Equities

Underweight This year has been a good one to be overweight the S&P hotels, resorts and cruise lines index which has outperformed the S&P 500 by a wide margin. The index's strength has been most pronounced since the beginning of the summer and, unsurprisingly given the cyclical rotation into highly discretionary stocks, has been exclusive to the cruise line operator segment of the index. Cruise line operators' margins have climbed to 10-year highs (second panel), justifying soaring stock prices. Profit gains have come on the back of improving passenger growth and constrained capacity i.e.: incremental passengers per room come with much higher incremental margin. As cruise lines cannot increase their occupancy ad infinitum further margin gains of this magnitude seem doubtful. The outlook is even less bright for hotels as cutthroat competition is pricing power negative with industry selling prices sinking into outright deflation (third panel). Hoteliers are trying to compensate for low prices with huge capacity additions. Our S&P hotels, resorts and cruise lines EPS model does an excellent job encompassing all these moving parts and confirms our bearish industry profit stance, pointing to significant relative declines vis-à-vis the S&P 500 (bottom panel). Putting it together, shrinking margins and increased capital deployment mean lower return on capital and hence lower valuation multiples. Take some chips off the table and reduce exposure to the S&P hotels, resorts & cruise lines index to underweight. Please see yesterday's Weekly Report for additional details. The ticker symbols for the stocks in this index are: BLBG: S5HOTL- MAR, CCL, RCL, HLT, WYN.

Highlights Portfolio Strategy The S&P hotels, resorts and cruise lines index will suffer from a profit margin squeeze, which should weigh on valuations. Cut exposure to underweight. A cyclical capex recovery is a boon for software outlays and coupled with reviving animal spirits, signal that it no longer pays to underweight the S&P software index. Augment positions to a benchmark allocation. Recent Changes Downgrade the defensive/cyclical portfolio bias to neutral. Downgrade the S&P hotels, resorts and cruise lines index to underweight today. Lift the S&P software index to neutral. Table 1 Feature Chart 1Weak Dollar Positive Contributor##br## To EPS Growth Equities broke out in a bullish fashion last week, as geopolitical fears subsided and the backlash from hurricane Irma was less severe than initially feared. Beneath the surface, non-inflationary synchronized global growth remains the dominant macro theme. While the latest U.S. CPI print was better than anticipated the Fed would have to see a couple more perky inflation reports before an uptrend is established, cementing the December hike. Until then, the path of least resistance is higher for equities. In our last Weekly Report, we noted that our four-factor S&P 500 operating EPS model has recently accelerated.1 This week, Chart 1 isolates the U.S. dollar as the sole regression variable on SPX earnings and the fitted value suggests that profits will likely surprise to the upside in the back half of the year despite difficult comparisons. Importantly, as we posited earlier this summer, irrespective of where the trade-weighted U.S. dollar ends the year, delayed FX translation effects will act as a tonic for S&P 500 profits. Since late-December's peak, the broad trade-weighted dollar has deflated by 9%. Regression analysis shows that a 1% fall in the U.S. dollar boosts operating EPS by 0.98%, with our dataset going back to the early 1970s. If, however, we narrow the interval of estimation starting in 1994 when NAFTA come into effect then the greenback's sensitivity on SPX EPS increases to 1.6%. While every cycle is different, a fresh all-time high in quarterly EPS - driven by a weak dollar - would not surprise us in Q3 and Q4. At some point, the deflating currency should show up in selling price inflation, again as a lagged effect (middle panel, Chart 2). This is encouraging for our firming operating leverage thesis, as a modest inflationary backdrop would reinforce top line growth (bottom panel, Chart 2). The implication of a sustainable revenue growth outlook is a profit margin-led flow through to EPS, especially for high fixed cost businesses. Already, sell side analysts' overall S&P 500 net earnings revisions are benefitting from the U.S. dollar's decline, and so is sector EPS breadth (trade-weighted dollar shown inverted, Chart 3). Chart 2Will The Dollar's Fall Show Up In Inflation? Chart 3EPS Breadth Improvement Moreover, U.S. dollar-based liquidity (defined as the sum of the Fed's balance sheet and foreign central bank U.S. Treasury holdings) has finally arrested its fall and has recently ticked higher above the zero line. This even mild increase in U.S. dollar-based liquidity represents a de facto easing in global monetary conditions, and historically has been synonymous with S&P 500 EPS acceleration (Chart 4). The upshot is that profits are on a solid upward trajectory. Chart 4Dollar Based Liquidity Also On The Rise The equity market's sensitivity to the greenback has been increasing as the percentage of foreign sourced earnings has been rising over the decades. Globally-exposed goods-producers are in the driver's seat. This raises the question: what to do with our long held preference for defensives versus cyclicals? We are taking our cue from the U.S. dollar-induced shifting macro backdrop, and locking in gains of 11% since the mid-2014 inception in our defensive over cyclical sector tilt, and moving to the sidelines. As a reminder, since the beginning of the spring we have been tweaking our portfolio adding cyclical exposure and, at the margin, removing defensive protection.2 Thus, a defensive over cyclical sector preference is no longer in place. Synchronized global growth, reviving emerging markets, a stable China, and a deflating U.S. dollar are all giving us confidence that it no longer pays to play defense (Chart 5). Finally, following a sling shot recovery, relative valuations are on a more even keel, as is our relative Technical Indicator which is hovering in the neutral zone (Chart 6). Chart 5Book Gains And Move##br## To Neutral Chart 6Valuations And Technicals##br## In The Neutral Zone This week we are making an early cyclical downshift and deep cyclical upshift to our portfolio. Hotels Update: Check Out Time This year has been a good one to be overweight the S&P hotels, resorts and cruise lines index which has outperformed the S&P 500 by a wide margin. However, earnings expectations have moved broadly in line with the market in 2017, meaning that the index's outperformance has been entirely valuation multiple driven. Normalizing earnings to smooth out profit volatility reveals a more severe picture with valuation multiples at decade highs, above the historical mean and at a 40% premium to the broad market (Chart 7). The index's strength has been most pronounced since the beginning of the summer and, unsurprisingly given the cyclical rotation into highly discretionary stocks, has been exclusive to the cruise line operator segment of the index. The two relevant stocks (RCL and CCL) now represent nearly half of the S&P hotels, resorts and cruise lines index's market capitalization. Cruise line operators' margins have climbed to 10-year highs (top panel, Chart 8), justifying soaring stock prices. Profit gains have come on the back of healthy unit revenue as unit costs have remained mostly unchanged (third panel, Chart 8). Chart 7Very Expensive Beneath The Surface Chart 8Cruise Lines Leading The Pack Cruise line occupancy rates corroborate this firm demand backdrop. They have risen in line with margin gains (second panel, Chart 8), a result of improving passenger growth and constrained capacity (bottom panel, Chart 8). This has been the industry's largest margin lever, i.e.: incremental passengers per room come with much higher incremental margin. As cruise lines cannot increase their occupancy ad infinitum (occupancy rates above 100% already imply more than two occupants of a double-occupancy berth), further margin gains of this magnitude seem doubtful. In fact, if cruise operators are to continue growing profits, a capacity growth cycle will eventually have to begin anew, meaning margin contraction rather than expansion. Thus, extrapolating profit growth far into the future is fraught with danger, warning that sky-high valuation multiples are vulnerable to even a modest de-rating. The outlook is even less bright for hotels, an industry that has been losing its share of the consumer's wallet for some time (Chart 9, second panel). Specifically, the low/non-corporate end of the market seems increasingly exposed to competition from Airbnb and other room share competitors; cutthroat competition is pricing power negative with industry selling prices sinking into outright deflation (Chart 9, third panel). Hoteliers are trying to compensate for low prices with huge capacity additions, adding a sense of permanence to recent pricing power declines. However, just as pricing has fallen, the accommodation related employment cost index has gone vertical (bottom panel, Chart 9). The implication of soft pricing power and a rising wage bill is a profit letdown. Our newly introduced S&P hotels, resorts and cruise lines EPS model (comprising the U.S. dollar, employment, PCE and confidence measures) does an excellent job encompassing all these moving parts and confirms our bearish industry profit stance. In fact, it is pointing to significant relative declines vis-à-vis the S&P 500 (Chart 10). Chart 9Mind The Deflationary Impulse Chart 10EPS Model Says Rush For The Exits Putting it together, shrinking margins and increased capital deployment mean lower return on capital and hence lower valuation multiples. This implies that the index's relative gains are in the past. Bottom Line: Take some chips off the table and reduce exposure to underweight in the S&P hotels, resorts and cruise lines index. The ticker symbols for the stocks in this index are: BLBG: S5HOTL - MAR, CCL, RCL, HLT, WYN. Software: A Capex Upcycle Winner? Software stock relative performance has returned to its long-term uptrend, but remains far from the two standard deviations above-the-mean peak reached during the tech bubble (top panel, Chart 11). The structural pull from the proliferation of cloud computing and software-as-a-service has served as a catalyst to raise the profile of this more defensive and mature tech sub-sector. Traditional hardware tech sectors, like communications equipment, are also suffering from the "virtualization" threat as software is making inroads into hardware and blurring the lines between the two. Beyond this constructive backdrop, cyclical forces are also painting a brighter picture for software equities. Importantly, there is tentative evidence that a fresh capex upcycle has commenced (see Chart 3 from last Monday's Weekly Report 3), and if software commands a larger slice of the overall spending pie, industry profits should enjoy a healthy rebound (second panel, Chart 11). Small business sector plans to expand have returned to a level last seen prior to the Great Recession, underscoring that software related outlays will likely follow them higher. Recovering bank loan growth is also corroborating this upbeat spending message: capital outlays on software are poised to accelerate based on rebounding bank loans. The latter signals that businesses are beginning to loosen their purse strings anew (third & fourth panels, Chart 11). Reviving animal spirits also suggest that demand for software upgrades will stay elevated. CEO confidence is pushing decade highs. Such ebullience is positive for a pickup in software investments (second panel, Chart 12). It has also rekindled software M&A activity, with the number of industry deals jumping in recent months (bottom panel, Chart 13). Chart 11Back To Trend Chart 12Capex Upcycle... Chart 13... And Reviving Animal Spirits Are Key Drivers Supply reduction presents a bullish backdrop for software selling prices that have exited deflation at a time when overall corporate sector inflation is decelerating. The upshot is that revenue growth will likely reaccelerate (middle panel, Chart 14). But before getting too carried away, there is some cause for concern. The S&P software index is priced to perfection fully reflecting most, if not all, of the positive drivers (bottom panel, Chart 14), warning that any sales/profit mishaps will likely knock relative performance over. Moreover, productivity dynamics are waving a yellow flag. Business sector productivity growth troughed in early 2017. Historically, this output per hour worked metric has been inversely correlated with software outlays (productivity shown inverted, third panel Chart 15). Importantly, even shown as a deviation from the long-term trend, productivity gains have troughed, suggesting that relative profit growth will likely remain muted (productivity shown inverted, bottom panel Chart 15). Keep in mind that, historically, software spending has been countercyclical (second panel, Chart 15) and given that we are not at the end of the line yet, relative outlays on software may not rebound to the same extent as our other aforementioned indicators suggest. Chart 14Impressive Pricing Power, ##br##But Fully Priced Chart 15Productivity Dynamics##br## Are A Sizable Offset Adding it up, enticing structural software forces aside, a cyclical capex recovery is a boon for software outlays and, coupled with reviving animal spirits, signal that it no longer pays to underweight this tech sub-sector. Bottom Line: The S&P software index does not deserve an underweight. Lift exposure to a benchmark allocation. The ticker symbols for the stocks in this index are: BLBG: S5SOFT - MSFT, ORCL, ADBE, CRM, ATVI, EA, INTU, ADSK, SYMC, RHT, SNPS, CTXS, ANSS, CA. Anastasios Avgeriou, Vice President U.S. Equity Strategy & Global Alpha Sector Strategy anastasios@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see Chart 5 of the U.S. Equity Strategy Report titled "Still Goldilocks", on September 11, 2017, available at uses.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see the August 14, 2017 U.S. Equity Strategy Report titled "Three Risks" for a quick recap of most of our portfolio moves, available at uses.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see the September 11, 2017 U.S. Equity Strategy Report titled "Still Goldilocks", available at uses.bcaresearch.com. Current Recommendations Current Trades Size And Style Views Favor small over large caps and stay neutral growth over value.

Special Report

Dear Client, We are sending you a Special Report prepared by my colleague Matt Gertken, associate vice president of our Geopolitical Strategy team. This report focuses on the upcoming 19th Party congress and discusses its implications on China’s economic and political outlook, as well as its impact on financial markets. I trust you will find this report insightful. Best regards, Yan Wang, Senior Vice President China Investment Strategy Highlights The Communist Party will hold its nineteenth National Congress on Oct. 18. This is the "midterm election" for President Xi Jinping, whose political capital will be replenished; Recent Chinese leaders have a greater impact in their second term than their first; Base case: Xi consolidates power while preserving a balance on the Politburo Standing Committee; Stay long Chinese equities versus emerging market peers. Feature China's Communist Party will hold the nineteenth National Party Congress on October 18-25. This is a critical "midterm" leadership reshuffle that will also mark the halfway point of General Secretary Xi Jinping's term in office. Investors around the world will watch closely to see what insight can be gained about the political trajectory of the world's second-largest economy. This report serves as a "primer" for readers to understand the party congress and its investment takeaways. Why Is The Party Congress Important? Because it rotates China's political leaders! Chart 1So Long To The 18th Central Committee In a political system without popular representation, the rotation of personnel according to promotion and retirement is the only way to rejuvenate the policy process. The average rate of turnover on the Communist Party's Central Committee at each five-year congress has been 62%, which is a remarkably high rate (Chart 1). It reveals an underrated dynamism in Chinese politics. This leadership rotation also allows the top leader (Xi Jinping) to consolidate power by putting his supporters into key positions. This in turn alters the policymaking environment and the way in which China formulates policies and responds to external events. China has a "parallel" political system in which the ruling Communist Party operates alongside (and above) the state. Xi Jinping is "General Secretary" of the party, president of the People's Republic of China, and (not least) chairman of the Central Military Commission. The party maintains supremacy by independently controlling the state and the army. Since fall 2016, Xi has been dubbed the "core" of the Communist Party, putting him on a par with previous core leaders Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping and Jiang Zemin.1 The party's nearly 90 million members convene large congresses of about 2,000 members every five years to select the membership of the key decision-making bodies (Diagram 1), a practice known as "intra-party democracy."2 The key body is the Central Committee, which consists of about 200 full members and another 100-some alternative members. The Central Committee then "elects" the General Secretary, Political Bureau (a.k.a. "Politburo," the top 25 or so leaders) and Politburo Standing Committee (the "PSC," the top five-to-nine leaders) - though in reality the Politburo and the PSC are chosen through intense negotiations among the incumbent PSC and former leaders. Diagram 1National Party Congress Of The Communist Party Of China The handful of men on the PSC are the chief decision-makers in China, often in league with the broader Politburo (and former PSC members who exercise some power through the back door). Most of the key personnel decisions will have been made before the Central Committee votes.3 Hence the current top leaders have a chance to put their loyalists and supporters in key positions, potentially improving the implementation of their agenda. The outgoing eighteenth Central Committee will meet for its last session on October 11, and then the nineteenth party congress will meet on October 18 to elect a new Central Committee. It will in turn ratify the new Politburo and PSC. At the beginning of the party congress, Xi Jinping will deliver a keynote political report on the state of the party and nation, reviewing the progress of the past five years and mapping out a vision for the next five. The party congress will also amend the Communist Party constitution.4 By the end of the week, the members of the new PSC will step out to meet the press together for the first time. Only later will the party's key decisions be incorporated by the state, i.e. China's central government, including key personnel appointments and policy initiatives. This will occur when the legislature, the National People's Congress ("NPC," not to be confused with party congress), convenes at its annual "Two Sessions" in early March 2018. Chart 2Bold Action Can Follow Midterm Congresses Any NPC session following a five-year party congress carries more weight than usual not only because it approves of the party congress's leadership decisions but also because it kicks off major new policy initiatives. For instance, Premier Zhu Rongji was appointed to launch the "assault stage" of President Jiang Zemin's reforms of state-owned enterprise at the NPC in March 1998 (Chart 2). Similarly, Hu Jintao's Premier Wen Jiabao launched extensive administrative reforms at the NPC meeting in early 2008.5 How does a "midterm" party congress differ from others? Typically, in even-numbered years, the top two leaders change over, as with Xi Jinping and Premier Li Keqiang in 2012. These transitions are highly significant as they mark a leadership succession, a transfer of power to a new general secretary in a heavily centralized, authoritarian system that does not have a codified succession process. By contrast, in odd-numbered years like 2017, the Communist Party promotes, demotes, and retires a large number of other top leaders. Thus Xi Jinping's place is assured, and Li Keqiang's place is probably assured as well, but most likely the other five members of the PSC will be gone.6 This year's transition is also significant because the total turnover on the Central Committee is expected to be higher than usual (perhaps 70%) as a result of President Xi's aggressive anti-corruption campaign and other factors (see Chart 1 above).7 Leaders often spend the bulk of their first five years consolidating power and the second five years pushing forward their true policy agenda. Even President Hu Jintao, who failed to see his preferred social safety-net policies fully implemented, had a vastly more influential second term than first term in office: the 2007-12 period saw the 4 trillion RMB stimulus package to thwart the Global Recession. Moreover, Chinese leaders do not normally become "lame ducks" toward the end of their last term: Deng Xiaoping recommitted the country to pro-market reforms in 1992, after having stepped down as general secretary, while Jiang Zemin reached the height of his power at the end of his term in 2002, when he chose to hang onto the position of top military leader for two extra years. Many observers suspect that Xi Jinping will hold onto power beyond 2022. Bottom Line: The National Party Congress coincides with a sweeping rotation of the Chinese political elites, which is a critical way of ensuring that China, unlike a monarchy or personalized "dictatorship," has an orderly way of updating its policy-makers and (hopefully) policies. Midterm reshuffles allow top leaders to promote supporters and re-energize the implementation of their policy agenda. The past two Chinese leaders were more consequential in their second term than their first. How Is The Nineteenth Congress Unique? Chart 3Xi Jinping's Generation Taking Command The most important change this year is the passing of a generation.8 China's political elites are classified into "leadership generations," with Mao Zedong symbolizing the first generation, Deng Xiaoping the second, Jiang Zemin the third, Hu Jintao the fourth, and Xi Jinping the fifth generation. The current reshuffle will see the following generational trends: The End of the Jiang Zemin Era: The key figures retiring on the PSC are those who were born before 1950 and put in place by Jiang Zemin. Thus in a very real sense, Jiang Zemin's influence is coming to a close (Chart 3).9 This generational shift is likely to force the retirement of 11 of the 25-member Politburo, and five of the seven PSC members (Table 1), as well as other major figures, such as the long-serving central bank Governor Zhou Xiaochuan. Table 1Chinese Leaders Set To Retire On Politburo And Politburo Standing Committee Jiang-era leaders are defined by certain characteristics that are now fading. As Chart 4 demonstrates, these leaders came of age in the early, idealistic days of the Revolution, leading them to have a conservative streak in ideological matters. Yet they are well-known pragmatists in economic matters. They studied engineering and natural sciences in answer to the call for the young to develop the country's heavy industry. They tended to hail from capitalist-leaning coastal provinces, and often gained first-hand experience operating China's state-owned enterprises. This last point became especially important when they pioneered pro-market corporate reforms in the 1990s. By contrast, fewer of them served as government ministers on the State Council (China's cabinet) than subsequent generations. Chart 4Leadership Characteristics Of The Politburo Standing Committee The Middle of the Hu Jintao Era: The passing of Jiang's cohort will necessarily give his successor Hu Jintao's cohort a boost in relative influence at the top levels. Hu's generation is marked by leaders who studied the "soft sciences" (like law and economics). Several of them (including Hu and Premier Wen Jiabao) have links with the politically liberal wing of the party. They have far less experience in the military or state-owned business, but are more likely to have governing experience in the central government and especially the provinces (Chart 4 above). This includes the interior provinces from which they often hail. They are thus highly attuned to the problem of maintaining social stability, arguably to the neglect of economic dynamism. Hu Jintao's influence may be underrated. Xi's administration has shown important continuities with Hu's, and Hu's followers are well positioned in the Central Committee, the Politburo, and the provincial governments (though not the current PSC). If Xi does not take decisive moves to replace some of Hu's acolytes on the PSC at the coming party congress, then Hu's men will likely outnumber Xi's on the PSC as they graduate up the ladder from the Politburo.10 A strong showing by Hu's faction could affect China's policy priorities, given that Xi showed different preferences from Hu in the first few years of his rule (Table 2). However, the factions do not maintain consistent policy platforms. The bottom line is that Hu's faction could act as more or less of a constraint on Xi regardless of what policies the latter pursues. Table 2Fiscal Priorities Of Recent Chinese Presidents The True Beginning of the Xi Jinping Era: Xi's generation has yet to reveal its full character - the demographics of the new Central Committee will help determine it. So far it is a continuation of the trends above: more likely than not to come from interior than coastal provinces, to have studied the humanities, to have governed in the provinces or central ministries, and to lack military or business experience (Chart 4 above). The coming reshuffle could initiate a change in some of these trends, given some of Xi's revealed preferences, but that will not become clear until this fall.11 Xi is not stereotypical when it comes to China's political cycles: he consolidated power rapidly in his first term.12 The question, then, is whether Xi can continue to accrue power at the party congress, or whether his second term will become complicated by an infusion of Hu Jintao supporters into top party posts. Thus the success of Hu's supporters (particularly on the PSC) is the critical moving part that could determine the political constraints on Xi Jinping from 2017-22. Will Xi be able to arrange a favorable power-sharing agreement? Or will he go further and try to remove this political constraint entirely, even at the risk of political instability? The above points raise two critical questions: Will Chinese politics become more institutionalized? Investors should expect China to maintain a stridently informal political system. Rules and norms can and will be bent, but key principles will be upheld. In other words, the goal posts can be moved, but not too far. Going beyond certain limits would be destabilizing for China's political, institutional, and factional balances, and so far Xi has exhibited poise and the desire to maintain stability that is characteristic of post-1978 Chinese leaders.13 We think there is a low probability that Xi will overthrow all the norms of leadership selection and overturn the balance of power on the Politburo and PSC. If he does, it will raise alarms that he is setting up a new "cult of personality" like Mao, which could cause domestic economic and market instability. Rather, we expect him to modify the rules to maintain control of the PSC without excluding Hu Jintao's faction from power. Will Xi initiate the succession process for 2022? Some commentators suspect that Xi will use the party congress to pave the way for him to cling to power beyond 2022. Clearly Xi could retain the top military post and stay within recent precedent. But any hints at altering recent succession patterns, despite the fact that they are informal, are dangerous for investors in the long run because they raise deep uncertainty about the range of possibilities and political conflicts that could occur upon the actual change of power in 2022. Nevertheless, bear in mind the following points: The question of succession will not be resolved this October. If Xi plans to hang on beyond 2022, then he will continue amassing power and positioning loyalists over the next five years so that he will have full institutional support at the critical moment in 2022 - like Jiang Zemin did when he chose to hang onto the military chairmanship from 2002-04. Thus while Xi may lay some groundwork that makes political observers uneasy, the question will not be resolved either way this fall. Xi's tenure will be an ongoing topic for investors to monitor. Xi is already set to be the most powerful Chinese leader well into the 2020s. Xi's anti-corruption campaign is remarkable evidence of his strength as a ruler. Significantly, this campaign has focused on rooting out Jiang Zemin's influence. Yet Jiang stepped down way back in 2004! In other words, Jiang wielded massive influence between 2004 and 2017. Indeed, Xi's boldest move this year so far was to remove Sun Zhengcai, a Jiang acolyte. It stands to reason that, even if Hu Jintao's faction pulls off a relative victory this year, Xi Jinping's faction will likely be well positioned for a victory in 2022. And if Hu loses out this year, Xi's followers will be better positioned in 2027, as well as 2022. In short, market participants are unlikely to be able to tell the difference this October between (1) Xi getting a boost of political capital for his second term and (2) Xi getting such a big boost that he is on track to overstay his second term.14 Xi might intend to become a dictator and cling to power for longer, but all the market will know for certain is that he has maintained control of the PSC and his general policy framework will be more or less continuous, which is likely a relief in the near term. Finally, investors may not initially care if Xi seizes additional power at the expense of party norms and the succession process. A-shares sold off, but H-shares rallied, when Jiang Zemin decided not to step down entirely in 2002 (Chart 5). Russian stocks and the RUB/USD only fleetingly sold off when Vladimir Putin made clear his intention to return to the presidency yet again in 2011 (Chart 6). Chart 5Foreign Investors Cheered Jiang's Clinging To Power Chart 6Russian Investors Cheered Putin's Second Presidency While it is impossible to know whether markets will cheer any signs of "Papa Xi" doing away with term limits, it is bad for China's governance in the long run if Xi does not clearly begin grooming a successor with this fall's promotions. An heir-apparent for 2022 would reduce the risks of disruptive power-struggle and would impose a personal deadline on Xi Jinping's reform agenda. That is, a deadline above and beyond the 2020 deadline in the 13th Five Year Plan and the 2021 deadline for the 100th anniversary of the Communist Party's founding. That reform agenda, in turn, is essential for improving China's long-term productivity.15 Bottom Line: The Chinese political system is informal, which means that rules and norms can be bent without altering the underlying principles of balance among the key factions and stability of the regime and society as a whole. Our baseline scenario is a market-positive one: that Xi Jinping will win a victory at the party congress, but that he will not overthrow Hu Jintao's followers and abandon the "collective leadership" model, since that would destroy the overall balance of power and heighten domestic political risks. If Xi loses out to the Hu faction, then we would expect Chinese and China-exposed risk assets to sell off, at least initially. If Xi romps to total victory, excluding Hu's clique from power, we would fade any market rally. Such a development would heighten political risks for the foreseeable future. Investment Conclusions The prospect of a Xi-dominated, yet stable, PSC in China is promising because it suggests that China will have at least a marginally improved policy framework for managing the immense challenges it faces. On the economic front, the loss of the demographic dividend threatens to make China old before it gets rich (Chart 7). Xi will need a unified party, as well as loyal supporters in key posts, if he is to re-energize his productivity-enhancing reforms. On the socio-political front, China's intensifying focus on domestic security is symbolized by draconian media censorship ahead of the party congress and, more broadly, a faster rate of spending on public security than national defense in recent years (Chart 8). Such trends suggest that policy makers are concerned about public support. Income inequality and regional disparities are burning issues in an authoritarian country with a larger and more connected middle class and an incipient civil rights movement. Chart 7Rising Participation Boosted Euro Area Labor Force Growth China's Demographic Challenge Chart 8Social Stability A Major Concern In China In terms of the likely economic and market response, we have highlighted in the past that larger macro-economic trends tend to swamp any effects of China's five-year party congresses. There is no observable correlation between these events and the deviations of China's nominal GDP, credit, or fixed investment from long-term averages going back to 1992 (Chart 9). Chart 9No Clear Policy Impact From Past Party Congresses Moreover, China only has two midterm party congresses to compare to today's party congress, and both occurred in the thick of global financial crises (1997, 2007). This makes it difficult to draw firm conclusions about any impact on Chinese risk assets. A-shares were mostly flat after the 1997 congress but fell after 2007, while H-shares broadly fell after both meetings, as one might expect given the crises raging around them (Chart 10 A&B). Chart 10AChinese Stocks Were Flat Or Down ... Chart 10B... After Past Midterm Party Congresses H-shares, being highly responsive to global financial market turmoil, fell relative to emerging market (EM) equities as well in 1997 and 2007. A-shares were more insulated and outperformed EM stocks during the 1997 crisis, though not in the 2007 crisis (Chart 11 A&B). What is clear - for Chinese domestic investors - is that A-shares outperformed H-shares after the party congresses in 1997 and 2007 (Chart 12). Chart 11AChinese Stocks Sold Off In Relative Terms... Chart 11B...Except A-Shares During The Asian Crisis Chart 12A-Shares Outperformed H-Shares After Midterm Congresses This fall, it would not be surprising to see Chinese and global risk-on attitudes prevail in the immediate aftermath of China's party congress: in the broadest sense, the meeting represents a political recapitalization for the Xi administration. Moreover, the backdrop is positive: global and Chinese growth are on a synchronized upswing, Chinese industrial profits have improved, the Fed is on hold, and China's growth risks and capital outflow pressures have diminished.16 This suggests a marginal positive impact for H-shares as well as A-shares. However, Chinese stocks are no longer trading at a discount relative to peers. Moreover, BCA's Geopolitical Strategy believes that the Xi administration's reform reboot will likely bring tougher financial and environmental regulation that will slow credit growth and cut into corporate profits.17 It also seems likely that 2018 will see the dollar stage a comeback as inflation recovers and the Fed resumes hiking rates.18 For all these reasons, we recommend staying long Chinese stocks relative to EM, on the basis that China's reform efforts will be positive for China's productivity outlook but negative for commodities and EM in 2018. Matt Gertken, Associate Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com 1 Mao's successor Hua Guofeng, and Xi's predecessor Hu Jintao, are the two leaders who did not obtain "core" status. 2 The current norms developed mostly in the 1980s and have evolved since. The list of candidates is mostly pre-arranged by the top leaders. The party congress then votes on which candidates to include, leaving a remainder of about 10% who do not take seats in the Central Committee. 3 Nevertheless, the Central Committee could produce a few surprises. It is almost inevitable that a few major personalities will fail to get promoted into key positions, while others will be catapulted to higher places. There will also be some tea leaves to read about the share of negative votes or abstentions and the implications for different candidates. 4 The political report is filled with arcane Communist Party jargon but is very important. It is a consensus document that takes multiple committees a year or more to draft, though Xi Jinping will give the finishing touches. It will cover a comprehensive range of policies and will be scrutinized closely by experts for slight changes of terminology, emphasis, or omission. Key things to watch for are whether Xi adds or removes entire sections; whether he alters developmental goals outlined in previous administrations; and whether he inserts new concepts or revises party ideology to make way for contentious reforms. As for the party's constitution, the main question of any change is whether Xi's leadership philosophy is incorporated into the Communist Party's guiding thought, and if so, whether Xi's name is explicitly attached to it. The latter in particular would be a sign that Xi's political capital within the party is massive. For additional commentary, please see Alice Miller, "How To Read Xi Jinping's 19th Party Congress Political Report," China Leadership Monitor 53 (2017), available at www.hoover.org. 5 For the "assault stage" of reform, see Robert Lawrence Kuhn, The Man Who Changed China: The Life And Legacy Of Jiang Zemin (NY: Crown, 2004). Jiang had first targeted SOE reform in 1996 in a speech, he launched the policy itself at the party congress in September 1997, and the state began to implement it at the NPC in March 1998. For Hu Jintao's and Wen Jiabao's administrative reforms after the seventeenth party congress, see Willy Wo Lap Lam, "Beijing Unveils Plan For Super Ministries," China Brief, Jamestown Foundation, February 4, 2008. These reforms, which were only part of the overall agenda after the congress, included restructuring the State Council, empowering the National Development and Reform Commission, and setting up "Super-Ministries" to streamline cabinet-level functions. 6 Rumor has it that Xi will keep his anti-corruption chief, Wang Qishan, on the PSC beyond the 69-year mandatory retirement age, and that he could even replace Premier Li Keqiang. We do not expect either to happen, but both are well within the realm of political possibility - particularly retaining Wang. 7 For this estimate, please see Cheng Li, Chinese Politics In The Xi Jinping Era: Reassessing Collective Leadership (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 2016), chapter 9. 8 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "China: Looking Beyond The Party Congress," dated July 19, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 9 Traces of Jiang's power will persist here and there, especially if Wang Qishan remains on the PSC, but the overall effect will be a diminishment of this powerful leadership cohort. Symbolically, just as Deng Xiaoping's death loomed over the fifteenth party congress in 1997, Jiang's impending death will loom over the nineteenth party congress today. 10 Indeed judging solely by the cyclical rotation of Chinese leaders according to generation and faction, Hu Jintao's acolytes are favored to outnumber Jiang Zemin's and Xi Jinping's in the 2017 reshuffle. Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "China: Two Factions, One Party," dated September 2012, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. However, Xi's effectiveness and good luck since coming to power lead us to believe that he will secure his followers on the PSC and Politburo this year: please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Strategic Outlook 2017, "We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now," dated December 14, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 11 For example, Xi Jinping's recent promotions have re-emphasized SOE managers and his policies have supported large "state champion" SOEs. Please see Cheng Li and Lucy Xu, "The rise of state-owned enterprise executives in China's provincial leadership," Brookings, February 22, 2017, available at www.brookings.edu. 12 He came to the top office at a time of significant public dissatisfaction (2012), which meant that he received a kind of "mandate" to make big changes. His faction dominated the PSC, and his sweeping anti-corruption campaign purged the party and state of formidable rivals. In the fall of 2016 he clinched his status as the "core" of the party. 13 As to specific rules, no one should be surprised if they are altered. Take the age limit, which is hotly debated: Jiang Zemin introduced a hard age limit into the PSC in 1997, specifically in a way that prevented the promotion of a heavy-hitting politician, Qiao Shi, while allowing Jiang to continue in power. Now, assume Xi alters the rules to preserve Wang Qishan: this would not necessarily mean that Xi plans to overstay his term limits, though some observers will take it that way. For market participants, the important point is that slight tweaks to informal rules are unlikely to have a big market impact. Consider that Wang has overseen a massive crackdown on corruption, helping clean up the party's image, and is known to be competent in financial regulation as well. If he is retained, will the market really protest? We doubt it. Having said that, we expect him to retire according to the existing rule of thumb. 14 The exception to this statement is if Xi reforms Communist Party political institutions, as some commentators suspect he might, in order to allow the Central Committee to elect the Politburo and PSC directly from its members, thus expanding "intra-party democracy" while also giving Xi a higher likelihood of staying in power. Please see Bo Zhiyue, "Commentary: Sweeping Reforms Expected At Party Congress, But Will Xi Jinping Get All He Wants?" Channel News Asia, August 20, 2017, available at www.channelnewsasia.com. 15 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "Reflections On China's Reforms," in "The Great Risk Rotation - December 2013," dated December 11, 2013; and Special Report, "Taking Stock Of China's Reforms," dated May 13, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. Please also see BCA China Investment Strategy, "Understanding China's Master Plan," dated November 20, 2013, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 16 Please see BCA China Investment Strategy Weekly Reports, "China: Earnings Scorecard And Market Tea Leaves," dated September 7, 2017, and "Monitoring Chinese Capital Outflows And The RMB Internationalization Process," dated August 24, 2017, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 17 Please see BCA China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "A Closer Look At Chinese Equity Valuations," dated August 31, 2017, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. For the reform agenda, please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "China: Looking Beyond The Party Congress," dated July 19, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 18 Please see BCA Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Central Bank Showdown," dated September 8, 2017, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. Cyclical Investment Stance Equity Sector Recommendations

Special Report

Highlights The Communist Party will hold its nineteenth National Congress on Oct. 18. This is the "midterm election" for President Xi Jinping, whose political capital will be replenished; Recent Chinese leaders have a greater impact in their second term than their first; Base case: Xi consolidates power while preserving a balance on the Politburo Standing Committee; Stay long Chinese equities versus emerging market peers. Feature China's Communist Party will hold the nineteenth National Party Congress on October 18-25. This is a critical "midterm" leadership reshuffle that will also mark the halfway point of General Secretary Xi Jinping's term in office. Investors around the world will watch closely to see what insight can be gained about the political trajectory of the world's second-largest economy. This report serves as a "primer" for readers to understand the party congress and its investment takeaways. Why Is The Party Congress Important? Because it rotates China's political leaders! Chart 1So Long To The 18th Central Committee In a political system without popular representation, the rotation of personnel according to promotion and retirement is the only way to rejuvenate the policy process. The average rate of turnover on the Communist Party's Central Committee at each five-year congress has been 62%, which is a remarkably high rate (Chart 1). It reveals an underrated dynamism in Chinese politics. This leadership rotation also allows the top leader (Xi Jinping) to consolidate power by putting his supporters into key positions. This in turn alters the policymaking environment and the way in which China formulates policies and responds to external events. China has a "parallel" political system in which the ruling Communist Party operates alongside (and above) the state. Xi Jinping is "General Secretary" of the party, president of the People's Republic of China, and (not least) chairman of the Central Military Commission. The party maintains supremacy by independently controlling the state and the army. Since fall 2016, Xi has been dubbed the "core" of the Communist Party, putting him on a par with previous core leaders Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping and Jiang Zemin.1 The party's nearly 90 million members convene large congresses of about 2,000 members every five years to select the membership of the key decision-making bodies (Diagram 1), a practice known as "intra-party democracy."2 The key body is the Central Committee, which consists of about 200 full members and another 100-some alternative members. The Central Committee then "elects" the General Secretary, Political Bureau (a.k.a. "Politburo," the top 25 or so leaders) and Politburo Standing Committee (the "PSC," the top five-to-nine leaders) - though in reality the Politburo and the PSC are chosen through intense negotiations among the incumbent PSC and former leaders. Diagram 1National Party Congress Of The Communist Party Of China The handful of men on the PSC are the chief decision-makers in China, often in league with the broader Politburo (and former PSC members who exercise some power through the back door). Most of the key personnel decisions will have been made before the Central Committee votes.3 Hence the current top leaders have a chance to put their loyalists and supporters in key positions, potentially improving the implementation of their agenda. The outgoing eighteenth Central Committee will meet for its last session on October 11, and then the nineteenth party congress will meet on October 18 to elect a new Central Committee. It will in turn ratify the new Politburo and PSC. At the beginning of the party congress, Xi Jinping will deliver a keynote political report on the state of the party and nation, reviewing the progress of the past five years and mapping out a vision for the next five. The party congress will also amend the Communist Party constitution.4 By the end of the week, the members of the new PSC will step out to meet the press together for the first time. Only later will the party's key decisions be incorporated by the state, i.e. China's central government, including key personnel appointments and policy initiatives. This will occur when the legislature, the National People's Congress ("NPC," not to be confused with party congress), convenes at its annual "Two Sessions" in early March 2018. Chart 2Bold Action Can Follow Midterm Congresses Any NPC session following a five-year party congress carries more weight than usual not only because it approves of the party congress's leadership decisions but also because it kicks off major new policy initiatives. For instance, Premier Zhu Rongji was appointed to launch the "assault stage" of President Jiang Zemin's reforms of state-owned enterprise at the NPC in March 1998 (Chart 2). Similarly, Hu Jintao's Premier Wen Jiabao launched extensive administrative reforms at the NPC meeting in early 2008.5 How does a "midterm" party congress differ from others? Typically, in even-numbered years, the top two leaders change over, as with Xi Jinping and Premier Li Keqiang in 2012. These transitions are highly significant as they mark a leadership succession, a transfer of power to a new general secretary in a heavily centralized, authoritarian system that does not have a codified succession process. By contrast, in odd-numbered years like 2017, the Communist Party promotes, demotes, and retires a large number of other top leaders. Thus Xi Jinping's place is assured, and Li Keqiang's place is probably assured as well, but most likely the other five members of the PSC will be gone.6 This year's transition is also significant because the total turnover on the Central Committee is expected to be higher than usual (perhaps 70%) as a result of President Xi's aggressive anti-corruption campaign and other factors (see Chart 1 above).7 Leaders often spend the bulk of their first five years consolidating power and the second five years pushing forward their true policy agenda. Even President Hu Jintao, who failed to see his preferred social safety-net policies fully implemented, had a vastly more influential second term than first term in office: the 2007-12 period saw the 4 trillion RMB stimulus package to thwart the Global Recession. Moreover, Chinese leaders do not normally become "lame ducks" toward the end of their last term: Deng Xiaoping recommitted the country to pro-market reforms in 1992, after having stepped down as general secretary, while Jiang Zemin reached the height of his power at the end of his term in 2002, when he chose to hang onto the position of top military leader for two extra years. Many observers suspect that Xi Jinping will hold onto power beyond 2022. Bottom Line: The National Party Congress coincides with a sweeping rotation of the Chinese political elites, which is a critical way of ensuring that China, unlike a monarchy or personalized "dictatorship," has an orderly way of updating its policy-makers and (hopefully) policies. Midterm reshuffles allow top leaders to promote supporters and re-energize the implementation of their policy agenda. The past two Chinese leaders were more consequential in their second term than their first. How Is The Nineteenth Congress Unique? Chart 3Xi Jinping's Generation Taking Command The most important change this year is the passing of a generation.8 China's political elites are classified into "leadership generations," with Mao Zedong symbolizing the first generation, Deng Xiaoping the second, Jiang Zemin the third, Hu Jintao the fourth, and Xi Jinping the fifth generation. The current reshuffle will see the following generational trends: The End of the Jiang Zemin Era: The key figures retiring on the PSC are those who were born before 1950 and put in place by Jiang Zemin. Thus in a very real sense, Jiang Zemin's influence is coming to a close (Chart 3).9 This generational shift is likely to force the retirement of 11 of the 25-member Politburo, and five of the seven PSC members (Table 1), as well as other major figures, such as the long-serving central bank Governor Zhou Xiaochuan. Table 1Chinese Leaders Set To Retire On Politburo And Politburo Standing Committee Jiang-era leaders are defined by certain characteristics that are now fading. As Chart 4 demonstrates, these leaders came of age in the early, idealistic days of the Revolution, leading them to have a conservative streak in ideological matters. Yet they are well-known pragmatists in economic matters. They studied engineering and natural sciences in answer to the call for the young to develop the country's heavy industry. They tended to hail from capitalist-leaning coastal provinces, and often gained first-hand experience operating China's state-owned enterprises. This last point became especially important when they pioneered pro-market corporate reforms in the 1990s. By contrast, fewer of them served as government ministers on the State Council (China's cabinet) than subsequent generations. Chart 4Leadership Characteristics Of The Politburo Standing Committee The Middle of the Hu Jintao Era: The passing of Jiang's cohort will necessarily give his successor Hu Jintao's cohort a boost in relative influence at the top levels. Hu's generation is marked by leaders who studied the "soft sciences" (like law and economics). Several of them (including Hu and Premier Wen Jiabao) have links with the politically liberal wing of the party. They have far less experience in the military or state-owned business, but are more likely to have governing experience in the central government and especially the provinces (Chart 4 above). This includes the interior provinces from which they often hail. They are thus highly attuned to the problem of maintaining social stability, arguably to the neglect of economic dynamism. Hu Jintao's influence may be underrated. Xi's administration has shown important continuities with Hu's, and Hu's followers are well positioned in the Central Committee, the Politburo, and the provincial governments (though not the current PSC). If Xi does not take decisive moves to replace some of Hu's acolytes on the PSC at the coming party congress, then Hu's men will likely outnumber Xi's on the PSC as they graduate up the ladder from the Politburo.10 A strong showing by Hu's faction could affect China's policy priorities, given that Xi showed different preferences from Hu in the first few years of his rule (Table 2). However, the factions do not maintain consistent policy platforms. The bottom line is that Hu's faction could act as more or less of a constraint on Xi regardless of what policies the latter pursues. Table 2Fiscal Priorities Of Recent Chinese Presidents The True Beginning of the Xi Jinping Era: Xi's generation has yet to reveal its full character - the demographics of the new Central Committee will help determine it. So far it is a continuation of the trends above: more likely than not to come from interior than coastal provinces, to have studied the humanities, to have governed in the provinces or central ministries, and to lack military or business experience (Chart 4 above). The coming reshuffle could initiate a change in some of these trends, given some of Xi's revealed preferences, but that will not become clear until this fall.11 Xi is not stereotypical when it comes to China's political cycles: he consolidated power rapidly in his first term.12 The question, then, is whether Xi can continue to accrue power at the party congress, or whether his second term will become complicated by an infusion of Hu Jintao supporters into top party posts. Thus the success of Hu's supporters (particularly on the PSC) is the critical moving part that could determine the political constraints on Xi Jinping from 2017-22. Will Xi be able to arrange a favorable power-sharing agreement? Or will he go further and try to remove this political constraint entirely, even at the risk of political instability? The above points raise two critical questions: Will Chinese politics become more institutionalized? Investors should expect China to maintain a stridently informal political system. Rules and norms can and will be bent, but key principles will be upheld. In other words, the goal posts can be moved, but not too far. Going beyond certain limits would be destabilizing for China's political, institutional, and factional balances, and so far Xi has exhibited poise and the desire to maintain stability that is characteristic of post-1978 Chinese leaders.13 We think there is a low probability that Xi will overthrow all the norms of leadership selection and overturn the balance of power on the Politburo and PSC. If he does, it will raise alarms that he is setting up a new "cult of personality" like Mao, which could cause domestic economic and market instability. Rather, we expect him to modify the rules to maintain control of the PSC without excluding Hu Jintao's faction from power. Will Xi initiate the succession process for 2022? Some commentators suspect that Xi will use the party congress to pave the way for him to cling to power beyond 2022. Clearly Xi could retain the top military post and stay within recent precedent. But any hints at altering recent succession patterns, despite the fact that they are informal, are dangerous for investors in the long run because they raise deep uncertainty about the range of possibilities and political conflicts that could occur upon the actual change of power in 2022. Nevertheless, bear in mind the following points: The question of succession will not be resolved this October. If Xi plans to hang on beyond 2022, then he will continue amassing power and positioning loyalists over the next five years so that he will have full institutional support at the critical moment in 2022 - like Jiang Zemin did when he chose to hang onto the military chairmanship from 2002-04. Thus while Xi may lay some groundwork that makes political observers uneasy, the question will not be resolved either way this fall. Xi's tenure will be an ongoing topic for investors to monitor. Xi is already set to be the most powerful Chinese leader well into the 2020s. Xi's anti-corruption campaign is remarkable evidence of his strength as a ruler. Significantly, this campaign has focused on rooting out Jiang Zemin's influence. Yet Jiang stepped down way back in 2004! In other words, Jiang wielded massive influence between 2004 and 2017. Indeed, Xi's boldest move this year so far was to remove Sun Zhengcai, a Jiang acolyte. It stands to reason that, even if Hu Jintao's faction pulls off a relative victory this year, Xi Jinping's faction will likely be well positioned for a victory in 2022. And if Hu loses out this year, Xi's followers will be better positioned in 2027, as well as 2022. In short, market participants are unlikely to be able to tell the difference this October between (1) Xi getting a boost of political capital for his second term and (2) Xi getting such a big boost that he is on track to overstay his second term.14 Xi might intend to become a dictator and cling to power for longer, but all the market will know for certain is that he has maintained control of the PSC and his general policy framework will be more or less continuous, which is likely a relief in the near term. Finally, investors may not initially care if Xi seizes additional power at the expense of party norms and the succession process. A-shares sold off, but H-shares rallied, when Jiang Zemin decided not to step down entirely in 2002 (Chart 5). Russian stocks and the RUB/USD only fleetingly sold off when Vladimir Putin made clear his intention to return to the presidency yet again in 2011 (Chart 6). Chart 5Foreign Investors Cheered Jiang's Clinging To Power Chart 6Russian Investors Cheered Putin's Second Presidency While it is impossible to know whether markets will cheer any signs of "Papa Xi" doing away with term limits, it is bad for China's governance in the long run if Xi does not clearly begin grooming a successor with this fall's promotions. An heir-apparent for 2022 would reduce the risks of disruptive power-struggle and would impose a personal deadline on Xi Jinping's reform agenda. That is, a deadline above and beyond the 2020 deadline in the 13th Five Year Plan and the 2021 deadline for the 100th anniversary of the Communist Party's founding. That reform agenda, in turn, is essential for improving China's long-term productivity.15 Bottom Line: The Chinese political system is informal, which means that rules and norms can be bent without altering the underlying principles of balance among the key factions and stability of the regime and society as a whole. Our baseline scenario is a market-positive one: that Xi Jinping will win a victory at the party congress, but that he will not overthrow Hu Jintao's followers and abandon the "collective leadership" model, since that would destroy the overall balance of power and heighten domestic political risks. If Xi loses out to the Hu faction, then we would expect Chinese and China-exposed risk assets to sell off, at least initially. If Xi romps to total victory, excluding Hu's clique from power, we would fade any market rally. Such a development would heighten political risks for the foreseeable future. Investment Conclusions The prospect of a Xi-dominated, yet stable, PSC in China is promising because it suggests that China will have at least a marginally improved policy framework for managing the immense challenges it faces. On the economic front, the loss of the demographic dividend threatens to make China old before it gets rich (Chart 7). Xi will need a unified party, as well as loyal supporters in key posts, if he is to re-energize his productivity-enhancing reforms. On the socio-political front, China's intensifying focus on domestic security is symbolized by draconian media censorship ahead of the party congress and, more broadly, a faster rate of spending on public security than national defense in recent years (Chart 8). Such trends suggest that policy makers are concerned about public support. Income inequality and regional disparities are burning issues in an authoritarian country with a larger and more connected middle class and an incipient civil rights movement. Chart 7Rising Participation Boosted Euro Area Labor Force Growth China's Demographic Challenge Chart 8Social Stability A Major Concern In China In terms of the likely economic and market response, we have highlighted in the past that larger macro-economic trends tend to swamp any effects of China's five-year party congresses. There is no observable correlation between these events and the deviations of China's nominal GDP, credit, or fixed investment from long-term averages going back to 1992 (Chart 9). Chart 9No Clear Policy Impact From Past Party Congresses Moreover, China only has two midterm party congresses to compare to today's party congress, and both occurred in the thick of global financial crises (1997, 2007). This makes it difficult to draw firm conclusions about any impact on Chinese risk assets. A-shares were mostly flat after the 1997 congress but fell after 2007, while H-shares broadly fell after both meetings, as one might expect given the crises raging around them (Chart 10 A&B). Chart 10AChinese Stocks Were Flat Or Down ... Chart 10B... After Past Midterm Party Congresses H-shares, being highly responsive to global financial market turmoil, fell relative to emerging market (EM) equities as well in 1997 and 2007. A-shares were more insulated and outperformed EM stocks during the 1997 crisis, though not in the 2007 crisis (Chart 11 A&B). What is clear - for Chinese domestic investors - is that A-shares outperformed H-shares after the party congresses in 1997 and 2007 (Chart 12). Chart 11AChinese Stocks Sold Off In Relative Terms... Chart 11B...Except A-Shares During The Asian Crisis Chart 12A-Shares Outperformed H-Shares After Midterm Congresses This fall, it would not be surprising to see Chinese and global risk-on attitudes prevail in the immediate aftermath of China's party congress: in the broadest sense, the meeting represents a political recapitalization for the Xi administration. Moreover, the backdrop is positive: global and Chinese growth are on a synchronized upswing, Chinese industrial profits have improved, the Fed is on hold, and China's growth risks and capital outflow pressures have diminished.16 This suggests a marginal positive impact for H-shares as well as A-shares. However, Chinese stocks are no longer trading at a discount relative to peers. Moreover, BCA's Geopolitical Strategy believes that the Xi administration's reform reboot will likely bring tougher financial and environmental regulation that will slow credit growth and cut into corporate profits.17 It also seems likely that 2018 will see the dollar stage a comeback as inflation recovers and the Fed resumes hiking rates.18 For all these reasons, we recommend staying long Chinese stocks relative to EM, on the basis that China's reform efforts will be positive for China's productivity outlook but negative for commodities and EM in 2018. Matt Gertken, Associate Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com 1 Mao's successor Hua Guofeng, and Xi's predecessor Hu Jintao, are the two leaders who did not obtain "core" status. 2 The current norms developed mostly in the 1980s and have evolved since. The list of candidates is mostly pre-arranged by the top leaders. The party congress then votes on which candidates to include, leaving a remainder of about 10% who do not take seats in the Central Committee. 3 Nevertheless, the Central Committee could produce a few surprises. It is almost inevitable that a few major personalities will fail to get promoted into key positions, while others will be catapulted to higher places. There will also be some tea leaves to read about the share of negative votes or abstentions and the implications for different candidates. 4 The political report is filled with arcane Communist Party jargon but is very important. It is a consensus document that takes multiple committees a year or more to draft, though Xi Jinping will give the finishing touches. It will cover a comprehensive range of policies and will be scrutinized closely by experts for slight changes of terminology, emphasis, or omission. Key things to watch for are whether Xi adds or removes entire sections; whether he alters developmental goals outlined in previous administrations; and whether he inserts new concepts or revises party ideology to make way for contentious reforms. As for the party's constitution, the main question of any change is whether Xi's leadership philosophy is incorporated into the Communist Party's guiding thought, and if so, whether Xi's name is explicitly attached to it. The latter in particular would be a sign that Xi's political capital within the party is massive. For additional commentary, please see Alice Miller, "How To Read Xi Jinping's 19th Party Congress Political Report," China Leadership Monitor 53 (2017), available at www.hoover.org. 5 For the "assault stage" of reform, see Robert Lawrence Kuhn, The Man Who Changed China: The Life And Legacy Of Jiang Zemin (NY: Crown, 2004). Jiang had first targeted SOE reform in 1996 in a speech, he launched the policy itself at the party congress in September 1997, and the state began to implement it at the NPC in March 1998. For Hu Jintao's and Wen Jiabao's administrative reforms after the seventeenth party congress, see Willy Wo Lap Lam, "Beijing Unveils Plan For Super Ministries," China Brief, Jamestown Foundation, February 4, 2008. These reforms, which were only part of the overall agenda after the congress, included restructuring the State Council, empowering the National Development and Reform Commission, and setting up "Super-Ministries" to streamline cabinet-level functions. 6 Rumor has it that Xi will keep his anti-corruption chief, Wang Qishan, on the PSC beyond the 69-year mandatory retirement age, and that he could even replace Premier Li Keqiang. We do not expect either to happen, but both are well within the realm of political possibility - particularly retaining Wang. 7 For this estimate, please see Cheng Li, Chinese Politics In The Xi Jinping Era: Reassessing Collective Leadership (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 2016), chapter 9. 8 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "China: Looking Beyond The Party Congress," dated July 19, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 9 Traces of Jiang's power will persist here and there, especially if Wang Qishan remains on the PSC, but the overall effect will be a diminishment of this powerful leadership cohort. Symbolically, just as Deng Xiaoping's death loomed over the fifteenth party congress in 1997, Jiang's impending death will loom over the nineteenth party congress today. 10 Indeed judging solely by the cyclical rotation of Chinese leaders according to generation and faction, Hu Jintao's acolytes are favored to outnumber Jiang Zemin's and Xi Jinping's in the 2017 reshuffle. Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "China: Two Factions, One Party," dated September 2012, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. However, Xi's effectiveness and good luck since coming to power lead us to believe that he will secure his followers on the PSC and Politburo this year: please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Strategic Outlook 2017, "We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now," dated December 14, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 11 For example, Xi Jinping's recent promotions have re-emphasized SOE managers and his policies have supported large "state champion" SOEs. Please see Cheng Li and Lucy Xu, "The rise of state-owned enterprise executives in China's provincial leadership," Brookings, February 22, 2017, available at www.brookings.edu. 12 He came to the top office at a time of significant public dissatisfaction (2012), which meant that he received a kind of "mandate" to make big changes. His faction dominated the PSC, and his sweeping anti-corruption campaign purged the party and state of formidable rivals. In the fall of 2016 he clinched his status as the "core" of the party. 13 As to specific rules, no one should be surprised if they are altered. Take the age limit, which is hotly debated: Jiang Zemin introduced a hard age limit into the PSC in 1997, specifically in a way that prevented the promotion of a heavy-hitting politician, Qiao Shi, while allowing Jiang to continue in power. Now, assume Xi alters the rules to preserve Wang Qishan: this would not necessarily mean that Xi plans to overstay his term limits, though some observers will take it that way. For market participants, the important point is that slight tweaks to informal rules are unlikely to have a big market impact. Consider that Wang has overseen a massive crackdown on corruption, helping clean up the party's image, and is known to be competent in financial regulation as well. If he is retained, will the market really protest? We doubt it. Having said that, we expect him to retire according to the existing rule of thumb. 14 The exception to this statement is if Xi reforms Communist Party political institutions, as some commentators suspect he might, in order to allow the Central Committee to elect the Politburo and PSC directly from its members, thus expanding "intra-party democracy" while also giving Xi a higher likelihood of staying in power. Please see Bo Zhiyue, "Commentary: Sweeping Reforms Expected At Party Congress, But Will Xi Jinping Get All He Wants?" Channel News Asia, August 20, 2017, available at www.channelnewsasia.com. 15 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "Reflections On China's Reforms," in "The Great Risk Rotation - December 2013," dated December 11, 2013; and Special Report, "Taking Stock Of China's Reforms," dated May 13, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. Please also see BCA China Investment Strategy, "Understanding China's Master Plan," dated November 20, 2013, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 16 Please see BCA China Investment Strategy Weekly Reports, "China: Earnings Scorecard And Market Tea Leaves," dated September 7, 2017, and "Monitoring Chinese Capital Outflows And The RMB Internationalization Process," dated August 24, 2017, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 17 Please see BCA China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "A Closer Look At Chinese Equity Valuations," dated August 31, 2017, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. For the reform agenda, please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "China: Looking Beyond The Party Congress," dated July 19, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 18 Please see BCA Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Central Bank Showdown," dated September 8, 2017, available at gis.bcaresearch.com.

Feature The Brazilian economy is finally improving following a devastating depression of about 3 years, where real GDP dropped by a whopping 7.4%. Does the current economic revival warrant a bullish stance on its financial markets? If the global risk-on trade persists among EM risk assets and commodities and there are no domestic political blunders in Brazil, the country's financial markets will continue to rally as economic growth improves. If the EM and commodities rallies wane and an EM risk-off cycle develops, Brazilian risk assets will sell off, regardless of domestic economic recovery. Provided economies around the world have become interconnected, it is often difficult to separate global economic and financial market impact from domestic economic dynamics. Yet, it is possible to do so in Brazil in the latest cycle. Chart I-1 demonstrates that the Brazilian real bottomed with iron ore prices on December 21, 2015 - not with the bottom in the Brazilian economy in early Q1 2017 (Chart I-1, bottom panel). In turn, the currency's rally amid the collapse in domestic demand has led to a material drop in inflation and allowed the central bank to cut interest rates aggressively. The exchange rate is the main variable driving financial markets in many developing countries, including Brazil. In these countries, it is the exchange rate that causes swings in interest rate expectations, not the other way around. Furthermore, other important variables that led to the bottom in iron ore prices and the BRL were the Chinese manufacturing PMI and money growth, both of which bottomed in the second half of 2015 (Chart I-2). Chart 1BRL Correlates With Commodities ##br##Not Domestic Demand Chart 2Chinese Data Led##br## The Bottom In BRL In short, economic recovery arrived much later in Brazil, and so far it has been exceptionally tame and tentative (Chart I-3). Brazil's domestic demand performance has in no way justified the rally in its financial markets since January 2016. If anything, it is the opposite: the domestic economic recovery emerged too late, and has been extremely subdued compared with the sizable gains in share prices. For example, banks' EPS bottomed only in May 2017, while their share prices troughed in January 2016 (Chart I-4). Similarly, Brazil's fiscal outlook and debt profile has continued to deteriorate, even though the country's sovereign spreads have tightened substantially (Chart I-5). Chart 3Brazil: Economic Recovery Is Exceptionally Tame Chart 4Brazil: Bank Share Prices And EPS Chart 5Brazil's Fiscal And Debt Profiles Have Deteriorated Hence, one can safely argue that economic growth and domestic fundamentals were not the basis behind why Brazilian financial markets found a bottom and rallied starting January 2016. Rather, the critical driving force has been commodities prices, China, the U.S. dollar and global risk appetite. This is consistent with the defining features of bull and bear markets: In a bull market, liquidity lifts all boats, and all flaws are overlooked or discharged while minor positives are magnified by the market. In a bear market, even marginal negatives are overblown, and the market punishes severely for minor missteps. In short, global risk assets have been in a genuine bull market since early 2016, and that has overridden Brazil's poor domestic fundamentals. Going forward, we recommend avoiding Brazilian risk assets - not because we do not expect an economic recovery in Brazil to progress, but because our view on China's impact on commodities and the potential U.S. dollar rebound will curb overall risk appetite toward EM. We discussed this EM/China/commodities outlook at length in last week's report.1 Timing a shift in financial market regimes is always a difficult task, but our sense is that a top in EM risk assets will likely occur between now and the end of October, as China's Communist party Congress reiterates its focus on containing financial risk and leverage, as well as the authorities' marginal tolerance for slightly slower growth. Furthermore, our broad money (M3) impulse for China suggests an imminent relapse in Goldman Sach's current economic activity indicator for the mainland economy (Chart I-6). Our assumption is that commodities prices will drop due to potential weakness in China, and that the U.S. dollar and U.S. bond yields are oversold and will recover, respectively. Altogether, these views warrant a cautious stance on EM currencies. The real has historically been correlated with commodities prices, and this positive correlation will likely continue. As and when the Brazilian currency resumes its depreciation, the risk-on trade in Brazilian equities and credit markets will end. As for Brazilian financial markets, a few relationships are worth highlighting: Since early this year, iron ore prices have been inversely correlated with Chinese money market rates (Chart I-7). A possible explanation is that iron ore and other commodities prices trading on Chinese exchanges have been driven by meaningful speculative buying that negatively correlates with borrowing costs on the mainland. Chart 6China's Growth Is Set To Slow Chart 7Iron Ore Prices Are Vulnerable Given the latest relapse in Brazil's nominal GDP growth, the pace of amelioration in private banks' NPL and NPL provisions could stall (Chart I-8). In turn, Brazilian banks' share prices seem to move inversely with the rate of change in private banks' NPL and NPL provisions (Chart I-9A & Chart I-9B). If these relationships hold, we might be close to a peak in Brazilian bank share prices. Chart 8Brazil: Is The Improvement In NPL Cycle Over? Chart 9ABrazil: NPL Cycles and Bank Stocks Chart 9BBrazil: Provisions Cycles And Bank Stocks Finally, the pace of economic recovery will likely disappoint because the Brazilian economy is facing numerous headwinds: High borrowing costs - the real prime lending rate is 12.5% and the policy rate in the real terms is 6.8%, while public banks' lending rates are set to rise due to the TJLP reform that will remove the government budget's subsidy for borrowers. With 50% of outstanding credit being earmarked credit (previously subsidized by the government and provided by public banks), the impact on economic activity will be non-trivial; Lower government spending, as 2018 government expenditure growth cannot exceed the 2017 June headline inflation rate of 3%. Besides, the fiscal balance is so disastrous that risks to taxes are to the upside, not downside. Furthermore, the recently augmented 2017 year-end fiscal primary deficit target of BRL 159 billion is smaller than the deficit of BRL 182 billion for the past 12 months. This entails government spending cuts are likely this year, which will weigh on growth. The Brazilian exchange rate is not cheap. The nation needs a cheaper currency to reflate its economy. Lingering political uncertainty amid the corruption scandals and upcoming presidential elections in fall 2018 will continue to weigh on capital spending and employment, which have not yet recovered. Bottom Line: Our overarching negative view on EM, China and commodities heralds staying cautious on Brazil's financial markets despite the early signs of domestic economic recovery. Arthur Budaghyan, Senior Vice President Emerging Markets Strategy arthurb@bcaresearch.com Andrija Vesic, Research Assistant andrijav@bcaresearch.com 1 Please refer to the Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report, titled "Copper Versus Money/Credit In China - Which One Is Right?", dated September 6,. Equity Recommendations Fixed-Income, Credit And Currency Recommendations

Highlights Beige Book highlights disconnect between inflation words and inflation data. Peak in auto sales is not a harbinger of recession. Capital spending still trending higher. Inflation and inflation surprise will need to move higher before Fed hikes again. Big disconnect between 10-year yield and our fair value model. Feature Disconnect On Inflation Chart 1Beige Book Monitors Support##BR##Fed's Outlook On Economy And Inflation The Beige Book released on September 6 supports the Fed's base case outlook for the economy and inflation. It also keeps the Fed on track to begin trimming its balance sheet in September and boost rates by another 25 basis points in December if the CPI and PCE inflation readings turn higher. Our quantitative approach to the qualitative data in the Beige Book points to an acceleration in GDP and inflation, less business unease from a rising U.S. dollar, and ongoing improvement in real estate, both commercial and residential (Chart 1). At 64%, the BCA Beige Book Monitor was still near its cycle highs in September, providing further confirmation that economic growth was sturdy in the first two months of Q3. The Fed noted that "the information included in the report was primarily collected before Hurricane Harvey made landfall on the Gulf Coast." However, there was a mention of the storm's clout based on preliminary assessments of business and banking contacts across several districts. The U.S. dollar should not be much of an issue in the Q3 earnings season, according to the Beige Book. The greenback seems to have faded as a concern for small businesses and bankers, in sharp contrast with 2015 and early 2016 when Beige Book references to a strong dollar surged. The Q3 earnings reporting season will provide corporate managements with another forum to discuss the currency's impact on their operations. The 2% decline in the dollar over the past 12 months suggests that the dollar may even provide a small lift to Q3 results (Chart 1, panel 4). Remarkably, business uncertainty over government policy (fiscal, regulatory and health) has moved lower in 2017. The implication is that the business community is largely ignoring the lack of progress by Washington policymakers on Trump's agenda (Chart 1, panel 5). Echoing the market's disagreement with the Fed on inflation, the big disconnect in the Beige Book showed up in the number of inflation words (Chart 1, panel 3). Expressions of inflation dipped between the July and September reports. That said, a wide disconnect remains between the elevated inflation mentions and the soft readings on CPI and PCE. In the past, increased references to inflation have led measured inflation by a few months, suggesting that the CPI and core PCE may soon turn up. Bottom Line: The Beige Book backs the Fed's assertion that the economy will expand around 2% this year and inflation will mount in the coming months, supporting a gradual removal of policy accommodation. Policy uncertainty in Washington and worries over the dollar seem to be fading. The divide between the quantity of inflation words in the Beige Book and measured inflation remains unresolved. Neither the soft data in the Beige Book nor the hard data on the economy suggest that an economic downturn is nigh. Recession Not Imminent Some investors have concluded that the peak in auto sales, a key component of consumer spending on durable goods, suggests that a recession is imminent (Chart 2). We take a different view. Zeniths in consumer durable goods, followed closely by consumer services, were primary harbingers of economic downturns in the post-WWII period. However, expenditures on autos, light trucks and other durables tend to peak seven quarters before the onset of recession. Consumer spending on nondurable goods and services provide less of a warning, topping out just five and four quarters out, respectively. The implication for investors is that the peak in auto sales suggests that a recession is still several years away (Chart 3, panels 1-4). Chart 2Vehicle Sales May##BR##Have Peaked Chart 3Consumer Spending And##BR##Housing Prior To Recessions Housing investment provides an even earlier indication that a recession is on the horizon (Chart 3, panel-panel 5). Housing peaked 17 quarters before the start of the 2007 recession and 20 quarters, on average, before the onset of the 2001 and 1991 recession. Since the early 1960s, a crest in housing provided seven quarters of warning before a downturn commenced. While housing's contribution to overall economic growth plunged in Q2, we expect housing to provide fuel for the next few years as pent up demand from the depressed household formation rate since the GFC is worked off. The implication from our upbeat view on housing is that the next recession is still several years away. Bottom Line: We expect the next recession to be triggered by an over aggressive Fed, not by imbalances in one of more segments of the economy. It is premature to say that the economy is headed into recession based on a peak in auto sales. Stay long stocks versus bonds, but we recommend that clients be prudent, paring back any overweight positions and holding some safe-haven assets within diversified portfolios. Business Capital Spending Still Up Elevated readings on capex in the first half of the year should persist into the second half. Corporate managements may be postponing investment decisions until they have more clarity on federal tax policy and the Trump administration's plans for infrastructure investment. In short, corporations continue to struggle with how much and when to spend, rather than whether to invest at all. The key supports for sustained corporate spending stayed in place despite the soft July factory orders report and lackluster C&I loan growth. BCA's model for capex (based on non-residential fixed investment, small business optimism and the speculative-grade default rate) suggests lending is poised to climb on a 12-month basis (Chart 4) despite the softening of C&I loan growth since November 2016. Moreover, the 3.3% month-over-month (m/m) drop in factory orders in July masked an upward revision to orders in June and a substantial 1.0% m/m gain in core orders. Core shipments, which feed directly into GDP, rose 1.2% m/m in July. Almost all of the weakness in orders and shipments in July was linked to a 71% plunge in the volatile aircraft orders segment. BCA's research shows that sustainable capital spending cycles get underway only when businesses see evidence that consumer final demand is on the upswing. Consumer expenditures averaged an above-trend 2.7% in 1H. We anticipate that household spending will continue to improve in the second half of 2017.1 Moreover, recent readings on core durable goods orders and shipments show that the uptrend that began in mid-2016 persists, despite recent monthly wiggles in the data (Chart 5). Chart 4BCA Capex Model Points##BR##To Further Improvement Chart 5Capital Spending##BR##Remains In An Uptrend CEO confidence, still a primary support for capex, recently soared to a 13-year high in Q1, but retreated modestly in Q2. The last reading on this survey was in mid-July, and the dip in sentiment reflects the lack of legislative progress in Washington (Chart 5, top panel). The next CEO survey is set for mid-October. The dip in CEO sentiment in Q2 stands in sharp contrast with the easing of concerns around policy in the Beige Book. Chart 6Surprising Drop In Policy##BR##Uncertainty This Year Surprisingly, the chaos in Washington during the first eight months of the Trump administration has not led to an increase in economic policy uncertainty (Chart 6). Instead, after rising sharply in the wake of the Brexit vote in mid-2016 and the U.S. presidential election in November, policy uncertainty has ebbed. While uncertainty over economic policy remains elevated relative to the past few years, the concern under Trump is surprisingly subdued. This metric is in line with the Beige Book's assessment of Trump's impact on sentiment. A series of business-friendly legislative wins for the GOP and President Trump would further reduce any qualms. Even so, a failure by Congress to boost the debt ceiling and fund the U.S. government later this month would increase business worries/fears. Late last week, Trump cut a deal with Congressional Democrats to extend the debt ceiling for three months and is in talks to do away with it altogether. Bottom Line: The fundamentals still support solid business spending. However, BCA's positive capex outlook in the U.S. could be blemished if the Republicans fail to deliver on their promises to cut taxes and boost infrastructure spending in the next several months. Inflation Surprise And The Fed Chart 7The Fed Cycle And Inflation Surprise We expect inflation surprise to move higher, which could spur the Fed to resume its rate hike campaign. A disconnect has opened between economic surprise and inflation surprise.2 In the past 13 years, there have been 15 periods when economic surprise has climbed after a trough. The inflation surprise index temporarily increased in 13 of those episodes. For example, in the aftermath of the oil price peak in the U.S. in mid-2014, both economic surprise and inflation surprise diminished through early 2015 and then began climbing. However, today's inflation surprise index has rolled over while economic surprise has gained. The inflation surprise index escalated during previous tightening regimes when the economy was at full employment and the Fed funds rate was in accommodative territory (Chart 7). The last time those conditions were in place, which was in 2005, the Fed was wrapping up a rate increase campaign that began in mid-2004. Mounting inflation surprise also accompanied most of the Fed's rate increases from mid-1999 through mid-2000 under similar conditions. In late 2015, as the current set of rate hikes commenced, the inflation surprise index was on the upswing, the economy was close to full employment and the Fed funds rate was accommodative. What Does This Mean For The Fed? The above analysis underscores that economic growth is in good shape and it is likely to remain so for the next year at a minimum, barring any nasty shocks. Normally, the positive U.S. (and global) growth backdrop would place upward pressure on bond yields. It has not been the case this time. Investors appear skeptical of the ability of strong economic growth to generate higher inflation. The attitude seems to be "we will believe it when we see it". Some on the FOMC are taking a similar attitude. Lael Brainard, a FOMC governor, presented an interesting speech last week that makes this point. She speculated that inflation has been lower post-Lehman for structural reasons related partly to a drop in long-term inflation expectations. The Fed has been reluctant in the past to even hint that inflation expectations have become unmoored, because that could reinforce the trend, thus making it harder for the Fed to move inflation up to target. Brainard, a voting member of the committee with a dovish bias, argued that unemployment may have to undershoot the full employment level for longer than normal because low inflation expectations will be a persistent headwind. She also implied that the central bank should allow inflation to temporarily overshoot the 2% target. At a minimum, she wants to see evidence of rising inflation and inflation expectations before the Fed delivers the next rate hike. In the past, Brainard's speeches have sometimes heralded shifts in the FOMC's consensus. An example is her December 1, 2015 speech at Stanford.3 It is not clear if this is the case this time, but it does reinforce the view that a strong economy and a falling unemployment rate is not enough to justify another rate hike this year according to the consensus on the FOMC. Bottom Line: Our inflation indicators are pointing mildly up. Nonetheless, timing the upturn in inflation is difficult and the Fed will not hike in December without at least a modest rise in inflation (together with higher inflation expectations). We are short duration because Treasuries are overvalued and market expectations for Fed rate hikes over the next year are overly complacent (see next section). Nonetheless, a rise in yields may not be imminent. Disconnect On Duration The Global Manufacturing PMI reached a more than 6-year high in August, climbing from 52.7 in July to 53.1 last month (Chart 8, panel 3). Meanwhile, bullish sentiment toward the U.S. dollar continues to plunge (Chart 8, bottom panel). Together, these two factors suggest that global growth is accelerating and becoming broader based. BCA's U.S. Bond Strategy service4 views the improving global economic backdrop as an extremely bond-bearish development. A wide global recovery means that when U.S. data turns surprisingly positive, it is less likely that any increase in Treasury yields will be met with an influx of foreign demand and surge in the dollar. Our Treasury model (based on Global PMI and dollar sentiment) currently places fair value for the 10-year Treasury yield at 2.67% (Chart 8, top panel). Moreover, our 3-factor version of the model (which includes the Global Economic Policy Uncertainty Index), puts fair value slightly higher at 2.68% (not shown). Investors should continue to position for a steeper curve by favoring the 5-year bullet versus a duration-matched 2/10 barbell. After adjusting for changes in credit rating and duration over time, the average spread offered by the Bloomberg Barclays corporate bond index is fairly valued relative to similar stages of past business cycles. However, the Aaa-rated portion of the market looks expensive. Further, strong Q2 profit growth likely foreshadows a decline in net leverage. This lengthens the window for corporate bond outperformance. We recommend an overweight in the high-yield market. In the early stages of the previous two Fed tightening cycles (February 1994 to July 1994 and June 2004 to December 2005), the index option-adjusted spread averaged 342 bps and traded in a range between 259 bps and 394 bps. This puts the current junk spread (378 bps) almost in line with the average achieved during other similar monetary conditions (Chart 9). We continue to favor a "buy on the dips"5 approach in the high-yield market. Chart 8Treasury Fair Value Models Chart 9High-Yield Market Overview Regarding high-yield valuation, our estimated default-adjusted spread stands at 245 bps. Historically, this level is consistent with excess returns of just under 3% versus duration-matched Treasuries over the subsequent 12 months. Our estimated default-adjusted spread is based on an expected default rate of 2.6% and recovery rate of 49% (Chart 9, bottom panel). We remain underweight MBSs; While MBS are starting to look more attractive, especially relative to Aaa credit, we think it is still too soon to buy. The Fed will announce the run-off of its balance sheet when it meets later this month. The market has been pricing in this eventuality for most of the year, leading to a significant widening in MBS OAS. More recently, the option cost component of MBS spreads has joined in, widening alongside falling mortgage rates and expectations of rising prepayments. Bottom Line: Rates have tested their post-election lows, but BCA's fair value model suggests a bounce higher, which supports our stocks-over-bonds stance. In terms of U.S. bonds, we favor short duration over long and credit over high quality. MBSs will be hurt more than Treasuries as the Fed begins to shrink its balance sheet. John Canally, CFA, Senior Vice President U.S. Investment Strategy johnc@bcaresearch.com Ryan Swift, Vice President U.S. Bond Strategy ryans@bcaresearch.com Mark McClellan, Senior Vice President The Bank Credit Analyst markm@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see BCA's U.S. Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "The Fed's Third Mandate", July 24, 2017. Available at usis.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see BCA's U.S. Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Surprise, Surprise", August 28, 2017. Available at usis.bcaresearch.com. 3 https://www.federalreserve.gov/newsevents/speech/brainard20151201a.htm 4 Please see U.S. Bond Strategy Portfolio Allocation Summary, "The Cyclical Sweet Spot Rolls On," September 5, 2017. Available at usbs.bcaresearch.com. 5 Please see BCA's U.S. Bond Strategy Weekly Report, "Keep Buying Dips," March 28, 2017. Available at usbs.bcaresearch.com.

Highlights Portfolio Strategy A supply/demand imbalance has created a playable opportunity in the niche refining energy sub-index. Increase exposure to overweight. Safe haven demand is supporting gold mining equities, but shifting macro forces suggest that it will soon be time to move to the sidelines. Global gold miners are now on downgrade alert. Recent Changes Lift the S&P oil & gas refining & marketing index to overweight today. Put the global gold mining equity index (ticker GDX:US) on downgrade alert. Table 1 Feature The S&P 500 moved laterally last week as sustained geopolitical uncertainty offset encouraging economic data. Synchronized global growth coupled with the related global liquidity-to-growth transition remain the dominant macro themes. Dovish Fed speeches triggered a recalibration of market rate hike expectations and a lower 10-year Treasury yield. As long as lower bond yields reflect a less hawkish Fed rather than a deflationary relapse, they should underpin stock prices. Encouragingly, the latest ISM manufacturing survey catapulted higher to a level last seen in early 2011, diverging steeply from the bond market, as manufacturing optimism reigns supreme (Chart 1). The labor market confirmed this data. The most cyclical parts of the U.S. economy are firing on all cylinders, with manufacturing and construction job creation comprising 1/3 of nonfarm payroll growth last month (Chart 2). This is the highest reading since July 2011. Chart 1Unsustainable Divergence Chart 2Manufacturing Flexing Its Muscle Meanwhile, despite the Trump administration's shortcomings, America's CEOs are going against the grain. Capex is up smartly for the second consecutive quarter adding to real GDP growth and our capital spending model remains upbeat heralding additional outlays for the remaining two quarters of the year (Chart 3). Similarly, regional Fed surveys of capex intentions point to a sustainable pickup in capital spending in the coming months (Chart 3). Still generationally low interest rates, a less hawkish sounding Fed, coupled with a tamed greenback (Chart 4) and synchronized global growth have combined to revive animal spirits. The implication is that profit growth rests on solid foundations, a message corroborated by our S&P 500 EPS growth model (Chart 5). Chart 3CapEx To The Rescue Chart 4Dollar... Chart 5...And EPS Model Waving Green Flag Adding it up, the macro backdrop remains favorable for stocks. In fact, it represents a goldilocks equity scenario. This week we continue to add some cyclicality to our portfolio by further boosting a niche energy play. We also update our view on a portfolio hedge. Buy Refiners For A Trade In early July, we lifted refiners to neutral and locked in impressive gains for our portfolio, but three reasons kept us at bay and prevented us from turning outright bullish on this niche energy sub-sector.1 Namely, all-time high refining production, high refined product stocks and breakneck pace refinery runs were offsetting the nascent recovery in gasoline consumption, rising crack spreads and a mini V-shaped recovery in industry shipments. Net, we posited that a balanced EPS outlook would prevail in coming quarters. Hurricane Harvey has significantly changed this calculus and now clearly refiners are in a sweet earnings spot for at least the remainder of the year, compelling us to lift exposure to overweight. Severe refinery shutdowns are likely to return industry production levels to what prevailed early in the decade, representing a major, albeit temporary, setback (Chart 6). This production curtailment will result in sizable petroleum products inventory drawdowns and a likely halt (if not reversal) in refined product net exports in order to satisfy domestic demand. The longer it takes for refinery production to return to normalcy, the greater the inventory whittling down. Historically, relative share price momentum has been inversely correlated with inventory growth and the Harvey-related inventory clear-out is heralding additional relative performance gains (bottom panel, Chart 7). It is notable that both industry net exports and inventories had already been receding since the beginning of 2017, suggesting that hurricane Harvey will only accelerate a downtrend that was already in place. Chart 6Hurricane Related Blues... Chart 7... Are A Boon For Crack Spreads Taken together, this represents an ultra-bullish pricing power backdrop for the U.S. refining industry, at a time when capacity additions are also likely to, at least, pause for breath (bottom panel, Chart 6). Chart 8Brisk Demand Indeed, refining margins have jumped recently and will likely remain elevated as the Brent/WTI spread is widening anew (middle panel, Chart 7). Surging crack spreads are synonymous with higher earnings for this extremely capital-intensive and high operating leverage industry. Nevertheless, the refining supply disruptions only tell half the story. Refined product demand is exploding higher, pushing all-time highs and signaling that a substantial supply/demand imbalance is in the works (top panel, Chart 8). Typically this gets resolved via higher gasoline prices, further boosting industry EPS prospects (third panel, Chart 8). As a result, we expect a re-rating phase in relative valuations in the coming months, reversing the year-to-date deflation in the relative price-to-sales ratio. The second panel of Chart 8 shows that relative valuations and refined product consumption move in lockstep, and the current message is to expect a catch up phase in the former. In sum, a playable rally in refiners is in the offing on the back of a budding profit recovery that has yet to filter through analysts' EPS estimates (bottom panel, Chart 8). The longer-than-usual hurricane Harvey-related refining production disruptions, along with the spike in refined product demand, have created an exploitable opportunity. Bottom Line: Boost the S&P oil & gas refining & marketing index (PSX, VLO, MPC, ANDV) to overweight. What To Do With Gold Mining Equities? Gold and gold mining equities serve as great portfolio hedges especially in times of duress. Recent geopolitical jitters surrounding North Korea along with inaction in Washington and the substantial year-to-date selloff in the U.S. dollar have served as catalysts for gold to shine anew, hitting one-year highs. So is it time to trim exposure to shiny metal equities? The short answer is not yet. Real yields are sinking courtesy of a moderately less hawkish Fed (top panel, Chart 9). The probability of a December Fed hike has now collapsed to 30%, and the 5th hike this cycle is only priced in for next June. This is keeping a bid under gold and gold miners, as zero yielding bullion and near-zero yielding gold mining equities appear at the margin relatively more appealing. The equity risk premium has also stopped falling owing largely to the lower 10-year Treasury yield (bottom panel, Chart 9), representing another source of support for global gold miners. Meanwhile, policy uncertainty in the U.S. and around the globe is hooking up especially given North Korea's unpredictability, Washington's polarization, the upcoming German elections and, most importantly, the looming Chinese Congress. Historically, the policy uncertainty index and relative performance have been joined at the hip and the current message is positive for bullion related stocks (middle panel, Chart 9). Similarly, the Philly Fed's Partisan Conflict Index2 ("The Partisan Conflict Index tracks the degree of political disagreement among U.S. politicians at the federal level by measuring the frequency of newspaper articles reporting disagreement in a given month. Higher index values indicate greater conflict among political parties, Congress, and the President.") and bullion enjoy a tight positive correlation since the early 1980s (Chart 10), likely warning that the precious metal's run has more upside in the short term. Chart 9Shining Chart 10Increase In Partisanship Is Bullish Gold Moreover, demand for safe haven assets remains upbeat as evidenced by recent flows into gold-related ETFs. Positioning in the commodity pits are also signaling that more gains are in store for gold and the relative share price ratio (Chart 11). Nevertheless, there are some pockets of weakness that are pointing to a more cautious stance toward this portfolio hedge. The improving U.S. economic backdrop is weighing on gold mining equities (ISM manufacturing shown inverted, middle panel, Chart 12). Not only U.S. growth, but also synchronized global growth suggests that eventually demand for bullion will subside. In fact, global growth expectations continue to perk up (GDP expectations shown inverted, Chart 12), and G10 economic surprises are also shooting higher, anchoring gold and gold related equities (economic surprise index shown inverted, top panel, Chart 12). Chart 11Safe Haven Demand Comeback Chart 12Not All The Glitters Is Gold Tack on the inevitable liquidity withdrawal once the Fed starts to wind down its balance sheet later this month, and the handoff from liquidity-to-growth represents a bearish backdrop for gold and gold mining equities. Chart 13 shows that the Fed's balance sheet is positively correlated with bullion's relative performance versus the broad commodity complex, warning that the recent push toward multi-decade highs in relative performance are on borrowed time. Finally, our relative EPS model for the global gold mining index encapsulates most of these macro forces and suggests that relative profit growth will gravitate lower in the coming months (Chart 14). Chart 13Watch The Fed's Balance Sheet Chart 14EPS Model Is Outright Bearish Bottom Line: While our confidence in maintaining the gold-related equity portfolio hedge has fallen a notch, we are staying patient before moving to the sidelines. Put the global gold mining index (ticker GDX:US) on downgrade alert. Anastasios Avgeriou, Vice President U.S. Equity Strategy & Global Alpha Sector Strategy anastasios@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see the July 10, 2017 U.S. Equity Strategy Report titled "SPX 3,000?", available at uses.bcaresearch.com 2 https://www.philadelphiafed.org/research-and-data/real-time-center/partisan-conflict-index Current Recommendations Current Trades Size And Style Views Favor small over large caps and stay neutral growth over value.

Overweight This year has been a tough one so far for the S&P packaged foods index. A relative decline in stock prices seems counterintuitive in the context of a surge in manufacturers' shipments and pricing power pulling out of deflation (second panel), despite intense price competition between its grocer customers. Further, a sliding U.S. dollar seems supportive of an export relief valve should domestic demand prove less resilient than we expect. Profits too have been outperforming as restructurings from 2015 and 2016 have borne fruit. Margins averaged 200 bps higher in the latest trailing year than in 2015 (third panel). Notwithstanding significant margin gains, the packaged foods index is much cheaper than 2015, which has resulted in a contraction in relative valuation multiples to more than 20% below the three-year mean (bottom panel). We think a cyclical rotation out of defensive stocks is the most likely culprit for the poor relative share price performance. In fact consumer staples, of which packaged foods is a component, is our only remaining defensive overweight recommended index. Still, eventually valuation catches up to sentiment; packaged foods is poised to be a primary beneficiary. Stay overweight. The ticker symbols for the stocks in this index are: BLBG: S5PACK - MDLZ, KHC, GIS, TSN, K, HSY, CAG, SJM, MKC, CPB, HRL.

Highlights Chinese monetary conditions have tightened on the margin, but have remained fairly stimulative compared with previous years, likely the key reason why overall growth has remained reasonably robust. Listed Chinese firms reported strong and broad based H1 earnings growth. The profit recovery is of fundamental importance to the Chinese economy, and the positive feedback between profits and business activity has further to run. Collectively the markets are likely flashing further upside in China’s growth cycle. At a minimum, there is no sign of an imminent downturn. The macro backdrop of economic and market fundamentals are conducive for higher equity prices in general, and Chinese equities in particular. Feature Recent manufacturing PMIs from a number of major countries confirm that the global economy is on a synchronized upturn. As an increasingly important driving force of the world economy, how China's growth outlook pans out matters materially. On this front, the most recent news has been encouraging. Chinese manufacturing PMIs, both official and private, accelerated in August and remained above the expansion/contraction threshold. Meanwhile, earnings of Chinese-listed companies in the first half of the year increased strongly from a year earlier across all major sectors, with both stronger sales and higher margins, confirming that the Chinese profit cycle upturn is firmly in place. This should further support business activity, especially among private enterprises. In addition, some market signals from global assets that are traditionally sensitive to Chinese growth trends have been fairly strong of late, likely signaling further upside in the Chinese business cycle. All of this is conducive for higher prices for Chinese equities, and paints a bullish backdrop for global risk assets. A Closer Look At The PMI The stronger-than-expected August Chinese PMI numbers set a firmer tone for the economic data to be released in the coming weeks. They also herald that economic growth in the third quarter will likely remain comfortably above the government's target, setting an ideal political environment for the country's top leadership going into the 19th Communist Party Congress in October. The policy setting will likely be maintained at status quo, and downside risks remain low. It is important to note that the recent rise in PMI has occurred in tandem with a continued decline in Chinese broad money growth, suggesting the improvement in Chinese industrial activity has little to do with money and credit stimuli (Chart 1). Some analysts have been preoccupied with inventing some obscure measures of "credit impulse" to guestimate China's near-term growth outlook, which in our view is misguided.1 Instead, China's growth improvement since last year has to a larger extent been due to marked easing in monetary conditions - a combination of lower real rates and a cheaper trade-weighted RMB. In this vein, Chinese monetary conditions have begun to tighten on margin, but have remained fairly stimulative compared with previous years. This is likely the key reason why overall growth has remained reasonably robust, despite falling monetary aggregates. It is particularly noteworthy that the trends of new orders and finished products inventory have diverged of late. New orders have stayed at close to multi-year highs, while inventory PMI has remained well below 50 since 2012, and has relapsed anew in recent months, leading to a significant rise in the new orders-to-inventory ratio (Chart 2). In other words, manufacturers remain decisively in a destocking mood, despite the improvement in new orders. Looking forward, this should supercharge production should new orders remain strong, and create a buffer for manufacturing activity should orders roll over. Chart 1Chinese PMI: Monetary Conditions ##br##Matter More Than Money Supply Chart 2Manufacturers Remain Decisively ##br##In Destocking Mood Another important development is that there appears to be some regained pricing power among service providers, which historically has been a leading indicator for manufacturers' producer prices (PPI), as shown in Chart 3. It appears that PPI may continue to downshift toward year end and regain some strength early next year. PPI has been a key signpost for China's reflation trend, and matters materially for manufacturers' profit margins and the real cost of funding. Any sign of PPI improvement will likely be viewed as a positive development from a market perspective. The market relevance of the PMI survey is that it often leads net earnings revisions of listed Chinese companies by bottom-up analysts (Chart 4). If history is any guide, net earnings revisions will likely improve further, notwithstanding earnings of listed companies have already recovered strongly in the first half of the year. Chart 3Early Signs Of PPI Bottoming? Chart 4PMI Leads Net Earnings Revisions Earnings Reality Check Chart 5A Sharp Profit Upturn By now, all listed firms in Chinese domestic stock exchanges have released financial statements for the first half of the year. Our calculations show that total earnings increased by 18% year-over-year for all listed firms, or 36% if banks and petroleum firms are excluded - both sharply higher compared with a year earlier. This is largely in line with the profit upturn reported by the national statistics agency2 (Chart 5, top panel). A few observations can be made: First, the sharp increase in earnings is due to a combination of rising sales and improving margins, underscoring a marked ease in deflationary pressures and a significant pickup in business activity in nominal terms. (Chart 5, bottom two panels). It is noteworthy that revenue growth stagnated for several consecutive years before the strong recovery since mid-last year. Similarly, profit margins dropped to close to record low levels between 2012 and mid-2016, and have since largely recovered. Profit margins, however, do not yet look overly excessive from a historical perspective. Second, the improvement in earnings is broad-based, as shown in Table 1. Materials producers and energy concerns have experienced a massive profit boom, particularly steelmakers. With the only notable exception being utilities, largely thermal power plants, whose profit margins have been squeezed by rising coal costs, most other sectors have also booked healthy profit gains. This means the profit upturn has been driven by improvement in the broader economy rather than specific government policies that benefit select industries. Finally, the banking sector has also experienced a pickup in earnings growth, especially among large state-controlled banks. More importantly, asset quality of bank loans has also improved, albeit marginally. Our calculation shows that non-performing loans (NPL) and "special-mention-loans," which banks place closer scrutiny on as borrowers face higher risks of default, have both begun to decline (Chart 6). This should not be surprising, given the corporate sector's rising profits. Leaders in the current profit recovery are mining companies, materials producers and some industrial firms, all of which have been regarded as major trouble spots in banks' loan books.3 It may be premature to declare the peak of China's NPL problem, but the profit improvement has certainly helped banks mend their balance sheets. Table 1Earnings Scorecard Chart 6Marginal Improvement##br## In Banks' Asset Quality In short, we maintain the view that profit recovery is of fundamental importance to the Chinese economy, a key pillar in our positive stance on China's cyclical outlook.4 Rising profits restore entrepreneurial confidence, boost private-sector capital spending, ease balance sheet stress of asset-heavy enterprises and de-escalate banking sector risk. It is certainly unrealistic to expect profit growth to perpetually accelerate, but there are no signs of a sudden contraction in profits anytime soon. We expect the positive feedback loop between profits and business activity has further to run. Reading Market Tea Leaves Stronger Chinese growth is also reflected in asset prices well beyond its borders. Some asset classes that are traditionally highly sensitive to Chinese growth cycles have been showing remarkable strength of late. Metals prices have been firm across the board. The London Metal Exchange Index has historically been a reliable leading indicator of China's business cycle (Chart 7). Stock prices of metals producers in major producing countries have significantly outperformed their respective benchmarks, likely pointing to an imminent upturn in China's leading economic indicator (Chart 8) The Baltic Dry Index, the benchmark for bulk shipping rates that is largely driven by Chinese materials demand, has stayed elevated, probably a sign that China's bulk commodities intake has remained fairly robust (Chart 9) Turning to the Chinese equity market, real estate developers have been among the star performers in the Chinese equity universe so far this year - historically, the relative performance of Chinese developers has been an excellent leading indicator for home sales, which in turn drives real estate investment (Chart 10). Chart 7Metals Point To Further Upside##br## In Chinese Business Cycle... Chart 8...So Do Metal Producers Chart 9Baltic And Chinese Commodity Imports Chart 10Developers' Relative Performance ##br##Leads Home Sales Collectively the markets are likely flashing further upside in China's growth cycle. At a minimum, there is no sign of an imminent downturn. Currently, global equity markets, including those in the Greater China region, are clouded by the escalating geopolitical risk over the Korean Peninsula, where the near term outlook remains volatile and unpredictable.5 Barring an extreme scenario, the macro backdrop of economic and market fundamentals are conducive for higher equity prices in general, and Chinese equities in particular. Yan Wang, Senior Vice President China Investment Strategy yanw@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see China Investment Strategy Weekly Report "A Chinese Slowdown: How Much Downside?" dated June 8, 2017, and Special Report, "Focusing On Chinese Money Supply", dated July 27, 2017, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "A Closer Look At Chinese Equity Valuations", dated August 31, 2017, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see China Investment Strategy Special Report, "Stress-Testing Chinese Banks", dated July 27, 2016, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 4 Please see China Investment Weekly Report, "China: The 2017 Outlook, And The Trump Wildcard", dated January 12, 2017, and "China Outlook: A Mid-Year Revisit", dated July 13, 2017, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 5 Please see China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "China's Geopolitical Pressure Points: Knowns, Unknowns And A Hedge", dated August 17, 2017, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. Cyclical Investment Stance Equity Sector Recommendations