remaining long JPY-USD and overweight Thailand relative to EM equities, as Thailand is more insulated than other East Asian economies to trade and China risks. Keep An Eye On The USMCA Last week we highlighted U.S. budget negotiations and argued that the result would be greater fiscal accommodation. The results of the just-announced budget deal are depicted in Chart 10. One side effect is an increased likelihood of eventual tariffs on Mexico if the latter fails to staunch the influx of immigrants across the U.S. southern border, since President Trump has largely failed to secure funding for his proposed border wall. Chart 10 Meanwhile, the administration’s legislative and trade focus will turn toward ratifying the U.S.-Mexico-Canada trade agreement (USMCA). There is an increased likelihood of eventual U.S. tariffs on Mexico ... since President Trump has largely failed to secure funding for his proposed border wall.  Ratification is not a red herring for investors, since Trump could give notice of withdrawal from NAFTA in order to hasten USMCA approval, which would induce volatility. Moreover, successful ratification could embolden him to take a strong hand in his other trade disputes, while failure could urge him to concede to a quick deal with China. Chart 11Trade Uncertainty Supports The Dollar Trade Uncertainty Supports The Dollar Trade Uncertainty Supports The Dollar Further, trade policy uncertainty in the Trump era has correlated with a rising trade-weighted dollar (Chart 11), so there is a direct channel for trade tensions (or the lack thereof) to influence the global economy at a time when it badly needs a softer dollar – in addition to the negative effects of trade wars on sentiment. The signing of the USMCA trade agreement by American, Mexican, and Canadian leaders last November effectively shifted negotiations from the international stage to the domestic stage. Last month Mexico became the first to ratify the deal. The delay in the U.S. and Canada reflects their more challenging domestic political environments ahead of elections, especially in the United States. Ratification in the U.S. has been stalled by Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi, who is locked in stalemate with the Trump administration. She is holding off on giving the green light to present the agreement to Congress until Democrats’ concerns are addressed (Diagram 2). Trump, meanwhile, is threatening to withdraw from NAFTA – a declaration that cannot be entirely ruled out, even though we highly doubt he would actually withdraw at the end of the six-month waiting period. Diagram 2Pelosi Is Stalling USMCA Ratification Process East Asia Risks And The USMCA – GeoRisk Indicators Update: July 26, 2019 East Asia Risks And The USMCA – GeoRisk Indicators Update: July 26, 2019 Republicans are looking to secure the USMCA’s passage before the 2020 campaign goes into full force in order to claim victory on one of Trump’s key 2016 campaign promises. The administration’s May 30 submission of the draft Statement of Administrative Action (SAA) to Congress initiated a 30-day waiting period that must pass before the administration can submit the text to Congress. But the administration is unlikely to put the final bill to Congress before ensuring that House Democrats are ready to cooperate.2 House democrats are in a position of maximum leverage and are using the process to their political advantage. House Democrats are in a position of maximum leverage – since they do not need the deal to become law – and are using the process to their political advantage. If the bill is to be ratified through the “fast action” Trade Protection Authority (TPA), which forbids amendments and limits debate in Congress, then now is their only chance to make amendments to the text, which was written without their input. Even in the Democrat-controlled House, there is probably enough support for the USMCA to secure its passage. There are 51 House Democrats who were elected in districts that Trump won or that Republicans held in 2018, and are inclined to pass the deal. Moreover 21 House Democrats have been identified from districts that rely heavily on trade with Canada and Mexico (Chart 12).3 If these Democrats vote along with all 197 Republicans in favor of the bill, it will pass the House. This is a rough calculation, but it shows that passage is achievable. Chart 12 Chart 13 What is more, there is a case to be made for bipartisan support for USMCA. Trump’s trade agenda has some latent sympathy among moderate Democrats, and Democrats within Trump districts, unlike his border wall. Democrats will appear obstructionist if they oppose the bill. Unlike trade with China, American voters are not skeptical of trade with Canada – and the group that thinks Mexico is unfair on trade falls short of a majority (Chart 13). Since enough Democrats have a compelling self-interest in securing the deal, and since Trump and the GOP obviously want it to pass, we expect it to pass eventually. The question is whether it can be done by year’s end. Once the bill is presented to Congress and passes through the TPA process, it will become law within 90 days. Assuming that the bill is presented to the House in early September, when Congress reconvenes after its summer recess, the bill could be ratified before year-end. Otherwise, without the expedited TPA process, the bill will no longer be protected against amendment and filibuster, leaving the timeline of ratification vulnerable to extensive delay. The above timeline may be too late for Canada’s Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, who faces general elections on October 21. The ratification process has already been initiated, as Trudeau would benefit from wrapping up the entire affair prior to the national vote.4 However, the process most recently has been stalled in order to move in tandem with the U.S., so that parliament does not ratify an agreement that the U.S. fails to pass. Canadian Foreign Affairs Minister Chrystia Freeland has indicated that parliament is not likely to be recalled for a vote unless there is progress down south. This leaves the Canadian ratification process at the mercy of progress in the U.S. – and ultimately Speaker Pelosi’s decision. The current government faces few hurdles in getting the bill passed (Chart 14). The next step is a final reading in the House where the bill will either be adopted or rejected. If it is approved, the bill will then proceed to the Senate where it will undergo a similar process. If the bill is passed in the same form in the House and Senate, it will become law. Chart 14 Chart 15...But Trudeau's Party Is At Risk ...But Trudeau's Party Is At Risk ...But Trudeau's Party Is At Risk Failure to ratify the deal before the election means it will be set aside and reintroduced in the next parliament. The Liberal Party is by no means guaranteed to win a majority in the election – our base case has Trudeau forming the next government, but the race is close (Chart 15). A Conservative-led parliament would be likely to pass the bill, but it would likely be delayed to 2021 at that point due to American politics. We suspect that Trudeau will eventually stop delaying and push for Canadian ratification. This would pressure Pelosi and the Democrats to go ahead and ratify, when they are otherwise inclined to reopen negotiations or otherwise delay until after November 2020. If this gambit succeeded, Trudeau would have forced total ratification prior to October 21, which would give him a badly needed boost in the election. He can always go through the frustration of re-ratifying the deal in his second term if the Democrats insist on changes, but not if he does not survive for a second term – so it is worth going forward at home and trying to pressure Pelosi into ratification in September or early October. Bottom Line: In light of Canada’s October election and the U.S. 2020 election cycle, USMCA faces a tight schedule. A delay into next year risks undermining the ratification effort, as we enter a period of hyper-partisan politics amid the 2020 presidential campaigns. This makes the third quarter a sweet spot for USMCA ratification. While we ultimately expect that it will make it through, each passing day raises the odds against it. GeoRisk Indicators Update: July 26, 2019 All ten GeoRisk indicators can be found in the Appendix, with full annotation. Below are the most noteworthy developments this month. U.K.: As expected, Boris Johnson sealed the Conservative party leadership contest. This was largely priced in by the markets and as such did not result in a big shift in our risk indicator. Johnson has stated that he is willing to exit the EU without a deal and it is undeniable that the odds of a no-deal Brexit have increased. Nevertheless, the odds of an election are also rising as Johnson may galvanize Brexit support under the Conservative Party even as Bremain forces are divided between the rising Liberal Democrats and a Labour Party hobbled by Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership. The odds that Johnson is willing to risk his newly cemented position on a snap election – having seen what happened in June 2017 – seem overstated to us, but we place the odds at about 21%. As for a no-deal exit, opinion polling still suggests that the median British voter prefers a soft exit or remaining in the EU. This imposes constraints on Johnson, as he may ultimately be forced to try to push through a plan similar to Theresa May’s, but rebranded with minimal EU concessions to make it more acceptable – or risk a no-confidence vote and potential loss of control. We maintain that GBP will stay weak, gilts will remain well-bid, and risk-off tendencies will be reinforced. France: Our French indicator points toward a significant increase in political risk over the last month. President Macron’s government has recently unveiled the pension system overhaul that he promised during the 2017 campaign. The reform, which is due to take effect in 2025, encourages citizens to work longer, as their full pension will come at the age of 64 – two years later than under current regulations. French reform efforts have historically prompted significant social unrest. Both the 1995 Juppé Plan and the 2006 labor reforms were scrapped as a result of unrest, and the 2010 pension reform strikes forced the government to cut the most controversial parts of the bill. Labor unions have already called for strikes against the current bill in September. However, no pain, no gain. Unrest is a sign that ambitious reforms are being enacted, and Macron’s showdown with protesters thus far is no more dramatic than the unrest faced by the most significant European reform efforts. The 1984-85 U.K. miners’ strike led to over 10,000 arrested and significant violence, but resulted in the closures of most collieries, weakening of trade union power, and allowed the Thatcher government to consolidate its liberal economic program. German labor reforms in the early 2000s led to strikes, but marked a turning point in unemployment and GDP trends (Chart 16), and succeeded in increasing wages and pushing people back into the labor force (Chart 17). And the 2011 Spanish reforms under PM Rajoy led to the rise of Indignados, student protesters occupying public spaces, but ultimately helped kick-start Spain’s recovery. Investors should therefore not fear unrest, and we expect any related uncertainty to abate in the medium term. Chart 16Hartz IV Reforms Were Also Accompanied By Unrest... Hartz IV Reforms Were Also Accompanied By Unrest... Hartz IV Reforms Were Also Accompanied By Unrest... Chart 17...But Were Ultimately Favorable ...But Were Ultimately Favorable ...But Were Ultimately Favorable Note that Macron is doubling down on reforms after the experience of the Yellow Vest protests, just as his favorability has rebounded to pre-protest levels. While Macron’s approval is nearly the lowest compared to other French presidents at this point in their terms (Chart 18), he does not face an election until 2022, so he has the ability to trudge on in hopes that his reform efforts will bear fruit by that time. Chart 18 Spain: Our Spanish indicator is showing signs of increasing tensions as Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez attempts to form a government. After ousting Mariano Rajoy in a vote of no confidence in June 2018, Sanchez struggled to govern with an 84-seat minority in Congress. The Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party’s (PSOE) proposed budget plan was voted down in Congress in February, forcing Sanchez to call a snap election for April 28 in which PSOE secured 123 seats. The PSOE leader failed the first investiture vote on July 23 – and the rerun on July 25 – with less votes in his favor than his predecessor Mariano Rajoy received during the 2015-2016 government formation crisis (Chart 19). In the first investiture vote, Sanchez secured 124 votes out of the 176 he needed to be sworn in as prime minister. This led to a second round of voting in which Sanchez needed a simple majority, which he failed to do with 124 affirmative, 155 opposing votes, and 67 abstentions. Going forward, Sanchez has two months to obtain the confidence of Congress, otherwise the King may dissolve the government, leading to a snap election. Chart 19 Chart 20 The Spanish government is more fragmented today than at any point during the last 30 years (Chart 20). Even if Pedro Sanchez’s PSOE were to successfully negotiate a deal with Podemos and its partner parties, the coalition would still require support from nationalist parties such as Republican Left of Catalonia or Basque Nationalist Party to govern. These will likely require major concessions relating to the handling of Catalonian independence, which, if rejected by PSOE, will result in yet another gridlocked government. The next two months will see a significant increase in political risk, and we assign a non-negligible chance to another election in November, the fourth in four years. Turkey: Investors should avoid becoming complacent on the back of the stream of encouraging news following the Turkey-Russia missile defense system deal. Our indicator is signaling that the market is pricing a decrease in tensions, and President Trump has stated that sanctions will not be immediate. Nevertheless, we would be wary. Congress is taking a much tougher stance on the issue than President Trump: The U.S. administration already excluded Turkey from the F-35 stealth fighter jet program; Senators Scott (R) and Young (R) introduced a resolution calling for sanctions; Senator Menendez (D) stated that merely removing Turkey from the F-35 program would not be enough; The new Defense Secretary nominee Mark Esper said that he was disappointed with Turkey’s “drift from the West”; And U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo expressed confidence that President Trump would impose sanctions. Under CAATSA, a law that targets companies doing business with Russia, the U.S. must impose sanctions on Turkey over the missile deal, but does not have a timeline to do so. The sanctions required are formidable, and the U.S. has already imposed sanctions on China for a similar violation. If President Trump is not going forward with sanctions now, he still could proceed later if Turkey does not improve U.S. relations in some other way. From Turkey’s side, Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu threatened retaliation if the U.S. were to impose sanctions. Turkey is also facing increasing tensions domestically. Erdogan suffered a stinging rebuke in the re-run of the Istanbul mayoral election. This defeat has left Erdogan even more insecure and unpredictable than before. On July 6, he fired central bank governor Murat Cetinkaya using a presidential decree, which calls the central bank’s independence into question. He may reshuffle his cabinet, which could make matters worse if the appointments are not market-friendly. As domestic tensions continue to escalate, and when the U.S. announces sanctions, we expect the lira to take yet another hit and add to Turkey’s economic woes. Diagram 3Brazil: Pension Reform Timeline East Asia Risks And The USMCA – GeoRisk Indicators Update: July 26, 2019 East Asia Risks And The USMCA – GeoRisk Indicators Update: July 26, 2019 Chart 21Brazil Faces A Fiscal Deficit Despite Pension Reform Brazil Faces A Fiscal Deficit Despite Pension Reform Brazil Faces A Fiscal Deficit Despite Pension Reform Brazil: Brazilian risks are likely to remain elevated as the country faces crunch-time over the controversial pension reform on which its fiscal sustainability depends. Although the Lower House voted overwhelmingly in support of the reform on July 11, the bill needs to make it through another Lower House vote slated for August 6. The bill will then proceed to at least two more rounds of voting in the Senate (by end-September at the earliest), with a three-fifths majority required in each round before being enshrined in Brazil’s constitution (Diagram 3). The whole process will likely be delayed by amendments and negotiations. The estimated savings of the bill in its current form are about 0.9 trillion reals, down from the 1.236 trillion reals originally targeted, which risks undermining the effort to close the fiscal deficit. Our colleagues at BCA’s Emerging Markets Strategy still forecast a primary fiscal deficit in four years’ time (Chart 21).5   Matt Gertken, Vice President Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Roukaya Ibrahim, Editor/Strategist Geopolitical Strategy RoukayaI@bcaresearch.com Ekaterina Shtrevensky, Research Analyst ekaterinas@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 For instance, the U.S.’s latest $2.2 billion arms package does not include F-16 fighter jets to Taiwan, and F-35s have entirely been ruled out. The Trump administration sent Paul Ryan, rather than a high-level cabinet member, to inaugurate the new office building of the American Institute in Taiwan for the 40th anniversary of the Taiwan Relations Act. At the same time, the Trump administration is threatening a more substantial upgrade of relations through more frequent arms sales, the Taiwan Travel Act (2018), and the Asia Reassurance Initiative Act (2018). 2 The risk is that history repeats itself. In 2007, then President George W. Bush sent the free-trade agreement with Colombia to Congress prior to securing Pelosi’s approval. She halted the fast-track timeline and the standoff lasted nearly five years. 3 Please see Gary Clyde Hufbauer, “USMCA Needs Democratic Votes: Will They Come Around?” Peterson Institute For International Economics, May 15, 2019, available at piie.com. 4 Bill C-100, as it is known, has already received its second reading in the House of Commons and has been referred to the Standing Committee on International Trade. 5 Please see BCA Research’s Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report titled “On Chinese Banks And Brazil,” dated July 18, 2019, available at ems.bcaresearch.com. Appendix Image Image Image Image Image Image Image Image Image Image Image Geopolitical Calendar  

Highlights So What? Economic stimulus will encourage key nations to pursue their self-interest – keeping geopolitical risk high. Why? The U.S. is still experiencing extraordinary strategic tensions with China and Iran … simultaneously. The Trump-Xi summit at the G20 is unlikely to change the fact that the United States is threatening China with total tariffs and a technology embargo. The U.S. conflict with Iran will be hard to keep under wraps. Expect more fireworks and oil volatility, with a large risk of hostilities as long as the U.S. maintains stringent oil sanctions. All of our GeoRisk indicators are falling except for those of Germany, Turkey and Brazil. This suggests the market is too complacent. Maintain tactical safe-haven positioning. Feature “That’s some catch, that Catch-22,” he observed. “It’s the best there is,” Doc Daneeka agreed. -Joseph Heller, Catch-22 (1961)   One would have to be crazy to go to war. Yet a nation has no interest in filling its military’s ranks with lunatics. This is the original “Catch-22,” a conundrum in which the only way to do what is individually rational (avoid war) is to insist on what is collectively irrational (abandon your country). Or the only way to defend your country is to sacrifice yourself. This is the paradox that U.S. President Donald Trump faces having doubled down on his aggressive foreign policy this year: if he backs away from trade war to remove an economic headwind that could hurt his reelection chances, he sacrifices the immense leverage he has built up on behalf of the United States in its strategic rivalry with China. “Surrender” would be a cogent criticism of him on the campaign trail: a weak deal will cast him as a pluto-populist, rather than a real populist – one who pandered to China to give a sop to Wall Street and the farm lobby just like previous presidents, yet left America vulnerable for the long run. Similarly, if President Trump stops enforcing sanctions against Iranian oil exports to reduce the threat of a conflict-induced oil price shock that disrupts his economy, then he reduces the United States’s ability to contain Iran’s nuclear and strategic advances in the wake of the 2015 nuclear deal that he canceled. The low appetite for American involvement in the region will be on full display for the world to see. Iran will have stared down the Great Satan – and won. In both cases, Trump can back down. Or he can try to change the subject. But with weak polling and yet a strong economy, the point is to direct voters’ attention to foreign policy. He could lose touch with his political base at the very moment that the Democrats reconnect with their own. This is not a good recipe for reelection. More important – for investors – why would he admit defeat just as the Federal Reserve is shifting to countenance the interest rate cuts that he insists are necessary to increase his economic ability to drive a hard bargain with China? Why would he throw in the towel as the stock market soars? And if Trump concludes a China deal, and the market rises higher, will he not be emboldened to put more economic pressure on Mexico over border security … or even on Europe over trade? The paradox facing investors is that the shift toward more accommodative monetary policy (and in some cases fiscal policy) extends the business cycle and encourages political leaders to pursue their interests more intently. China is less likely to cave to Trump’s demands as it stimulates. The EU does not need to fear a U.K. crash Brexit if its economy rebounds. This increases rather than decreases the odds of geopolitical risks materializing as negative catalysts for the market. Similarly, if geopolitical risk falls then the need for stimulus falls and the market will be disappointed. The result is still more volatility – at least in the near term. The G20 And 2020 As we go to press the Democratic Party’s primary election debates are underway. The progressive wave on display highlights the overarching takeaway of the debates: the U.S. election is now an active political (and geopolitical) risk to the equity market. A truly positive surprise at the G20 would be a joint statement by Trump and Xi plus some tariff rollback. Whenever Trump’s odds of losing rise, the U.S. domestic economy faces higher odds of extreme policy discontinuity and uncertainty come 2021, with the potential for a populist-progressive agenda – a negative for financials, energy, and probably health care and tech. Chart 1 Yet whenever Trump’s odds of winning rise, the world faces higher odds of an unconstrained Trump second term focusing on foreign and trade policy – a potentially extreme increase in global policy uncertainty – without the fiscal and deregulatory positives of his first term. We still view Trump as the favored candidate in this race (at 55% chance of reelection), given that U.S. underlying domestic demand is holding up and the labor market has not been confirmed to be crumbling beneath the consumer’s feet. Still Chart 1 highlights that Trump’s shift to more aggressive foreign and trade policy this spring has not won him any additional support – his approval rating has been flat since then. And his polling is weak enough in general that we do not assign him as high of odds of reelection as would normally be afforded to a sitting president on the back of a resilient economy. This raises the question of whether the G20 will mark a turning point. Will Trump attempt to deescalate his foreign conflicts? Yes, and this is a tactical opportunity. But we see no final resolution at hand. With China, Trump’s only reason to sign a weak deal would be to stem a stock market collapse. With Iran, Trump is no longer in the driver’s seat but could be forced to react to Iranian provocations. Bottom Line: Trump’s polling has not improved – highlighting the election risk – but weak polling amid a growing economy and monetary easing is not a recipe for capitulating to foreign powers. The Trump-Xi Summit On China the consensus on the G20 has shifted toward expecting an extension of talks and another temporary tariff truce. If a new timetable is agreed, it may be a short-term boon for equities. But we will view it as unconvincing unless it is accompanied with a substantial softening on Huawei or a Trump-Xi joint statement outlining an agreement in principle along with some commitment of U.S. tariff rollback. Otherwise the structural dynamic is the same: Trump is coercing China with economic warfare amid a secular increase in U.S.-China animosity that is a headwind for trade and investment. Table 1 shows that throughout the modern history of U.S.-China presidential-level summits, the Great Recession marked a turning point: since then, bilateral relations have almost always deteriorated in the months after a summit, even if the optics around the summit were positive. Table 1U.S.-China Leaders Summits: A Chronology The G20 Catch-22 ... GeoRisk Indicators Update: June 28, 2019 The G20 Catch-22 ... GeoRisk Indicators Update: June 28, 2019 The last summit in Buenos Aires was no exception, given that the positive aura was ultimately followed by a tariff hike and technology-company blacklistings. Of course, the market rallied for five months in between. Why should this time be the same? First, the structural factors undermining Sino-American trust are worse, not better, with Trump’s latest threats to tech companies. Second, Trump will ultimately resent any decision to extend the negotiations. China’s economy is rebounding, which in the coming months will deprive Trump of much of the leverage he had in H2 2018 and H1 2019. He will be in a weaker position if they convene in three months to try to finalize a deal. Tariff rollback will be more difficult in that context given that China will be in better shape and that tariffs serve as the guarantee that any structural concessions will be implemented. Bottom Line: Our broader view regarding the “end game” of the talks – on the 2020 election horizon – remains that China has no reason to implement structural changes speedily for the United States until Trump can prove his resilience through reelection. Yet President Trump will suffer on the campaign trail if he accepts a deal that lacks structural concessions. Hence we expect further escalation from where we are today, knowing full well that the G20 could produce a temporary period of improvement just as occurred on December 1, 2018. The Iran Showdown Is Far From Over Disapproval of Trump’s handling of China and Iran is lower than his disapproval rating on trade policy and foreign policy overall, suggesting that despite the lack of a benefit to his polling, he does still have leeway to pursue his aggressive policies to a point. A breakdown of these opinions according to key voting blocs – a proxy for Trump’s ability to generate support in Midwestern swing states – illustrates that his political base is approving on the whole (Chart 2). Chart 2 Yet the conflict with Iran threatens Trump with a hard constraint – an oil price shock – that is fundamentally a threat to his reelection. Hence his decision, as we expected, to back away from the brink of war last week (he supposedly canceled air strikes on radar and missile installations at the last minute on June 21). He appears to be trying to control the damage that his policy has already done to the 2015 U.S.-Iran equilibrium. Trump has insisted he does not want war, has ruled out large deployments of boots on the ground, and has suggested twice this week that his only focus in trying to get Iran back into negotiations is nuclear weapons. This implies a watering down of negotiation demands to downplay Iran’s militant proxies in the region – it is a retreat from Secretary of State Mike Pompeo’s more sweeping 12 demands on Iran and a sign of Trump’s unwillingness to get embroiled in a regional conflict with a highly likely adverse economic blowback. The Iran confrontation is not over yet – policy-induced oil price volatility will continue. This retreat lacks substance if Trump does not at least secretly relax enforcement of the oil sanctions. Trump’s latest sanctions and reported cyberattacks are a sideshow in the context of an attempted oil embargo that could destabilize Iran’s entire economy (Charts 3 and 4). Similarly, Iran’s downing of a U.S. drone pales in comparison to the tanker attacks in Hormuz that threatened global oil shipments. What matters to investors is the oil: whether Iran is given breathing space or whether it is forced to escalate the conflict to try to win that breathing space. Chart 3 Chart 4Iran’s Rial Depreciated Sharply Iran's Rial Depreciated Sharply Iran's Rial Depreciated Sharply The latest data suggest that Iran’s exports have fallen to 300,000 barrels per day, a roughly 90% drop from 2018, when Trump walked away from the Iran deal. If this remains the case in the wake of the brinkmanship last week then it is clear that Iran is backed into a corner and could continue to snarl and snap at the U.S. and its regional allies, though it may pause after the tanker attacks. Chart 5More Oil Volatility To Come More Oil Volatility To Come More Oil Volatility To Come Tehran also has an incentive to dial up its nuclear program and activate its regional militant proxies in order to build up leverage for any future negotiation. It can continue to refuse entering into negotiations with Trump in order to embarrass him – and it can wait until Trump’s approach is validated by reelection before changing this stance. After all, judging by the first Democratic primary debate, biding time is the best strategy – the Democratic candidates want to restore the 2015 deal and a new Democratic administration would have to plead with Iran, even to get terms less demanding than those in 2015. Other players can also trigger an escalation even if Presidents Trump and Rouhani decide to take a breather in their conflict (which they have not clearly decided to do). The Houthi rebels based in Yemen have launched another missile at Abha airport in Saudi Arabia since Trump’s near-attack on Iran, an action that is provocative, easily replicable, and not necessarily directly under Tehran’s control. Meanwhile OPEC is still dragging its feet on oil production to compensate for the Iranian losses, implying that the cartel will react to price rises rather than preempt them. The Saudis could use production or other means to stoke conflict. Bottom Line: Given our view on the trade war, which dampens global oil demand, we expect still more policy-induced volatility (Chart 5). We do not see oil as a one-way bet … at least not until China’s shift to greater stimulus becomes unmistakable.   North Korea: The Hiccup Is Over Chart 6China Ostensibly Enforces North Korean Sanctions China Ostensibly Enforces North Korean Sanctions China Ostensibly Enforces North Korean Sanctions The single clearest reason to expect progress between the U.S. and China at the G20 is the fact that North Korea is getting back onto the diplomatic track. North Korea has consistently been shown to be part of the Trump-Xi negotiations, unlike Taiwan, the South China Sea, Xinjiang, and other points of disagreement. General Secretary Xi Jinping took his first trip to the North on June 20 – the first for a Chinese leader since 2005 – and emphasized the need for historic change, denuclearization, and economic development. Xi is pushing Kim to open up and reform the economy in exchange for a lasting peace process – an approach that is consistent with China’s past policy but also potentially complementary with Trump’s offer of industrialization in exchange for denuclearization. President Trump and Kim Jong Un have exchanged “beautiful” letters this month and re-entered into backchannel discussions. Trump’s visit to South Korea after the G20 will enable him and President Moon Jae-In to coordinate for a possible third summit between Trump and Kim. Progress on North Korea fits our view that the failed summit in Hanoi was merely a setback and that the diplomatic track is robust. Trump’s display of a credible military threat along with Chinese sanctions enforcement (Chart 6) has set in motion a significant process on the peninsula that we largely expect to succeed and go farther than the consensus expects. It is a long-term positive for the Korean peninsula’s economy. It is also a positive factor in the U.S.-China engagement based on China’s interest in ultimately avoiding war and removing U.S. troops from the peninsula. From an investment point of view, an end to a brief hiatus in U.S.-North Korean diplomacy is a very poor substitute for concrete signs of U.S.-China progress on the tech front or opening market access. There has been nothing substantial on these key issues since Trump hiked the tariff rate in May. As a result, it is perfectly possible for the G20 to be a “success” on North Korea but, like the Buenos Aires summit on December 1, for markets to sell the news (Chart 7). Chart 7The Last Trade Truce Didn't Stop The Selloff The Last Trade Truce Didn't Stop The Selloff The Last Trade Truce Didn't Stop The Selloff Chart 8China Needs A Final Deal To Solve This Problem China Needs A Final Deal To Solve This Problem China Needs A Final Deal To Solve This Problem Bottom Line: North Korea is not a basis in itself for tariff rollback, but only as part of a much more extensive U.S.-China agreement. And a final agreement is needed to improve China’s key trade indicators on a lasting basis, such as new export orders and manufacturing employment, which are suffering amid the trade war. We expect economic policy uncertainty to remain elevated given our pessimistic view of U.S.-China trade relations (Chart 8). What About Japan, The G20 Host? Chart 9 Japan faces underrated domestic political risk as Prime Minister Abe Shinzo approaches a critical period in his long premiership, after which he will almost certainly be rendered a “lame duck,” likely by the time of the 2020 Tokyo Olympics. The question is when will this process begin and what will the market impact be? If Abe loses his supermajority in the July House of Councillors election, then it could begin as early as next month. This is a real risk – because a two-thirds majority is always a tall order – but it is not extreme. Abe’s polling is historically remarkable (Chart 9). The Liberal Democratic Party and its coalition partner Komeito are also holding strong and remain miles away from competing parties (Chart 10). The economy is also holding up relatively well – real wages and incomes have improved under Abe’s watch (Chart 11). However, the recent global manufacturing slowdown and this year’s impending hike to the consumption tax in October from 8% to 10% are killing consumer confidence. Chart 10Japan's Ruling Coalition Is Strong Japan's Ruling Coalition Is Strong Japan's Ruling Coalition Is Strong The collapse in consumer confidence is a contrary indicator to the political opinion polling. The mixed picture suggests that after the election Abe could still backtrack on the tax hike, although it would require driving through surprise legislation. He can pull this off in light of global trade tensions and his main objective of passing a popular referendum to revise the constitution and remilitarize the country. Chart 11Japanese Wages Up, But Consumer Confidence Diving Japanese Wages Up, But Consumer Confidence Diving Japanese Wages Up, But Consumer Confidence Diving We would not be surprised if Japan secured a trade deal with the U.S. prior to China. Because Abe and the United States need to enhance their alliance, we continue to downplay the risk of a U.S.-Japan trade war. Bloomberg recently reported that President Trump was threatening to downgrade the U.S.-Japan alliance, with a particular grievance over the ever-controversial issue of the relocation of troops on Okinawa. We view this as a transparent Trumpian negotiating tactic that has no applicability – indeed, American military and diplomatic officials quickly rejected the report. We do see a non-trivial risk that Trump’s rhetoric or actions will hurt Japanese equities at some point this year, either as Trump approaches his desired August deadline for a Japan trade deal or if negotiations drag on until closer to his decision about Section 232 tariffs on auto imports on November 14. But our base case is that there will be either no punitive measures or only a short time span before Abe succeeds in negotiating them away. We would not be surprised if the Japanese secured a deal prior to any China deal as a way for the Trump administration to try to pressure China and prove that it can get deals done. This can be done because it could be a thinly modified bilateral renegotiation of the Trans-Pacific Partnership, which had the U.S. and Japan at its center. Bottom Line: Given the combination of the upper house election, the tax hike and its possible consequences, a looming constitutional referendum which poses risks to Abe, and the ongoing external threat of trade war and China tensions, we continue to see risk-off sentiment driving Japanese and global investors to hold then yen. We maintain our long JPY/USD recommendation. The risk to this view is that Bank of Japan chief Haruhiko Kuroda follows other central banks and makes a surprisingly dovish move, but this is not warranted at the moment and is not the base case of our Foreign Exchange Strategy. GeoRisk Indicators Update: June 28, 2019 Our GeoRisk indicators are sending a highly complacent message given the above views on China and Iran. All of our risk measures, other than our German, Turkish, and Brazilian indicators, are signaling a decrease geopolitical tensions. Investors should nonetheless remain cautious: Our German indicator, which has proven to be a good measure of U.S.-EU trade tensions, has increased over the first half of June (Chart 12). We expect Germany to continue to be subject to risk because of Trump’s desire to pivot to European trade negotiations in the wake of any China deal. The auto tariff decision was pushed off until November. We assign a 45% subjective probability to auto tariffs on the EU if Trump seals a final China deal. The reason it is not our base case is because of a lack of congressional, corporate, or public support for a trade war with Europe as opposed to China or Mexico, which touch on larger issues of national interest (security, immigration). There is perhaps a 10% probability that Trump could impose car tariffs prior to securing a China deal. Chart 12U.S.-EU Trade Tensions Hit Germany U.S.-EU Trade Tensions Hit Germany U.S.-EU Trade Tensions Hit Germany Chart 13German Greens Overtaking Christian Democrats! German Greens Overtaking Christian Democrats! German Greens Overtaking Christian Democrats! Germany is also an outlier because it is experiencing an increase in domestic political uncertainty. Social Democrat leader Andrea Nahles’ resignation on June 2 opened the door to a leadership contest among the SPD’s membership. This will begin next week and conclude on October 26, or possibly in December. The result will have consequences for the survivability of Merkel’s Grand Coalition – in case the SPD drops out of it entirely. Both Merkel and her party have been losing support in recent months – for the first time in history the Greens have gained the leading position in the polls (Chart 13). If the coalition falls apart and Merkel cannot put another one together with the Greens and Free Democrats, she may be forced to resign ahead of her scheduled 2021 exit date. The implication of the events with Trump and Merkel is that Germany faces higher political risk this year, particularly in Q4 if tariff threats and coalition strains coincide. Meanwhile, Brazilian pension reform has been delayed due to an inevitable breakdown in the ability to pass major legislation without providing adequate pork barrel spending. As for the rest of Europe, since European Central Bank President Mario Draghi’s dovish signal on June 18, all of our European risk indicators have dropped off. Markets rallied on the news of the ECB’s preparedness to launch another round of bond-buying monetary stimulus if needed, easing tensions in the region. Italian bond spreads plummeted, for instance. The Korean and Taiwanese GeoRisk indicators, our proxies for the U.S.-China trade war, are indicating a decrease in risk as the two sides moved to contain the spike in tensions in May. While Treasury Secretary Steve Mnuchin notes that the deal was 90% complete in May before the breakdown, there is little evidence yet that any of the sticking points have been removed over the past two weeks. These indicators can continue to improve on the back of any short-term trade truce at the G20. The Russian risk indicator has been hovering in the same range for the past two months. We expect this to break out on the back of increasing mutual threats between the U.S. and Russia. The U.S. has recently agreed to send an additional 1000 rotating troops to Poland, a move that Russia obviously deems aggressive. The Russian upper chamber has also unanimously supported President Putin’s decree to suspend the Intermediate Nuclear Forces treaty, in the wake of the U.S. decision to do so. This would open the door to developing and deploying 500-5500 km range land-based and ballistic missiles. According to the deputy foreign minister, any U.S. missile deployment in Europe will lead to a crisis on the level of the Cuban Missile Crisis. Russia has also sided with Iran in the latest U.S.-Iran tension escalation, denouncing U.S. plans to send an additional 1000 troops to the Middle East and claiming that the shot-down U.S. drone was indeed in Iranian airspace. We anticipate the Russian risk indicator to go up as we expect Russia to retaliate in some way to Poland and to take actions to encourage the U.S. to get entangled deeper into the Iranian imbroglio, which is ultimately a drain on the U.S. and a useful distraction that Russia can exploit. In Turkey, both domestic and foreign tensions are rising. First, the re-run of the Istanbul mayoral election delivered a big defeat for Turkey’s President Erdogan on his home turf. Opposition representative Ekrem Imamoglu defeated former Prime Minister Binali Yildirim for a second time this year on June 23 – increasing his margin of victory to 9.2% from 0.2% in March. This was a stinging rebuke to Erdogan and his entire political system. It also reinforces the fact that Erdogan’s Justice and Development Party (AKP) is not as popular as Erdogan himself, frequently falling short of the 50% line in the popular vote for elections not associated directly with Erdogan (Chart 14). This trend combined with his personal rebuke in the power base of Istanbul will leave him even more insecure and unpredictable. Chart 14 Second, the G20 summit is the last occasion for Erdogan and Trump to meet personally before the July 31 deadline on Erdogan’s planned purchase of S-400 missile defenses from Russia. Erdogan has a chance to delay the purchase as he contemplates cabinet and policy changes in the wake of this major domestic defeat. Yet if Erdogan does not back down or delay, the U.S. will remove Turkey from the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter program, and may also impose sanctions over this purchase and possibly also Iranian trade. The result will hit the lira and add to Turkey’s economic woes. Geopolitically, it will create a wedge within NATO that Russia could exploit, creating more opportunities for market-negative surprises in this area. Finally, we expect our U.K. risk indicator to perk up, as the odds of a no-deal Brexit are rising. Boris Johnson will likely assume Conservative Party leadership and the party is moving closer to attempting a no-deal exit. We assign a 21% probability to this kind of Brexit, up from our previous estimate of 14%. It is more likely that Johnson will get a deal similar to Theresa May’s deal passed or that he will be forced to extend negotiations beyond October.   Matt Gertken, Vice President Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Ekaterina Shtrevensky, Research Analyst ekaterinas@bcaresearch.com France: GeoRisk Indicator France: GeoRisk Indicator France: GeoRisk Indicator U.K.: GeoRisk Indicator U.K.: GeoRisk Indicator U.K.: GeoRisk Indicator Germany: GeoRisk Indicator Germany: GeoRisk Indicator Germany: GeoRisk Indicator Italy: GeoRisk Indicator Italy: GeoRisk Indicator Italy: GeoRisk Indicator Spain: GeoRisk Indicator Spain: GeoRisk Indicator Spain: GeoRisk Indicator Russia: GeoRisk Indicator Russia: GeoRisk Indicator Russia: GeoRisk Indicator Korea: GeoRisk Indicator Korea: GeoRisk Indicator Korea: GeoRisk Indicator Taiwan: GeoRisk Indicator Taiwan: GeoRisk Indicator Taiwan: GeoRisk Indicator Turkey: GeoRisk Indicator Turkey: GeoRisk Indicator Turkey: GeoRisk Indicator Brazil: GeoRisk Indicator Brazil: GeoRisk Indicator Brazil: GeoRisk Indicator What's On The Geopolitical Radar? Chart 25 Section III: Geopolitical Calendar

Dear Client, Tomorrow we will publish a debate piece on China shedding more light on the ongoing discussions at BCA on this topic. This report will articulate the conceptual and analytical differences between my colleague, Peter Berezin, and I relating to our respective outlooks on China’s credit cycle. Peter believes that the credit boom in China is a natural outcome of a high household “savings” rate. I maintain that household “savings” have no bearing on credit growth, debt or bank deposit levels. Rather, China’s credit and money excesses are pernicious and will precipitate negative macro outcomes. I hope you will find this report valuable and interesting. Today we are publishing analysis and market strategy updates on Russia and Chile. Best regards, Arthur Budaghyan Chief Emerging Markets Strategist   Russia: A Fiscal And Monetary Fortress Underpins A Low-Beta Status Russian financial markets and the ruble have entered a low-beta paradigm. A combination of ultra-conservative fiscal and monetary policies over the past four years will help Russian equities, local bonds as well as sovereign and corporate credit to continue outperforming their respective EM benchmarks.   First, both the overall and primary fiscal surpluses now stand at over 3% of GDP (Chart I-1). The authorities have sufficient fiscal leeway to undertake substantial fiscal easing. They have announced a major fiscal spending program, which is planned to be in the order of $390 billion or 25% of GDP, over the next six years. Chart I-1Fiscal Balance Is In Large Surplus Fiscal Balance Is In Large Surplus Fiscal Balance Is In Large Surplus Importantly, government non-interest expenditures have dropped to 15.5% of GDP from 18% in 2016. Therefore, it makes perfect sense to ease fiscal policy materially to counteract the impact of lower commodities prices on the economy. What’s more, gross public debt is at 13% of GDP – out of which the foreign component is only 4% of GDP – and remains the lowest in the EM space. A fiscal fortress, as well as the potential for significant fiscal stimulus amid the current EM selloff, will help the Russian currency, local bonds and sovereign and corporate credit markets behave as a lower beta play within the EM universe. Second, there is scope for the Central Bank of Russia (CBR) to cut interest rates. Both nominal and real interest rates have remained high, particularly lending rates (Chart I-2). Furthermore, growth has been mediocre and inflation is likely to fall again (Chart I-3). Chart I-2Russian Real Interest Rates Are High Russian Real Interest Rates Are High Russian Real Interest Rates Are High Chart I-3Russia: Growth Has Been Weakening Prior To Oil Price Decline Russia: Growth Has Been Weakening Prior To Oil Price Decline Russia: Growth Has Been Weakening Prior To Oil Price Decline   Although overwhelming evidence warrants lower interest rates in Russia, it is not clear if the ultra-conservative Central Bank Governor Elvira Nabiullina will resort to rate reductions as oil prices and EM assets continue selling off – as we expect. Even if Governor Elvira Nabiullina delivers rate cuts, they will be delayed and small. Hence, real rates will remain high, helping the ruble outperform other EM currencies. Provided the central bank remains behind the curve, odds are that the yield curve will probably invert as long-term bond yields drop below the policy rate (Chart I-4). In short, a conservative central bank will provide a friendly environment for fixed-income and currency investors. Third, the Russian ruble will depreciate only modestly despite the ongoing carnage in oil prices due to high foreign exchange reserves and a positive balance of payments. The current account surplus stands at 7.5% of GDP, or $115 billion. Both the central bank and the Ministry of Finance (MoF) have been buying foreign currency. In particular, based on the fiscal rule, the MoF buys U.S. dollars when oil prices are above $40/barrel and sells U.S. dollars when the oil price is below that level. As such, policymakers have created a counter-cyclical ballast to counteract any negative shocks. A fiscal fortress, as well as the potential for significant fiscal stimulus amid the current EM selloff, will help the Russian currency, local bonds and sovereign and corporate credit markets behave as a lower beta play within the EM universe. Remarkably, the monetary authorities have siphoned out the additional liquidity that has been injected as part of their foreign currency purchases. In fact, the CRB’s net liquidity injections have been negative. This is in contrast to what has been happening in many other EMs. These prudent macro policies will limit the downside in the ruble versus the dollar and the euro. Chart I-4Russia: Yield Curve Will Probably Invert Russia: Yield Curve Will probably Invert Russia: Yield Curve Will probably Invert Chart I-5Cash Flow From Operations: Russia Versus EM Cash Flow From Operations: Russia Versus EM Cash Flow From Operations: Russia Versus EM Finally, rising profits in the non-financial corporate sector and balance sheet improvements justify Russian equity outperformance relative to EM. Specifically, Russian firms’ cash flows from operation have been diverging from EM, suggesting the former is in better financial health than its EM counterparts (Chart I-5). Bottom Line: Even though we expect oil prices to drop further,1 investors should continue to overweight Russian equities, sovereign and corporate credit and local currency bonds relative to their respective EM benchmarks (Chart I-6). Chart I-6Continue Overweighting Russian Stocks And Bonds Continue Overweighting Russian Stocks And Bonds Continue Overweighting Russian Stocks And Bonds To express our positive view on the ruble, we have been recommending a long RUB / short COP trade since May 31, 2018. This position has generated a 10.8% gain, and remains intact. Andrija Vesic, Research Analyst andrijav@bcaresearch.com   Chile: Heading Into A Recession? Our recommended strategy2 for Chile has been to (1) receive three-year swap rates, (2) favor local bonds versus stocks for domestic investors, (3) short the peso versus the U.S. dollar, and (4) overweight Chilean equities within an EM equity portfolio. Chart II-1Chile's Central Bank Is Behind The Curve Chile's Central Bank Is Behind The Curve Chile's Central Bank Is Behind The Curve The first three strategies have played out nicely as the economy has slowed, rate expectations have dropped and the peso has plunged (Chart II-1). Yet the Chilean bourse has recently substantially underperformed the EM benchmark, challenging our overweight equity stance. At the moment, we recommend staying with these recommendations, as the growth slowdown in Chile has much further to run and the central bank will cut rates substantially: Our proxy for marginal propensity to spend among both households and companies – which leads the business cycle by six months – has been falling (Chart II-2). The outcome is that growth conditions will worsen, and a recession is probable. There are already segments of the economy – retail sales volumes, car sales, non-mining exports and mining output, to name a few – that are contracting (Chart II-3). Chart II-2More Growth Retrenchment In The Next 6 Months More Growth Retrenchment In The Next 6 Months More Growth Retrenchment In The Next 6 Months Chart II-3Chilean Economy: Certain Segments Are Contracting Chilean Economy: Certain Segments Are Contracting Chilean Economy: Certain Segments Are Contracting   Shockwaves from the global slump in general and China’s slowdown in particular are taking a toll on this open economy. Copper prices are breaking down, and Chile’s industrial pulp and paper prices are falling in dollar terms (Chart II-4). Bank loan growth as well as employment growth have not yet decelerated. The latter are typically lagging indicators in Chile. Therefore, as weakening growth erodes business and consumer confidence, credit growth as well as hiring and wages will retrench. Finally, both core consumer prices and service inflation rates are at the lower end of the central bank’s inflation target band. It is a matter of time before the growth deterioration leads to even lower inflation. We argued in our last analysis on Chile3 that large net immigration has boosted labor supply and is hence disinflationary. This, along with forthcoming hiring cutbacks, will depress wages and lead to lower inflation. Overall, Chile’s central bank is well behind the curve. A major rate reduction cycle is in the cards, as both growth and inflation will undershoot the Chilean central bank’s targets. Chart II-4Chile: Industrial Paper And Pulp Prices Are Deflating Chile: Industrial Paper And Pulp Prices Are Deflating Chile: Industrial Paper And Pulp Prices Are Deflating Chart II-5The Chilean Peso Is Not Cheap The Chilean Peso Is Not Cheap The Chilean Peso Is Not Cheap Lower interest rates, shrinking exports and a large current account deficit will weigh on the exchange rate. In addition, Chilean companies have large amounts of foreign currency debt ($75 billion or 26% of GDP), and peso depreciation is forcing them to hedge their foreign currency liabilities. This will heighten selling pressure on the peso. Notably, the currency is not yet cheap and bear markets usually do not end until valuations become cheap (Chart II-5). That said, the main reasons to continue overweighting Chilean equities within an EM universe are potential monetary and fiscal easing in Chile that many other EM are not in a position to do amid their own ongoing currency depreciation. Besides, this bourse’s relative equity performance versus the EM benchmark is already very oversold and is likely to rebound as the EM stock index drops more than Chilean share prices. The main reasons to continue overweighting Chilean equities within an EM universe are potential monetary and fiscal easing in Chile that many other EM are not in a position to do. Our recommended strategy remains intact: Fixed-income investors should continue receiving three-year swap rates; Local investors should overweight domestic bonds versus stocks; Currency traders should maintain the short CLP / long U.S. dollar trade; Dedicated EM equity portfolio managers should maintain an overweight in this bourse versus the EM benchmark. One trade we are closing is our short copper / long CLP, which has returned a 1.6% gain since its initiation on September 6, 2017. The original motive for this trade was to express our negative view on copper. While we believe copper prices have more downside, the peso could undershoot, which tips the balances in favor of closing this trade. Arthur Budaghyan Chief Emerging Markets Strategist arthurb@bcaresearch.com Juan Egaña, Research Associate juane@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1      The Emerging Markets Strategy team’s negative view on oil prices is different from the BCA house view which is bullish on oil. 2      Please see "Chile: Stay Overweight Equities, Receive Rates," dated May 31, 2018 and "Chile: Favor Bonds Over Stocks," dated February 7, 2019. 3      Please see "Chile: Favor Bonds Over Stocks," dated February 7, 2019. Equity Recommendations Fixed-Income, Credit And Currency Recommendations

Analysis on central Europe and Pakistan is published below. Highlights There are several reasons why Chinese authorities will likely allow the yuan to depreciate 6-8% from current levels in the coming months. RMB depreciation will weigh not only on emerging Asian but also on other EM currencies via several channels. We continue to recommend shorting a basket of the following currencies versus the U.S. dollar: ZAR, CLP, COP, IDR, MYR, PHP and KRW. Feature Chinese authorities will likely allow the yuan to fall 6-8% vis-à-vis the U.S. dollar from current levels in the coming months. The value of the RMB holds the key to the broader trend in EM currencies. In turn, dynamics in EM exchange rates typically define the trajectory for EM asset classes: stocks, credit spreads and local currency bonds. Odds are that the RMB along with other emerging Asian currencies will continue to depreciate (Chart I-1). There are several reasons why Chinese authorities will likely allow the yuan to fall 6-8% vis-à-vis the U.S. dollar from current levels in the coming months. Chart I-1Emerging Asian Currency Index Emerging Asian Currency Index Emerging Asian Currency Index Chart I-2Deflating Export Prices Herald Currency Depreciation bca.ems_wr_2019_05_23_s1_c2 bca.ems_wr_2019_05_23_s1_c2 First, currency depreciation will help mitigate the impact of U.S. import tariffs. With global trade volumes shrinking and U.S. import prices from China deflating (Chart I-2, top panel), China will benefit from a cheaper currency. Second, RMB devaluation goes against the Trump’s administration’s preference. The U.S.-China trade talks have flopped, and both sides seem to be jockeying to better position themselves ahead of another round of discussions. From a negotiation strategy perspective, it makes sense for China to devalue the yuan before a new round of negotiations starts again. Third, China needs lower interest rates to reduce the strain on numerous debtors. However, narrowing interest rate differential with the U.S. has often coincided with periods of RMB depreciation over the past nine years (Chart I-3). Chart I-3CNY/USD And Interest Rate Differential CNY/USD And Interest Rate Differential CNY/USD And Interest Rate Differential One reason why policymakers in China were previously reluctant to explore RMB/USD depreciation beyond the 7 mark was due to the risk of rampant capital exodus and a potential spike in financial market volatility. In other words, authorities were mindful that even mild and controlled depreciation could spiral out of control. However, with Chinese nationalistic rhetoric on the rise and the nation rallying around the flag, authorities now have more room to maneuver. They will not have a problem restricting capital outflows by residents, and there will be little general public dissatisfaction with a devaluation. Finally, at around $3 trillion, the central bank’s foreign exchange reserves are equivalent to only 14% of all yuan deposits, and 11% of broad money (M2) supply. In turn, the overhang of local currency money supply will exert structural downward pressure on the renminbi’s exchange rate in the coming years. This may be a convenient time to release some proverbial air out of the balloon – namely, the lingering money bubble in China – by devaluing the yuan. Bottom Line: The path of least resistance for the RMB is down. EM Currencies Are In Danger In recent months, we have been highlighting that the Korean won has been at a critical technical juncture and has broken down (Chart I-4, top panel). The Taiwanese and Singaporean dollars seem to be the next shoes to drop (Chart I-4, middle and bottom panels). Chart I-4 Tapering Wedge Patterns Tapering Wedge Patterns Chart I-5No Recovery In Asian Exports So Far No Recovery In Asian Exports So Far No Recovery In Asian Exports So Far U.S. import prices from various Asian countries are deflating, as shown in the bottom panel of Chart 2 on page 2. This typically warrants currency depreciation to mitigate the impact of export price deflation on national producers. Furthermore, emerging Asian exports are still shrinking, as evidenced by the latest trade numbers. Korea’s total exports for the first 20 days of May and Taiwan’s exports of electronics parts as of April are still contracting at a rapid pace (Chart I-5). The latter leads cyclical turning points in global trade by a couple of months. Finally, the RMB is the anchor currency in emerging Asia, and its depreciation will filter through the exchange rates of other regional, export-dependent economies. Regarding other EM currencies, they are also at risk of Chinese yuan depreciation. Apart from manufacturing sector competitiveness (discussed above), China’s exchange rate affects other economies in two distinct ways: Less Chinese imports: An RMB devaluation reduces the amount of China’s U.S. dollar inflows/payments to its trade partners (Chart I-6). Many EM and some DM currencies will be negatively affected since China is a major source of demand for these economies. Less capital outflows from China: RMB depreciation will likely be accompanied with heightened controls over capital outflows from China. In fact, various proxies for capital flight out of the mainland suggest the authorities have already substantially clamped down on outflows (Chart I-7). Economies that have profited from capital flight from China over the years are already feeling pain. For example, relapsing Australian property prices can be attributed to reduced capital flows from China. Chart I-6Chinese Imports In RMB And USD Chinese Imports In RMB And USD Chinese Imports In RMB And USD Chart I-7China: Reduced Capital Flight China: Reduced Capital Flight China: Reduced Capital Flight Likewise, there will be a period of painful adjustment in many emerging economies in Asia and elsewhere that have profited from Chinese capital flows – both via official and non-official channels. Bottom Line: RMB depreciation will affect various currencies via diverse channels: (1) deteriorating export competitiveness for manufacturing-based economies; (2) diminished mainland imports from China’s trade partners; and (3) reduced capital flows from China to economies that have typically relied on Chinese capital flows. The U.S. Dollar: A Review Of The Indicators We believe that the cyclical and structural backdrops remain favorable for the dollar, and that it will likely overshoot before a major top sets in. The U.S. dollar bull market is extended, but that does not mean it is over. Odds are that the greenback will overshoot before making a major top. In our last weekly report, we revisited currency valuations and found the dollar to be only moderately (one standard deviation) expensive, according to the real effective exchange rate based on unit labor costs. The latter is our favored currency valuation metric. The greenback has been in a major structural bull market since 2011. Secular bull/bear markets do not typically end before valuations reach 1.5-2 standard deviations. We believe that the cyclical and structural backdrops remain favorable for the dollar, and that it will likely overshoot before a major top sets in. Chart I-8U.S. Equity And Economic Outperformance Warrants Dollar Appreciation U.S. Equity And Economic Outperformance Warrants Dollar Appreciation U.S. Equity And Economic Outperformance Warrants Dollar Appreciation U.S. stocks are outperforming the rest of the world in local currency terms, not only based on market-cap equity benchmarks but also when measured using equal-weighted equity indexes (Chart I-8). This signals that return on capital is higher in the U.S. relative to the rest of the world. The latter has historically been positively related with the primary trend in the trade-weighted dollar (Chart I-8). The U.S. dollar currently offers an attractive yield relative to many of its peers. Chart I-9 illustrates the interest rate (3-month swap rate) differentials between the dollar and various EM and DM currencies. For each individual exchange rate, the bar denotes the U.S. interest rate spread over other markets, and the dot is the mean of this spread over the past 20 years. Not only is the current interest rate differential in favor of the greenback in the case of many currencies, but the spread is well above its 20-year mean for virtually all of the currencies included in Chart I-9. The sole exception is the Mexican peso – the latter’s current interest rate differential versus the U.S. is wider than its 20-year mean. In fact, the peso is among our most preferable EM currencies. Chart I-9 The U.S. dollar currently offers an attractive yield relative to many of its peers. Bottom Line: Odds are in favor of a U.S. dollar overshoot, especially versus cyclical currencies such as EM and commodities-based ones. We continue to recommend shorting a basket of the following currencies versus the U.S. dollar: ZAR, CLP, COP, IDR, MYR, PHP and KRW. We are also structurally short the RMB versus the dollar. For investors who are looking for currencies with the least downside versus the U.S. dollar, our picks are MXN, RUB, THB, TWD, SGD and central European currencies. EM Credit Markets And Domestic Bonds: It’s All About Exchange Rates From a macro perspective, EM dollar-denominated and local currency bonds are primarily driven by exchange rates. EM sovereign spreads are very sensitive to both EM exchange rates and industrial metals prices (Chart I-10). The latter two are primarily driven by global trade cycles in general and China’s growth in particular. EM corporate spreads have been less sensitive to EM exchange rates. Yet they are unlikely to defy a major down-leg in EM currencies. The basis is as follows: when currencies depreciate, foreign-currency debt becomes more expensive to service warranting a period of wider credit spreads. Exchange rate fluctuations account for the bulk of domestic bonds’ total returns for foreign investors. We discussed this topic in our report titled Asset Allocation For EM Assets. Chart 11 shows the total return indexes in dollars and euros for the EM GBI local currency government bond index. Euro-based investors have fared much better than dollar-based ones. The euro’s depreciation versus the dollar explains this gap. However, from a technical point of view, total return in euros is facing a major resistance level (Chart I-11, bottom panel). European investors should take note. Chart I-10EM Sovereign Spreads Correlate With EM Currencies And Commodities EM Sovereign Spreads Correlate With EM Currencies And Commodities EM Sovereign Spreads Correlate With EM Currencies And Commodities Chart I-11Total Returns on EM Local Bonds In USD And Euros Total Returns on EM Local Bonds In USD And Euros Total Returns on EM Local Bonds In USD And Euros   Arthur Budaghyan Chief Emerging Markets Strategist arthurb@bcaresearch.com   Continue Favoring Central Europe Within EM Equities: An overweight position in Central European (CE) equities within an EM equity portfolio is still warranted due to the following reasons: First, CE economies are the least exposed to a Chinese and global trade slowdown - the main causes of the EM selloff. Even though these economies are leveraged to German and euro area manufacturing - both of which are currently weak - they have little direct exposure to China and commodities. Second, currency trends are critical for the relative performance of equities. We expect EM currencies will depreciate versus the euro and against CE currencies. This argues in favor of CE stocks within an EM portfolio. Third, CE domestic demand remains strong and private credit growth robust (Chart II-1). Additionally, the authorities are maintaining a loose fiscal policy stance. As to European equity portfolios, we recommend underweighting CE bourses versus the core European markets. Chart II-2 illustrates that when EM equities underperform DM ones, CE share prices lag behind euro area stocks. Chart II-1Private Credit Growth Is Robust Private Credit Growth Is Robust Private Credit Growth Is Robust Chart II-2CE Underperforms Core Europe When EM Underperforms DM CE Underperforms Core Europe When EM Underperforms DM CE Underperforms Core Europe When EM Underperforms DM Currencies and Fixed-Income Markets: CE growth outperformance relative to EM suggests that CE exchange rates will outperform the majority of EM currencies. Critically, odds are that the euro has made a major bottom versus most EM currencies. This will facilitate CE exchange rate appreciation versus many other EM currencies. The latter warrants overweighting CE fixed-income markets against respective EM benchmarks. Currency Trades: Today we recommend closing our long CZK / short euro position. This trade has generated a 4.4% gain since September 28, 2016 with extremely low volatility. The basis for closing this position is there are signs that Czech growth and labor market tightness are peaking, warranting an end to rate hikes. Specifically, both economic activity and wage growth are slowing. This will lead the central bank to halt its rate hikes. Instead, we are opening a new trade: Go long CZK versus an equal-weighted basket of PLN and HUF. For the first time, Czech short rates have risen above those in Poland and Hungary (Chart II-3). This will be a major driver for Czech koruna appreciation against the other two currencies. The PLN and HUF will underperform the CZK because their monetary and fiscal policies are much easier than is currently warranted. Chart II-3Czech Interest Rate Differentials Versus Hungary And Poland Are Positive Czech Interest Rate Differentials Versus Hungary And Poland Are Positive Czech Interest Rate Differentials Versus Hungary And Poland Are Positive Chart II-4Trade Balances Favor CZK vs HUF & PLN Trade Balances Favor CZK vs HUF & PLN Trade Balances Favor CZK vs HUF & PLN The Hungarian central bank will launch its corporate QE program in July 2019 with a total of HUF 300 billion in corporate bond purchases. This will likely weigh on the HUF as the central bank monetizes some of the country’s outstanding corporate debt. Additionally, the Polish government has announced large fiscal stimulus ahead of this year’s elections. The fiscal deficit is projected to widen from 1% currently to 2% of GDP by 2020. Finally, trade balances in Poland and Hungary are deteriorating while the Czech Republic is running a large trade surplus (Chart II-4). Bottom Line: Continue overweighting CE within both EM equity and local currency bond portfolios. We are taking profits on our long CZK / short the euro trade and initiating a new position: Long CZK / short an equal-weighted basket of HUF and PLN.   Andrija Vesic, Research Analyst andrijav@bcaresearch.com   Pakistan: No Pain, No Gain Pakistan’s economy and stock market are currently going through painful but necessary adjustments. The country has been suffering from a severe balance-of-payment crisis. Its exchange rate has already depreciated by 30% versus the U.S. dollar since December 2017. Its stock market in U.S. dollar terms has plunged 55% from its May 2017 peak. A bottom in the stock market is likely to occur when the currency stabilizes. Odds are that the Pakistani rupee is in its late phase of adjustment (Chart III-1). First, a US$ 6 billion worth IMF bailout fund is on its way. The country reached a staff-level agreement with the IMF on May 12. The IMF will release the funds in phases over a period of 39 months. Meanwhile, Pakistan will likely also receive US$ 2-3 billion from the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank (ADB) in the next three years. Altogether, multilateral financing will amount to about US$3 billion per year over the next three years. The country will also likely continue its bi-lateral borrowings from China, Saudi Arabia and the UAE. Last year, about US$10 billion of external borrowing and a nearly US$7 billion reduction in the central bank’s foreign reserves helped fund the US$18 billion current account deficit. Over the next 12 months, we expect the financing needs to be considerably smaller due to shrinking twin deficits (Chart III-2). Chart III-1Pakistan's Rupee: Close To A Bottom? Pakistan's Rupee: Close To A Bottom? Pakistan's Rupee: Close To A Bottom? Chart III-2Twin Deficits Are Likely To Shrink Twin Deficits Are Likely To Shrink Twin Deficits Are Likely To Shrink Both trade and current account balances have started showing improvement in U.S. dollar terms due to a steep contraction in imports. Going forward, we expect export growth to turn positive on the back of currency devaluation but import contraction will deepen. Lastly, the IMF agreement might allow Pakistan to issue some Eurobonds while higher local rates might attract some foreign portfolio capital. Second, Pakistan’s top leadership has cooperated with the IMF. Just earlier this month IMF economist Reza Baqir was appointed the new central bank governor. In addition, the Finance Minister and the Federal Bureau of Revenue chairman have been replaced. These new appointments increase the odds that the IMF program will be enforced in Pakistan. Indeed, after only two weeks on the job the new central bank governor raised the policy rate this Monday by 150 basis points to 12.25%. Meanwhile, significant fiscal consolidation is on the way, as the new policymakers will be committed to the IMF program. The budget for the next fiscal year (June 2019 – May 2020), which will be presented in Parliament on May 24, will likely show a considerable reduction in non-interest expenditures. Finally, the IMF is also pushing for increased central bank independence. In the last 17 months, the central bank purchased massive amounts of government securities – a de facto monetization of public debt. This has exacerbated domestic inflation and currency depreciation. So long as the country is under the IMF program, it is reasonable to expect no public debt monetization. In summary, the ongoing substantial monetary and fiscal tightening and accompanying reduction in the twin deficits, coupled with the increased availability of foreign funding are positive for the exchange rate. It is possible that Pakistan will follow the 2016-2017 Egyptian roadmap. Egypt experienced a severe balance-of-payment crisis and agreed to a similar IMF bailout program. In the case of Egypt, a 55% depreciation in its currency in late 2016 was followed by a 77% rally in share prices in U.S. dollar terms over the subsequent 18 months (Chart III-3). We are putting Pakistani stocks on our upgrade watch list. We are reluctant to upgrade it now because currency weakness might persist for a couple of months. Further, monetary and fiscal tightening will amplify the economic downturn weighing on corporate earnings. Banks’ NPL ratios and provisions will likely rise considerably. Chart III-3The 2016-2017 Egyptian Roadmap The 2016-2017 Egyptian Roadmap The 2016-2017 Egyptian Roadmap Chart III-4Pakistani Equities: A Long-Term Profile Pakistani Equities: A Long-Term Profile Pakistani Equities: A Long-Term Profile Bottom Line: We are putting Pakistani equities on an upgrade watch list. This bourse’s technicals are becoming interesting – it might bottom at its previous highs (Chart III-4). In addition, both absolute and relative valuations of Pakistani stocks appear attractive (Charts III-5 & Chart III-6). Chart III-5Equity Valuations Look Attractive Equity Valuations Look Attractive Equity Valuations Look Attractive Chart III-6Relative Equity Valuations Also Look Attractive Relative Equity Valuations Also Look Attractive Relative Equity Valuations Also Look Attractive We are waiting for share prices and the currency to stabilize before recommending an overweight position in Pakistani equities.   Ellen JingYuan He, Associate Vice President ellenj@bcaresearch.com Footnotes Equity Recommendations Fixed-Income, Credit And Currency Recommendations

Highlights In Indonesia, investors are ignoring the weakness in global growth, which is an important driver of the country’s financial markets. The Indonesian currency, equities and local currency bonds all remain vulnerable. We continue to recommend underweighting Indonesian assets for now. In Turkey, additional adjustments in the exchange rate and interest rates are unavoidable. Stay put/underweight Turkish financial markets. In the UAE, the economy is set to improve marginally this year. We recommend overweighting UAE equities and corporate spreads within their respective EM portfolios. Feature Indonesia: The Currency And Bank Stocks Are At Risk  Indonesian financial assets have benefited from the Federal Reserve’s dovish turn and corresponding fall in U.S. bond yields (Chart I-1, top panel). Moreover, the market is cheering President Joko Widodo’s lead in the presidential vote tally. Yet investors are ignoring the budding weakness in industrial metals prices, which has historically been an important driver of Indonesia’s exchange rate (Chart I-1, middle panel). Going forward, the Indonesian currency, equities and local currency bonds all remain vulnerable: Falling global growth in general and Chinese imports in particular will intensify Indonesia’s exports contraction and worsen the country’s already wide current account deficit. In turn, the latter will induce currency depreciation, which will then lead to higher interbank rates (Chart I-2). Chart I-1Global Growth Matters For Indonesian Markets Global Growth Matters For Indonesian Markets Global Growth Matters For Indonesian Markets Chart I-2Falling Current Account Deficit = Higher Local Rates Falling Current Account Deficit = Higher Local Rates Falling Current Account Deficit = Higher Local Rates Upward pressure on local interbank rates will cause a slowdown in domestic private loan growth.   The Indonesian central bank – Bank Indonesia (BI) – has been attempting to lower interbank rates, which have been hovering above the central bank's policy rate (Chart I-3). To achieve this, the central bank has substantially increased excess reserves in the banking system (Chart I-4). It has done so by purchasing central bank certificates from commercial banks, conducting foreign exchange swaps and providing repo lending. Chart I-3A Sign Of Liquidity Strains A Sign Of Liquidity Strains A Sign Of Liquidity Strains Chart I-4Bank Indonesia Is Injecting Liquidity Bank Indonesia Is Injecting Liquidity Bank Indonesia Is Injecting Liquidity   Yet by expanding banking system liquidity so aggressively, BI risks renewed currency depreciation. Like any central bank in a country with an open capital account, BI cannot expect to have full control over the exchange rate while simultaneously targeting local interest rates. The Impossibly Trinity dilemma dictates that a central bank needs to choose between controlling the two. Yet investors are ignoring the budding weakness in industrial metals prices, which has historically been an important driver of Indonesia’s exchange rate. Therefore, if BI continues to inject local currency liquidity to cap or bring down interest rates (interbank rates), the resulting excess liquidity could encourage and facilitate speculation against the rupiah. Scratching below the surface, the recent strong outperformance of Indonesian equities has been entirely due to the surge in the country’s bank share prices (Chart I-5, top panel). Remarkably, the performance of Indonesian non-financial as well as small-cap stocks has been especially dismal (Chart I-5, middle and bottom panels). This is an upshot of poor profitability among Indonesia’s non-financial listed companies (Chart I-6). Chart I-5Indonesian Bank Stocks Are The Only Outperformers Indonesian Bank Stocks Are The Only Outperformers Indonesian Bank Stocks Are The Only Outperformers Chart I-6Falling Non-Financial Corporate Profitability Falling Non-Financial Corporate Profitability Falling Non-Financial Corporate Profitability Furthermore, deteriorating financial health of non-financial corporates, especially small companies, will lead to higher NPLs on banks’ books. Notably, Indonesian banks are more heavily exposed to businesses than to households. As NPLs rise anew, Indonesian commercial banks will need to lift their bad-loan provisioning levels, generating a major profit relapse (Chart I-7). Importantly, Indonesian commercial banks have been boosting their profits by reducing NPL provisions since early 2018. Reversing this will materially affect their earnings. Chart I-7Indonesian Bank Share Prices Are Vulnerable Indonesian Bank Share Prices Are Vulnerable Indonesian Bank Share Prices Are Vulnerable Additionally, bank stocks are vulnerable due to falling net interest income margins. Moreover, their share prices are overbought and not cheap. To be clear, we are not negative on Indonesia’s structural outlook. The above-mentioned alarms are more near-to-medium terms issues. Still, foreign ownership of local currency bonds and stocks – at 38% each – are high, and could be a major source of potential outflows if the rupiah depreciates. This would cause Indonesian stocks and local currency bonds to sell off severely. Bottom Line: The global growth slowdown/commodities downturn and the U.S. dollar upturn are not yet over. Consequently, foreign flows into EM will diminish, which will be particularly negative for Indonesian financial markets. We recommend investors continue underweighting Indonesian equities and avoid Indonesian local currency bonds for now. We continue to recommend a short position in the IDR versus USD. Ayman Kawtharani, Associate Editor ayman@bcaresearch.com Turkey’s Foreign Debt Bubble: The Worst Is Not Yet Behind Us Turkish financial assets, and the currency especially, will remain under selling pressure in the coming months. Additional adjustments in the exchange rate and interest rates - as well as in the real economy and current account balance - appear unavoidable. The key imbalance remains the gap between foreign debt obligations (FDOs) and the availability of foreign currency to meet these debt obligations. Turkey’s FDOs in 2019 are equivalent to $180 billion (Chart II-1). FDOs measure the sum of short-term claims, interest payments and amortization over the next 12 months. This consists of $15 billion in interest payments, $65 billion in debt amortization and $100 billion in maturing short-term (under one year) claims. In theory, these debt obligations can either be rolled over, or the nation should generate current account and capital account surpluses and use these surpluses to pay down FDOs. Even though the current account deficit is shrinking, it is still in a deficit of $18 billion. Net FDI inflows remain weak at US$10 billion. Hence, it appears that Turkey’s only options are either to roll over maturing foreign currency debt or to lure foreign investors into local currency assets and use the surplus in net portfolio inflows to meet these FDOs. The central bank’s foreign currency reserves excluding both commercial banks’ deposits at the Central Bank of Turkey and FX swaps now stand at $13 billion. However, due to a lack of credibility in the Turkish government’s macro policies - in addition to the ongoing deep economic recession and heightened financial market volatility - external creditors will be unwilling to roll over the debt. In fact, net portfolio flows into government debt and equities have tumbled for the same reason. Typically, when foreign funding dries up temporarily, a country can use its foreign exchange reserves to meet its FDOs. However, Turkey’s foreign exchange reserves have already plummeted to extremely low levels (Chart II-2). The central bank’s foreign currency reserves excluding both commercial banks’ deposits at the Central Bank of Turkey and FX swaps now stand at $13 billion. This is negligible compared with the $180 billion FDO figure due in 2019. Chart II-1Turkey: A Large Foreign Debt Servicing Burden Turkey: A Large Foreign Debt Servicing Burden Turkey: A Large Foreign Debt Servicing Burden Chart II-2Foreign Exchange Reserves Are Too Small Foreign Exchange Reserves Are Too Small Foreign Exchange Reserves Are Too Small   The recent plunge in the central bank’s net foreign exchange reserves excluding swaps (i.e. net international reserves) has put many pertinent metrics at record lows. In particular, net international reserves are at a precarious level relative to both total imports and external debt (Chart II-3). Finally, the net international reserves-to-broad money supply ratio has fallen to 7% (from 15% in 2014) despite the fact that the massive lira depreciation reduced the U.S. dollar measure of broad money supply (Chart II-4). Chart II-3FX Reserves Do Not Cover Imports Or External Debt FX Reserves Do Not Cover Imports Or External Debt FX Reserves Do Not Cover Imports Or External Debt Chart II-4Low Coverage Of Broad Money By International Reserves Low Coverage Of Broad Money By International Reserves Low Coverage Of Broad Money By International Reserves The currency will have to depreciate further and interest rates will have to move higher to shrink domestic demand/imports more. This is needed to generate a current account surplus that could be used to service FDOs, or that otherwise entices foreign creditors to be willing to roll over foreign debt or invest in Turkey. Finally, while the adjustment in the real economy is advanced, it is unlikely to be over, due to the large foreign debt bubble. Importantly, with large foreign and local currency debt obligations coming due for both companies and households - in addition to the deterioration in economic activity and higher interest rates - NPLs are bound to rise (Chart II-5). This is especially likely to occur because a lot of borrowing has been used in the property market both for construction and purchases. Notably, real estate volumes are shrinking, and prices are deflating in real terms (Chart II-6). Chart II-5NPLs Will Rise A Lot NPLs Will Rise A Lot NPLs Will Rise A Lot Chart II-6Turkey: Real Estate Is In Free Fall Turkey: Real Estate Is In Free Fall Turkey: Real Estate Is In Free Fall     Bottom Line: The macro adjustment in Turkey is not yet complete. The country still lacks foreign currency supply to service its enormous 2019 FDOs. Further currency depreciation and higher interest rates are required to depress domestic demand/imports and push the current account into surplus. Stay put / underweight Turkish financial markets. The authorities are becoming desperate, and the odds of capital control enforcement are not negligible. While such an outcome is not possible to forecast with any certainty or time frame, investors should consider this very real risk. Andrija Vesic, Research Analyst andrijav@bcaresearch.com Overweight UAE Equities And Corporate Bonds Over the next six to nine months, we believe both UAE equities and corporate spreads will outperform their respective emerging market (EM) benchmarks. The UAE economy is set to improve marginally this year (Chart III-1). It will benefit from expansionary fiscal policy, rising oil output, a buoyant tourism sector, a resilient banking sector and less of a drag from the real estate sector. First, sizable fiscal spending will lead to rising non-oil economic growth. The UAE’s federal budget spending for 2019 will increase by 17.3% from a year ago, much higher than the 5.5% year-on-year growth in 2018. Second, UAE oil output could increase by 15% later this year from current levels (Chart III-2). The U.S. announced on April 22 that all Iran sanction waivers will not be extended beyond the early-May expiration date. The U.S. administration also stated that it has secured pledges from Saudi Arabia and the UAE to increase their oil production in order to offset disrupted supply from Iran. Rising oil output will mitigate the negative impact of potentially lower oil prices on the UAE’s economy. Chart III-1Improving UAE Economy Improving UAE Economy Improving UAE Economy Chart III-2Rising Oil Output Rising Oil Output Rising Oil Output   Third, the outlook for the tourism sector is also positive. The number of tourists is set to rise as Expo 2020 approaches. The government is targeting 20 million visitors in 2020, 26% higher than last year’s levels. The UAE is building theme parks, museums, hotels and infrastructure to attract more tourists. The UAE economy is set to improve marginally this year. Fourth, the UAE’s banking sector will enjoy rising credit growth, robust profitability and improved asset quality this year. The banking system has been in consolidation mode since January 2016, with a 15% reduction in branches and a 14% drop in the number of employees. This has improved the banking sector’s profitability by cutting operating costs and increasing efficiency. The improving growth outlook will lift credit growth. The central bank’s most recent Credit Sentiment Survey suggests banks’ lending standards for both business and personal loans are loosening (Chart III-3). In addition, UAE banks enjoy large capital buffers. Despite rising non-performing loans (Chart III-4), UAE banks still reported a Tier-1 capital adequacy ratio of 17% as of December 2018. Chart III-3Credit Growth Is Likely To Increase Credit Growth Is Likely To Increase Credit Growth Is Likely To Increase Chart III-4Rising NPLs, But Still Large Capital Buffers Rising NPLs, But Still Large Capital Buffers Rising NPLs, But Still Large Capital Buffers   Lastly, the real estate markets in both Dubai and Abu Dhabi have suffered from oversupply (from both mushrooming supply and weaker demand) over the past several years. Property prices have already fallen over 20% in both Dubai and Abu Dhabi from their 2014 peaks (Chart III-5). Odds are high that the most dangerous phase of the property market downturn is behind us. Chart III-5Real Estate Adjustment Is Advanced Real Estate Adjustment Is Advanced Real Estate Adjustment Is Advanced In addition, the government’s efforts to attract people to stay in the country longer will somewhat offset the ongoing exodus of expatriates. Last May, the UAE introduced a new visa system that will allow investors, innovators and talented specialists in the medical, scientific, research and technical fields to stay in the country for up to 10 years. Overall, a potential bottom in property demand and restrained supply will likely make the real estate sector less of a drag on this bourse this year. Finally, the authorities are also more open to increasing the foreign ownership cap in the banking sector, albeit not up to 100%. For example, in early April, the largest UAE lender – First Abu Dhabi Bank – obtained regulatory approval to increase its foreign ownership limit to 40% from 25%. This has boosted foreign equity purchases and has supported the equity index. Bottom Line: We recommend an overweight position in UAE equities within an EM portfolio this year (Chart III-6). For fixed income investors, we recommend overweighting UAE corporate credit in an EM corporate credit portfolio. UAE corporate credit is a lower beta market and will outperform as EM corporate spreads widen (Chart III-7). Most UAE-dollar corporate bonds have been issued by banks. Banks in the UAE do not suffer from structural overhangs, and the cyclical downturn in the property market is well advanced. This is why they have been, and will remain, a lower beta sector within an EM corporate credit portfolio. Chart III-6Overweight UAE Equities Within An EM Portfolio Overweight UAE Equities Within An EM Portfolio Overweight UAE Equities Within An EM Portfolio Chart III-7UAE Corporate Credit Will Likely Outperform EM Benchmark UAE Corporate Credit Will Likely Outperform EM Benchmark UAE Corporate Credit Will Likely Outperform EM Benchmark   Ellen JingYuan He, Associate Vice President ellenj@bcaresearch.com Footnotes Equity Recommendations Fixed-Income, Credit And Currency Recommendations