Egypt

Highlights Tight fiscal and monetary policies under the auspices of the IMF agreement and a relatively benign balance of payments position will allow authorities to avoid currency devaluation in the next 6-12 months. However, these tight policies are creating a vicious circle of low nominal growth, underwhelming government revenues and causing missed fiscal targets. Consequently, the public debt-to-GDP ratio will continue rising, i.e., public debt sustainability will not be achieved. Stagnant incomes and the failure to stabilize the public debt-to GDP ratio will eventually force authorities to abandon a tight fiscal and monetary policy mix. Yet, the adoption of reflationary policies will come at the expense of rising devaluation pressures on the exchange rate. Feature There is no imminent threat of currency devaluation in the next 6-12 months. Elevated local domestic interest rates, fiscal tightening and high natural gas prices will support the currency in the short run (Chart 1). Beyond the next 12 months, tight fiscal and monetary policies will not be sustainable due to pain from very subdued growth. Given weak nominal GDP growth, the public debt-to-GDP ratio will fail to stabilize, i.e., it will continue rising. Eventually, faced with low income growth and lingering high unemployment, authorities will likely abandon these tight macro policies. When they do so, the currency will come under severe devaluation pressures. No Imminent Danger Of Devaluation, For Now… In the medium term (6-12 months), authorities will avoid devaluing the Egyptian pound. High interest rates, tight fiscal policy spearheaded by the IMF and high natural gas prices will ensure exchange rate stability. Specifically: The country’s balance of payments is at zero (Chart 2). This will assure that in the short run the de facto exchange rate peg can withstand a firming US dollar and rising US bond yields. Chart 1The Two Pillars To EGP Near-Term Stability Egypt: Currency Devaluation Delayed, For Now Egypt: Currency Devaluation Delayed, For Now Chart 2Egypt: No BoP Strains Egypt: Currency Devaluation Delayed, For Now Egypt: Currency Devaluation Delayed, For Now   Previous currency devaluations in Egypt occurred due to severe balance of payments strains and had little to do with trends in US interest rates and the US dollar. Egypt’s current account deficit could narrow further due the following: (1) high local interest rates depressing domestic demand and imports; (2) strong remittances from the Gulf as well as improving tourism revenues; (3) high natural gas prices bolstering exports. Notably, high natural gas prices and record production volumes will reinforce strong net natural gas exports over the coming 6-12 months (Chart 3). Conversely, higher domestic grain inventories will reduce food imports in the coming months. Importantly, the central bank has adequate foreign exchange reserves to cover any short-term outflows and foreign debt servicing needs (Chart 4, top panel). For instance, the ratio of foreign exchange reserves to local currency money supply remains above 2016 levels when the country was forced to devalue the pound (Chart 4, bottom panel). Chart 3Egypt Is Benefiting From High Natural Gas Prices Egypt: Currency Devaluation Delayed, For Now Egypt: Currency Devaluation Delayed, For Now Chart 4Egypt's Foreign Exchange Reserves Egypt: Currency Devaluation Delayed, For Now Egypt: Currency Devaluation Delayed, For Now Chart 5Egypt: Foreigners Have Been Pouring Into Domestic Bonds Egypt: Currency Devaluation Delayed, For Now Egypt: Currency Devaluation Delayed, For Now Lastly, the increased dependence on portfolio (debt) inflows will discourage the Central Bank of Egypt (CBE) from cutting interest rates. Notably, the ownership of local domestic government bonds by foreigners has risen substantially to 23% of total outstanding from 8% in 2020 (Chart 5). High real local rates will for now preclude lasting portfolio capital outflows. Bottom Line: A relatively benign balance of payments position will allow authorities to avoid currency devaluation in the next 6-12 months. …But Fiscal And Monetary Austerity Are Not Sustainable In The Long Run Policymakers are willing to pursue tight fiscal and monetary policies. However, the latter will result in weak domestic demand and feeble nominal income growth. The accumulating deflationary pressures will ultimately create socio-political tensions, warranting a policy reversal – substantial fiscal and monetary easing. The latter will necessitate the devaluation of the Egyptian pound. Fiscal Policy Fiscal policy is tightening with guidance from the IMF. According to IMF estimates, the primary fiscal thrust for FY 2021/22 & 2022/23 is expected to be -1.5% and 0% of GDP, respectively (Chart 6). In turn, the government is expected to run a primary fiscal surplus over the next few years. According to IMF/government projections, nominal primary spending is expected to grow by 14.9% and 10.9% in FY 2021/22 and FY 2022/23. In turn, nominal GDP growth will expand by 11% and 10%, while nominal government revenue growth is expected to expand by 17% and 14%, respectively for FY 2021/22 & 2022/23. As a result, according to these IMF/government projections, the public debt-to-GDP ratio will decline from 91.3% now to 85.7% of GDP by FY 2022/23 (Chart 7). Chart 6Egypt: Fiscal Austerity For The Next 2 Years Egypt: Currency Devaluation Delayed, For Now Egypt: Currency Devaluation Delayed, For Now Chart 7Egypt: The IMF Public Debt Forecast Is Too Optimistic! Egypt: Currency Devaluation Delayed, For Now Egypt: Currency Devaluation Delayed, For Now   We do not think these public debt projections are reasonable. Fiscal cutbacks will depress nominal GDP growth causing government revenues to severely undershoot projections: At 17% of GDP, government primary spending is substantial, even though it has fallen a lot in recent years. Further retrenchment in fiscal spending will depress income growth, domestic demand and nominal GDP. Aggregate interest payments (both local and foreign currency) on total public debt – the effective interest rate on public debt – will be well above nominal GDP growth (Chart 8). So long as interest rates on government debt remain above nominal growth, the public debt-to-GDP ratio will rise. Further, interest payments on public debt consume 50% of government revenue and take over a third of government spending (Chart 9). This is enormous. Chart 8Egypt: Public Debt-To-GDP Will Rise Due to Low Nominal GDP Growth Egypt: Currency Devaluation Delayed, For Now Egypt: Currency Devaluation Delayed, For Now Chart 9Egypt: Interest Expenditures Are Too High! Egypt: Currency Devaluation Delayed, For Now Egypt: Currency Devaluation Delayed, For Now   Authorities are reducing subsidies for food items, which will lead to higher food prices. They are also raising electricity and fuel prices. Meanwhile, public sector wages will be contained, and sluggish employment growth will cap aggregate household income. All of these together will curb household disposable income available for discretionary spending and will depress domestic demand. The vaccination rate remains low at below 5% of the total population. Therefore, the country is at risk of further spreads of new variants and rising infection rates. Already, core inflation measures remain depressed at the lower end of the CBE target band of 5% to 9% (Chart 10). Chart 10Egypt: Inflation Is Low Egypt: Currency Devaluation Delayed, For Now Egypt: Currency Devaluation Delayed, For Now Monetary Policy Policymakers will likely keep monetary policy tight by pursuing high real interest rates to attract portfolio capital flows. In fact, in the past 12 months Egypt has been attracting primarily fixed-income foreign portfolio inflows due to its high domestic fixed-income market yield. At the same time, high real lending rates have decimated domestic demand. Profitability of domestic businesses has been dismal. Consequently, the country has been receiving very low amounts of foreign equity inflows and foreign direct investment (FDI). An inability to attract FDI will weigh on the nation’s productivity, competitiveness and, hence, the pound stability in the long run. While the real policy rate is 4.2% (deflated by core CPI), real lending rates are well above 10% (Chart 1 above). As a result, private credit growth will decelerate from current levels as higher base effects from last year’s subsidized lending scheme dissipate. Bottom Line: With the IMF’s blessing, the government will maintain tight fiscal and monetary policies. These policies are creating a vicious circle of low nominal growth, underwhelming government revenues and missing fiscal targets. Consequently, the public debt-to-GDP ratio will continue rising, i.e., public debt sustainability will not be achieved. How To Break A Vicious Deflationary Cycle? Fiscal and monetary austerity will ultimately produce socio-political discontent among the population, which will force authorities to ease both fiscal and monetary policies substantially. A changing macro policy will in turn increase pressure on authorities to devalue the currency. Faced with very sluggish nominal income growth and a very high and rising public debt-to-GDP ratio, policymakers will be forced to cut interest rates and increase government spending. These will boost nominal income and domestic demand. The upshot will also be lower real interest rates and a widening current account deficit. Both are conducive to currency devaluation. Given that 80% of government debt is denominated in local currency, authorities can afford to devalue the currency. In other words, creditors (holders of domestic government bonds) will be hit more than the government. As foreigners rush to sell local currency bonds, Egyptian commercial banks can purchase these, which could cap interest rates from rising too high. This will effectively amount to monetization of public debt by commercial banks and will also herald currency depreciation. Meanwhile, the debt-servicing on external debt could be restructured as three-quarters of it is owed to international bi- and multi-lateral creditors. Bottom Line: Stagnant incomes and the failure to stabilize the public debt-to GDP ratio will eventually force authorities to abandon a tight fiscal and monetary policy mix. Such a policy reversal will eventually boost economic growth. However, it will come at the expense of rising devaluation pressures on the exchange rate. In sum, beyond the next 12 months, chances of a material exchange rate devaluation are substantial. Investment Implications Investors should overweight local currency bonds within an EM local currency bond portfolio. Egyptian domestic bond yields in real terms (adjusted for inflation) are amongst the highest in the world and it is highly likely that the pound will not be meaningfully devalued within the next 6-12 months. This contrasts with our view on other EM currencies, which holds that rising US bond yields and weak EM domestic fundamentals will cause many EM currencies to depreciate versus the US dollar in the next three to six months. A tight macro policy mix will also favor Egyptian sovereign US$ credit relative to EM and more particularly, Kenyan sovereign credit. Go long Egypt / short Kenya sovereign USD bonds (Chart 11). The Report on Kenya can be accessed here. In absolute terms, Egyptian sovereign spreads will likely widen due to a border selloff in EM (Chart 12). Chart 11Long Egyptian / Short Kenyan Sovereign Credit Egypt: Currency Devaluation Delayed, For Now Egypt: Currency Devaluation Delayed, For Now Chart 12Egyptian Sovereign Credit: Spreads And Excess Return Egypt: Currency Devaluation Delayed, For Now Egypt: Currency Devaluation Delayed, For Now   Lackluster domestic growth due to tight fiscal and monetary policies will cause Egyptian stocks to underperform. Investors should avoid / underweight this bourse. Andrija Vesic Associate Editor andrijav@bcaresearch.com Arthur Budaghyan Chief Emerging Markets Strategist arthurb@bcaresearch.com Footnotes

Highlights Authorities will be reluctant to devalue the currency this year to avoid a pass-through of higher global food prices into domestic food prices. Yet, chronically underwhelming economic growth will ultimately force the government to abandon tight fiscal and monetary policies and adopt a pro-growth agenda. A part of such a policy shift will be currency devaluation. Egypt’s productivity gains will be limited, which will keep potential GDP growth tame. A major buying opportunity in Egyptian local currency bonds, sovereign credit and equities will follow on the heels of currency devaluation. Feature The Egyptian government is facing a dilemma between tolerating very weak economic growth and a rising public debt burden on the one hand and currency devaluation on the other hand. In the near-term, they will continue pursuing tight fiscal and monetary policies to avoid currency devaluation. However, over a long-run time horizon, the dismal productivity outlook leaves them with no option except to ease fiscal policy and reduce interest rates substantially to boost (nominal) growth. The upshot will be significant depreciation pressure on the exchange rate. No Appetite To Devalue … Yet Chart 1Rising Food Prices Is A Major Constraint To Currency Devaluation Egypt: A Policy Dilemma Egypt: A Policy Dilemma Over the near-term, Egyptian authorities will not devalue the currency because of the following: Rising food prices carry both economic and socio-political risks. Egypt imports 62% of its wheat and 60% of its corn consumption. Global food prices have risen sharply in the past 12 months. Devaluing the pound would exert pain on household budgets by raising the price of key imported grains in local currency terms (Chart 1). Higher food prices can reduce popular support for the government and heighten socio-political instability. Provided that food accounts for 35% of the consumer basket, rising food prices will curtail disposable income left after food expenditures. In turn, that will depress non-food household spending with negative implications for the entire economy.  In brief, macro economic policy choices are presently constrained by high global food prices and the country’s large dependence of food imports. Currency devaluation is currently not a palatable political option. Structurally, Egypt’s domestic agricultural production is unable to meet its domestic consumption needs. Food insecurity has socio-political ramifications and also affects macro policy choices available to and made by authorities (for a more detailed discussion on food insecurity, please refer to Box 1).  Box 1 Food Insecurity In the coming years, Egypt will continue to encounter severe challenges in food production and, hence, securing sufficient supplies of food for its rising population. Over the past decade, only 5% of overall investments went into agriculture while private investments into agriculture fell. This has resulted in stagnant agriculture productivity. Chart 2 illustrates that output per area harvested of wheat, corn and rice has been flat over the past decade. Of greater concern is the fact that wheat and corn production per capita have been falling while their consumption per capita has been rising (Chart 3). Faced with a projected population increase of 30 million by 2030 (from 100 million to 130 million), Egypt will be forced to spend more on food imports. Thus, these dynamics will expose Egypt even further to global food price fluctuations. In addition, Egypt faces a severe risk of fresh water shortages due to the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) construction on the Nile by Ethiopia. Critically, Egypt relies almost entirely on this source of water from the Nile for agriculture. Any major resolution appears unlikely to be reached between Egypt and Ethiopia. In particular, Ethiopia views the dam as part of its own national economic interests in the region. Above all, Ethiopia will not be materially pressured by the US or Europe to back down from its own national economic interest surronding the dam, as has been argued by BCA Research’s Geopolitical Strategy Service. Abroad, President Biden is focused on restoring relations with Iran and countering Chinese and Russian regional ambitions, while not showing major interest in the Horn of Africa. The Europeans, for their part, will not react too punitively towards Ethiopia, not wishing to destabilize Ehtiopia’s stability for now.  Bottom Line: There are risks that Egypt’s food production per capita could decline due to shortages of fresh water in the years ahead. In such a scenario, the nation’s food insecurity will rise and will have ravaging effects on Egypt’s balance of payments and the economy as well as might also lead to socio-political distress. Chart 2Egypt: Stagnant Crop Productivity Egypt: A Policy Dilemma Egypt: A Policy Dilemma Chart 3A Large Gap Between Food Production And Consumption Egypt: A Policy Dilemma Egypt: A Policy Dilemma Chart 4Egypt: A Large Portion Of Foreign Debt Obligations Is Owed To Bilateral Creditors Egypt: A Policy Dilemma Egypt: A Policy Dilemma At $14.5 billion for the next six months, foreign debt obligations are manageable (Chart 4). FDOs measure the sum of maturing short-term claims, interest payments and amortization over the next 6 months. Two thirds of FDOs are composed of short-term banking claims that can be extended/rolled over. Meanwhile, amortization and interest payments make up about $5 billion of the FDOs due over the next six months. Critically, three-quarters of these payments are owed to bi-and multi-lateral creditors. Egypt’s bi-lateral partners include Gulf states as well as the IMF and the World Bank. All of them have an interest in the country’s stability and are likely to roll over Egypt’s debt. Even though the central bank’s net foreign currency reserves are only $14 billion, its gross reserves are $39 billion (Chart 5). Additionally, if needed authorities may request additional financing from their bi-and multi-lateral creditors to preclude a major currency depreciation in the coming months. The current account deficit will not widen in the coming months (Chart 6, top panel). Exports will benefit from high natural gas and oil prices (Chart 6, bottom panel). Energy represents 32% of the nation’s exports. Chart 5Egypt: FX Reserves Are Above 2016 Devaluation Levels Egypt: A Policy Dilemma Egypt: A Policy Dilemma Chart 6Egypt: Current Account Will Improve With Rising Nat Gas Prices... Egypt: A Policy Dilemma Egypt: A Policy Dilemma   Besides, tourism revenues will improve later this year as European travellers, who represent two-thirds of tourist entries, resume vacationing amid a broadening rollout of vaccines. Further, remittances have remained resilient in the face of the pandemic (Chart 7, top panel). In the meantime, export revenues from transportation – primarily, from the Suez Canal – will be bolstered by booming global trade (Chart 7, bottom panel). In turn, tame fiscal spending and high real lending rates will keep a lid on domestic demand and, thereby, imports (Chart 8). Chart 7...And Rising Remittances And Transport Revenues Egypt: A Policy Dilemma Egypt: A Policy Dilemma Chart 8Egypt: High Real Interest Rates Are Weighing On Growth Egypt: A Policy Dilemma Egypt: A Policy Dilemma Chart 9Egypt: Real Bond Yields Are High Egypt: A Policy Dilemma Egypt: A Policy Dilemma Lastly, multi-decade low inflation, fiscal and monetary prudence, and high real bond yields will preclude large foreign outflows from local currency government bonds (Chart 9). This will help the government to avoid currency devaluation. Remarkably, the overwhelming majority of foreign portfolio inflows have been into domestic bonds, not equities. Therefore, as long as investors in local currency bonds do not flee, the authorities will manage to avoid devaluation. Besides, Egypt offers one of the highest real bond yields in EM, and as such offers value to investors in an environment of low global yields (Chart 9). Bottom Line: Authorities will be reluctant to devalue the currency this year to avoid a pass-through of higher global food prices into domestic food prices. They will do everything they can to defend the exchange rate in the coming months, including requesting more US dollar financing from bi-and multi-lateral creditors and possibly hiking domestic interest rates. An Unsustainable Macro Policy Mix Chart 10Egypt: Nominal GDP Growth Needs To Be Above Borrowing Costs Egypt: A Policy Dilemma Egypt: A Policy Dilemma Beyond the next six months or so, authorities will be compelled to choose between tolerating very weak economic growth and the rising public debt burden on the one hand and currency devaluation on the other hand. The rationale is as follows: Egypt has pursued very high interest rate policy to attract portfolio capital and preclude exchange rate depreciation. Interest rates in real terms have been extremely high (Chart 9 above). This has depressed economic activity and inflation. In fact, nominal GDP growth has fallen well below nominal government bond yields, lethal dynamics for public debt sustainability (Chart 10). We elaborated on Egypt’s public debt sustainability in our report from June 10th, 2020 and concluded that its public debt dynamics are on a dangerous trajectory due to elevated interest rates. Egypt needs to bring down local interest rates substantially and rapidly. In so doing, the central bank will lose control of the exchange rate. This analysis remains valid today. With interest payments on public debt consuming 50% of government revenues, 35% of government expenditures and 10.5% of GDP (Chart 11), high domestic interest rates are unsustainable in the long run. Given that local currency government debt makes up 80% of total public debt, lower domestic interest rates are critical to reduce interest payments on government debt and stabilize the public debt-to-GDP ratio which at the end of 2019 stood at 100% of GDP – the latest for which data is available. Tight fiscal policy has been, and will continue to be, used to cap the rise in public debt. The government is expected to run a primary fiscal surplus equivalent to 1.5% of GDP for the 2021/22 fiscal year (Chart 12). Chart 11Egypt: Interest Payments On Public Debt Are Enormous... Egypt: A Policy Dilemma Egypt: A Policy Dilemma Chart 12...Leaving Little For Fiscal Spending Egypt: A Policy Dilemma Egypt: A Policy Dilemma   Yet, depressed government non-interest spending is capping nominal income growth and contributes to lower GDP growth. Overall, tight monetary and fiscal policies are not sustainable in the long run as they will continue to depress income growth, ultimately resulting in socio-political discontent. Given that the productivity outlook remains dismal (please refer to the section below), the only option to boost (nominal) growth is to ease fiscal policy and reduce interest rates substantially. The upshot will be significant depreciation pressure on the exchange rate. Fiscal and monetary easing along with currency devaluation will boost nominal GDP growth, pushing it above borrowing costs. In time, the public debt-to-GDP ratio will stabilize due to a faster rising denominator. This will remove the constraint on fiscal policy, allowing the government to abandon fiscal austerity and meaningfully boost public sector wages, various subsidies and social benefits (Chart 13). This will also allow, authorities to counter rising food prices with greater outlays to support lower-income households. Importantly, the split between local and foreign currency denominated public debt is 80% and 20%. The majority of local currency public debt is held by domestic institutions and local banks (Table 1). Foreigners own only 15% of government local currency bonds. Thus, local institutions will blunt the impact of foreign selling amid fears of currency devaluation. Chart 13Egypt: Fiscal Spending Has Been Downshifting For Several Years Egypt: A Policy Dilemma Egypt: A Policy Dilemma Table 1Egypt: Composition Of Domestic Bond Holdings Egypt: A Policy Dilemma Egypt: A Policy Dilemma   Meanwhile, loans from international and bilateral organizations account for three-quarters of foreign currency public debt. These can be restructured, and debt servicing can be delayed, providing fiscal authorities with some breathing room. Bottom Line: Chronically underwhelming economic growth will ultimately force the government to abandon tight fiscal and monetary policies and adopt a pro-growth agenda. A part of such a policy shift will be currency devaluation. No Structural Growth Improvement Chart 14Egypt: Structural Deficiencies Egypt: A Policy Dilemma Egypt: A Policy Dilemma The only way an economy can grow faster in an environemnt characterized by tight fiscal and monetary policies and no currency devaluation is via higher productivity growth. Odds of higher productivity growth in Egypt are low. The nation has not implemented the structural reforms necessary to improve productivity growth.  Egypt’s structural vulnerabilities, namely depressed investment, an uncompetitive manufacturing sector and a lack of skilled labor, will all hinder productivity gains (Chart 14). Privatization plans for most SoEs have been canceled or delayed. Only one major state asset has been sold to private entities since 2015. Nevertheless, some recently enacted reforms will incentivize foreign companies to increase investment in some key strategic sectors, particularly in the oil & gas sector. For instance, all foreign firms which are now able to own 100% of their investments in Egypt, have the ability to repatriate all of their capital and profits and have been offerred guarantees against nationalisation and price controls on goods. Bottom Line: Egypt’s productivity gains will be limited, which will keep potential GDP growth tame. As a result, the economy can only rely on the reflationary push from fiscal and monetary policies and currency devaluation to achive higher (nominal) growth. Investment Conclusions The Egyptian pound’s valuations are presently neutral (Chart 15). Authorities are unlikely to devalue the exchange rate in the coming months. This creates a window of opportunity to collect the carry by being long currency bonds without hedging currency risk. That said, Egypt’s domestic bond yields could rise along with US bond yields (Chart 16, top panel). Chart 15Egypt: Currency Is Fairly Valued Egypt: A Policy Dilemma Egypt: A Policy Dilemma Chart 16Egypt: High Carry But Yields Could Rise Alongside US Yields Egypt: A Policy Dilemma Egypt: A Policy Dilemma   Nevertheless, in the long run, a major currency devaluation is likely as continued fiscal and monetary austerity, a depressed economy and rising public debt are not viable options for the government. Substantial fiscal and monetary easing will be required to reflate the economy. The upshot of this will be a considerable currency devaluation. Chart 17Egypt: Wait For Reflationary Policies To Upgrade Equities Egypt: A Policy Dilemma Egypt: A Policy Dilemma Concerning US dollar bonds, dedicated EM credit portfolios should remain neutral on Egypt. In the near term, spreads could widen as public debt stress builds up amid very weak nominal GDP growth. In the long term, currency devaluation will be a trigger to go long/overweight this sovereign credit. Finally, equity investors should continue avoiding this stock market until authorities adopt reflationary policies and devalue the exchange rate (Chart 17). Fiscal easing and lower interest rates will herald higher nominal growth and will be conducive to higher share prices.   Andrija Vesic Associate Editor andrijav@bcaresearch.com Arthur Budaghyan Chief Emerging Markets Strategist arthurb@bcaresearch.com

Highlights The epicenter of the new Middle East crisis is the Shia Crescent, which threatens global oil supply. However, the escalation of conflict in the Mediterranean is also relevant to global investors. The crises in Libya and the Eastern Mediterranean are escalating as President Erdogan makes a last attempt to benefit from his relationship with Trump before US elections in November. A breakup between Turkey and NATO is not our base case, but European sanctions against Turkey are likely. Turkish risk will rise. A revival in Libyan oil production would not be a meaningful risk to the recovery in oil markets. Stay strategically long Brent crude oil. Libya could become a “Black Swan” for market participants exposed to southern Europe, Turkey, and North Africa. We remain short our EM Strongman Currency Basket versus other emerging market currencies. Feature Dear Clients, This week we present to you a special report on Turkey by my colleague Roukaya Ibrahim, Editor, Geopolitical Strategy. Roukaya argues that President Erdogan is at a crossroads in which he will confront major military and economic constraints to his foreign policy adventurism. On Monday, July 27 you will receive a special report that I co-wrote with Anastasios Avgeriou, chief strategist of our US Equity Strategy. In this report we continue our analysis of the equity sector implications of the upcoming US election. Anastasios also provides analysis of two cyclical sectors that you may find of interest. On Friday, July 31 we will send you our regular monthly GeoRisk Update, which surveys our proprietary, market-based geopolitical risk indicators and what they imply for your portfolio. We trust you will enjoy these reports and look forward to your feedback. All very best, Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Chart 1Shia Crescent' Flailing Under Maximum Pressure And COVID-19 Shia Crescent' Flailing Under Maximum Pressure And COVID-19 Shia Crescent' Flailing Under Maximum Pressure And COVID-19 The Middle East is suffering a wave of instability after the COVID-19 crisis just as it did in the years after the 2008 financial crisis. The crises in Libya, Syria, and Yemen were never resolved and now new crises are emerging from Egypt and Turkey to Iran and Iraq. By contrast with the “Arab Spring” of 2011, the epicenter of the political earthquake this time around is likely to be the “Shia Crescent,” i.e. Iran, Iraq, eastern Saudi Arabia, Syria, and Lebanon. The US policy of maximum pressure on Iran, which is intensifying in the lead-up to the US election, has weakened Iran and its sphere of influence (Chart 1). Chart 2Dominant Arab States Also Face Struggles Erdogan’s Neo-Ottoman Bid Hits Constraints Erdogan’s Neo-Ottoman Bid Hits Constraints Meanwhile the pandemic and collapse in oil prices have destabilized the predominantly Arab states (Chart 2). Authoritarian regimes like Egypt and Saudi Arabia that consolidated power after the Arab Spring are more stable than they were but still vulnerable to external and internal forces. These cyclical developments are occurring against the backdrop of structural changes like the US’s energy independence and strategic pivot to Asia, which have created a power vacuum in the Middle East. The pivot to Asia is rooted in US grand strategy and has proceeded across partisan administrations, so it will continue. Indeed US-China tensions are escalating rapidly in 2020 despite the financial market’s lack of interest. Turkey and Russia are scrambling to take advantage of the US’s withdrawal and gain greater influence through regional proxy wars. This year has seen a marked escalation of their involvement in Libya, where the war is re-escalating and drawing in Egypt, Europe, and Gulf Arabs. At minimum a Mediterranean conflict could affect oil prices as well as Turkish, Russian, and other regional financial assets. At maximum it could affect European assets, which are exposed to geopolitical risk in Turkey and North Africa. The Shia Crescent is the crisis’s epicenter, but Libya is also investment relevant. Bottom Line: The epicenter of the new Middle East crisis is the Shia Crescent, which threatens global oil supply. However, the escalation of conflict in the Mediterranean is also relevant to global investors, primarily through its potential to impact European assets. Re-Escalation In Libya The Libyan crisis has been escalating since the beginning of the year and is on the verge of turning into a major multilateral conflict. The risk now is that Egypt, another regional power, will intervene in Libya against Turkey in a battle for North African hegemony (Map 1). Map 1Libya Could Become A "Black Swan" Event Erdogan’s Neo-Ottoman Bid Hits Constraints Erdogan’s Neo-Ottoman Bid Hits Constraints Several incidents since we outlined Egypt’s red lines on the Libyan conflict suggest that Cairo and Ankara will clash in Libya (Table 1). Table 1Egypt And Turkey Up The Ante In Libya Erdogan’s Neo-Ottoman Bid Hits Constraints Erdogan’s Neo-Ottoman Bid Hits Constraints While Egypt has declared Sirte and al-Jufra as red lines, threatening military intervention if crossed, Turkey is calling for the Libyan National Army’s (LNA) withdrawal from these regions as a precondition for a ceasefire (Map 2). Egypt is allied with General Khalifa Haftar’s Libyan National Army, which is based in Benghazi and holds parliament in Tobruk. Map 2Libya’s Battlefront Is Closing In On The Oil Crescent Erdogan’s Neo-Ottoman Bid Hits Constraints Erdogan’s Neo-Ottoman Bid Hits Constraints The next move is now in Turkey’s hands. The escalation depends on whether it insists on moving forward toward Egypt’s red line. Turkey’s recent movements do not suggest it is backing down. True on July 21, and again on July 22, top officials from Turkey’s foreign ministry referred to a political solution as being the only solution in Libya. However, these statements were made while Turkey held diplomatic meetings with Niger and Malta that could be aimed at establishing airbases there.1 At its core, the conflict in Libya is a clash between the two dominant geopolitical forces in the Middle East. On the one hand, Turkey and Qatar are independent economic forces to Saudi Arabia and supporters of political Islam. On the other hand, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Egypt form an economic bloc and support Saudi religious authority and political authoritarianism. Bottom Line: The crisis in Libya is heading toward an Egypt-Turkey confrontation. Be ready for an escalation. Egypt Has More To Lose Than Turkey In Libya Both Egypt and Turkey are nearing a point of no return in Libya. A last-minute change of heart from either side would be increasingly more humiliating, both domestically and regionally. Chart 3Defeat In Libya Would Accelerate Erdogan’s Decline Erdogan’s Neo-Ottoman Bid Hits Constraints Erdogan’s Neo-Ottoman Bid Hits Constraints While Egypt’s geographic proximity to Libya makes it more interested in what goes on there and will give it a home advantage in any military confrontation, Egypt’s military may be overstretched as it is also at risk of conflict with Ethiopia over water resources.2 For Egypt, a victory would resuscitate its position as a regional power, bringing about a new era of greater Egyptian regional leadership. It would silence domestic skeptics who argue Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi’s rule is based on the illegitimate ousting of Egypt’s only democratically elected leader. It would squash any prospect of a revival of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and validate authoritarian rulers in the region. It could also annul the recent Libya-Turkey maritime demarcation agreement – a positive for Egypt’s natural gas ambitions. A loss would be a wake-up call for Egypt’s military, which has been spending scarce funds on costly equipment. It may also result in a change in leadership in Egypt or at the very least weaken al-Sisi’s domestic power and Egypt’s regional clout. The regime would persist over the short and medium term, but it would suffer a loss of legitimacy and the underground domestic opposition would intensify, creating a long-term threat. A complete defeat of LNA forces would pose a major security risk. Haftar’s LNA acts as a buffer between Egypt and unfriendly militias in Western Libya. Turkey does not have a vital national strategic interest in Libya and therefore the constraint pushing against on a protracted conflict is stronger than it is for Egypt. Given that Turkey is a democracy, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has more to lose in the case of a military defeat. It would accelerate the decline in his popular support and that of his Justice and Development Party (AKP) (Chart 3). A conflict with Egypt is therefore a gratuitous gamble. However, victory would vindicate Erdogan’s efforts to create a strongman regime and revive memories of the great Ottoman empire.3 Such an accomplishment could mark a major turning point for Erdogan. His domestic blunders would be forgiven and he would be able to claim that he is one of the great leaders of Turkey. Given that Turkey lacks strategic necessity in Libya, and a defeat could dislodge Erdogan in 2023, one should expect Turkey not to cross Egypt’s red lines. However, Erdogan’s rule has been characterized by hubris, nationalism, and foreign assertiveness to distract from domestic economic mismanagement. Therefore we cannot have a high conviction that Turkey will bow to its political and military constraints. The risk of a large conflict is underrated. Bottom Line: Egypt has greater national interests at stake in Libya than Turkey. The implication is that Turkey should recognize Egyptian red lines. However, Turkey’s decision to intervene in Libya suggests that Erdogan could overreach. Libya could become a “Black Swan” for market participants exposed to southern Europe, Turkey, and North Africa. Will Turkey Break With NATO? Since signing the maritime and military cooperation agreements with Libya on November 27, Turkey has raised its stakes in Libya. Ankara has sent more armed drones, surface-to-air missile defense systems, naval frigates, a hundred officers, and up to 3,800 Syrian fighters. It has rolled back all of the strategic gains that the Libyan National Army made in 2019. The timing of the recent escalation is significant. The US election cycle offers Erdogan a chance to increase Turkey’s foreign assertiveness with minimal US retaliation. US-Turkish relations have been icy for years. Turkey is an ascendant regional power that is pursuing an increasingly independent national policy, while the US is no longer as dominant of a global hegemonic power capable of enforcing discipline among minor allies. The US alliance with the Kurds in Syria and Iraq has alienated Turkey. The 2016 Turkish coup attempt also increased the level of distrust between the two states. However, President Trump’s personal and political affinity for President Erdogan has resulted in a permissive policy toward Turkey. Trump seeks to distance the US from conflicts in Syria and Libya inherited from his predecessor. He has little commitment to the Kurds. More broadly he has embraced geopolitical multipolarity and avoided telling Erdogan what to do. The Trump administration has not retaliated against Turkey for purchasing Russia’s S400 missile defense system or for pursuing expansive maritime-territorial claims near Cyprus. Even though the Turkish arms purchase makes it eligible for sanctions under the Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA), the Trump administration has yet to impose sanctions. Senator Lindsey Graham, who is close to the Trump administration, suggested in July 2019 that sanctions could be avoided if Turkey did not activate the system.4 Turkey, for its part, has yet to activate the system three months after the April target date for activation. Turkey blames the delay on COVID-19. With regard to Libya, the Trump administration has remained largely on the sidelines. It has promised to reduce American commitment to overseas conflicts and has criticized the Obama administration’s intervention in Libya in 2011 to bail out the European allies. Officially the US is aligned with Fayez al-Sarraj’s UN-backed Government of National Accord (GNA), but so far its role has been minimal, refraining from providing any military support. Moreover, Washington’s key allies in the region – Egypt, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, even France – support the Libyan National Army. Libya could become a “Black Swan” event. It is Haftar’s other main backer – Russia – that would present an incentive for greater American involvement. The US African Command reports that two thousand Russian mercenaries from the Kremlin-backed Wagner Group have fought in Libya. The US also reported in June that at least 14 MiG29 and Su-24 Russian warplanes were sent to Libya via Syria, believed to be located in the al-Jufra airbase. Moreover, the US State Department has accused Russia of printing billions of fake Libyan dinars to fund Haftar’s forces.5 The Trump administration has been permissive toward Russia as well as Turkey, letting them work out deals with each other, but US electoral politics could prompt Trump to make shows of strength against Russia to fend off criticism. Thus the months in the lead up to the US elections offer the Turkish leader what may be a closing opportunity to increase the country’s foreign assertiveness with minimal US retribution. If Trump loses, Erdogan may face a less sympathetic Washington. By contrast France, also a NATO ally, has taken a stronger position against Ankara over its involvement in Libya. Relations with other eastern Mediterranean countries have also been rocky due to Turkey’s exclusion from gas deals in the region and drilling in disputed waters near Cyprus and Greece. France has a commercial interest in Libya’s oil industry and backs Haftar’s Libyan National Army to some extent.6 Citing aggressive behavior by Turkish warships after an encounter in the Mediterranean, France suspended its involvement in NATO’s Operation Sea Guardian on July 1.7 France has also demanded EU sanctions against Turkey – both for its drilling activities around Cyprus as well as for its role in Libya.8 Still, Europeans have little appetite for direct intervention in Libya. The leaders of France, Italy and Germany have threatened sanctions against foreign states that violate the arms embargo in Libya. This warning comes after EU foreign ministers agreed to discuss the possibility of another set of sanctions against Turkey in their August meeting if Turkey persists in converting the Hagia Sophia from a museum to a mosque. Despite the fracturing within NATO, the alliance will not break up. Turkey’s geographic proximity to Russia, large number of troops, and military strength make it an essential member of the defense treaty (Chart 4). Chart 4NATO Will Not Break With Turkey Erdogan’s Neo-Ottoman Bid Hits Constraints Erdogan’s Neo-Ottoman Bid Hits Constraints Instead, the Europeans will retaliate against Erdogan’s foreign adventurism through sanctions, while maintaining the NATO alliance. This acts as a cyclical rebuke without damaging the secular relationship. Europe will use sanctions to retaliate against Turkey’s provocations. The Europeans will be particularly rattled if Turkey succeeds in its North African endeavor and amasses significant regional power as a result. Victory in Libya would make Turkey the gatekeeper to two major migrant entry points to the European continent, providing Ankara with leverage in its negotiations with Europe (Chart 5). It would also increase the likelihood that Turkey increases its assertive behavior in the Eastern Mediterranean, where Israel, Egypt, Greece, Cyprus, and Italy are seeking to develop a natural gas hub. Chart 5Turkish Victory In Libya Would Rattle Europe Erdogan’s Neo-Ottoman Bid Hits Constraints Erdogan’s Neo-Ottoman Bid Hits Constraints Although Erdogan shows no signs of backing down, constraints suggest that Erdogan may pull back from being perceived as overly provocative. The Turkish economy is highly dependent on Europe in trade and capital flows (Chart 6). Thus unlike American sanctions, which have little bearing on the Turkish economy short of radical financial measures, European sanctions suppress any chance of an economic recovery. Chart 6European Sanctions Would Reverse Turkey's Recovery European Sanctions Would Reverse Turkey's Recovery European Sanctions Would Reverse Turkey's Recovery Chart 7Erdogan Risks Popularity By Overstepping In Libya And East Med Erdogan’s Neo-Ottoman Bid Hits Constraints Erdogan’s Neo-Ottoman Bid Hits Constraints Turkey’s frail economy and crackdown on opposition parties could weigh on Erdogan’s approval, which is losing its COVID-induced bounce (Chart 7). Thus, as in the case of Egypt, Erdogan should recognize these constraints and reduce his foreign assertiveness. If he does not, then he will hit up against material constraints that will harm the Turkish economy. Bottom Line: The Libyan crisis is escalating as Erdogan makes a last attempt to benefit from his relationship with Trump before US elections in November. Washington’s detached stance in Libya highlights that its foreign policy priorities lie elsewhere – in Asia and Iran. Meanwhile, Europe is divided over Libya. A breakup between Turkey and NATO is not our base case, but new European sanctions against Turkey are not unlikely. A Turkish victory in Libya would lead to a significant escalation in tensions between Turkey and the West. Investment Implications Turkish geopolitical risk is set to rise in the lead up to the November US elections as Turkey becomes increasingly embroiled in foreign conflicts – in Libya, Syria, Iraq, and most recently in the Azerbaijan-Armenia conflict (Chart 8). Ankara’s more provocative stances raise the risk of sanctions from the US and more significantly from the EU. This would hurt Turkish risk assets at a time of already heightened vulnerability. If Turkey manages to secure a victory in Libya, it would benefit economically from construction and energy contracts there. However, it would also result in a significant uptick in geopolitical tensions in the Middle East as the West and the West’s regional allies will be disturbed by Ankara’s expanding influence. Stay short our EM Strongman Currency Basket composed of the Turkish lira, Philippine peso, and Brazilian real versus other emerging market currencies. Even though the lira is already cheap against the US dollar, it faces more downside due to the risks highlighted in this report and the massive growth in money supply in Turkey. Similarly, the prospect of a military confrontation will raise the equity risk premium priced in Egyptian stocks. Egypt will continue underperforming emerging markets as long as it remains invested in an unsettled conflict in Libya (Chart 9). Chart 8Turkish Risk Will Rise Turkish Risk Will Rise Turkish Risk Will Rise Libyan oil exports are unlikely to stage a major revival anytime soon (Chart 10). Although the Libyan National Oil Company lifted force majeure on July 10, Haftar’s Libyan National Army reintroduced the blockade a day later. Clashes are also occurring near oil facilities in the Brega region where Syrian, Sudanese, and Russian Wagner Group mercenaries currently have a presence. Chart 9Egyptian Risk Assets Will Underperform Egyptian Risk Assets Will Underperform Egyptian Risk Assets Will Underperform Chart 10Libyan Oil Handicapped By Haftar’s Blockade Erdogan’s Neo-Ottoman Bid Hits Constraints Erdogan’s Neo-Ottoman Bid Hits Constraints Chart 11Stay Bullish Euro Over The Long Run Stay Bullish Euro Over The Long Run Stay Bullish Euro Over The Long Run Even in the best-case scenario, in which force majeure is promptly lifted, the blockade damaged both the reservoirs and oil and gas infrastructure, preventing a resurgence of exports to pre-January levels. The Libyan National Oil Company warned that unless oil production restarts immediately, output will average 650,000 barrels per day in 2022. This is significantly less than the over 1 million barrels per day just prior to the blockade, and the 2.1 million barrels per day Libya had planned to produce by 2024. In any case these figures pale in comparison to the production curtailments currently in place by OPEC 2.0, which are set to decrease to 8.3 million barrels per day beginning in August from 9.6 million barrels per day now. Given OPEC 2.0’s demonstrated commitment to production discipline, a revival in Libyan oil production is not a meaningful risk to the recovery in oil markets. We remain strategically long Brent crude oil, which is up 78% since inception in March. This trade could experience near-term volatility due to any hiccups in global economic stimulus or risk-off events from geopolitical risks. But over a 12-month time frame we expect oil prices to rise higher. BCA Research’s Commodity & Energy strategists expect Brent prices to average $44/bbl in 2H2020, and $65/bbl in 2021. The recent rise in the euro is rooted in global macro and structural factors but a major Mediterranean crisis and/or other geopolitical risks we have highlighted surrounding the US election cycle could create headwinds in the short term. Over the long run we are bullish euro (Chart 11).   Roukaya Ibrahim Editor/Strategist Geopolitical Strategy RoukayaI@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1 In Niger, Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu met with his Nigerien counterpart and stated the two states’ willingness to boost bilateral relations in agriculture, mining, energy, industry, and trade. A day earlier, Turkey and Qatar’s defense ministers met with Libya’s minister of interior in Ankara to discuss the situation in Libya. And on July 20, a trilateral meeting was held between Turkey’s defense minister, Libya’s interior minister, and Malta’s minister of home affairs and national security. The inclusion of Malta – located just north of Libya in the Mediterranean – is perplexing. The three discussed defense cooperation and efforts toward regional stability and peace. These recent meetings could suggest that Turkey is negotiating agreements to fortify its strategic approaches to Libya. This could involve greenlighting airbases in Niger and Malta in exchange for economic support and Qatari funding. 2 The latest developments suggest that the Egypt-Ethiopia conflict is de-escalating. On July 21, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed tweeted that Egypt, Ethiopia and Sudan had reached a “common understanding on continuing technical discussions on filling.” But Ethiopia will have an opportunity if Egypt becomes embroiled in Libya. 3 The Turks ruled Tripolitania from the mid-1500s until Italy’s 1912 victory in the Italo-Turkish War. Surveys conducted by Metropoll reveal that the share of Turks with a positive perception of Turkey’s active role in Libya shot up to 58% in June from 35% in January. 4 Senate Majority Whip John Thune has even proposed using the US Army’s missile procurement account to buy the Russian missiles from Turkey, thus reducing tensions between the two NATO allies. This is unlikely to occur because it would look politically weak in the US, while Turkey would face Russian pressure. The US suspended Turkey from the F35 Joint Strike Fighter program, banning it from purchasing F35s, and removing it from the aircraft’s production program. US Secretary of Defense Mark Esper stated that the US would only consider allowing Turkey back into the F35 Joint Strike Program if the Russian defense system were moved out of the country. The Turkish purchase of the Russian defense system was partly driven by the need to work with Russia and partly driven by Erdogan’s desire to reduce the risk of another coup attempt. Ankara was indefensible against the Turkish Air Force’s F-16s during the 2016 coup attempt since its military relies heavily on US built missile defense. 5 Moscow has denied all allegations of involvement in Libya. 6 US-made javelin missiles purchased by France were found at the pro-Haftar base in Gharyan in June last year, raising suspicion that France was backing Haftar’s offensives. 7 On June 10, French frigate Courbet approached a Tanzanian-flagged ship heading to Libya in suspicion that it was violating the UN arms embargo. France accused three Turkish vessels that were escorting the Tanzanian vessel of harassment by targeting the Courbet’s fire control radars. Turkey denied harassing the Courbet and maintains that the Tanzanian vessel was transporting humanitarian aid to Libya. A NATO investigation into the incident was inconclusive. 8 The EU agreed to impose sanctions on two Turkish oil company officials in February in protest against Turkish drilling activity in the Eastern Mediterranean. However these sanctions are mostly just political symbolism.

  Highlights In the short run, extreme policy uncertainty is problematic for risk assets. In the long run, gargantuan fiscal and monetary stimulus continues to support cyclical trades. Equity volatility always increases in the lead-up to US presidential elections. Trump has a 35% chance of reelection. The US-China trade deal is intact for now but the risk of a strategic crisis or tariffs is about 40%. Our Turkish GeoRisk Indicator is lower than it should be based on Turkey’s regional escapades. Feature US equities fell back by 2.6% on June 24 as investors took notice of rising near-term risks to the rally. With gargantuan global monetary and fiscal stimulus, we expect the global stock-to-bond ratio to rise over the long run (Chart 1). However, we still see downside risks prevailing in the near term related to the pandemic, US politics, geopolitics, and the rollout of additional stimulus this summer. Chart 1Risk-On Phase Continues - But Risks Mounting Risk-On Phase Continues - But Risks Mounting Risk-On Phase Continues - But Risks Mounting Chart 2Policy Uncertainty Hitting Extremes Policy Uncertainty Hitting Extremes Policy Uncertainty Hitting Extremes Global economic policy uncertainty is skyrocketing – particularly due to the epic the November 3 US election showdown. Yet Chinese policy uncertainty remains elevated and will rise higher given that the pandemic epicenter now faces an unprecedented challenge to its economic and political order. China’s economic instability will increase emerging market policy uncertainty (Chart 2). Only Europe is seeing political risk fall, yet Trump’s threats of tariffs against Europe this week highlight that he will resort to protectionism if his approval rating does not benefit from stock market gains, which is currently the case. The COVID-19 outbreak is accelerating in the US in the wake of economic reopening and insufficient public adherence to health precautions and distancing measures. The divergence with Europe is stark (Chart 3). Authorities will struggle to institute sweeping lockdowns again, but some states are tightening restrictions on the margin and this will grow. Chart 3US COVID-19 Outbreak Volatility And Mediterranean Quarrels (GeoRisk Update) Volatility And Mediterranean Quarrels (GeoRisk Update) The divergence between daily new infection cases and new deaths in the US, as well as countries as disparate as Sweden and Iran, is not entirely reassuring. The US is effectively following Sweden’s “light touch” model. Ultimately COVID is not much of a risk if deaths are minimized – but tighter social restrictions will frighten the markets regardless (Chart 4). President Trump’s election chances have fallen under the weight of the pandemic – followed by social unrest and controversy over race relations. But net approval on handling the economy is holding up well enough (Chart 5). Chart 4Divergence In New Cases Versus New Deaths Volatility And Mediterranean Quarrels (GeoRisk Update) Volatility And Mediterranean Quarrels (GeoRisk Update) Chart 5Trump’s Lifeline Is The Economy Volatility And Mediterranean Quarrels (GeoRisk Update) Volatility And Mediterranean Quarrels (GeoRisk Update) Our subjective 35% odds of reelection still seem appropriate for now – but we will upgrade Trump if the financial and economic rebound is sustained while his polling improves. His approval should pick up in the face of a collapse of law and order, not to mention left-wing anarchists removing or vandalizing historical monuments to America’s Founding Fathers and some great public figures who had nothing to do with the Confederacy in the Civil War. Equity volatility will increase ahead of the US election. Chart 6Volatility Always Rises Before US Elections Volatility Always Rises Before US Elections Volatility Always Rises Before US Elections Equity volatility always increases in the lead up to modern American elections (Chart 6) and this year’s extreme polarization, high unemployment, and precarious geopolitical environment suggest that negative surprises could be worse than usual, notwithstanding the tsunami of stimulus. So far this year the S&P 500 is tracing along the lower end of its historical performance during presidential election years. This is consistent with a change of government in November, unless it continues to power upward over the next four months – typically a change of ruling party requires a technical correction on the year. Our US Equity Strategist, Anastasios Avgeriou, also expects the market to begin reacting to political risk – and he precisely timed the market’s peak and trough over the past year (Chart 7). We suspect that the positive correlation between the S&P and the Democratic Party’s odds of a full sweep of government is spurious. The reason the S&P has recovered is because of the economic snapback from the lockdowns and the global stimulus. The reason the odds of a Blue Wave election have surged is because the pandemic and recession decimated Trump and the Republicans. Going forward, the market needs to do more to discount a Democratic sweep. At 35%, this scenario is underrated in Chart 8, which considers all possible presidential and congressional combinations. Standalone bets put the odds of a Blue Wave at slightly above 50%. We have always argued that the party that wins the White House in 2020 is highly likely to take the Senate. Chart 7Market At Risk Of Election Cycle Market At Risk Of Election Cycle Market At Risk Of Election Cycle Chart 8Market Will Soon Worry About 'Blue Wave' Market Will Soon Worry About 'Blue Wave' Market Will Soon Worry About 'Blue Wave' True, the US is monetizing debt and this will push risk assets higher regardless over the long run. But if former Vice President Joe Biden wins the presidency, he will create a negative regulatory shock for American businesses, and if his party takes the Senate, then corporate taxes, capital gains taxes, federal minimum wages, liability insurance, and the cost of carbon (implicitly or explicitly) will all rise. The market must also reckon with the possibility that Trump is reelected or that he becomes firmly established as a “lame duck” and thus takes desperate measures prior to the election. His threat to impose tariffs on Europe this week underscores our point that if Trump’s approval rating stays low, despite a rising stock market, then the temptation to spend financial capital in pursuit of political capital will rise. This will involve a hard line on immigration and trade. Bottom Line: Tactically, there is more downside. Strategically, we remain pro-cyclical. Stimulus Hiccups This Summer One reason we have urged investors to buy insurance against downside risks this month is because of hurdles in rolling out the next round of fiscal stimulus. The four key drivers of the global growth rebound are liquidity, fiscal easing (Chart 9), an enthusiastic private sector response, and the large cushion of household wealth prior to the crisis. This is according to Mathieu Savary – author of our flagship Bank Credit Analyst report. Mathieu argues that it will be harder for investors to overlook policy uncertainty after the stimulus slows, i.e. the second derivative of liquidity turns negative. Chart 9Gargantuan Fiscal Stimulus Volatility And Mediterranean Quarrels (GeoRisk Update) Volatility And Mediterranean Quarrels (GeoRisk Update) The massive increase in budget deficits and the quick recovery in activity amid reopening have reduced politicians’ sense of urgency. We fear that the stock market will have to put more pressure on lawmakers to force them to provide more largesse. Ultimately they will do so – but if they delay, and if delay looks like it is turning into botching the job, then markets will temporarily panic. Why are we confident stimulus will prevail? In the United States, fiscal bills have flown through Congress despite record polarization. Democrats cannot afford to obstruct the stimulus just to hurt the economy and the president’s reelection chances. Instead they have gone hog wild – promoting massive spending across the board to demonstrate their fundamental proposition that government can play a larger and more positive role in Americans’ lives. Their latest proposal is worth $3 trillion, plus an infrastructure bill that nominally amounts to $500 billion over five years. President Trump, for his part, was always fiscally profligate and now wants $2 trillion in stimulus to fuel the economic recovery, thus increasing his chances of reelection as voters grow more optimistic in the second half of the year. He also wants $1 trillion in new infrastructure spending over five years. Yet Republican Senators are dragging their feet and offering only a $1 trillion package. In the end they will adopt Trump’s position because if they do not hang together, they will all hang separately in November. The debate will center on whether the extra $600 in monthly unemployment benefits will be continued (at a cost of $276bn in the previous Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security Act). Republicans want to tie benefits to returning to work, since this generous subsidy created perverse incentives and made it more economical for many to stay on the dole. There will also be a debate over whether to issue another round of direct cash checks to citizens ($290bn in the CARES Act). Republicans want to prioritize payroll tax cuts, again focusing on reducing unemployment (Chart 10). Chart 10US Fiscal Stimulus Breakdown Volatility And Mediterranean Quarrels (GeoRisk Update) Volatility And Mediterranean Quarrels (GeoRisk Update) Our US bond strategist, Ryan Swift, has shown that the cash handouts present a substantial fiscal “cliff.” Without the original one-time stimulus checks, real personal income would have fallen 5% since February, instead of rising 9% (Chart 11). If Republicans refuse to issue a new round of checks, yet the extra unemployment benefits stay, then over $1 trillion in income will be needed to fill the gap so that overall personal income will end up flat since February. In other words, an ~8% increase in income less transfers from current levels is necessary to prevent overall personal income from falling below its February level. China and the EU will eventually provide more largesse. Republican Senators will capitulate, but the process could be rocky and the market should see volatility this summer. China may also be forced to provide more stimulus in late July at its mid-year Politburo meeting – any lack of dovishness at that meeting will disappoint investors. European talks on the Next Generation recovery fund could also see delays (though they are progressing well so far). Brexit trade deal negotiations pose a near-term risk. There is also a non-negligible chance that the German Constitutional Court will raise further obstructions with the European Central Bank’s quantitative easing programs on August 5. European risks are manageable on the whole, but the market is not discounting much (Chart 12). Chart 11Will Congress Takeaway The Money Tree? Will Congress Takeaway The Money Tree? Will Congress Takeaway The Money Tree? Bottom Line: We expect the S&P 500 to trade in a range between 2800 and 3200 points during this period of limbo in which risks over pandemic response and political risks will come to the fore while the market awaits new stimulus measures, which may not be perfectly timely. Chart 12European Risks Are Getting Priced European Risks Are Getting Priced European Risks Are Getting Priced Has The Phase One China Deal Failed Yet? President Trump’s threat this week to slap Europe with tariffs, if it imposes travel restrictions on the US over the coronavirus, points to the dynamic we have highlighted on the more consequential issue of whether Trump hikes broad-based tariffs on China, and/or nullifies the “Phase One” trade deal. Our sense is that if Trump is doing extremely poorly, or extremely well, in terms of opinion polls and the stock market, then the roughly 40% odds of sweeping punitive measures of some kind will go up (Diagram 1). Cumulatively we see the chance of a major tariff hike at 40%. Diagram 1Decision Tree: Risk Of Significant Trump Punitive Measures On China In 2020 Volatility And Mediterranean Quarrels (GeoRisk Update) Volatility And Mediterranean Quarrels (GeoRisk Update) White House trade czar Peter Navarro’s comments earlier this week, suggesting that the Phase One trade deal was already over, prompted Trump to tweet that he still fully supports the deal. Negotiations between Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and Chinese Politburo member Yang Jiechi also nominally kept the lid on tensions. However, China may need to depreciate the renminbi to ease deflationary pressures on its economy – and this would provoke Trump to retaliate (Chart 13). Chart 13Chinese Depreciation Would Provoke Trump Chinese Depreciation Would Provoke Trump Chinese Depreciation Would Provoke Trump We have always argued against the durability of the Phase One trade deal. Investors should plan for it to fall apart. Judging by our China GeoRisk Indicator, investors are putting in a higher risk premium into Chinese equities (Chart 14). They are also doing so with Korean equities, which are ultimately connected with US-China tensions. Only Taiwan is pricing zero political risk, which is undeserved and explains why we are short Taiwanese equities. After China’s imposition of a controversial national security law in Hong Kong and America’s decision to prepare retaliatory sanctions, reports emerged that Chinese authorities ordered state-owned agricultural traders to halt imports of soybean and pork – and potentially corn and cotton. These reports were swiftly followed by others that highlighted that state-owned Chinese firms purchased at least three cargoes of US soybeans on June 1, in spite of China’s decision to stop imports.1 Thus this aspect of the deal has not yet collapsed. But we would emphasize that the constraints against a failure of the deal are not prohibitive this year. The $200 billion worth of additional Chinese imports over 2020-2021 promised in the deal included $32 billion worth of additional US farm purchases – with at least $12.5 billion in 2020 and $19.5 billion in 2021 over 2017 imports of $24 billion. However, to date, US agricultural exports to China suggest that China may not even meet 2017 levels (Chart 15). Chart 14GeoRisk Indicators Show Rising Risk GeoRisk Indicators Show Rising Risk GeoRisk Indicators Show Rising Risk Chart 15Trade Deal Durability Still Shaky Volatility And Mediterranean Quarrels (GeoRisk Update) Volatility And Mediterranean Quarrels (GeoRisk Update) Soybeans account for roughly 60% of US agricultural exports to China. While Chinese imports are up so far this year relative to 2019, they remain well below pre-trade war levels. Although lower hog herds on the back of the African Swine Flu and disruptions caused by COVID-19 may be blamed, they are not the only cause of subdued purchases. The share of Chinese soybean imports coming from the US is also still below pre-trade war levels (Chart 16). Chart 16China Still Substituting Away From US Volatility And Mediterranean Quarrels (GeoRisk Update) Volatility And Mediterranean Quarrels (GeoRisk Update) New Chinese regulation requiring documents assuring food shipments to China are COVID-19 free adds another hurdle – China already banned poultry imports from Tyson Foods Inc. plants. Although the US’s share of China’s pork imports has picked up significantly, it will not go far toward meeting the trade deal requirements. China’s pork purchases from the US were valued at $0.3 billion in 2017, while soybean imports came in at $14 billion. Bottom Line: Trump’s only lifeline at the moment is the economy which pushes against canceling the US-China deal. But if he becomes a lame duck – or if exogenous factors humiliate him – then all bets are off. The passage of massive stimulus in the US and China removes economic constraints to conflict. Will Erdogan Overstep In Libya? We have long been bearish on Turkey relative to other emerging markets due to President Tayyip Erdogan’s populist policies, which erode monetary and fiscal responsibility and governance. Turkey’s intervention in Libya has marked a turning point in the Libyan civil war. The offensive to seize Tripoli on the part of General Khalifa Haftar of the Tobruk-based Libyan National Army (LNA) has been met with defeat (Map 1). Map 1Libya’s Battlefront Is Closing In On The Oil Crescent Volatility And Mediterranean Quarrels (GeoRisk Update) Volatility And Mediterranean Quarrels (GeoRisk Update) Foreign backing has enabled the conflict. Egypt, the UAE, Saudi Arabia, and Russia are the Libyan National Army’s main supporters, while Turkey and Qatar support Prime Minister Fayez al-Sarraj of the UN recognized Government of National Accord (GNA). The GNA’s successes this year can be credited to Turkey, which ramped up its intervention in Libya, even as oil prices collapsed, hurting Haftar and his supporters. Now the battlefront has shifted to Sirte and the al-Jufra airbase – the largest in Libya – and is closing in on the eastern oil-producing crescent, which contains over 60% of Libya’s oil. The victor in Sirte will also have control over the oil ports of Sidra, Ras Lanuf, Marsa al-Brega, and Zuwetina. With all parties eying the prize, the conflict is intensifying. Tripoli faces greater resistance as its forces move east. Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi’s June 6 ceasefire proposal, dubbed the Cairo Initiative, was rejected by al-Sarraj and Turkey. Instead, the Tripoli-based government wants to capture Sirte and al-Jufra before coming to the table. The recapturing of oil infrastructure would bring back some of Libya's lost output (Chart 17). Nevertheless, OPEC 2.0 is committed to keeping oil markets on track to rebalance, reducing the net effect of a Libyan production increase on global supplies. However, the GNA’s swift successes in the West may not be replicable as it moves further East, where support for Haftar is deeper and where the stakes are higher for both sides. This is demonstrated by the GNA’s failed attempt to capture Sirte on June 6. The battlefront is now at Egypt’s red line – GNA control of al-Jufra would pose a direct threat to Egypt and is thus considered a border in Egypt’s national security strategy. A push eastward risks escalating the conflict further by drawing in Egypt militarily. In a televised speech on June 20, al-Sisi threatened to deploy Egypt’s military if the red line is crossed. The statement was interpreted by Ankara as a declaration of war, raising the possibility that Egypt will go to war with Turkey in Libya. On paper, Egypt’s military is up to the task. Its recent upgrades have pulled up its ranking to ninth globally according to the Global Fire Power Index, surpassing Turkey’s strength in land and naval forces (Chart 18). However, while Turkey’s military has been active in other foreign conflicts such as in Syria, Egypt’s army is untested on foreign soil. Its most recent military encounter was the 1973 Yom Kippur War. Even after years of fighting, it has yet to declare victory against terrorist cells in the Sinai Peninsula. Thus Egypt’s rusty forces could face a protracted conflict in Libya rather than a swift victory. Chart 17GNA/Turkish Success Would Revive Libyan Oil Production Volatility And Mediterranean Quarrels (GeoRisk Update) Volatility And Mediterranean Quarrels (GeoRisk Update) Chart 18Egypt Is Militarily Capable … On Paper Volatility And Mediterranean Quarrels (GeoRisk Update) Volatility And Mediterranean Quarrels (GeoRisk Update) Other constraints may also deter al-Sisi from following through on his threat: Other Arab backers of the Libyan National Army – the UAE and Saudi Arabia – are unlikely to provide much support as their economies have been hammered by low oil prices. Egypt’s own economy is in poor shape to withstand a protracted war, with public debt on an unsustainable path. Not coincidentally, Egypt faces another potential military escalation to its south where it has been clashing with Ethiopia over the construction of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam on the Blue Nile. The dam will control Egypt’s water supply. The latest round of negotiations failed last week. While Cairo is hoping to obtain a bilateral agreement over the schedule for filling the dam, Addis Ababa has indicated that it will begin filling the dam in July regardless of whether an agreement is reached. Al-Sisi’s response to the deadlocked situation has been to request an intervention by the UN Security Council. However, as the July filling date nears, the Egypt-Ethiopia standoff risks escalating into war. For Egypt, there is an urgency to secure its future water supplies now before Ethiopia begins filling the dam. And while resolving the Libyan conflict is also a matter of national security – Egypt sees the Libyan National Army as a buffer between its porous western border and the extremist elements of the GNA – the risks are not as pressing. Thus a military intervention in Libya would distract Egypt from the Ethiopian conflict and risk drawing it into a war on two fronts. Moreover, Egypt generally, and al-Sisi in particular, risk losing credibility in case of a defeat. That said, Egypt has high stakes in Libya. A GNA defeat could annul the recent Libya-Turkey maritime demarcation agreement – a positive for Egypt’s gas ambitions – and eliminate the presence of unfriendly militias on its Western border. Thus, if the GNA or GNA-allied forces kill Egyptian citizens, or look as if they are capable of utterly defeating Haftar on his own turf, then it would be a prompt for intervention. Meanwhile Turkey’s regional influence and foreign policy assertiveness is growing – and at risk of over-extension. Erdogan’s interests in Libya stem from both economic and strategic objectives. In addition to benefitting from oil and gas rights and rebuilding contracts, Ankara’s strategy is in line with its pursuit of greater regional influence as set out in the Mavi Vatan, its current strategic doctrine.2 There are already rumors of Turkish plans to establish bases in the recently captured al-Watiya air base and Misrata naval base. This would be in addition to Ankara’s bases in Somalia and in norther Iraq. Erdogan is partly driven into these foreign policy adventures to distract from his domestic challenges and keep his support level elevated ahead of the 2023 general election (Chart 19). However, his growing assertiveness threatens to alienate European neighbors and NATO allies, which have so far played a minimal role in the Libyan conflict yet have important interests there. For now, the western powers seem focused on countering Russian intervention in Libya and the broader Mediterranean. Prime Minister al-Sarraj and General Stephen Townsend, head of US Africa Command (AFRICOM), met earlier this week and reiterated the need to return to the negotiating table and respect Libyan sovereignty and the UN arms embargo, with a focus on stemming Russian interference. However, Turkish relations with the West may take a turn for the worse if Erdogan oversteps. Turkey continues to threaten Europe with floods of refugees and immigrants if its demands are not met. This pressure will grow due to the COVID-19 crisis, which will ripple across the Middle East, Africa, and South Asia. Ankara also continues to press territorial claims in the Mediterranean Sea, ostensibly for energy development.3 Turkey has recently clashed with Greece and France on the seas. In sum, the Libyan conflict is intensifying as it moves into the oil crescent. The Turkey-backed GNA will face greater resistance in Sirte and al-Jufra, even assuming that Egypt does not follow through on its threat of intervening militarily. Erdogan’s foreign adventurism will provoke greater opposition in Libya and elsewhere among key western powers, Russia, and the Gulf Arab states. Bottom Line: The implication is that a deterioration in Turkey’s relationship with the West, military overextension, and continued domestic economic mismanagement will push up our Turkey GeoRisk Indicator, which is a way of saying that it will weigh on the currency (Chart 20). Chart 19Erdogan’s Fear Of Opposition Drives Bold Policy Volatility And Mediterranean Quarrels (GeoRisk Update) Volatility And Mediterranean Quarrels (GeoRisk Update) Chart 20Foreign And Domestic Factors Will Push Up Turkish Risk Foreign And Domestic Factors Will Push Up Turkish Risk Foreign And Domestic Factors Will Push Up Turkish Risk Stay short our “Strongman Basket” of emerging market currencies, including the Turkish lira. Investment Takeaways We entered the year by going strategically long EUR-USD, but closed the trade upon the COVID-19 lockdowns. We have resisted reinitiating it despite the 5% rally over the past three months due to extreme political risks this year, namely the US election and trade risks. Trump’s threat of tariffs on Europe this week highlights our concern. We will wait until the election outcome before reinstituting this trade, which should benefit over time as global and Chinese growth recover and the US dollar drops on yawning twin deficits. Throughout this year’s crisis we have periodically added cyclical and value plays to our strategic portfolio. We favor stocks over bonds and recommend going long global equities relative to the US 30-year treasuries. We are particularly interested in commodities that will benefit from ultra-reflationary policy and supply constraints due to insufficient capital spending. This month we recommend investors go long our BCA Rare Earth Basket, which features producers of rare earth elements and metals that can substitute for Chinese production (Chart 21). This trade reflects our macro outlook as well as our sense that the secular US-China strategic conflict will heat up before it cools down. Chart 21Position For An Escalation In The US-China Conflict Position For An Escalation In The US-China Conflict Position For An Escalation In The US-China Conflict   Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com   Roukaya Ibrahim Editor/Strategist Geopolitical Strategy RoukayaI@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Please see Karl Plume et al, "China buys U.S. soybeans after halt to U.S. purchases ordered: sources," Reuters, June 1, 2020. 2 The Mavi Vatan or “Blue Homeland Doctrine” was announced by Turkish Admiral Cem Gurdeniz in 2006 and sets targets to Turkish control in two main regions. The first region is the three seas surrounding it – the Mediterranean Sea, Aegean Sea, and Black Sea with the goal of securing energy supplies and supporting Turkey’s economic growth. The second region encompasses the Red Sea, Caspian Sea and Arabian Sea where Ankara has strategic objectives. 3 Ankara’s gas drilling activities off Cyprus have been a form of frequent provocation for Greece and Cyprus. Ankara has also stated that it may begin oil exploration under a controversial maritime deal with Libya as early as August. Section II: Appendix : GeoRisk Indicator China China: GeoRisk Indicator China: GeoRisk Indicator Russia Russia: GeoRisk Indicator Russia: GeoRisk Indicator UK UK: GeoRisk Indicator UK: GeoRisk Indicator Germany Germany: GeoRisk Indicator Germany: GeoRisk Indicator France France: GeoRisk Indicator France: GeoRisk Indicator Italy Italy: GeoRisk Indicator Italy: GeoRisk Indicator Canada Canada: GeoRisk Indicator Canada: GeoRisk Indicator Spain Spain: GeoRisk Indicator Spain: GeoRisk Indicator Taiwan Taiwan: GeoRisk Indicator Taiwan: GeoRisk Indicator Korea Korea: GeoRisk Indicator Korea: GeoRisk Indicator Turkey Turkey: GeoRisk Indicator Turkey: GeoRisk Indicator Brazil Brazil: GeoRisk Indicator Brazil: GeoRisk Indicator Section III: Geopolitical Calendar

Highlights Egypt’s balance of payments have deteriorated materially due to both the crash in oil prices and the global pandemic. The country’s foreign funding requirements in 2020 are high and the currency is under depreciation pressures. Unless domestic interest rates are brought considerably lower, the nation’s public debt is on an unsustainable trajectory. Hence, Egypt needs to reduce local interest rates substantially and rapidly. And in so doing, the central bank cannot control or defend the exchange rate. The latter is set to depreciate. Investors should buy Egyptian local currency bonds while hedging their currency exposure. Feature The Central Bank of Egypt (CBE) is depleting its foreign exchange (FX) reserves to defend the currency (Chart I-1). As the CBE’s foreign exchange reserves diminish, so will its ability to support the currency. As such, the Egyptian pound will likely depreciate in the next 6-9 months. Interestingly, despite being a net importer of energy, many of Egypt’s critical macro parameters are positively correlated with oil prices (Chart I-2). Egypt is in fact deeply integrated in the Gulf oil-economy network via trade and capital flows. In other words, Egypt is a veiled play on oil. Chart I-1The CBE Has Been Defending The Currency The CBE Has Been Defending The Currency The CBE Has Been Defending The Currency Chart I-2Egypt: A Veiled Play On Oil Egypt: A Veiled Play On Oil Egypt: A Veiled Play On Oil   Although oil prices have rallied sharply recently, the Emerging Markets Strategy team believes upside is limited and that oil prices will average about $40 over the next three years.1  In addition, local interest rates that are persistently above 10% are disastrous for both Egypt’s domestic demand and public debt sustainability. Egypt’s current account balance strongly correlates with oil prices because of the strong interlinkages that exist between Egypt and the oil-exporting Gulf countries. To preclude a vicious cycle in both the economy and public debt, the CBE should reduce interest rates materially and rapidly. Therefore, higher interest rates cannot be used to defend the exchange rate. Balance Of Payments Strains Egypt’s balance of payments (BoP) dynamics have deteriorated and the probability of a currency devaluation has risen: Current Account: The current account deficit – which stood at $9 billion and 3% of the GDP as of December 2019 – is widening significantly due to the plunge in oil prices this year (Chart I-2, top panel). Egypt’s current account balance strongly correlates with oil prices because of the strong interlinkages that exist between Egypt and the oil-exporting Gulf countries. The latter have been hard hit by the twin shocks of the coronavirus pandemic and the oil crash. First, Egypt’s $27 billion in annual remittances are drying up (Chart I-2, bottom panel). The majority of these transmittals come from Egyptian workers working in Gulf countries. Second, Egypt’s tourism industry – which brings in $13 billion in annual revenues or 4% of GDP – has collapsed due to the pandemic. Tourist arrivals from Middle Eastern countries – which makeup 20% of total tourist arrivals into Egypt – will diminish substantially due to both the pandemic and the negative income shock that the Gulf economies have experienced (Chart I-3). Third, Egyptian exports are in freefall (Chart I-4, top panel). Not only is this due to the freeze in global trade, but also because the country’s exports to the oil-leveraged Arab economies have taken a massive hit. The latter make up 25% of Egypt’s total goods shipments. Chart I-3Egypt: Tourism Is Linked To Oil Prices Egypt: Tourism Is Linked To Oil Prices Egypt: Tourism Is Linked To Oil Prices Chart I-4Exports Revenues Swing With Oil Prices Exports Revenues Swing With Oil Prices Exports Revenues Swing With Oil Prices   Furthermore, since 2019 Egypt has been increasingly exporting natural gas. The collapse in gas prices has probably already wiped out a large of chunk its natural gas export revenues (Chart I-5). Chart 6 exhibits the structure of Egypt’s exports of goods and services. Energy, tourism and transportation constituted 67% of total exports in 2019. Chart I-5Gas Export Revenues Are At Risk Gas Export Revenues Are At Risk Gas Export Revenues Are At Risk Chart I-6Egypt: Structure Of Goods & Services Exports Egypt: A Veiled Oil Play Egypt: A Veiled Oil Play Chart I-7Exports Are Shrinking Amid Resilient Imports Exports Are Shrinking Amid Resilient Imports Exports Are Shrinking Amid Resilient Imports Finally, while export revenues have plunged, imports remain resilient (Chart I-7). Critically, 26% of Egypt’s imports are composed of essential and basic items such as consumer non-durable goods, wheat and maize. Consumption of these staples and goods are less sensitive to business cycle oscillations. Therefore, the nation’s current account deficit has ballooned. A wider current account deficit needs to be funded by foreign inflows. With foreign investors reluctant to provide funds, the CBE has lately been financing BoP by depleting its foreign exchange reserves (Chart I-1, on page 1). Foreign Funding Requirements: Not only is Egypt facing a massively deteriorating current account deficit, but the country also carries large foreign funding debt obligations (FDO). FDOs are the sum of debt expiring in the next 12 months, and interest as well as amortization payments over the next 12 months. FDOs due in 2020 were $24 billion.2 In turn, Egypt’s total foreign funding requirements (FFR) – which is the sum of FDOs and the country’s current account deficit – has risen to $33 billion.3 Importantly, this FFR amount is based on the current account for 2019 and, thereby, does not take Egypt’s deteriorating current account deficit into consideration – as discussed above. Meanwhile, the central bank has net FX reserves of only $8 billion.4 If the monetary authorities continue to fund FFR of $33 billion in 2020 to prevent the pound from depreciating, the CBE will soon run out of its net FX reserves. Overall, Chart I-8 compares Egypt to the rest of the EM universe: with respect to (1) exports-to-FDO on the x-axis and (2) foreign exchange reserves-to-FFR on the y-axis. Based on these two measurements, Egypt is among the most vulnerable EM countries in terms of the balance of payments as it has the lowest FX reserves-to-FFR ratio and a low export-to-FDO ratio as well. Chart I-8Egypt Is One Of The Most Exposed EM Countries To Currency Depreciation Egypt: A Veiled Oil Play Egypt: A Veiled Oil Play Chart I-9FDI Inflows Are Set To Diminish FDI Inflows Are Set To Diminish FDI Inflows Are Set To Diminish Foreign Funding of Private Sector: Egypt will struggle to attract private-sector foreign inflows to meet its large FFR amid this adverse regional economic environment and the likely renewed relapse in oil prices in the months ahead. FDI inflows are set to drop (Chart I-9). The oil & gas sector has been the largest recipient of FDI inflows recently (around 55% in 2019 according to the central bank). The crash in both crude oil and natural gas prices will therefore ensure that FDIs into this sector will dry up. Besides, overall FDI inflows emanating from Gulf countries are poised to shrink substantially.5 Chart I-10The Egyptian Pound Is Once Again Expensive The Egyptian Pound Is Once Again Expensive The Egyptian Pound Is Once Again Expensive Foreign Funding of Government: With FDI inflows diminishing, the Egyptian government has once again been forced to approach the IMF for assistance. The country managed to secure $8 billion in assistance from the IMF ($2.8 billion in May and $5.2 in June). This has ameliorated international investor confidence in Egypt. Indeed, the country raised $5 billion by issuing US dollar-denominated sovereign bonds in May. Egypt is now seeking another $4 billion from other international lenders. Crucially, assuming Egypt manages to get the $4 billion loan, which would allow it to raise a total of $17 billion, Egypt would still be short on foreign funding to finance its $33 billion in FFR. Therefore, the currency will come under pressure of devaluation. As we argue below, the nation’s public debt sustainability is in jeopardy unless local currency interest rates are brought down substantially. This can only happen if the currency is allowed to depreciate. Consistently, foreign investors might be unwilling to lend to Egypt until interest rates are pushed lower and the country’s public debt trajectory is placed back on a sustainable path. Finally, the Egyptian pound has once again become expensive according to the real effective exchange rate (REER) which is based on both consumer and producer prices (Chart I-10). Bottom Line: Egypt is facing sharply slowing foreign inflows due to both the crash in oil prices and the global pandemic. This is occurring amid increased FFRs. Meanwhile, the CBE’s net FX reserves are insufficient to defend the exchange rate. Public Debt Sustainability The BoP strains discussed above are forcing the CBE to keep interest rates high to prevent the currency from depreciating. Yet the country’s public debt is on a dangerous path due to elevated interest rates. In turn, without currency devaluation that ultimately allows local interest rates to drop dramatically, the sustainability of Egypt’s public debt will worsen considerably. The BoP strains discussed above are forcing the CBE to keep interest rates high to prevent the currency from depreciating. Yet the country’s public debt is on a dangerous path due to elevated interest rates. To start, Egypt’s public debt stands at 97% of GDP – local currency and foreign currency debt account for 79% and 18% of GDP respectively (Chart I-11, top panel). Chart I-12 illustrates that interest payments on public debt is already using up 60% of government revenue and stands at 10% of GDP. Chart I-11Egypt: Public Debt Profile Egypt: Public Debt Profile Egypt: Public Debt Profile Chart I-12The Government's Interest Payments Are Unsustainable The Government's Interest Payments Are Unsustainable The Government's Interest Payments Are Unsustainable   Therefore, if the CBE keeps interest rates at the current level, then the government will continue to pay high interest on its debt. Generally, two conditions need to be met to ensure public debt sustainability in any country (i.e., to ensure that the public debt-to-GDP ratio does not to surge). Nominal GDP growth needs to be higher than government borrowing costs. The government needs to run persistently large primary fiscal surpluses. Chart I-13Egypt: Nominal GDP Growth And Government Borrowing Costs Egypt: Nominal GDP Growth And Government Borrowing Costs Egypt: Nominal GDP Growth And Government Borrowing Costs Regarding the first condition, nominal GDP growth was already dangerously close to the level of Egypt’s government borrowing costs even before the pandemic hit Egypt (Chart I-13). With the pandemic, both domestic demand and exports have plunged. Consequently, nominal GDP is likely close to zero while local currency borrowing costs are above 10%. So long as nominal GDP growth remains below borrowing costs, the public debt sustainability will continue to deteriorate. As to the second condition, Egypt only started running primary fiscal surpluses in 2018 as it implemented extremely tight fiscal policy by cutting non-interest expenditures (Chart I-14). However, that was only possible because economic growth was then strong. As growth has slumped, government revenue is most likely shrinking. Chart I-14Egypt Only Recently Started Running A Primary Fiscal Surplus Egypt Only Recently Started Running A Primary Fiscal Surplus Egypt Only Recently Started Running A Primary Fiscal Surplus Tightening fiscal policy amid the economic downturn will be ruinous. Cutting non-interest expenditures further will depress the already weak economy, drying up both nominal GDP and government revenues even more. This will bring about a vicious economic cycle. Needless to say, the latter option is politically unviable. The most feasible option to ensure sustainability of public debt dynamics is to bring down domestic interest rates considerably. Lower local interest rates will reduce interest expenditures on its domestic debt and will either narrow overall fiscal deficit or free up space for the government to spend elsewhere, boosting much needed economic growth. Meanwhile lower interest rates will boost demand for credit and revive private-sector domestic demand. Provided Egypt’s public debt has a short maturity profile, lower interest rates will reasonably quickly feed into lower interest payments for the government. This means that lower interest rates could reasonably quickly feed to lower interest payments for the government. Importantly, there is a trade-off between the exchange rates and interest rates. Lowering interest rates entail currency depreciation. According to the impossible trinity theory, a central bank facing an open capital needs to choose between controlling interest rates or the exchange rate, it cannot control both simultaneously. As such, if the Central Bank of Egypt opts to bring down local interest rates, while keeping the capital account reasonably open, it needs to tolerate a weaker currency amid its ongoing BoP strains. Bottom Line: Public debt dynamics are treading on a dangerous path. Egypt needs to bring down local interest rates down substantially and rapidly. And in so doing, the CBE cannot control and defend the exchange rate. Devaluation Is Needed All in all, the Egyptian authorities are facing a tight tradeoff: (1) either they continue to defend the currency at the expense of depressing the economy and worsening public debt dynamic, or (2) they tolerate a one-off currency devaluation which would allow the monetary authorities reduce interest rates aggressively. The latter will help stimulate economic growth and make public debt sustainable. Specifically, if the Central Bank of Egypt opts for defending the currency from depreciation, it will need to tolerate much higher interest rates for a long period of time. The CBE would essentially need to deplete whatever little net FX reserves it currently has to fund BoP deficits. This would simultaneously shrink local banking system liquidity, pushing domestic interbank rates higher.  All in all, the Egyptian authorities are facing a tight tradeoff: (1) either they continue to defend the currency at the expense of depressing the economy and worsening public debt dynamic, or (2) they tolerate a one-off currency devaluation which would allow the monetary authorities reduce interest rates aggressively. Worryingly, not only would high interest rates devastate the already shaky Egyptian economy, but higher domestic interest rates carry major ramifications for Egypt’s public debt sustainability as discussed earlier. A one-off currency devaluation is painful and carries some political risks yet, it is still the least worst choice for Egypt from a longer-term perspective. Although inflation will spike due to pass-through from currency devaluation, it will be a transitory one-off increase (Chart I-15). Besides, the pertinent risk to the Egyptian economy currently is low inflation and high real interest rates (Chart I-16). Chart I-15Egypt: Currency-Induced Inflation Is A One-Off Egypt: Currency-Induced Inflation Is A One-Off Egypt: Currency-Induced Inflation Is A One-Off Chart I-16Egypt: Real Interest Rates Are High Egypt: Real Interest Rates Are High Egypt: Real Interest Rates Are High     In turn, currency depreciation will ultimately provide the CBE with scope to reduce its policy rate which will help stimulate the ailing economy as well as make public debt trajectory more sustainable. Finally, odds are high that Egyptian authorities might choose to devalue the currency sooner rather than later. The basis for this is that the government’s foreign public debt is still relatively small at 18% of the GDP and 19% of the total government debt (Chart I-11, on page 8). Further, the majority (70%) of Egypt’s foreign public debt remains linked to international and bilateral government loans making it easier to renegotiate their terms than in the case of publicly traded sovereign US dollar bonds (Chart I-11, bottom panel). This means that currency depreciation will not materially deteriorate the government’s debt servicing ability. Furthermore, Egypt has experience managing and tolerating currency depreciation. The currency depreciated against the US dollar by 50% in 2016 and before that by 12% in 2013. Bottom Line: The Central Bank of Egypt will not hike interest rates or sell its foreign currency reserves for too long to defend the pound. Odds are high that it will allow the currency to depreciate and will cut interest rates materially. Investment Recommendations Chart I-17Egyptian Pound In The Forward Market Egyptian Pound In The Forward Market Egyptian Pound In The Forward Market Investors should buy Egyptian 3-year local currency bonds while hedging their currency exposure. The basis is that low inflation and a depressed economy in Egypt will lead the CBE to cut rates by several hundred basis points over the next 12 months while allowing currency to depreciate. Forward markets are pricing 5% depreciation in the EGP in the next 6 months and 10% in the next 12 months (Chart I-17). We would assign a higher probability of depreciation.   For now, EM credit portfolios should have a neutral allocation on Egyptian sovereign credit. While another potential drop in oil prices and the currency devaluation could push sovereign spreads wider (Chart I-18), eventually large rate cuts by the CBE will make public debt dynamics more sustainable. Absolute return investors should wait for devaluation to go long on Egypt’s US dollar sovereign bonds. Chart I-18Remain Neutral On Egypt's Sovereign Credit Remain Neutral On Egypt's Sovereign Credit Remain Neutral On Egypt's Sovereign Credit Chart I-19Remain Neutral On Egyptian Equities Remain Neutral On Egyptian Equities Remain Neutral On Egyptian Equities   Equity investors should keep a neutral allocation on Egyptian stocks with an EM equity portfolio (Chart I-19). Lower interest rates ahead will eventually boost this stock market. Ayman Kawtharani Editor/Strategist ayman@bcaresearch.com      1 This is the view of BCA’s Emerging Markets Strategy service and it differs from the view of BCA’s Commodities and Energy Strategy service. 2 We exclude the Central Bank’s foreign liabilities due in 2020 as they are mostly deposits at the Central Bank of Egypt owed to Gulf countries. It is highly likely that Gulf lenders will agree to extend these deposits given the difficulties Egypt is experiencing. 3 Excluding the Central Bank’s foreign liabilities due in the next 12 months. Please refer to above footnote. 4 The amount of net foreign exchange reserves currently at the Central Bank – i.e. excluding the Bank’s foreign liabilities– are now low at $8 billion. 5 Gulf Co-operation Countries (GCC) are in no position to provide much financial assistance due to the pandemic and oil crash as they are under severe financial strain themselves. Also, GCC countries run strict currency pegs and need to preserve their dwindling foreign exchange reserves to defend their currency pegs to the US dollar.

Highlights Geopolitical sparks in the Mediterranean point to the revival of realism or realpolitik in places where it has long been dormant. Europe is wary of Russia but will keep buying more of its natural gas. This will be a source of tension with the United States. Turkey is wary of Russia but will continue choosing pragmatic deals with Moscow that fly in the face of Europe and the United States. Turkey’s intervention in Libya is small but symbolic. Increases in foreign policy aggressiveness are negative signs for Turkey as they stem from domestic economic and political instability. Short Turkish currency, equities, and local government bonds. The recent increase in immigration into Europe will fuel another bout of populism if it goes unchecked. Feature “Multipolarity,” or competition among multiple powerful nations, is our overarching geopolitical theme at BCA Research. The collapse of the Soviet Union did not lead to the United States establishing a global empire, which might in theory have provided a stable and predictable trade and investment regime. The United States lashed out when attacked but otherwise became consumed by internal struggles: financial crisis and political polarization. Under two administrations the American public has demanded a reduced commitment to international affairs. Europe is even less likely to project power abroad – particularly after being thrown on the defensive by the Syrian and Libyan revolutions and ineffectual EU responses. Turkey’s aggressive foreign policy is a symptom of global multipolarity – which makes the world less predictable for investors. Emerging markets have risen in economic and military power relative to their developed counterparts. They demand a redistribution of global political power to set aright historical grievances and address immediate concerns, such as supply line insecurities, which increase alongside a rapidly growing economy. Multipolarity is apparent in Russia’s resurgence: pushing back on its borders with Europe and NATO, seeking a greater role in the Middle East and North Africa, interfering in US politics, and cementing its partnership with China. Multipolarity is equally evident when medium-sized powers – especially those that used to take orders from the US and Europe – seek to establish an independent foreign policy and throw off the shackles of the past. Turkey is just such a middle power. Strongman President Recep Tayyip Erdogan initially sought to lead Turkey into a new era of regional ascendancy. The Great Recession and Arab Spring intervened. Domestic economic vulnerabilities and regional instability have driven him to pursue increasingly populist and unorthodox policies that threaten the credit of the nation and security of the currency. A coup attempt in 2016 and domestic political losses in 2019 drove Erdogan further down this path, which includes aggressive foreign policy as well as domestic economic stimulus. The Anatolian peninsula has always stood at the crossroads of Europe and Asia, as well as Russia and Africa. Turkey’s efforts to change the regional status quo to its favor, increase leverage over its neighbors in Europe and the Middle East, and deal with Russia’s Vladimir Putin from a position of strength, are causing the geopolitics of the Mediterranean to heat up. It has now intervened in the Libyan civil war. In this special report, we focus on this trend and ask what it means for global investors. Unfinished Business In Libya Chart 1Haftar Is Weaponizing Libya’s Oil The Geopolitics Of The Mediterranean The Geopolitics Of The Mediterranean As the Libyan conflict enters its sixth year this spring, the battle for control of the western bastion of Tripoli rages. Multiple efforts to mediate the conflict between Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar of the Libyan National Army (LNA) and Prime Minister Fayez al-Sarraj of the UN-recognized Government of National Accord (GNA) have failed. Ceasefire talks in Moscow, Rome, and Berlin have fizzled. Instead, fighting has finally hit oil production, with the state-run National Oil Corp (NOC) declaring force majeure on supplies on January 18. Tribal leaders who support Haftar have blockaded eastern ports (Chart 1). Previously the mutual dependence of the rival factions on oil revenues ensured production and exports went mostly undisturbed. LNA forces control nearly all key oil pipelines, fields, ports, and terminals in Libya. The exceptions are the Zawiyya and Mellitah terminals and offshore fields (Map 1). However the National Oil Company (NOC), headquartered in the GNA-controlled Tripoli, is the sole entity controlling operations and the sole marketer of Libyan oil. Map 1Libya’s Oil And Natural Gas Infrastructure: Monopolized By Haftar The Geopolitics Of The Mediterranean The Geopolitics Of The Mediterranean General Haftar’s blockade – which has ground oil production to a halt – displays his ability to weaponize oil to obtain concessions from the Tripoli-based government. Tribal leaders behind the blockade are calling for a larger share of oil revenues, for which they are at the mercy of the LNA and NOC. With little progress in Haftar’s push to gain control of Tripoli, and Libya more generally, the conflict has reached a stalemate. Not one to back down, Haftar’s decision to cut off oil sales from the Tripoli government, which also cuts off revenues to his own parallel administration, is a brute attempt to force a settlement. Haftar’s gambit follows Turkey’s decision to intervene in Libya on behalf of Sarraj and the GNA. Turkey has deployed roughly 2,000 Syrian fighters, as well as 35 Turkish soldiers in an advisory capacity. Turkey apparently feared that Haftar, who has substantial backing from Egypt and the Gulf Arabs as well as Russia and France, was about to triumph, or at least force a settlement detrimental to Turkish interests. Bottom Line: Turkey’s decision to intervene in the Libyan civil war – while limited in magnitude thus far – raises the stakes of the conflict, which involves the EU, Russia, and the Arab states. It is a clear signal of the geopolitical multipolarity in the region – and a political risk that is flying under the radar amid higher profile risks in other parts of the world. Political Interests: Islamist Democracy Versus Arab Dictatorship The Libyan civil war is a proxy war between foreign nations motivated by conflicting economic and strategic interests in North Africa and the Mediterranean. But there is an ideological and political structure to the conflict that explains the alignment of the nations: Turkey is exporting democracy while the Arab states try to preserve their dictatorships. Haftar’s primary supporters include Egypt, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), and Saudi Arabia. These states see monarchy as the way to maintain stability in a region constantly on the edge of chaos. Islamist democracy movements, such as Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood, pose a threat to their long-term authority and security. They try to suppress these movements and contain regimes that promote them or their militant allies. They are willing to achieve one-man rule by force and thus support military strongmen like Egypt’s Abdel Fattah el-Sisi and Libya’s General Haftar. On the other side of the conflict stand the backers of the GNA – Turkey and Qatar – which support political Islam and party politics (Chart 2). Turkey’s Erdogan and his Justice and Development Party (AKP) are sympathetic to Hamas in the Palestinian territories and Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood. They want to ensure a lasting role for Islamic parties in the region, which strengthens their legitimacy. They do not want Libya’s Islamists to suffer the same fate as their affiliates in the Muslim Brotherhood – removal via a military coup. Chart 2Turkey Sees A Place For Political Islam Turkey Sees A Place For Political Islam Turkey Sees A Place For Political Islam Chart 3Turkey Steps In Amid Qatar Embargo The Geopolitics Of The Mediterranean The Geopolitics Of The Mediterranean The political conflict is mirrored in the Persian Gulf in the form of the air, land, and sea embargo imposed on Qatar in 2017 at the hands of the Saudis, Egyptians, and Emiratis. The Qatar crisis followed a 2014 diplomatic rift and the 2011 Arab Spring, when Qatar supported protesters and democracy movements against neighboring regimes. The embargo strengthened Turkey-Qatar relations, as Turkey stepped in to ensure that Qataris – who are heavily dependent on imports – would continue to receive essentials (Chart 3). Bottom Line: The alliances forged in the Libyan conflict reflect differing responses to powerful forces of change in the region. Established monarchies and dictatorships are struggling to maintain control of large youth populations and rapidly modernizing economies. Their response is to fortify the existing regime, suppress dissent, and launch gradual reforms through the central government. Their fear of Islamist movements makes them suspicious of Tripoli and the various Islamist groups allied with the GNA, and aligns them with Khalifa Haftar’s attempt to impose a new secular dictatorship in Libya. Meanwhile Turkey, with an active Islamist democracy, is seeking to export its political model, and Muslim Brotherhood-esque political participation, to gain influence across the region, including in Libya and North Africa. Economic Interests: The Scramble For Energy Sources Chart 4Europe Addicted To Russian Gas The Geopolitics Of The Mediterranean The Geopolitics Of The Mediterranean The Libyan proxy war is also about natural resources, for all the powers involved. Turkey’s intervention reflects its supply insecurity and desire to carve a larger role for itself in the east Mediterranean economy. Turkey needs to secure cheap energy supplies, and also wants to make itself central to any emerging east Mediterranean natural gas hub that aims to serve Europe. Europe’s increasing dependency on natural gas imports to meet its energy demand, and Russia’s outsized role – supplying the EU with 40% of its needs – have encouraged a search for alternative suppliers (Chart 4). Israel is attempting to fill that role with resources discovered offshore in the eastern Mediterranean. Given its strategic location, Turkey hopes to become an energy hub. First, it is cooperating with the Russians. Presidents Putin and Erdogan inaugurated the Turkish Stream pipeline (TurkStream) at a ceremony in Istanbul on January 8. The pipeline will transport 15.75 billion cubic meters (Bcm) of Russian natural gas to Europe via Turkey. This is part of Russia’s attempt, along with the Nord Stream 2 pipeline, to bypass Ukraine and increase export capacity, strengthening its dominance over Europe’s natural gas market (Map 2). Map 2Russia’s Latest Pipelines Bypass Ukraine The Geopolitics Of The Mediterranean The Geopolitics Of The Mediterranean Europe and its allies are wary of Russian influence, but the EU is not really willing to halt business with Russia, which is a low-cost and long-term provider free from the turmoil of the Middle East. Despite the significant growth in US natural gas supplies, the relatively higher cost makes Russian supplies comparatively more attractive (Chart 5). Chart 5Russian Gas Is Competitive In European Markets … The Geopolitics Of The Mediterranean The Geopolitics Of The Mediterranean Chart 6… As US Attempts To Gain Market Share The Geopolitics Of The Mediterranean The Geopolitics Of The Mediterranean The result will be tensions with the United States, which expects the Europeans to honor the security relationship by buying American LNG (Chart 6) and will always abhor anything resembling a Russo-European alliance. American legislation signed on December 20 would impose sanctions on firms that lay pipes for Nord Stream 2 and TurkStream. Second, Turkey wants to become central to eastern Mediterranean energy development. A series of offshore discoveries in recent decades has sparked talk of cooperation among potential suppliers (Table 1). There is a huge constraint on developing the fields quickly, as there is no export route currently available for the volumes that will be produced. While the reserves are not significant on a global scale, their location so close to Europe, and growing needs in the Middle East, has generated some interest. Table 1Recent East Mediterranean Discoveries Are Relatively Small, But Geopolitically Attractive The Geopolitics Of The Mediterranean The Geopolitics Of The Mediterranean However, Europe and Israel – the status quo powers – threaten to marginalize Turkey in this process: A meeting of the energy ministers of Egypt, Cyprus, Greece, Israel, Italy, the Palestinian territories, and Jordan in Cairo last July resulted in the creation of the Eastern Mediterranean Gas Forum to promote regional energy cooperation. Turkey – along with Lebanon and Syria – was excluded. Turkey seeks access to natural resources – and to prevent Israel, Egypt, and Europe from excluding it. The EastMed Pipeline deal – signed by Greece, Cyprus, and Israel on January 2 – envisages a nearly 2,000 km subsea pipeline transporting gas from Israeli and Cypriot offshore fields to Cyprus, Crete and Greece, supplying Europe with 9-12 Bcm per year (Map 3). The project enjoys the support of the European Commission and the US as an attempt to diversify Europe’s gas supplies and boost its energy security.1 But it would also be an alternative to an overland pipeline on Turkish territory. Map 3The Proposed EastMed Pipeline Would Marginalize Turkey The Geopolitics Of The Mediterranean The Geopolitics Of The Mediterranean Egypt has two underutilized liquefied natural gas plants – in Idku and Damietta – and has benefited from the 2015 discovery of the Zohr gas field. Egypt has recently become a net exporter of natural gas (Chart 7). It signed a deal with Israel to purchase 85.3 Bcm – $19.5 billion – of gas from Leviathan and Tamar fields over 15 years. Egypt sees itself as an energy hub if it can re-export Israeli supplies economically. Note that Russia and Turkey have some overlapping interests here. Russia does not want Europe to diversify, while Turkey does not want to allow alternatives to Russia that exclude Turkey. Thus maintaining the current trajectory of natural gas projects is not only useful for Russia’s economy (Chart 8) but also for Turkey’s strategic ambitions. Chart 7Egypt Also Aims To Become East Mediterranean Gas Hub The Geopolitics Of The Mediterranean The Geopolitics Of The Mediterranean Of course, while Russian pipes are actually getting built, the EastMed pipeline is not – for economic as well as geopolitical reasons. Europe is currently well supplied and energy prices are low. At an estimated $7 billion, the cost of constructing the EastMed pipeline is exorbitant. Chart 8Maintaining Energy Dominance Advances Russia’s Strategic Ambitions Too The Geopolitics Of The Mediterranean The Geopolitics Of The Mediterranean Still, Turkey must make its influence known now, as energy development and pipelines are necessarily long-term projects. The chaos in Libya presents an opportunity. Seizing on the Libyan GNA’s weakness, Turkey signed an agreement to provide for offshore maritime boundaries and energy cooperation as well as military aid. The EastMed pipeline, of course, would need to cross through Turkish and Libyan economic zones (see Map 3 above).2 Turkey is incapable of asserting its will militarily in the Mediterranean against powerful western naval forces. But short of war, it is capable of expanding its claims and leverage over regional energy and forcing the Israelis and Europeans to deal with it pragmatically and realistically rather than exclude it from their plans. Part of Turkey’s goal is to cement an alliance with Libya – at least a partitioned western Libyan government in any ceasefire brokered with Haftar and the Russians. Bottom Line: While Turkey and Russia support opposing sides in the Libyan conflict, both benefit from dealing directly with each other – bypassing the western powers, which are frustrated and ineffectual in Libya. Both would gain some direct energy leverage over Europe and both would gain some influence over any future eastern Mediterranean routes to Europe. In Libya, if either side triumphs and unites the country, it will grant its allies oil and gas contracts almost exclusively. But if the different foreign actors can build up leverage on opposing sides, they can hope to secure at least some of their interests in a final settlement. Turkey Needs Foreign Distractions The foregoing would imply that Turkey is playing the game well, except that its foreign adventures are in great part driven by domestic economic and political instability. After all, Turkey’s maritime claims are useless if they cannot be enforced, and offshore development and pipeline-building are at a low level given weak energy prices and slowing global demand. Economically, in true populist fashion, Erdogan has repeatedly employed money creation and fiscal spending to juice nominal GDP growth. The result is a wage-price spiral, currency depreciation, and current account deficits that exacerbate the problem. The poor economy has mobilized political opposition. Over the past year, for the first time since Erdogan rose to power in 2002, his Justice and Development Party is fracturing. Former Turkish deputy prime minister Ali Babacan, a founding member of the AKP, as well as former prime minister Ahmet Davutoglu, have both announced breakaway political parties that threaten to erode support for the AKP. Local elections in 2019 resulted in a popular rebuke in Istanbul. Thus Erdogan is distracting the public with hawkish or nationalist stances abroad that are popular at home. Turkey has taken a strident stance against the US and Europe, symbolized by its threats to loose Syrian refugees into Europe and its purchase of S400 missile defense from Russia despite being a NATO member. Military incursions in Syria aim to relocate refugees back to Syria (Chart 9). Chart 9Erdogan Is Distracting Turks With Popular Foreign Stances The Geopolitics Of The Mediterranean The Geopolitics Of The Mediterranean Chart 10No Love Lost Toward The West The Geopolitics Of The Mediterranean The Geopolitics Of The Mediterranean Turkish public opinion encourages close cooperation with Russia and a more aggressive stance against the West (Chart 10). This is a basis for Russia and Turkey to continue cutting transactional deals despite falling on opposite sides of conflicts in Syria, Libya, Iran, and elsewhere. Erdogan’s pretensions of reviving Ottoman grandeur in the Mediterranean fall in this context. Elections are not until 2023, but we expect Erdogan to continue using foreign policy as a distraction. The opposition is trying to unite behind a single candidate, which could jeopardize Erdogan’s grip on power. The insistence on stimulus at all costs means that Erdogan is not allowing the economic reckoning to occur now, three years before the election. He is trying to delay it indefinitely, which may fail. Libya may not get resolved, however. Allies of Haftar’s LNA – specifically Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE – will be motivated to intensify their support of him for fear that a loss would revive domestic interest in political Islam. Egypt especially fears militant proxies being unleashed from any base of operations there. The LNA currently serves as a buffer between Egypt and the militant actors in Libya. If Haftar is defeated, Egypt’s porous western border would provoke a harsh reaction from Cairo. The threat of a revival of Islamic State in Libya has united the Egyptian people – a critical variable in the administration’s vision of a stable country. That has provided Egypt’s Sisi an excuse to flex his muscles through military exercises. Neither Russia nor NATO will be moved to bring a decisive finish to the conflict, as neither wishes to invest too heavily in it. Bottom Line: Erdogan has doubled down on populism at home and abroad. His assertive foreign policy in Syria and now Libya may end up exacerbating economic and political pressures on the ruling party. What Is The Endgame In Libya? There are three possible scenarios to end the current stalemate between the Haftar’s forces and the internationally recognized GNA: Military: An outright military victory by either Haftar or Sarraj is highly unlikely. While Haftar’s forces enjoy military and financial support from the UAE, he lacks popular support in Tripoli – which has proved to be challenging to takeover. Similarly, Sarraj’s army is not strong enough to confront the eastern forces and reunify the country. The merely limited involvement of foreign actors – including Turkey – makes a military solution all the more elusive. The most likely path to a quick military victory comes if foreign actors disengage. This will only occur if they are punished for their involvement, and thus it requires a major neutral power, perhaps the United States, to change the calculus of countries involved. But the US is eschewing involvement and the Europeans have shown no appetite for a heavy commitment. Diplomatic: A negotiated settlement is eventually likely, given the loss of oil revenues. A ceasefire would assign some autonomy to each side of the country. Given Haftar’s ambitions of conquering the capital and becoming a strongman for the country as a whole, the diplomatic route will be challenging unless his Gulf backers grow tired of subsidizing him. Financial: Haftar could win by breaking the NOC’s monopoly on oil. In the past, the LNA failed at selling the oil extracted from infrastructure under its control. If Haftar manages to market the oil without the aid of the NOC then he will be able to guarantee a stream of revenue for his forces and at the same time starve the Tripoli government of financing. This would pose an existential risk for the GNA. The key challenge in this scenario is to obtain international backing for LNA sales of Libyan crude supplies. Libya’s partition into two de facto states is the likeliest outcome. Bottom Line: Unless one of the constraints on a military, diplomatic, or financial end to the conflict is broken, the current stalemate in the Libyan conflict will endure. A partition of Libya will be the practical consequence. Turkey hopes to boost its regional influence through Tripoli, and thus increase its leverage over Europe, but a heavy investment could result in fiscal losses or spiral into a broader regional confrontation. Investment Implications While it is not clear how long the current blockade on Libyan ports will last – or the associated over 1 million barrels per day loss of production – oil supplies will remain at risk so long as the conflict endures. However, unlike supplies in the Gulf or in Venezuela, Libyan crude is of the light sweet grade. There is enough global spare capacity – from US shales – to make up for the Libyan loss, at least over the short term. The fall in Libyan supplies is occurring against the backdrop of oil markets that have been beaten down by the decline in demand on the back of the coronavirus impact (Chart 11). The OPEC 2.0 technical panel recommended additional output cuts of 600 thousand barrels per day last week, and is waiting on a final decision by Russia. We expect the cartel to tighten supplies to shore up prices. The instability in Libya could also affect Europe through immigration. The conflict re-routes migrants through the western route and thus could result in an increased flow to Spain and Portugal, rather than Italy which was previously their landing pad (Chart 12). A meaningful pick up would have a negative impact on European domestic political stability, especially with Germany in the midst of a succession crisis and incapable of taking a lead role. Chart 11Libyan Blockade Comes Amid Demand Shock Libyan Blockade Comes Amid Demand Shock Libyan Blockade Comes Amid Demand Shock Chart 12Refugees Will Favor Western Route Across The Mediterranean Refugees Will Favor Western Route Across The Mediterranean Refugees Will Favor Western Route Across The Mediterranean Erdogan’s foreign adventurism, and aggression against the West, poses a risk for Turkish markets. We remain underweight Turkish currency and risk assets. Our Emerging Markets strategists expect foreign capital outflows from EM to weigh on Turkey’s currency, local fixed-income and sovereign credit relative to EM benchmarks. Go short the Turkish lira relative to the US dollar. Bottom Line: Historically, the Mediterranean was the world’s most important waterway. It was the “life line” of the British empire. The US succeeded the British as the guarantor of Suez and corralled both Turkey and Greece into a single alliance under the Truman Doctrine. This status quo held until the twenty-first century. Since 2000, Russia has revived, US foreign policy in the Middle East has become erratic, and the Europeans have lost clout. Turkey is seeking to carve a space for itself and challenge the settlements of the past, all the way back to the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne. Yet in the wake of the Great Recession its economy is unstable and its populist leaders are taking greater risks abroad. The result will be greater friction with Europe, or the Arab states, or both. Given Turkey’s mismanagement at home, and limited gains to be made in Syria or Libya, Turkish assets will be the first to suffer from negative surprises.   Roukaya Ibrahim Editor/Strategist Geopolitical Strategy RoukayaI@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1 The Eastern Mediterranean Security and Energy Partnership Act of 2019 is an American bi-partisan bill the lends full support for the East Med pipelines and greater security cooperation with Israel, Cyprus, and Greece. The US Senate also passed an amendment to the National Defense Authorization Act last June which ended the arms embargo on Cyprus. 2 Turkey has also been engaging in drilling activities in disputed waters near Cyprus – which Ankara argues it is undertaking in order to protect Turkish-Cypriot claims – motivating EU economic sanctions in the form of travel bans and asset freezes on two Turkish nationals.

Highlights So what? Egyptian assets will benefit from improving fundamentals. Why?   March credit data confirm China’s stimulus, supporting the commodity/EM complex. Oil price risks are also to the upside. In Egypt, investors will welcome constitutional changes that reinforce the regime and overall stability. Egypt is beginning to reap the rewards of painful IMF reforms enacted in late 2016. A large, under-invested labor market is a key structural risk that will weigh on Egypt’s long-term investment potential. We recommend an overweight stance in Egyptian sovereign (USD) bonds relative to EM. Feature Egypt is the world’s most populous Arab country and a geopolitical fulcrum at the critical juncture between Africa, Europe, and Asia. Its stability is particularly important at a time of rapid geopolitical change. The U.S. is deleveraging from the Middle East and regional powers are scrambling to fill the void. Popular discontent is toppling rigid authoritarian leaders, most recently in Algeria and Sudan. Displaced peoples have spilled into Europe in the recent past and could do so again if more regimes fail (Chart 1). In this week’s Special Report we take a close look at Egypt and show how its continued stabilization is a rare positive trend for the region and one that presents an investment opportunity in its own right. China’s March Credit data confirm that stimulus is surprising to the upside this year. Before proceeding, however, we make note of some key developments on the global front, especially our oil view: China’s Stimulus: China’s March credit data confirm that stimulus is surprising to the upside this year (Chart 2). The data will help galvanize expectations of firming global growth, supporting commodity prices and EM risk assets. We are long Chinese equities, Indonesian and Thai equities, and EM energy producer equities relative to the EM benchmark.    Chart 1Asylum Seekers May Rise Amid Mideast Instability Asylum Seekers May Rise Amid Mideast Instability Asylum Seekers May Rise Amid Mideast Instability Chart 2Chinese Credit Supports Economic Outlook Chinese Credit Supports Economic Outlook Chinese Credit Supports Economic Outlook Iranian Sanctions: The Trump administration is increasing the pressure on Iran again and threatening to enforce sanctions strictly on oil exports. Exports have recovered somewhat since Trump issued waivers for key importers last fall and this means that 1.3mm bpd are still at risk if enforcement intensifies (Chart 3). Chart 3 Libyan War: Libyan National Army leader, General Khalifa Haftar, has made a move for Tripoli after sweeping across the country’s south, jeopardizing the roughly 300,000 barrels per day exported from Zawiya, west of Tripoli. Egypt is one of Haftar’s geopolitical backers, along with the UAE, so Egypt’s improving domestic situation, discussed below, is a factor supporting Haftar’s ability to extend his control across western Libya, which poses a risk of unplanned oil outages this year. The combination of these factors will put upward pressure on oil prices in an environment where supplies are already limited. As a result, Bob Ryan, the head of BCA’s Commodity & Energy Strategy, believes that OPEC 2.0 will eventually follow Russia’s preferred path at this juncture and increase production. Russia and Saudi Arabia are comfortable with Brent crude above $70 per barrel, but will get nervous once prices rise above $80 and threaten to kill demand in emerging markets. An alteration of slated production cuts has not yet been agreed and prices remain well supported in the meantime, with Brent on track to average $75 per barrel in 2019 and $80 in 2020.1  We do not expect President Trump to impose “maximum pressure” on Iran in this context. We have long assumed the worst of Venezuelan production, i.e. that it will at least be cut in half to 500,000 bpd by end of year, and possibly fall to zero. Libyan outages could theoretically rise to the full 900,000 bpd, though the likely cap is 300,000 bpd. The removal of 1.3mm bpd of Iranian barrels would bring the combined production losses close to OPEC 2.0’s spare capacity of around 2.1mm bpd. Moreover, the Iranians have the ability to retaliate, which jeopardizes other output across the Middle East. The United States has a valuable tool in the Strategic Petroleum Reserve.2 But President Trump would still be taking an enormous risk with the economy in advance of an election year to enforce the maximum sanctions on Iran. So we maintain that he will largely keep the waivers in place on May 2. The real danger, from our point of view, comes if Trump is re-elected, as then he will be less constrained both politically (no chance of reelection) and economically (U.S. production going up) in pursuing his hawkish foreign policy against Iran. But that is a story for 2021. With that, we turn to Egypt.  A Dream Deferred Earlier this year, the Egyptian parliament voted in favor of a series of proposed constitutional amendments that will further consolidate President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi’s power. Among the changes are the extension of the president’s term, allowing him in principle to rule for another 15 years. The proposed amendments will also expand the role of the military, enshrining a political role for it, thus solidifying its already preeminent position in Egyptian politics.3 These proposed changes bring the de facto Egyptian political environment close to its pre-2011 state – that is, the state of affairs before an estimated two million Egyptians rose in protest at Tahrir Square and removed President Hosni Mubarak from power, setting in motion a tumultuous decade. Sisi supporters argue that these changes will guarantee much needed stability and policy continuity to the Egyptian economy, allowing it to regain its footing. With GDP growth expected to near 6% by the middle of next year – the strongest since the 2011 revolution – it is no surprise that the aspirations of Egypt’s revolutionaries have become a dream deferred. Chart 4Improving Fundamentals Bode Well For Egyptian Equities Improving Fundamentals Bode Well For Egyptian Equities Improving Fundamentals Bode Well For Egyptian Equities Instead, policymakers and ordinary citizens alike have focused on making ends meet – both in terms of the fiscal purse and the household bank account. Policy continuity is what is required for Egypt at this point in time: It is finally beginning to reap the rewards of the painful reforms enacted in late 2016 as part of the IMF program. Sisi’s own position is reinforced by the fact that he oversaw this process and has come out on the other side. While the proposed constitutional amendments will pass, and will be characterized as a step back into authoritarian rule, the stability will be favorable for investors, as it will support a more predictable near-term trajectory for the Egyptian economy. Egyptian assets have already started to reflect this reality, signaling that Egypt is transitioning into a new era that portends a more attractive investment climate. As such, Egyptian equities have picked up and have outperformed the broader EM index since December (Chart 4). Bottom Line: “Stability” is the catch-phrase of the Sisi regime. Constitutional amendments allowing the Egyptian president and military to amass far-reaching powers are likely to pass. While they mark a return to Egypt’s traditional authoritarian system, this will be welcomed by foreign investors who were otherwise hesitant to re-enter the Egyptian market during the turbulent aftermath of 2011 Egypt’s 2016-2019 Policy Mantra: No Pain, No Gain Since the 2011 revolution, the Egyptian economy has been defined by years of turmoil. The popular uprising and ensuing loss of security drove away tourists and foreign investors – key sources of hard currency – causing the central bank to chew through its foreign exchange reserves as it scrambled to stabilize confidence and the currency. High rates of poverty, unemployment, and inequality amid a growing public sector wage bill, over reliance on food imports and an overvalued currency were a recipe for an economic disaster. Public debt ballooned while the black market for foreign exchange thrived. Thus, the structural reforms (Box 1) that accompanied the November 2016 $12bn IMF loan – while painful – were necessary to transition the economy onto a more sustainable trajectory.   Box 1 Structural Reforms Implemented Since 2016 The reforms that accompanied the IMF program are designed to improve fiscal consolidation, liberalize the foreign exchange market, and create a more business friendly investment climate. They include the following measures: The floating of the currency in November 2016 which resulted in the Egyptian pound losing half its value relative to the dollar. Given that Egyptians rely on imports for a large chunk of their consumption, the impact on household budgets and consumer prices have been massive (Chart 5). However, the inflation rate has since slowed to 14.4%, with the Central Bank of Egypt (CBE) targeting single-digit inflation by the end of next year. Similarly, it has stabilized the EGP/USD.4 Reductions to fuel subsidies have weighed on consumer expenditures. The target is full-cost recovery by the end of 2018-19 for almost all fuel products (except LPG and fuel oil used in bakeries and electricity generation). The introduction of a value-added tax (VAT) of 13% in 2016, which subsequently rose to 14%. The VAT will help generate revenue, by replacing the distortionary sales tax and broadening the tax base. Basic goods and services are exempt from the VAT in order to shield the poor from rising living costs. A reduction in utility subsidies to reduce state spending and instead channel funds to more productive uses. Authorities target the full elimination of electricity subsidies by 2020-21. Similarly, water and sewage subsidies have been cut. As of December 2018, Egypt ended a discounted customs exchange rate for non-essential imports. The monthly fixed customs exchange rate was introduced in 2017, following the 2016 currency devaluation, offering a favorable exchange rate to importers. In the second half of last year, the customs exchange rate was set at 16 EGP/USD while the market rate was EGP/USD 17.82-17.96. The non-essential imports include tobacco products, alcohol, pet food, and cosmetics. Other goods that will also be subject to the market rate include mobile phones, computers, furniture, shoes, cars, and motorbikes. The elimination of the repatriation mechanism for new inflows. The repatriation mechanism guaranteed the availability of foreign exchange for capital repatriation to portfolio investors that chose to sell foreign exchange to the central bank. Its elimination means that cash inflows and outflows by foreign portfolio investors will now impact the supply and demand of foreign currencies in the market. A new investment law was enacted in July 2017, which aims to promote domestic foreign investments by offering incentives and reducing bureaucracy. A new bankruptcy law was enacted in January 2018. Egypt ranks 101 out of 168 in the “Resolving Insolvency Index” of the Doing Business report. The law simplifies post-bankruptcy procedures and aims to reduce the need for companies to resort to courts in the case of bankruptcy. It also removes investment risk by abolishing imprisonment in bankruptcy cases. Chart 5FX Reform Was Inflationary FX Reform Was Inflationary FX Reform Was Inflationary     To mitigate the impact of these changes, especially on the lower and lower-middle income brackets, social programs have been expanded and improved, including: Takaful and Karama: An expansion of the cash transfer program, which now targets more than 10 million people, or ~10% of the population. Forsa: A program that helps create job opportunities for underprivileged youth by focusing on employment training. Mastoura: A program that lifts living standards and provides economic empowerment for Egyptian women by supplying microloans to fund projects. Sakan Karim: A program that aims to improve housing conditions of the poor by promoting access to clean drinking water and sanitation. Together, the structural reforms and targeted social programs will support the Egyptian economy by strengthening the business climate, attracting investment, and increasing employment. Since the beginning of the program, the country’s fiscal arithmetic has improved, inflation has been contained, and foreign exchange is no longer scarce. As a result, investor confidence has picked up. With the final $2bn tranche of the loan expected to be dispersed in the middle of 2019, the onus now lies on Egyptian policymakers to keep up the momentum. Bottom Line: With the IMF program now winding down, the continuity of reform implementation is squarely on the back of policymakers. With further structural policies in the pipeline, we expect policymakers to build on the macroeconomic gains of the past few years. Reaping The Rewards The most evident improvement following the reforms is seen in the fiscal purse. For the first time in over a decade, the primary balance is in surplus (Chart 6). The improvement reflects lower government spending commitments on the back of fiscal consolidation (Chart 7). Nevertheless, revenues remain weak, despite the implementation of the VAT, implying a need to improve tax collection and boost aggregate demand to raise taxable revenues. Chart 6Improving In Fiscal Arithmetic... Improving In Fiscal Arithmetic... Improving In Fiscal Arithmetic... Chart 7...On Back Of Fiscal Consolidation ...On Back Of Fiscal Consolidation ...On Back Of Fiscal Consolidation As policymakers continue reforming budgetary allocations, we expect the primary surplus to remain intact. This will alleviate some of the pressure on the overall budget, which, while still in deficit, has improved substantially. With the final $2bn tranche of the loan expected to be dispersed in the middle of 2019, the onus now lies on Egyptian policymakers to keep up the momentum. Nevertheless, the stock of public debt – whilst declining – remains elevated and will continue weighing on the overall budget (Chart 8). This is especially problematic for fiscal arithmetic since domestic interest rates are in the double digits and interest payments will tie down roughly half of government revenues. A combination of improving potential GDP, falling domestic interest rates, and continued prudence on debt is needed to stabilize Egypt’s debt dynamics. In fact, with the decline in both headline and core inflation, the Central Bank of Egypt has already embarked on a monetary easing cycle, cutting rates by 300 basis points since the beginning of last year (Chart 9). Although interest rates remain extremely high, lower borrowing costs will not only improve debt dynamics on the margin, but also encourage private sector credit, thus raising aggregate output and revitalizing domestic investment. Chart 8Debt Remains A Burden Debt Remains A Burden Debt Remains A Burden Chart 9Continued Easing Will Boost Outlook Continued Easing Will Boost Outlook Continued Easing Will Boost Outlook While inflation may accelerate in the coming months – on the back of a seasonal uptick in food prices during the month of Ramadan and the further removal of subsidies – we expect further cuts by the CBE in 2H2019 and 2020. Falling real wages due to fiscal consolidation also point to lower inflationary pressures (Chart 10). Unless Egypt manages to stabilize its debt dynamics, it will once again be forced to resort to debt monetization, which bodes ill for the currency as well as for inflation. The evidence to date points to an improvement (Chart 11). Chart 10Inflationary Pressures Are Contained Inflationary Pressures Are Contained Inflationary Pressures Are Contained Along with the improvement in the fiscal account, Egypt’s external deficit has also narrowed on the back of the improvement in the macroeconomic climate (Chart 12). The contraction in the current account deficit has been bolstered by an expansion in exports, which grew more than 10% in 2018. Chart 11Authorities Resisting Urge To Monetize Debt Authorities Resisting Urge To Monetize Debt Authorities Resisting Urge To Monetize Debt Chart 12External Deficit Contracting External Deficit Contracting External Deficit Contracting Chart 13Natural Gas Exports Will be Supportive Natural Gas Exports Will be Supportive Natural Gas Exports Will be Supportive   Notably, the energy trade balance has benefitted from an increase in Egypt’s natural gas potential (Chart 13). The giant Zohr field – the largest gas discovery ever made in the Mediterranean – came on stream in December 2017, and will support Egypt’s self-sufficiency in gas after falling domestic production forced Egypt to cut most LNG exports in 2014. The location of the gas field also presents opportunities for Egypt to become a natural gas export hub in the region. The Zohr field is close to other major fields in Israel and Cyprus, which means economies of scale can be utilized in developing regional export infrastructure. Egypt’s LNG export plants in Damietta and Idku have a capacity of 19 billion cubic meters (bcm) per year, which have been mostly idle in recent years. Already, an agreement between Egypt and Cyprus this past December committed to the construction of a pipeline connecting the Aphrodite gas field to Egypt’s LNG facilities. Similarly, a rebound in revenues from tourism to near-pre-crisis levels has helped improve the external account (Chart 14). Going forward, we expect the decline in terrorism to support the rebound of foreign inflows from tourism (Chart 15). This will be a non-negligible source of cash as tourism now accounts for roughly half of all service receipts, up from less than a quarter just three years ago. However, given that the security situation is unpredictable, this sector remains vulnerable to downside risks. Chart 14Rebound In Tourism... Rebound In Tourism... Rebound In Tourism... Chart 15 Another supportive source of inflows has been remittances from Egyptians living abroad. These continue to grow at a double-digit rate (Chart 16). Chart 16Recovery In Remittance Inflows Recovery In Remittance Inflows Recovery In Remittance Inflows Chart 17Foreign Investment Will Be Supported... Foreign Investment Will Be Supported... Foreign Investment Will Be Supported...   However, the financial account has taken a hit recently as inflows from portfolio investments have come down quite sharply on the back of investor aversion to emerging markets last year (Chart 17). Given the Fed’s pause, China’s stimulus, and other factors, we expect a pickup in portfolio investment. What’s more, Egyptian authorities have been working on improving the business environment, reflected in Egypt’s rising rank in the ease of doing business and global competitiveness surveys (Chart 18). This should improve foreign direct investment, which remains relatively weak so far. Chart 18 Chart 19Build Up In Central Bank Reserves Build Up In Central Bank Reserves Build Up In Central Bank Reserves Of course, despite these improvements, Egypt still ranks relatively low on these measures. Thus continued efforts to improve the business environment will be necessary to make Egypt an attractive destination for businesses. Yet Egypt’s foreign reserves have picked up considerably, and more importantly its net reserves – which exclude the CBE’s foreign borrowings – have once again turned positive (Chart 19). Bottom Line: The rewards from Egypt’s structural reforms are evident in the improvements to its twin deficits. While continued policy prudence is necessary to maintain the momentum of these policies, we expect the EGP/USD to remain flattish for the remainder of the year. We expect continued policy easing as the CBE cuts rates at least one more time in the second half of the year on the back of slowing inflation. Ghosts Of Futures Past Political stability and an improvement in macroeconomic indicators will no doubt be supportive of the Egyptian economy and assets in the near term. However, several structural risks remain, and could derail its performance down the road. For one, Egypt remains heavily reliant on its external environment. This environment has been largely cooperative throughout Sisi’s term in office, but a global or EM downturn could cause investment to collapse. Meanwhile the cyclical rise in oil prices will weigh on the import bill and raise headline inflation. Improvements in the business environment should attract foreign directinvestment. Second, a rising dependency ratio will pose a burden on Egypt in the coming years (Chart 20). Furthermore, elevated female and youth unemployment keep the output gap wide. True, the current improvement in the overall labor market will help the country weather the demographic headwind. However, another chronic problem is the quality of the Egyptian labor market. The latest data from the World Bank shows that government spending on education is significantly lower than it is among EM peers (Chart 21). Similarly, health expenditure per capita has not picked up much in recent years and has actually fallen as a share of GDP. Chart 20Demographic Challenges Remain Demographic Challenges Remain Demographic Challenges Remain Chart 21   This has manifested in relatively low labor productivity and highlights the need for investment in human capital to improve potential GDP and the necessity for funds to be channeled to these sectors. Fortunately, the reforms have freed up badly needed fiscal space for now. Another key concern is the bloated economic role of the state and military. This is a double whammy to the Egyptian economy as it reduces fiscal funds available for other uses, such as healthcare and education while constraining the private sector. The crowding out of the private sector is evident from the recipients of bank credit: loans to the government – beyond purchases of government securities – are growing at by nearly 50% y/y, while lending to other sectors is expanding at less than 15% y/y (Chart 22). Once again, however, there is evidence of improvement: bank investments in government securities have come down from their peak and now represent roughly a third of total bank assets (Chart 23). Accordingly, credit to the private sector has likely bottomed. Chart 22Private Sector Crowding Out Remains... Private Sector Crowding Out Remains... Private Sector Crowding Out Remains... Chart 23...But Signs Of Improvement ...But Signs Of Improvement ...But Signs Of Improvement One structural concern that is here to stay is the fact that the Egyptian military occupies an oversized share of the economy. Given that all companies of the Egyptian armed forces are exempt from taxes, they have an unfair advantage over the private sector. The military has an especially large presence in Egypt’s recent infrastructure mega-projects. These include $8.2 billion invested in an expansion of the Suez Canal as well as the construction of a new administrative capital, 45 km to the east of Cairo. The military budget is secret and connected industries are not subject to auditing. Preferential treatment in assigning government contracts and the ability to offer services at a cheaper rate have further expanded the military’s role in the economy. Bottom Line: Risks to our optimistic outlook on Egypt mostly come from any deterioration in the external environment. The Egyptian economy is also weakened by structural weaknesses such as a large, under-invested labor market. These structural risks are considerable and will weigh on the long term investment potential of Egypt. In the short term, however, Egypt appears to be a lucrative trade opportunity. Investment Implications Egyptian sovereign spreads will likely contract going forward on the back of an improvement in the economic outlook (Chart 24). Thus, we recommend an overweight stance in Egyptian sovereign bonds within the EM space. Chart 24Improved Fundamentals A Positive For Sovereign Bonds Improved Fundamentals A Positive For Sovereign Bonds Improved Fundamentals A Positive For Sovereign Bonds Chart 25Equities Still Attractive Equities Still Attractive Equities Still Attractive   In the equities space, Egypt’s valuations look attractive relative to their Emerging Market and Frontier Market peers (Chart 25), despite the recent rally in recognition of the stability we outline here.   Matt Gertken, Vice President Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Marko Papic Consulting Editor marko@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1      Please see BCA Commodity & Energy Strategy Weekly Report, “Sussing Out OPEC 2.0’s Production Cuts, U.S. Waivers On Iran Sanctions,” April 11, 2019, available at www.bcaresearch.com. 2      The U.S. Strategic Petroleum Reserve (SPR) was created in 1975, in the wake of the Arab oil embargo, to protect the U.S. from supply disruptions. Faced with a “severe energy supply interruption” the U.S. president can authorize a maximum drawdown of 30 million barrels within a 60-day period, beginning 13 days after the decision. Notably, the SPR was tapped for 21 million barrels in 1990-91, during the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait, and for 30 million barrels in 2011, when Libyan production fell to zero amid the revolution. The current inventory is 649 million barrels of sweet and sour crude, which could last the U.S. 114 days of crude imports. As U.S. net oil imports decrease, the length of time that the SPR could substitute for net imports rises. 3      The Egyptian parliament voted in favor of the proposed changes on April 16. The changes will be put to a public referendum – as early as next week – before taking effect. The amendments seek to (1) extend presidential terms from four to six years, (2) permit President Sisi to run again after his current term ends in 2022 – as an exceptional case, (3) allow the president to select the heads of judicial bodies and to oversee a new council responsible for judicial affairs, and (4) enshrine in the constitution a political role for the army to preserve the constitution, democracy and – ironically – the civilian nature of the country. 4      The most recent appreciation this year raised fears that the CBE is once again intervening in the currency market through state-owned banks.  

Global trade is plummeting as commodity prices remain depressed and emerging markets unravel. Even if oil were not plumbing new lows, we would remain bearish on EM economies, where poor governance and low efficiency suggest that more crises will rear their heads. Above all, we are watching China for policy clarity. After seizing 14% of global exports in recent years, it is now exporting surplus goods into an already deflationary world. Protectionism - not a coordinated response among leading countries - is the likely result. In essence, we reiterate our theme that globalization has peaked. Along the way, we call attention to five geopolitical "Black Swans" that <i>no one</i> is talking about.