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Highlights EM risk assets will continue to plunge as U.S. bond yields and the U.S. dollar have more upside. Asset allocators should maintain an underweight allocation to EM within global equity and credit portfolios. Upgrade Russian stocks from neutral to overweight within an EM equity portfolio. Reinstate the long Russia ruble / short Malaysian ringgit trade. Feature The rout in emerging markets (EM) risk assets will persist, regardless of the direction of the U.S. equity market. While president-elect Donald Trump's potential fiscal stimulus will boost U.S. growth, it will not be sufficient to offset the negative impact on EM from rising U.S. Treasury yields and a stronger U.S. dollar. On a broader scale, risks of protectionist measures from the incoming U.S. administration are non-trivial, which will make investors even more jittery on EM. Notably, from a historical perspective, firm U.S. growth has not been a panacea for EM, particularly when the latter's domestic fundamentals were poor and commodities prices were falling. For example, EM in general and emerging Asia in particular collapsed in 1997- '98 when U.S. real GDP growth was averaging 4.5%, and European real GDP growth was 3.5%. In particular, U.S. import volumes were booming at double-digit rates, but this was insufficient to circumvent the crisis in Asia (Chart I-1). Importantly, U.S. bond yields were falling during the 1997-'98 period. Chart I-1Strong U.S. Growth Is No Panacea For EM Stocks It is hard to expect similar U.S. growth nowadays, even with Trump's potential fiscal impetus. Meanwhile, any fiscal boost in Europe so far remains a forecast. Besides, back in the 1990s, the U.S. and Europe were dominant sources of global demand - and China was not at all an economic power. Since the late 1990s, the significance of China and the rest of EM has grown enormously, while the importance of the U.S. and Europe with respect to global demand in general and EM in particular has fallen. In short, the outlook for stronger growth in the U.S. is not a reason to turn bullish on EM because the latter's fundamentals are poor. The U.S. dollar rally will persist. The greenback is close to being fairly valued, or only slightly expensive (Chart I-2). Typically, major cycles run until a market becomes considerably expensive or very cheap. It is not often that markets bottom or peak at their fair value. Odds are that the U.S. dollar will become more expensive before this bull market is over. In effect, the U.S. dollar rally is reflective of America sucking in capital. This will leave EM current account deficit countries exposed. As the currencies of these countries plummet and their local bond yields rise, their share prices will plunge and credit spreads will widen. Importantly, Trump's trade protectionist rhetoric could accelerate the depreciation in the Chinese RMB. If and when America imposes import tariffs on China, the latter will compensate via further yuan depreciation. In fact, Chinese residents will "assist" the People's Bank of China in devaluing the currency by converting their RMBs into U.S. dollars. As the RMB weakens further, probably at a faster speed, other Asian currencies will plummet (Chart I-3). In fact, odds are high that EM financial markets will once again become sensitive to the RMB. Chart I-2The U.S. Dollar Is Not Expensive Chart I-3RMB And Emerging Asian Currencies Apart from shorting the RMB versus the U.S. dollar, on October 19 we recommended shorting the KRW against the THB because the Korean won was one of most vulnerable EM currencies to continued RMB depreciation and renewed JPY weakness. We reiterate this trade today. Consistent with U.S. dollar appreciation, commodities prices will drop. One unsustainable post-U.S. presidential election move has been the rally in industrial metals in general, and copper in particular. Traders have bid up copper prices as the metal had lagged the rally in risk assets since February (Chart I-4). Nevertheless, expectations that U.S. infrastructure spending will considerably boost world demand for industrial metals are misplaced. The U.S. accounts for a very small portion of global industrial metals demand, including copper. Chart I-5 demonstrates that U.S. demand for copper is seven times smaller than that of China. On average, China accounts for about 50% of global demand for industrial metals, while the U.S. accounts for slightly less than 10%. Chart I-4The Rally In Copper ##br##Prices Is Unsustainable Chart I-5Industrial Metals ##br##Consumption: U.S. Versus China Hence, any reasonable rise in U.S. demand will not be sufficient to offset a single-digit percentage drop in China's intake of industrial metals, which we expect to occur in 2017. Finally, the Chilean mining firm Codelco - the largest copper producer in the world - in recent weeks has cut its premiums on copper shipped to Asia and Europe.1 This is a move to reduce prices - and a sign that demand is weak relative to supply. This leads us to believe that a rally driven by financial investors at a time of inferior demand-supply balance will prove short-lived. Investors should consider shorting copper on any further price strength. The selloff in U.S. and global bonds will likely persist well into December, which in turn will unravel the turmoil in bond proxies and high-multiples stocks (Chart I-6). In our July 13 Weekly Report,2 we argued that U.S. bond yields had bottomed and a selloff would prove painful as lower yields increases their duration. As a result, even a small rise in yields would lead to considerable bond price declines. Since then, while G7 bond yields initially grinded higher, they have surged over the past week. U.S. 10-year and 30-year bond yields have risen by 40 and 36 basis points, respectively since November 1. This translates into a 3.5% and 7.5% price decline for 10-year and 30-year bonds, accordingly. A similar scenario has also played out with EM bonds - both U.S. dollar and local-currency denominated. Accumulating considerable losses will force further bond liquidation. Our feeling is that many bond proxies and markets that benefited from lower yields will be seriously damaged in the coming weeks. Consistently, EM carry trades are at risk of further unraveling. Interestingly, Chart I-7 demonstrates that many high-yielding EM local bond markets are at a critical technical juncture. Odds are that their yields are heading considerably higher after troughing at their long-term moving averages. Chart I-6U.S. Bond Yields ##br##And Bond Proxies Chart I-7AEM Local-Currency Bonds Are ##br##At Critical Technical Resistance Levels Chart I-7BEM Local-Currency Bonds Are##br## At Critical Technical Resistance Levels Bottom Line: EM risk assets will continue to plunge. Stay put and remain defensive. Asset allocators should maintain an underweight allocation to EM within both global equity and credit portfolios. Currency traders who are not already short should consider shorting a basket of the following EM currencies: BRL, CLP, ZAR, TRY, IDR and MYR. In addition, we recommend maintaining our short RMB versus USD trade, as well as our short KRW / long THB position. Today, we are also reinstating the long RUB / short MYR trade (see section on Russia below). For more details on other currency, fixed-income, credit and equity positions, please refer to our Open Position Tables on pages 12-13. Arthur Budaghyan, Senior Vice President Emerging Markets Strategy & Frontier Markets Strategy arthurb@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see: Codelco cuts 2017 China copper premium by 27% to $72/t.- sources (2016, November 14). Retrieved from https://www.metalbulletin.com/Article/3601613/Latest-news/Codelco-cuts-2017-China-copper-premium-by-27-to-72-sources.html 2 Please refer to the Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report, titled "Risks To Our Negative EM View," dated July 13, 2016; a link is available on page 14. Russia: Overweight Equities; Reinstate Long RUB / Short MYR Trade Chart II-1Overweight Russian Stocks ##br##Versus The EM Equity Benchmark Russia stands out as one of the few EM countries that will likely benefit from Trump's presidency. As such, we recommend dedicated EM investors overweight Russia within both EM equity and credit portfolios. The energy and financial equity sectors together account for 75% of the Russian MSCI equity index, and we think they will continue to outperform their EM peers for the following reasons: With the ruble serving as a shock absorber, Russia's oil and gas sector has been able to weather the volatility in energy prices. If it wasn't for the ruble's massive devaluation in 2014-15, Russian energy companies would have struggled to stay solvent. While we expect oil prices to drop toward $35 per barrell, Russian energy stocks will still perform better than their EM counterparts. Furthermore, going forward, oil prices will outpace industrial metals prices. This should help Russian stocks, credit, and the currency outperform their EM peers (Chart II-1). As we argued above (please refer to page 3), the latest rally in industrial metals prices - based on expectations of U.S. infrastructure spending - does not make sense to us. In fact, the U.S. is a much more important consumer of oil than industrial metals in total world aggregate demand. Hence, strong U.S. growth and weaker Chinese growth (our baseline assumption) should be associated with oil prices outperforming base metals prices. Russia is much more advanced in its deleveraging cycle than most other EM economies. This will help banks and consumer stocks outperform their EM peers. In March 2016 we highlighted our preference for Russia's banking system relative to Malaysia's, and initiated a relative equity trade: long Russian stocks / short Malaysian stocks. This trade has already returned 30% and we believe it still has further to go. Today, we extend this positive view on Russia's banking system vis-à-vis Malaysia, to one versus the entire EM bank universe. In contrast to other emerging markets, Russian banks have been recognizing NPLs and have increased their provisions significantly (Chart II-2). Russia has now been in recession for two years and its banks have increased their NPL provisions and their credit growth has already slowed down significantly. This stands in stark contrast to other emerging markets, where banks are failing to realize NPLs and increase provisions adequately, despite substantially slower economic growth and elevated debt levels. In fact, Russia's domestic credit impulse is already starting to head into positive territory (Chart II-3), while the same indicator for the overall EM aggregate will be negative over the next 12 months or so. Russia's financial market outperformance will be aided by orthodox macro policies. This stands in contrast to unorthodox measures in many other developing countries. In terms of monetary policy, the Central Bank of Russia has refrained from injecting excess liquidity into the system or intervening in the foreign exchange market. Moreover, the central bank has been canceling the licenses of smaller banks. This is bullish for listed banks, as their market share will increase (Chart II-4). Chart II-2Russian Banks Have Recognized ##br##NPLs And Raised Provisions Chart II-3Russia's Credit Impulse ##br##Is Turning Positive Chart iI-4Russia: Banking Sector Consolidation ##br##Is Bullish For Listed Banks With respect to fiscal policy, although the government has exceeded its planned budget deficit of 3% of GDP for 2016, we believe this is not an issue given that Russia's total government debt is very low at only 16.5% of GDP. Lastly, our bias is that the recent victory of President-elect Trump will be marginally positive for the Russian economy relative to other EM. While the U.S. is not a major importer of Russian exports, investors will begin to price in sanction relief. European sanctions are particularly important for Russia and a substantive improvement in U.S.-Russia relations could lead some relatively pro-Russia European governments (Italy, Hungary, Greece, etc.) to demand that EU sanctions be either rolled back fully or significantly modified. Therefore, since Russia does not export as many goods to the U.S. compared to other emerging markets and sanctions may be easing soon, the nation is much more insulated from potential U.S. protectionist measures than many other EM countries. Investment Recommendations The Russian economy is further along its necessary adjustment path compared to the rest of the EM world, and there is less downside at the moment. Furthermore, Russian monetary and fiscal policymakers have undertaken orthodox policy measures in the face of an economic crisis - which cannot be said of many other EM countries. As such, we recommend dedicated EM investors upgrade Russia from neutral to overweight within an EM equity portfolio. We reiterate an overweight stance on Russian sovereign and corporate credit and recommend holding the following trades: Short Russian CDS / long South African CDS Long Russian and Chilean corporate credit / Short Chinese offshore corporate credit. We also recommend currency traders reinstate the long RUB / short MYR trade (Chart II-5). The two currencies are sensitive to energy prices, but the Russian economy is likely to recover soon, while the Malaysian economy has much more downside ahead. Excessive liquidity injections in Malaysia relative to somewhat tighter monetary conditions in Russia will lead to ringgit depreciation versus the ruble (Chart II-6). Lastly, the ruble offers a higher carry than the ringgit. Consistent with the currency trade, we are maintaining our long Russian / short Malaysian equity trade. Chart II-5Reinstate Long RUB / ##br##Short MYR Trade Chart II-6Malaysia And Russia: ##br##Non-Orthodox Versus Orthodox Stephan Gabillard, Research Analyst stephang@bcaresearch.com Equity Recommendations Fixed-Income, Credit And Currency Recommendations
Financials have celebrated the modest upshift in the interest rate structure and hopes for a reversal of the regulatory framework that has been a structural noose on profitability, and risk premiums. These factors, along with our domestic vs. global bias, pushed us to move up to a neutral sector weighting. As part of this shift, we moved to an overweight stance in the asset management and custody bank (AMCB) group. Even modestly higher interest rates would reduce a major profit impediment. Fees on funds held in trust have been decimated by ZIRP, underscoring that the latest uptick in short-term Treasury yields is a plus. Relative performance had already diverged negatively from the stock-to-bond ratio, the equity risk premium and global economic sentiment. This gap could close if the rate outlook has firmed. There is still structural downward pressure on fees as low cost ETFs gain market share, but that is being partially offset by renewed growth in total mutual fund assets. If flows into bonds shift into higher margin equity products, this will provide another offset to the structural downward pressure on fees. In sum, despite our concerns about overall financial sector productivity growth, we lifted sector weightings to neutral and the sub-component S&P AMCB index to overweight. The ticker symbols for the stocks in this index are: BLBG: S5AMGT - BK, BLK, STT, AMP, TROW, NTRS, BEN, IVZ, AMG, LM.
Some cyclically-oriented equities have surged on the back of the Trump election victory, almost as if a few years of fiscal stimulus will arrive within the next few quarters. This knee-jerk reaction is an opportunity to fade strength, particularly in the industrial sector. A spendthrift administration may only embolden the Fed to get more aggressive in terms of tightening policy, thereby sustaining upward pressure on the U.S. dollar. In turn, that will reduce the competiveness of global companies, in addition to rekindling emerging market financial stress. Emerging markets currencies have pulled back. These exchange rates are typically pro-cyclical. Sustained currency weakness typically leads to domestic corporate bond spread widening (CDX spreads shown inverted). In the past five years, it has paid to bet on defensive over cyclical sectors when EM currencies weaken and CDX spreads are this tight, i.e. contrarians should take note. The bottom line is that the last few days of massive intra-sector market moves provide an opportunity to rebalance portfolios, as it is premature to position portfolios for a pro-growth global outlook.
Highlights Trump's election victory means that there is potential for policy settings to flip from "easy money, tight fiscal" to "tight money, easy fiscal" The market implications of that shift are dollar bullish, bond bearish and equity mixed. The major risk is that violent currency and bond market moves rekindle emerging market stress and/or choke off the recovery before fiscal spending kicks in. Trump's trade reform risks being a tax on growth. Businesses may opt to automate instead of hire. A variety of factors now make small caps appealing relative to large caps. Feature Contrary to the pre-election consensus, Donald Trump's election victory has prompted a risk-on rally, based on the notion that Trump's vision of fiscal largesse will be realized (Chart 1). Ultimately, it will only become clear what policy changes are on the table once Trump takes office in January. The consensus at BCA is that Trump will be "unbound" in his first two years as President. Thus, if Trump lives up to his campaign promises, fiscal stimulus and trade restriction will be tabled early in 2017. Chart 1Trump Moves As we argue below, trade restrictions should be viewed as a tax on growth. We have doubts about the link between job creation and tariffs. If anything, imposing tariffs on imports could incite a more intense wave of automation. After all, the cost of capital is still attractive relative to labor costs. Meanwhile, fiscal spending - if delivered even close to the size and scope that Trump has hinted at in his pre-election speeches - will boost GDP growth well above trend in 2017. If that occurs, the dynamic that has existed since 2010, i.e. "tight fiscal, exceptionally easy money policy" will rapidly flip to "easy fiscal, tight money". For the bond market and the U.S. dollar, the investment implications are clear: Treasuries are likely to head higher, and the pressure will be for the U.S. dollar to rise. Implications for equities are less certain. If the U.S. dollar rises, it might rekindle emerging world financial stress and undermine U.S. corporate profits. The rapid rise in yields may not easily be digested by the equity market and it is notable that corporate spreads have not rallied along with other risk assets in recent days. We are comfortable maintaining a defensive stance. Donald Trump said a lot of things to a lot of people during the campaign process. He can't possibly deliver on all of his promises, but earlier this week, BCA sent out a Special Report to all clients, outlining the implications of the election results and what we expect he can accomplish.1 We believe there are three that are especially important for investors to monitor: the potential for trade restrictions, gauging fiscal stimulus and monetary policy settings in this possibly new environment. Stagflation? Trump has repeatedly signaled his intention to restrict American openness to international trade and the U.S. president can revoke international treaties solely on their own authority. Trump can also impose tariffs. All of this is of course inflationary, and it's the nasty kind. We have repeatedly written in this publication that, historically, the U.S. economy only falls into recessions for two reasons. The first is growth-restrictive monetary policy and the second is an adverse supply shock that acts like a tax on growth, e.g. an oil price spike. Tariffs are akin to the latter. Chart 2 shows that as import penetration rose over the past 30 years, tradeable goods price inflation steadily fell. A simple read of the chart suggests that with barriers in place and as import penetration recedes, the process of the past 30 years will reverse and consumer goods prices will rise. This can easily be absorbed if it is accompanied by rising wages via the "onshoring" of jobs. But that is not a foregone conclusion. Instead of bringing manufacturing jobs back to the U.S., a more logical decision might be for businesses to further automate production. After all, earlier studies have already concluded that nearly half of all existing jobs are at high risk of being automated over the next decade or so.2 As Chart 3 shows, with the price of capital equipment and software still falling and the cost of capital so low relative to the cost of labor, the incentive to automate instead of hire is high. Chart 2Trade And Inflation Chart 3Tariffs May Lead To Robots, Not Jobs The bottom line is that increased tariffs will increase prices in the near term. But it is hardly clear that this will improve the lives of voters or create a more virtuous economic recovery. Opening The Fiscal Taps... In last week's report, we explored the potential for fiscal spending to turbocharge the U.S. economy. We warned that fiscal multipliers are probably not overly high in the current environment and the effectiveness of fiscal spending is highly dependent on the type of fiscal stimulus. Trump has called for significantly lowering both income and corporate taxes, although his main pitch has been infrastructure spending. The latter tends to have the highest multiplier effects, but can often take a long time to get underway. However, one important point is that Trump will face little political restraint, at least in his first two years in office. Gridlock will not be a problem given that all three Houses are now in GOP hands. And it will be difficult politically for Republicans in the Senate and House to stand in Trump's way given that he has just been elected on a populist platform; it would be seen as thwarting the will of the people. Over the past 28 years, each new president has generally succeeded in passing their signature items. Moreover, the GOP has historically not been that fiscally conservative. Overall, a Trump government will more than make up for the drag from weak state and local spending that we wrote about last week. Exactly how big of an impulse will only become clear once Trump takes office. ...And Tightening The Money Supply? Forecasts about the impact of fiscal spending on 2017 GDP growth are premature, since it is impossible to decipher an action plan from campaign rhetoric. And the severity of stagflation due to trade restrictions will be highly dependent on the form and scope of trade reform. Ergo, it is too early to make bold new assumptions about the path of Fed rate hikes. An aggressive fiscal plan that boosts GDP well above trend growth would force policymakers to revise their expected path of rate hikes higher. That would be a sea change from the past four years, when policymakers have consistently revised the neutral rate down. We are not worried about central bank independence or Janet Yellen's future. Donald Trump has, at various times, both praised and attacked Janet Yellen and current monetary policy settings. A review of the Fed may happen at some point, but we assert that investigating the Fed will not be a priority early in Trump's mandate. Market Action The bond market has already priced in more inflation and more growth for 2017 since Trump's victory. 10-year Treasury yields have surged to 2.15% and momentum selling could lift the 10-year Treasury yield even further into oversold territory. But that is not a case to become aggressively underweight duration. Dollar strength and rising bond yields have already tightened financial conditions significantly over the past several weeks. The risk is that these trends go too far in the near term, inflicting economic damage before fiscal spending kicks in. Given the easy monetary stance of central banks around the world, lack of significant fiscal stimulus elsewhere, economic growth outperformance in the U.S. and rising interest rates, the dollar should rise in the medium term. We remain dollar bulls. We have been surprised by the equity market action since November 8. Although we repeatedly wrote that a Trump victory was unlikely to have meaningful negative consequences for risk asset prices, we did not anticipate a rally. As for equities, our cautiousness toward risk assets in 2016 has been primarily focused on the ongoing headwinds for profits in a demand-deficient economy, especially while margins are falling and valuations are elevated (Chart 4). Greater fiscal spending would surely help to alleviate our concern, although that conclusion seems premature given the lack of contour to Trump's plans so far. Perhaps the greatest downside risk is a reaction from China. After all, Trump's anti-trade rhetoric has been pointed (mostly) at China and Asia. Recall that in August, 2015, the RMB was devalued just weeks ahead of an expected rate hike from the Fed. That devaluation sent shock waves through financial markets and ultimately delayed the Fed rate hike until the end of the year (Chart 5). A similar proactive policy move from Chinese policymakers should be on investors' radars. Overall, we remain comfortable with our cautious equity stance, albeit recent market action has created an entry point in favor of small relative to large cap stocks. Chart 4Equity Fundamentals Still Poor Chart 5China: Global Stability Risk? Enter Small Cap Bias We upgraded small caps relative to large caps to neutral in August. We now recommend investors make the full switch to a small cap bias relative to large caps. Small cap stocks were hit harder than large caps in the weeks leading up to the election, as investors shed riskier assets; we believe this provides a good entry point to a cyclical uptrend in small cap performance (Chart 6). True, at first glance, advocating for small cap exposure appears inconsistent with our overall defensive equity strategy. After all, small cap outperformance tends to be associated with risk-on phases. However, small cap stocks have a variety of other characteristics that currently make them appealing relative to larger caps. Chart 6(Part I) Favor Small/Large Caps Chart 7(Part II) Favor Small/Large Caps Small cap companies tend to be more domestically focused. We expect that U.S. growth will continue to outpace growth overseas. And particularly important, small cap companies, with their domestic focus, are better insulated from dollar strength (Chart 7). Small cap weightings are no longer geared toward cyclical sectors. As part of our cautious strategy, we remain focused on defensive vs. cyclical sectors. There are no major differences between large and small cap defensive and cyclical sector weightings (Table 1). Trump corporate tax reform, if implemented, will favor small, domestic firms. Because major corporations already have low effective tax rates, any lowering of the marginal rate will benefit small and medium enterprises (SMEs) and the domestic oriented S&P 500 corporations. If corporate tax reform also includes closing loopholes that benefit the major multi-national corporations (MNCs), then this would diminish their current tax advantage vis-à-vis smaller companies. Table 1Similar Weightings For Small And Large Cap Cyclicals And Defensives Bottom Line: Small cap outperformance is typically associated with risk-on equity phases. However, valuations now favor small caps. Importantly, small caps are better insulated from dollar strength and are one way to play the domestic vs. global theme. Additionally, smaller firms will be the relative winners from corporate tax reform. Small caps are set to outperform large caps. Lenka Martinek, Vice President U.S. Investment Strategy lenka@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see Geopolitical Strategy Special Report "U.S. Election: Outcomes & Investment Implications," dated November 9, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com 2 "The Future Of Employment: How Susceptible Are Jobs To Computerisation?" Carl Frey and Michael Osborne, September 2013. Appendix Monthly Asset Allocation Model Update Our Asset Allocation (AA) model provides an objective assessment of the outlook for relative returns across equities, Treasuries and cash. It combines valuation, cyclical, monetary and technical indicators. The model was constructed as a capital preservation tool, and has historically outperformed the benchmark in large part by avoiding major equity bear markets. Please note that our official cyclical asset allocation recommendations deviate at times from the model's recommendation. The model is just one input to our decision process Chart 8. The model's recommended weightings for the major asset classes remained unchanged this month: neutral equity exposure at 60% (benchmark 60%), slightly overweight Treasury allocation at 40% (benchmark 30%) and underweight cash at 0% (benchmark 10%). The neutral portfolio recommendation for equities is in line with our qualitative defensive stance, in place since August 2015. Although the technical component of the equity model still has a "buy" signal, the breadth indicator has moved into less favorable territory relative to the momentum indicator. The monetary component has also slightly weakened but retains its positive bias for equities. The earnings-driven component continues to warrant caution as expectations for the outlook of corporate profits would need to be bolstered through stronger economic stronger growth over the medium term. Our qualitative stance for the allocation of Treasuries in balanced portfolios is neutral (since November 7, 2016) in contrast to the slightly overweight recommendation from our quantitative model. Even so, despite that the "buy signals" of the cyclical and technical components of the bond model still persist, the preference for Treasuries has diminished to some extent. Nevertheless, the valuation component continues trending towards expensive territory and a "buy signal" remains in place Chart 9. Chart 8Portfolio Total Returns Chart 9Current Model Recommendations Note: The asset allocation model is not necessarily consistent with the weighting recommendations of the Cyclical Investment Stance. For further information, please see our Special Report "Presenting Our U.S. Asset Allocation Model", February 6, 2009.
Highlights Portfolio Strategy Retail food stocks are deep into the buy zone. Deflating food costs augur well for profit margins in the coming quarters. Lift the financial sector to neutral, via the asset manager and investment bank indexes. Recent Changes S&P Financials Sector - Raise to neutral, recording a loss of 8%. S&P Asset Manager & Custody Bank Index - Raise to overweight from underweight, locking in a profit of 5%. S&P Investment Bank & Brokerage Index - Raise to neutral, recording a loss of 3%. Table 1Sector Performance Returns (%) Equity markets celebrated the surprise Republican U.S. election victory. Investors believe the regime shift will entail fiscal stimulus and a lifting in regulatory constraints that stir animal spirits and lift the economy out of its growth funk. The reality is that it is premature to make long-term assumptions. Meanwhile, the underlying fragility of the U.S. economic expansion will be tested in the coming quarters. Indeed, it is easy to envision a hit to business confidence, causing delays in decision making and investment, especially given Trump's anti-trade rhetoric and penchant for profligacy. Policy uncertainty and confidence have been reliable leading indicators for valuations, and slippage would put upward pressure on the Equity Risk Premium (Chart 1). It will be critical to monitor aggregate financial conditions. The Goldman Sachs Financial Conditions index has tentatively edged up (Chart 1), and if corporate bond spreads, long-term yields and the U.S. dollar move much higher, upside risks will intensify. The low level of overall potential growth has made the economy increasingly sensitive to swings in financial conditions and deflationary impulses from abroad. Both the high yield and investment-grade corporate bond index are languishing, perhaps picking up on the deflationary signal from U.S. dollar strength and growth drag from higher Treasury yields (Chart 2, bottom panel). It is notable that emerging markets currencies have pulled back. These exchange rates are typically pro-cyclical. Sustained currency weakness typically leads to domestic corporate bond spread widening (Chart 2, CDX spreads shown inverted). In the past five years, it has paid to bet on defensive over cyclical sectors when EM currencies weaken and CDX spreads are this tight, i.e. contrarians should take note. At a minimum, it may be a signal that global growth is less robust than the rise in global bond yields implies. As a result, forecasts for double-digit profit growth in the next twelve months look very aggressive, even if our economic outlook proves too cautious. The tentative trough in third quarter S&P 500 profits has not yet been validated by other indicators. For example, tracking tax revenue provides a good real-time gauge on corporate sector cash flows. Federal income tax receipts have dropped into negative territory. Corporate income taxes are contracting. Previous major and sustainable overall profit recoveries have been either led by, or coincident with, corporate income tax growth (Chart 3). This argues against extrapolating positive third quarter earnings growth in the S&P 500. Chart 1Watch Confidence And Financial Conditions Chart 2Don't Get Caught Up In The Hype Chart 3Taxes And Profits Rather than get overly excited about the potential for a new fiscal spending impulse, it may be more appropriate to view the latter as truncating downside economic risks, given that the corporate sector remains a key headwind to stronger growth, even excluding its balance sheet stress. Consequently, we still expect undervalued defensives to retake a leadership role from overvalued cyclical sectors and we also retain a domestic vs. global bias. If the U.S. dollar breaks above its recent trading range, the odds of the broad market making further liquidity fueled gains will diminish significantly. Importantly, the last few days of market moves have been massively exaggerated, as industrials and materials have rallied as if fiscal stimulus is about to hit next month. Even when implemented, it is not a panacea for sector earnings. Drug and biotech stocks have soared as if pricing pressures will evaporate, when in reality price pressures emerged prior to any political interference. Tech stocks have been crushed because of fears they will be forced to move production back to the U.S. All of these knee-jerk reactions should be treated with caution, with the exception of financials, where a step function reduction in the risk premium may be underway. There Is A New Sheriff In Town: Lift Financials To Neutral Financials have celebrated the modest upshift in the interest rate structure and hopes for a reversal of the regulatory framework that has been a structural noose on profitability, and risk premiums. These factors, along with our domestic vs. global bias, argue against maintaining a below benchmark weighting on a tactical basis. As discussed last week, our view on banks remains cautious, however, asset managers and investment banks have lower odds of falling back toward recent lows even after election euphoria inevitably fades. The largest earnings drags from the past year have eased. M&A activity has troughed. New and secondary stock offerings have hooked back up and margin debt is back to new highs, suggesting that investor risk appetites have stopped shrinking (Chart 4). Thus, capital formation is unlikely to dry up, even if upside is limited given poor corporate sector balance sheet health and an upward creep in the cost of capital. In terms of asset managers and custody banks (AMCB), even modestly higher interest rates would reduce a major profit impediment. Fees on funds held in trust have been decimated by ZIRP, underscoring that the latest uptick in short-term Treasury yields is a plus. Relative performance had already diverged negatively from the stock-to-bond ratio, the equity risk premium and global economic sentiment (Chart 5). This gap could close with a prospective thawing in relations between lawmakers and the industry. There is still structural downward pressure on fees as low cost ETFs gain market share, but that is being partially offset by the renewed growth in total mutual fund assets (Chart 4, bottom panel). Bear in mind that both groups tend to do well when the stocks outperform bonds, as seems likely in the near run given creeping protectionism. In sum, despite our concerns about overall financial sector productivity growth, mainly owing to rising bank cost structures, and the risks of a renewed deflationary impulse from U.S. dollar strength, we are lifting sector weightings to neutral. This will put us onside with the objective message from our Cyclical Macro Indicator, the buy signal from our Technical Indicator (Chart 6) and our broader theme of favoring domestic vs. global industries. Chart 4Earnings Drivers Have Stabilized Chart 5Recovery Candidate Chart 6Following Our Indicators Bottom Line: The Republican victory has provided a fillip to the financials sector, and underweight positions putting underweight positions offside. We are lifting allocations to neutral, via the S&P AMCB and S&P investment banks & brokerage indexes. AMCB moves to overweight, and the latter to neutral, with an eye to downgrading again once euphoria fades and investor focus returns to economic durability. Food Retailers: Too Cheap To Overlook Food retailers offer attractive value, defensive and domestic equity exposure with the potential for upside profit surprises. This group will benefit if U.S. wage inflation persists. The latter would boost consumer purchasing power and could lead to tighter financial conditions, either through U.S. dollar strength and/or a tighter Fed. The defensive appeal of retail food equities would shine through under that scenario. The starting point for grocery stocks is extremely appealing. The price ratio is extraordinarily oversold. It fell farther below its 200-day moving average than at any time since 2002, before recently bouncing (Chart 7). Valuations are cheap, return on equity is solid and share prices have diverged negatively from a number of macro indicators. For instance, relative performance has been tightly linked with the U.S. dollar, but the former plunged even as the currency firmed (Chart 8, top panel). A strong exchange rate will keep a lid on imported food costs, boost the allure of domestically-oriented industries while lifting consumer spending power. Chart 7Extraordinarily Oversold Chart 8Top-Line Improvement Ahead Outlays on food products have climbed as a share of total spending in the past six months, reversing a long-term downtrend (Chart 8). If consumer confidence stays firm as a consequence of rising wage growth and a positive wealth effect, then it is conceivable that store traffic and total grocery spending will accelerate. The surge in capital spending in recent years reflects store upgrades and a refreshed shopping experience, which could also translate into faster sales growth. Now that capital spending growth is cooling, it will reduce a profit margin drag. Profitability should also benefit from cost deflation. The food manufacturing PPI is contracting, reflecting shrinking raw food prices (Chart 9, top panel, shown inverted). It is normal for food stocks to outperform when raw food prices fall. Importantly, capacity utilization rates in the packaged food industry are very low (Chart 9), which augurs well for ongoing pricing pressure among suppliers. Tack on deflation in industry wage inflation, and it is no wonder profit margins have been able to grind back toward previous highs without a strong sales impulse. If sales rebound, as seems likely given evidence of market share gains away from hypermarkets (Chart 10, bottom panel), then grocery stores should continue to demonstrate decent pricing power gains (Chart 10, middle panel). Chart 9Cost Deflation Chart 10Gaining Market Share Adding it up, the ingredients for a powerful rally in the S&P retail food store index exist, with good downside protection should the economy disappoint on the back of tighter financial conditions. Bottom Line: We recommend an overweight position in the S&P retail food store index (BLBG: S5FDRE - KR, WFM). Current Recommendations Current Trades Size And Style Views Favor small over large caps and growth over value.
Highlights All three of Trump's signature policy proposals - fiscal stimulus, a more restrictive immigration policy, and trade protectionism - are dollar bullish. The implementation of these policies could cause the U.S. economy to overheat, forcing the Fed to raise rates more than it otherwise would. A Trump presidency is unlikely to lead to major institutional changes at the Fed. Trump is okay with a stronger dollar and higher rates, as long as these do not cause growth to stall. Investors have gone from too bearish to too bullish about what a Trump victory means for equities. A tactically cautious stance is still appropriate. Feature Trump Triumphant Chart 1Trumpism Trumps Unfavorability The late film critic Pauline Kael allegedly once said that there was no way that Richard Nixon could have won the 1972 election because she didn't know a single person who voted for him. Kael actually never said this, but the story rings true because one can imagine many people saying something like that. I spent the last few days meeting clients in New York City. The expression on the faces of people while walking down the streets in Manhattan - which went 87%-to-10% for Clinton over Trump - said it all. Most people seemed dazed and confused by what happened on November 8th. Trump did not win because of his personality. He won in spite of it. As I have emphasized over the past 18 months - starting with my presentation at the 2015 BCA New York Conference, which featured the prediction that "The Trumpists Will Win" - Trumpism is a lot more popular than Trump. How else can someone with a 62% unfavorability rating become the next president of the United States (Chart 1)? The reason that Trump won is because he addressed many of the legitimate grievances of blue collar workers in swing states that establishment politicians had long ignored. As we discussed last year in a report entitled "Trumponomics: What Investors Need To Know,"1 trade with China has led to a hollowing out of the U.S. manufacturing base; low-skilled immigration has dragged down blue collar wages; and the flow of drugs into the U.S. from across the southern border is a legitimate problem. Donald Trump And The Markets I will have much more to say about the long-term economic and political consequences of Trump's victory in a special report that I intend to publish next week. For now, however, let me concentrate on the near-term investment implications. Global equities plunged in the immediate aftermath of the election results, while the dollar weakened and Treasurys rallied. This knee-jerk reaction largely stemmed from the fear that a Trump presidency would be highly destabilizing for the global economy. In such an environment, the Fed would not be able to raise rates very much, which is a clear negative for the greenback. Trump's conciliatory victory speech helped soothe frayed nerves, sending both the dollar and Treasury yields higher. This was consistent with our expectations. As we argued in "A Trump Victory Would Be Bullish For The Dollar" and in "Three New Controversial Calls: Trump Wins And The Dollar Rallies," all three of Trump's signature policy proposals - fiscal stimulus, a more restrictive immigration policy, and trade protectionism - are bullish for the dollar and bearish for bonds.2 Fiscal Stimulus On The Horizon Now that Donald Trump has a Republican House and Senate to work with, there is a high probability that he will be able to push through a sizable infrastructure bill (sidebar: I am writing these words from the Kabul-like departure area at LaGuardia airport. My flight to Montreal is delayed because Trump's plane, which he dubs Trump Force One, will be taking off soon). In addition to increasing infrastructure spending, Trump has pledged to raise defense expenditures and enact sizable tax cuts. The Tax Policy Center estimates that Trump's tax plan alone would increase the federal debt by $6.2 trillion over the next ten years (excluding additional interest), representing approximately 2.6% of GDP of fiscal stimulus per year.3 We doubt that Congress will approve anything close to that. Nevertheless, even if he gets one quarter of the revenue and expenditure measures that he is seeking, this would be enough to boost aggregate demand growth by 0.5%-to-1% per year over the next two years. Pulling Back The Welcome Mat Chart 2Trump's Hard Line On Trade ##br##And Illegal Immigration Would##br## Benefit Low-Skilled Workers Immigration policy is one of those areas where the president can do a lot without congressional approval. Existing U.S. immigration laws are already very strict; they just happen to be enforced in a highly haphazard manner. High-skilled workers who want to go through the proper legal channels to gain residency must jump through all sorts of burdensome hoops; in contrast, low-skilled workers who enter the country illegally can generally evade detection and prosecution. This obviously makes for a suboptimal immigration system. Trump's campaign rhetoric has generally focused on combating illegal immigration. Although his official immigration policy paper - allegedly ghost-written by Senator Jeff Sessions - mentions cutting back on high-skill H1-B visas, at times Trump has appeared to disavow that view, stressing his desire to bring in only "the best" immigrants. Our suspicion is that a Trump presidency would generally take a fairly soft stance towards high-skilled immigrants, focusing instead on curbing illegal immigration through increased border security and the rollout of a mandatory national E-Verify system. Since illegal immigrants are generally poorly educated, such an outcome would raise the wages of low-skilled workers. Chart 2 shows that the pool of unemployed low-skilled workers has largely evaporated in recent years. Higher wage growth, in turn, could cause the Fed to hike rates more aggressively than it otherwise would, helping to push up the value of the dollar. Protectionism And The Dollar As with immigration, the executive branch has a lot of discretion over trade policy. There is an ongoing debate about whether sitting presidents can withdraw from trade deals that they do not like without congressional approval. The prevailing legal view is that they can, but even if that turns out not to be the case, they can certainly take other measures that increase import barriers. Such tactics have often been used by Republican presidents who liked to portray themselves as free traders. For instance, Ronald Reagan imposed voluntary export restraints on Japanese automakers and major foreign steel producers, raised tariffs on Japanese motorcycles, and tightened quotas on sugar imports. George W. Bush also increased tariffs on steel imports and imposed quotas on Chinese textiles. It goes without saying that Donald Trump would not be averse to taking similar steps. The threat of punitive measures is likely to dissuade some U.S. companies from moving production abroad. On the flipside, the fear of losing access to the U.S. market might persuade some foreign companies to relocate production to the United States. Such worries were a key reason why Japanese automobile companies began to invest in new U.S. production capacity starting in the 1980s. This could help reduce the U.S. trade deficit. A smaller trade deficit, in turn, would increase aggregate demand. This, in conjunction with the adverse supply-side effects that protectionist measures typically result in, would cause the output gap to narrow further, forcing the Fed to step up the pace of rate hikes. In addition, standard trade theory suggests that higher trade barriers would raise real wages for low-skilled workers. Since such workers tend to have the highest marginal propensity to consume, this, too, would boost aggregate demand. Trump And The Fed While Trump's policy proposals are all dollar bullish and bond bearish, where does Trump himself want the dollar and bond yields to go? The answer will obviously influence his relationship with the Fed and how he responds to any dollar strength. As with many of his policy ideas, it is hard to know exactly where Trump stands. Investors are accustomed to politicians who constantly flip-flop on the issues. Trump takes it a step further. He may be the first "quantum" candidate to run for office: Just like an electron can have a different spin and position at the same time, Trump seems capable of believing multiple things at the same time and spinning any position to his liking. With that caveat in mind, we think that a Trump presidency would not represent a significant departure from existing monetary policy. While Trump has said that he would like to replace Janet Yellen with a Republican once her term expires in 2018, he has also said he has "great respect" for the Fed Chair, and that he is "not a person who thinks Janet Yellen is doing a bad job." As far as the direction of interest rates is concerned, Trump has acknowledged that "as a real estate person, I always like low interest rates," but "from the country's standpoint, I'm just not sure it's a very good thing, because I really do believe we're creating a bubble." Chart 3Still Below Past Peaks He also seemed to acknowledge that there is a limit to how strong the dollar can get. "If we raise interest rates," he said, "and if the dollar starts getting too strong, we're going to have some very major problems." Our conclusion is that Trump would welcome higher rates, so long as any dollar appreciation does not choke off growth. As we discussed last month in a report entitled "Better U.S. Economic Data Will Cause The Dollar To Strengthen," the combination of a rebound in business capex, less inventory destocking, and continued strong personal consumption growth thanks to rising wages could cause aggregate demand growth to rise to 2.5%-to-3% this year.4 Trump's victory increases the risk to these numbers to the upside. Since we published that report, the broad real trade-weighted dollar has gained about 1.5%. We are still comfortable with our view that the dollar will rise by another 8.5% over the next 11 months. As Chart 3 shows, this would still leave the greenback below its previous 1985 and 2001 highs. Trump And Other Central Banks A more difficult issue to handicap is how a Trump presidency will influence policy outside the U.S. Would China, for example, feel the need to prop up the RMB in order to avoid Trump's wrath? Would Japan be less willing to pursue an accommodative monetary policy in an indirect effort to weaken the yen, if this led to the threat of higher tariffs on Japanese exports to the U.S.? Our sense is that yes, a Trump administration will, to some extent, constrain the ability of other nations to weaken their currencies. That said, the impact is unlikely to be especially dramatic. China does manipulate its currency. But lately it has been selling foreign-exchange reserves in an effort to keep the RMB from falling more than it otherwise would. Thus, an end to China's intervention would mean a weaker yuan, not a stronger one. Likewise, as long as the Bank of Japan is not engaged in direct foreign asset purchases, the ability of the Trump administration to cry foul is limited. Equity Implications We must admit that we are surprised that global equities were so quick to shrug off their losses. Our expectation had been that stocks would weaken somewhat in the wake of a Trump victory. What happened? A few things come to mind. First, there has probably been a fair amount of short-covering from investors who had bought insurance against a Trump win. Second, investors, like all humans, tend to draw on analogies in making their decisions. The best analogy for what happened on November 8th is what occurred after the Brexit vote. The lesson from that episode is that one should buy stocks after a supposedly negative voting outcome. That is exactly what investors did Wednesday morning. Third, there are in fact some legitimate reasons why President Trump may be good for stocks. In addition to the prospect of lower corporate tax rates and fiscal stimulus, a Trump administration is likely to go soft on financial regulation. This, in tandem with a steeper yield curve, could prove to be a positive development for banks. A Trump administration is also good news for energy companies, particularly coal. Defense contractors should benefit from increased military expenditures. The implications for health care stocks is harder to gauge. While the potential repeal of the Affordable Care Act could hurt some companies, it may benefit others. Our hunch is that the net effect for health care earnings will be positive. Even if Obamacare is repealed, it is likely to be replaced with something that looks a lot like the existing legislation, just with more subsidies and giveaways for health care providers and drugmakers (think of Medicare Part D). Having said all this, investors now seem to be a bit too complacent about what a Trump presidency means for stocks. The risk of a trade war is still present. And even if Trump pulls in his protectionist horns, a tighter labor market, exacerbated by a potential shortage of immigrant workers, is likely to eat into corporate profit margins. Higher rates and a stronger dollar will also hurt. As such, we are maintaining our tactically cautious stance on global equities. Peter Berezin, Senior Vice President Global Investment Strategy peterb@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "Trumponomics: What Investors Need To Know," dated September 4, 2015, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "A Trump Victory Would Be Bullish For The Dollar," dated June 3, 2016, and Special Report, "Three (New) Controversial Calls," (Call #1: Trump Wins, And The Dollar Rallies), dated September 30, 2016, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see Jim Nunns, Len Burman, Ben Page, Jeff Rohaly, and Joe Rosenberg, "An Analysis Of Donald Trump's Revised Tax Plan," Tax Policy Center, October 18, 2016. 4 Please see Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Better U.S. Economic Data Will Cause The Dollar To Strengthen," dated October 14, 2016, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. Strategy & Market Trends Tactical Trades Strategic Recommendations Closed Trades
Defensive sectors, outside of health care and tech, were already making an effort to turn up prior to the surprise U.S. election result, and the latter is a probable catalyst to spark a full blown reversal back in favor of non-cyclical equities. Keep in mind that the tech sector has been primarily supported by an M&A frenzy in the semiconductor space rather than a reflection of strong growth, while health care stocks have been held hostage by pricing concerns. The latter are now unwinding, while the M&A binge may cool as the cost of capital climbs. Looking ahead, policy uncertainty is poised to ramp up, undermining business and investor confidence, and exerting upward pressure on the equity risk premium. In such an environment, we expect the more attractively valued defensives to retake a leadership role from overvalued cyclical sectors.
Highlights We remain positive on Chinese stocks both from structural and cyclical point of view, especially on H shares. In the near term, stay on the sidelines due to developing global uncertainty. The Q3 earnings scorecard of listed companies confirms an upturn in the Chinese profit cycle. Earnings momentum will likely be carried forward to at least early next year. The Chinese economy has improved notably, especially in the industrial sector. We expect the economy will likely continue to surprise to the upside. Feature Tuesday's U.S. election surprise sent strong shockwaves to global risk assets, including Chinese stocks. We tactically downgraded our "bullishness" rating on Chinese H shares in early October,1 partly due to brewing global uncertainty, but were still caught off guard by the election result. World financial markets have yet to fully grasp the implication and consequences of a President Trump. Yesterday, we sent clients a Special Report titled "U.S. Election: Outcomes & Investment Implications" prepared by Marko Papic, our Chief Geopolitical Strategist, providing our initial assessment on these important issues. As far as China is concerned, the biggest threat is the harsh anti-China trade policies that dominantly featured Mr. Trump's election campaign. A full-blown protectionist backlash is undoubtedly bearish for China and the rest of the world; this is a disturbing uncertainty that has to be carefully monitored and assessed going forward. However, it is also worth noting that anti-China rhetoric has been regularly featured in all U.S. presidential election campaigns by candidates from both parties as soon as the diplomatic tie between these two countries was established in 1979, but the economic integration has continued to deepen. For now, we do not advocate any kneejerk adjustment to investment strategy, as it is utterly unpredictable how much of Mr. Trump's campaign rhetoric will become real policy. An easier bet over the near term is that the Chinese authorities will likely maintain policy support to boost domestic demand in the wake of rising external uncertainty. Strategically, China will likely press forward its ongoing long-term initiatives to expand its global influence, such as the "One Belt One Road" (OBOR) project and Asian Infrastructure Development Bank. Meanwhile, China will continue to explore bilateral and multi-lateral free trade deals with its major trade partners to foster a more predictable global trade environment. We will follow up on these issues in our future research. While Chinese stocks have suffered badly from global contagion this week, Chinese domestic factors have, ironically, continued to turn more positive of late, with an improving cyclical economic profile, a largely accommodative policy stance and a strong recovery in profits. In the near term we are staying on the sidelines, as the uncertainty unleashed by the U.S. presidential elections continues to play out. Nonetheless, barring a major protectionist backlash, we remain positive on Chinese H shares both from a structural and cyclical perspective, and expect this asset class to outperform both global and EM peers. A Strong Earnings Recovery From an investor's stand point, the most important development is the sharp recovery in earnings reported by Chinese domestically listed A-share companies in the third quarter. Specifically: A share-listed companies' average earnings increased by 22% in the third quarter from Q3 2015, or by 3% for the first three quarters compared with a year ago (Table 1). Excluding financials and petroleum firms, earnings jumped by almost 50% in Q3, according to our calculations, or 21% year-to-date. While the sharp earnings recovery in Q3 is partially attributable to last year's low base, our model suggests that earnings momentum will likely be carried forward to at least early next year (Chart 1). Table 1Earnings Scorecard The earnings recovery reflects both top-line growth and margin expansion. Improving producer prices have eased deflationary pressure in the economy, particularly for the corporate sector. Total sales of A share-listed firms have benefited from the pickup in nominal GDP growth, and profit margins have also continued to widen in the last quarter, both of which are conducive for earnings growth (Chart 2). Cash flow positions have also continued to improve, especially in select sectors. Overall cash and cash equivalents held by Chinese non-bank firms as a share of assets currently stand at elevated levels, underscoring an overall cautious stance on business expansion and liquid balance sheets (Chart 3).2 Specifically, real estate developers' operating cash flow continues to increase sharply, boosted by strong sales, but capital expenditures have been muted, leading to a significant hoarding of cash. This will likely reduce financial stress among developers, even if housing policies begin to be tightened. Chart 1Strong Earnings Grow... Chart 2... Due To Rising Sales And Improving Margin Chart 3Developers' Improving Cash Flow And Balance Sheet In short, the Q3 earnings scorecard confirms our long-held view of an upturn in the Chinese profit cycle.3 We expect bottom-up analysts will continue to upgrade earnings expectations, which will provide a positive cyclical backdrop for Chinese stocks (Chart 4). The Economy Will Remain Resilient China's recent macro numbers have largely come in stronger than expected, albeit modestly. Overall, the economy has maintained positive momentum, especially in the industrial sector. The Keqiang Index - a combination of bank loan growth, railway freight activity and electricity consumption - has strengthened sharply, underscoring significant improvement in industrial activity (Chart 5). Looking forward, we expect the economy will likely continue to surprise to the upside. Chart 4Net Earnings Revision Will Continue To Improve Chart 5Keqiang Index Versus GDP Growth Business managers have largely been cautious, and have been focused on inventory destocking instead of business expansion. Industrial production has so far been muted, despite improvement in some leading indicators (Chart 6). Meanwhile, slowing capital spending among private enterprises has been one of the key reasons for slower growth in recent years; this should turn around as profitability improves (Chart 7). At minimum, downward pressure on private sector investment should diminish going forward. This, together with government-sponsored infrastructure construction, should underpin overall capital spending. Chart 6Industrial Production Has Been Muted Chart 7Profit Recovery Helps Capex On the policy front, monetary conditions continue to be accommodative. The trade-weighted exchange rate has remained low, and real interest rates have continued to drift lower through nominal declines and rising producer prices. Furthermore, inflation is unlikely to become a meaningful policy constraint anytime soon. Headline CPI picked up slightly last month, driven by food prices (Chart 8). However, this was largely due to the base effect. Agricultural wholesale prices have been mostly flat in recent years, and there is no case for generalized food inflation. The risk of any near term policy tightening has further diminished in the wake of the global uncertainty. Meanwhile, previous stimulative policies should continue to allow the economy to build forward momentum. The housing tightening policies imposed last month have begun to have a negative impact on home sales, which introduces a new risk factor for the economy, as discussed in a previous report. Anecdotal evidence suggests that property transactions in some major cities have dropped notably, even though home sales nationwide appear to remain buoyant (Chart 9).4 In addition, new housing construction has rolled over in the past few months, as developers have also focused on destocking inventories despite rising sales. However, inventories were already headed lower, which will eventually support new construction. Already, developers' land purchases have turned positive in recent months. In short, the impact of tightened housing policies should continue to be closely monitored. For now, our base case remains that housing construction will likely remain sluggish, but will not go through another major downturn. This view is further reinforced by the strong earnings and cash positions of real estate developers in the last quarter. Chart 8No Case For Food Inflation Chart 9Housing: Another Major Downturn Is Unlikely Chinese Stocks And Global Risk Aversion As far as Chinese stocks are concerned, we are positive both from structural and cyclical point of view, especially on H shares. Structurally, this asset class has been deeply depressed in recent years with an unduly high risk premium, which will eventually be renormalized through multiples expansion. Cyclically, the economy's budding forward momentum, strong profit recovery and accommodative policy stance are all supportive for stock prices. At a minimum, Chinese H shares should continue to outperform their global and EM peers. Tactically, however, we remain cautious as knee-jerk reactions in the stock market following the U.S. election surprise will continue to dominate the broader market trends. Furthermore, even as the impact of the election shock begins to fade, investors' focus may shift back over to a possible December rate hike by the Federal Reserve and another up leg in the U.S. dollar - both of which are negative for global liquidity and risk assets. Chart 10 shows that our proxy of global dollar liquidity has deteriorated significantly of late, which historically has often been accompanied by an increase in volatility in stocks. This time around, however, the market appears to have so far been rather sanguine, and is vulnerable to negative surprises. This is especially true, as global bellwether U.S. stocks are not cheap. In addition, Chinese stocks are overbought in the near term, and a period of consolidation or even correction is overdue (Chart 11). Our technical models for both A shares and H shares remain elevated even after the recent correction, which heralded further near-term difficulties. A favorable cyclical profile and large valuation buffer, particularly for H shares, should limit the downside for Chinese stocks, but the risk-return tradeoff in the near term is not particularly attractive, and warrants a more cautious stance. Chart 10Dollar Liquidity And Equity Volatility Chart 11Chinese Stocks Remain Near Term Overbought The bottom line is that we downgraded our "bullish rating" on Chinese H shares last month, and for now remain on the sidelines. Beyond near-term volatility we reiterate our positive conviction for this asset class, and expect Chinese H shares to continue to advance both in absolute terms and against the EM and global benchmarks. Yan Wang, Senior Vice President China Investment Strategy yanw@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Housing Tightening: Now And 2010" , dated October 13, 2016, available at cis.bcaresearch.com 2 Please see China Investment Strategy Special Report, "Rethinking Chinese Leverage", dated October 27, 2016, available at cis.bcaresearch.com 3 Please see China Investment Strategy Weekly Reports, "2016: A Choppy Bottoming" , dated January 6, 2016 and "China: Four Important Charts" , dated April 13, 2016 and "Chinese Growth, Profits And Stock Prices", dated July 20, 2016, available at cis.bcaresearch.com 4 Please see China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Housing Tightening: Now And 2010" , dated October 13, 2016, available at cis.bcaresearch.com Cyclical Investment Stance Equity Sector Recommendations
Highlights The credibility of ECB QE is set to diminish, one way or another. Stay long euro/dollar. Expect a continued compression in the German Bund yield spread versus the U.S. T-bond. Until the U.K. Supreme Court provides further legal clarity about the Brexit process, expectations for a softer Brexit should prop up the pound. In which case, the Eurostoxx600 will outperform the FTSE100 and the FTSE250 will outperform the FTSE100. Feature Nobody saw Brexit coming on June 23, and few saw a President Trump coming on November 8. Just as in the days after June 23, financial markets are trying to regain a footing after another political earthquake. The dust will settle. Our geopolitical strategists will provide a post-election analysis in a separate report. In this report, we would like to look through the immediate haze and focus on three major institutions whose policy options and degrees of freedom were becoming constrained, irrespective of the U.S. election shock. The institutions are: the ECB, the Federal Reserve, and the U.K. government. Chart of the WeekExpected Policy Rate Differential Drives ##br##The German Bund Yield Spread Versus The U.S. T-Bond The ECB Is Facing A Lose-Lose Decision Central bank quantitative easing (QE) remains one of the most misunderstood concepts within economics and finance. Contrary to the popular myth, it is not the central bank's asset purchases per se that matter. If the central bank's act of buying assets works at all, it is because QE signals a long period of ultra-low interest rates ahead.1 This then reduces the yields on other financial assets through the so-called "portfolio balance channel." Chart I-2Through 2011-13 Markets Interpreted A Lower ##br##Flow Of QE As A Monetary Tightening As Fed Chair Janet Yellen succinctly explains, once there is ample liquidity in the banking system: "QE has no discernible economic effects aside from those associated with communicating the central bank's commitment to the zero interest rate policy" The fundamental point is that the precise amount and asset-class composition of a QE program does not matter. The program just has to be large enough to demonstrate a credible commitment to ultra-low rates. But once a central bank establishes a monthly purchase amount, for example, the current €80bn for the ECB, the flow becomes an anchor. Financial markets then interpret a decrease in that monthly flow as a weakening commitment to ultra-low rates: in effect, a monetary tightening (Chart I-2). On the other hand, if the monthly asset-purchase promise goes on indefinitely, it also loses credibility. The financial markets know full well that there is only a finite pool of safe-assets that the central bank can buy, as the recent experience of the Bank of Japan testifies. For the ECB, the so-called "degrees of freedom" are even more limited than for the Bank of Japan. Asset purchases are constrained by politically determined upper-limits to individual euro area country exposure and by liquidity determined upper-limits to individual financial asset exposure. Hence, the ECB now faces a lose-lose decision. If it signals an intention - even a delayed intention - to taper its €80bn monthly flow of QE, the financial markets will interpret it as a de facto tightening. But if it does not signal an intention to taper it will have to use more and more smoke, mirrors, and chicanery to justify how it can keep delivering on its promise to buy. Bottom Line: one way or another, the credibility of ECB QE is set to diminish. The Federal Reserve's Track Record In Predicting Its Own Policy Is Abysmal To take a position on the euro/dollar exchange rate or the yield differential between German Bunds and U.S. T-bonds, we must now consider the other central bank in the equation: the U.S. Federal Reserve. When it comes to predicting the stance of its own monetary policy, the track record of the Federal Reserve is nothing short of abysmal. The Federal Reserve's famous dot forecasts have consistently missed the mark. In fact, they have not even come close to the mark. Just two years ago, the median Fed dot was predicting ten rate hikes by now (Chart I-3). Yes, seriously - ten! Chart I-3Two Years Ago, The Median Fed Dot Was Predicting Ten Rate Hikes By Now In its own defence, the Fed might respond that its monetary policy is "data-dependent" or even "events-dependent", and that this contingency prevented it from hiking the ten times that it had forecast. That's fine. But it then raises a bigger question about credibility. If central bank policy is contingent, then is it really possible to give credible forward guidance on the level of interest rates stretching out years ahead? We think not. Indeed, by publishing dots that turn out to be so consistently and deeply wrong, the central bank is seriously damaging its own credibility and authority. Rather than relying on Federal Reserve dots or market forecasts, investors must make up their own minds about the likely path of the Fed funds rate. For bond investors, the medium-term question is: at what level will the policy rate peak in this tightening cycle? This is because at the peak of the tightening cycle, the 0-10 year yield curve tends to be more or less flat (Chart I-4). In other words, the 10-year bond yield ends up eventually trading at the same level at which the policy rate peaks. After the election shock, the knee-jerk response has been a higher 10-year T-bond yield, and this direction may continue in the near-term. But further out, the question is: will the Fed funds rate peak above or below where today's 10-year T-bond yield of 1.9% implies that it will peak? We think below. Note that a first and second interest rate hike interspersed by a full year is unprecedented in modern economic history. And now, even the intended second hike in December might be in jeopardy. Given that the Fed has struggled to get two 25bps hikes through in two years, the idea that it will succeed in hiking another four or five times in this tightening cycle really does not seem credible to us. Bottom Line: Combined with the diminishing credibility of ECB QE, stay long euro/dollar (Chart I-5); and expect a continued compression in the German Bund yield spread versus the U.S. T-bond. In other words, maintain the pair-trade: long T-bonds, short German bunds (currency hedged) (Chart of the Week). Chart I-4At The Peak Of A Tightening Cycle, ##br##The 0-10 Year Yield Curve Is Flat Chart I-5Expected Policy Rate Differential##br## Drives Euro/Dollar The U.K. Government Has Had Its Wings Clipped The U.K. Government is another institution that has suffered a huge blow to its credibility and authority. Prime Minister Theresa May brazenly thought that she could start the legal process to exit the EU using the so-called 'royal prerogative', the power granted to governments to make certain decisions without a vote from parliament. But as we presciently warned two weeks ago in The Pound: Next Stop $1.10 Or $1.35,2 the U.K. High Court has judged the government does not have the authority to overturn domestic law - in this case, the European Communities Act (1972) and European Union Act (2011) - without obtaining parliamentary approval. The irony is that the sovereignty of the U.K. Parliament is the very thing that Brexiteers supposedly are fighting for. The High Court has clipped the U.K. Government's wings by deferring the Article 50 trigger to parliament. The government is appealing the High Court decision at the Supreme Court whose verdict is expected in January. But given that the government itself concedes that the Article 50 trigger will irrevocably change domestic law, it is hard to see how the government will win the appeal. Hence, there is a high likelihood that Members of Parliament will get to scrutinise the government's negotiating hand before it is allowed to fire the Brexit starting gun. Given that the precise form of Brexit has huge implications for British people's economic future and legal rights, parliament could water down or delay Brexit before voting it through. Bottom Line: Until the Supreme Court provides further legal clarity3 in January, expectations for a softer Brexit should prop up the pound. In which case: the Eurostoxx600 will outperform the FTSE100; the FTSE250 will outperform the FTSE100; U.K. retailers, travel and real estate equities will outperform the U.K. market; but U.K. goods exporters will underperform (Chart I-6 and Chart I-7). Chart I-6A Soft Or Hard ##br##Brexit... Chart I-7...Determines The Prospects ##br##For Most U.K. Assets Dhaval Joshi, Senior Vice President European Investment Strategy dhaval@bcaresearch.com 1 Because while an asset-purchase program is underway, it would be difficult to raise rates. 2 Published on October 27 2016 and available at eis.bcaresearch.com 3 The Supreme Court will judge the government's appeal against the High Court decision. If the appeal is lost, it may also judge what type of parliamentary approval is required to trigger Article 50: a full Bill or a simple Resolution. Fractal Trading Model* This week's recommended trade is to go long U.K. healthcare versus the market. For any investment, excessive trend following and groupthink can reach a natural point of instability, at which point the established trend is highly likely to break down with or without an external catalyst. An early warning sign is the investment's fractal dimension approaching its natural lower bound. Encouragingly, this trigger has consistently identified countertrend moves of various magnitudes across all asset classes. Chart I-8 * For more details please see the European Investment Strategy Special Report "Fractals, Liquidity & A Trading Model," dated December 11, 2014, available at eis.bcaresearch.com The post-June 9, 2016 fractal trading model rules are: When the fractal dimension approaches the lower limit after an investment has been in an established trend it is a potential trigger for a liquidity-triggered trend reversal. Therefore, open a countertrend position. The profit target is a one-third reversal of the preceding 13-week move. Apply a symmetrical stop-loss. Close the position at the profit target or stop-loss. Otherwise close the position after 13 weeks. Use the position size multiple to control risk. The position size will be smaller for more risky positions. Fractal Trading Model Recommendations Equities Bond & Interest Rates Currency & Other Positions Closed Fractal Trades Trades Closed Trades Asset Performance Currency & Bond Equity Sector Country Equity Indicators Bond Yields Chart II-1Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-2Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-3Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-4Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Interest Rate Chart II-5Indicators To Watch ##br##- Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-6Indicators To Watch ##br##- Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-7Indicators To Watch##br## - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-8Indicators To Watch##br## - Interest Rate Expectations
Special Report Highlights Trump won by stealing votes from Democrats in the Midwest. His victory implies a national shift to the left on economic policy. Checks and balances on Trump are not substantial in the short term. U.S. political polarization will continue. Trump is good for the USD, bad for bonds, neutral for equities. Favor SMEs over MNCs. Close long alternative energy / short coal. Feature "Most Americans do not find themselves actually alienated from their fellow Americans or truly fearful if the other party wins power. Unlike in Bosnia, Northern Ireland or Rwanda, competition for power in the U.S. remains largely a debate between people who can work together once the election is over." — Newt Gingrich, January 2, 2001 Former Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich (and a potential Secretary of State pick), was asked on NBC's Meet the Press two days before the U.S. election whether he still thought that "competition for power in the U.S. remains largely a debate between people who can work together once the election is over." Gingrich made the original statement in January 2001, merely weeks after one of the most contentious presidential elections in U.S. history was resolved by the Supreme Court. Gingrich's answer in 2016? "I think, tragically, we have drifted into an environment where ... it will be a continuing fight for who controls the country." Despite an extraordinary victory - a revolution really - by Donald J. Trump, the fact of the matter remains that the U.S. is a polarized country between Republican and Democratic voters. As of publication time of this report, Trump lost the popular vote to Secretary Hillary Clinton. His is a narrower victory than either the epic Richard Nixon win in 1968 or George W. Bush squeaker in 2000. Over the next two years, the only thing that matters for the markets is that the U.S. has a unified government behind a Republican president-elect and a GOP-controlled Congress. We discuss the investment implications of this scenario below and caution clients to not over-despair. On the other hand, we also see this election as more evidence that America remains a deeply polarized country where identity politics continue to play a key role. What concerns us is that these identity politics appear to transcend the country's many cultural, ethical, political, and economic commonalities. Republicans and Democrats in the U.S. are fusing into almost ethnic-like groupings. To bring it back to Gingrich's quote at the top, that would suggest that the U.S. is no longer that much different from Bosnia or Northern Ireland.1 Election Post-Mortem Chart II-1Election Polls Usually ##br##Miss By A Few Points Donald Trump has won an upset over Hillary Clinton, but his campaign was not as much of a long-shot as the consensus believed. U.S. presidential polls have frequently missed the final tally by +/- 3% of the vote, which was precisely the end result of the 2016 election (Chart II-1). Therefore, as we pointed out in our last missive on the election, Trump's victory was not a "wild mathematical oddity."2 Why Did Trump Win The White House? Where Trump really did beat expectations was in the Midwest, and Wisconsin in particular. He ended up outperforming the poll-of-polls by a near-incredible 10%!3 His victories in Florida, Ohio, and Pennsylvania were well within the range of expectations. For example, the last poll-of-polls had Trump leading in both Florida (by a narrow 0.2%) and Ohio (by a solid 3.5%), whereas Clinton was up in Pennsylvania by the slightest of margins (just 1.9% lead). He ended up exceeding poll expectations in all three (by 2% in Florida, 6% in Ohio, and 3% in Pennsylvania), but not by the same wild margin as in Wisconsin. When all is said and done, Trump won the 2016 election by stealing votes away from the Democrats in the traditionally "blue" Midwest states of Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin. This was a far more significant result than his resounding victories in Ohio (which Obama won in 2012) or Florida (where Obama won only narrowly in 2012). Our colleague Peter Berezin, Chief Strategist of the Global Investment Strategy, correctly forecast that Trump would be competitive in all three Midwest states back in September 2015! We highly encourage our clients to read his "Trumponomics: What Investors Need To Know," as it is one of the best geopolitical calls made by BCA in recent history.4 As Peter had originally thought, Trump cleaned up the white, less-educated, male vote in all of the three crucial Midwest states. He won 68% of this vote in Michigan, 71% in Pennsylvania, and 69% in Wisconsin. To do so, Trump campaigned as an unorthodox Republican, appealing to the blue-collar white voter by blaming globalization for their job losses and low wages, and by refusing to accept Republican orthodoxy on fiscal austerity or entitlement spending. Instead, Trump promised to outspend Clinton and protect entitlements at their current levels. This mix of an outsider, anti-establishment, image combined with a left-of-center economic message allowed Trump to win an extraordinary number of former Obama voters. Exit polls showed that Obama had a positive image in all three Midwest states, including with Trump voters! For example, 30% of Trump voters in Michigan approved of the job Obama was doing as president, 25% in Pennsylvania, and 27% in Wisconsin. That's between a quarter and a third of eventual people who cast their vote for Trump. These are the voters that Republicans lost in 2012 because they nominated a former private equity "corporate raider" Mitt Romney as their candidate. Romney had famously argued in a 2008 New York Times op-ed that he would have "Let Detroit go bankrupt." Obama repeatedly attacked Romney during the 2011-2012 campaign on this point. Back in late 2011, we suspected that this message, and this message alone, would win President Obama his re-election.5 Why is the issue of the Midwest Obama voters so important? Because investors have to know precisely why Donald Trump won the election. It wasn't his messages on immigration, law and order, race relations, and especially not the tax cuts he added to his message late in the game. It was his left-of-center policy position on trade and fiscal spending. Trump is beholden to his voters on these policies, particularly in the Midwest states that won him the election. Final word on race. Donald Trump actually improved on Mitt Romney's performance with African-American and Hispanic voters (Table II-1). This was a surprise, given his often racially-charged rhetoric. Meanwhile, Trump failed to improve on the white voter turnout (as percent of overall electorate) or on Romney's performance with white voters in terms of the share of the vote. To be clear, Republicans are still in the proverbial hole with minority voters and are yet to match George Bush's performance in 2004. But with 70% of the U.S. electorate still white in 2016, this did not matter. Table II-1Exit Polls: Trump's Win Was Not Merely About Race Congress: No Gridlock Ahead Republicans exceeded their expectations in the Senate, losing only one seat (Illinois) to Democrats. This means that the GOP control of the Senate will remain quite comfortable and is likely to grow in the 2018 mid-term elections when the Democrats have to defend 25 of 33 seats. Of the 25 Senate seats they will defend, five are in hostile territory: North Dakota, West Virginia, Ohio, Montana, and Missouri. In addition, Florida is always a tough contest. Republicans, on the other hand, have only one Senate seat that will require defense in a Democrat-leaning state: Nevada (and in that case, it will be a Republican incumbent contesting the race). Their other seven seats are all in Republican voting states. As such, expect Republicans to hold on to the Senate well into the 2020 general election. In the House of Representatives, the GOP will retain its comfortable majority. The Tea Party affiliated caucuses (Tea Party Caucus and the House Freedom Caucus) performed well in the election. The Tea Party Caucus members won 35 seats out of 38 they contested and the House Freedom Caucus won 34 seats out of 37 it contested. The race to watch now is for the Speaker of the House position. Paul Ryan, the Speaker of the incumbent House, is likely to contest the election again and win. Even though his support for Donald Trump was lukewarm, we expect Republicans to unify the party behind Trump and Ryan. A challenge from the right could emerge, but we doubt it will materialize given Trump's victory. The campaign for the election will begin immediately, with Republicans selecting their candidate by December (the official election will be in the first week of January, but it is a formality as Republicans hold the majority). Bottom Line: Trump's victory was largely the product of former Obama voters in the Midwest switching to the GOP candidate. This happened because of Trump's unorthodox, left-of-center, message. Trump will have a friendly Congress to work with for the next four years. How friendly? That question will determine the investment significance of the Trump presidency. Investment Relevance Of A United Government Most clients we have spoken to over the past several months believe that Donald Trump will be constrained on economic policies by a right-leaning Congress. His more ambitious fiscal spending plans - such as the $550 billion infrastructure plan and $150 billion net defense spending plan - will therefore be either "dead on arrival" in Congress, or will be significantly watered down by the legislature. Focus will instead shift to tax cuts and traditional Republican policies. We could not disagree more. GOP is not fiscally conservative: There is no empirical evidence that the GOP is actually fiscally conservative. First, the track record of the Bush and Reagan administrations do not support the adage that Republicans keep fiscal spending in check when they are in power (Chart II-2). Second, Republican voters themselves only want "small government" when the Democrats are in charge of the White House (Chart II-3). When a Republican President is in charge, Republicans forget their "small government" leanings. Chart II-2Republicans Are Not ##br##Fiscally Responsible Chart II-3Big Government Is Only ##br##A Problem For Opposition Presidents get their way: Over the past 28 years, each new president has generally succeeded in passing their signature items. Congress can block some but probably not all of president's plans. Clinton, Bush, and Obama each began with their own party controlling the legislature, which gave an early advantage that was later reversed in their second term. Clinton lost on healthcare, but achieved bipartisan welfare reform. For Obama, legislative obstructionism halted various initiatives, but his core objectives were either already met (healthcare), not reliant on Congress (foreign policy), or achieved through compromise after his reelection (expiration of Bush tax cuts for upper income levels). Median voter has moved to the left: Donald Trump won both the GOP primary and the general election by preaching an unorthodox, left-of-center sermon. He understood correctly that the American voter preferences on economic policies have moved away from Republican laissez-faire orthodoxies.6 Yes, he is also calling for significant lowering of both income and corporate tax rates. However, tax cuts were never a focal point of his campaign, and he only introduced the policy later in the race when he was trying to get traditional Republicans on board with his campaign. Newsflash: traditional Republicans did not get Trump over the hump, Obama voters in the Midwest did! Investors should make no mistake, the key pillars of Trump's campaign are de-globalization, higher fiscal spending, and protecting entitlements at current levels. And he will pursue all three with GOP allies in Congress. What are the investment implications of this policy mix? USD: More government spending, marginally less global trade, and pressure on multi-national corporations (MNCs) to scale back their global operations should be positive for inflation. If growth surprises to the upside due to fiscal spending, it will allow the Fed to hike more than the current 57 bps expected by the market by the end of 2018. Given easy monetary stance of central banks around the world, and lack of significant fiscal stimulus elsewhere, economic growth surprise in the U.S. should be positive for the dollar in the long term. At the moment, the market is reacting to the Trump victory with ambivalence on the USD. In fact, the dollar suffered as Trump's probability of victory rose in late October. We believe that this is a temporary reaction. We see both Trump's fiscal and trade policies as bullish. BCA's currency strategist Mathieu Savary believes that the dollar could therefore move in a bifurcated fashion in the near term. On the one hand, the dollar could rise against EM currencies and commodity producers, but suffer - or remain flat - against DM currencies such as the EUR, CHF, and JPY.7 Bonds: More inflation and growth should also mean that the bond selloff continues. In addition, if our view on globalization is correct, then the deflationary effects of the last three decades should begin to reverse over the next several years. BCA thesis that we are at the "End Of The 35-Year Bond Bull Market" should therefore remain cogent.8 As one of our "Trump hedges," our colleague Rob Robis, Chief Strategist of the BCA Global Fixed Income Strategy, suggested a 2-year / 30-year Treasury curve steepener. This hedge is now up 18.7 bps and we suggest clients continue to hold it. Fed policy: Trump's statements about monetary policy have been inconsistent. Early on in his campaign he described himself as "a low interest rate guy", but he has more recently become critical of current Federal Reserve policy - and Fed Chair Janet Yellen in particular - claiming that while higher interest rates are justified, the Fed is keeping them low for "political reasons." What seems certain is that Janet Yellen will be replaced as Fed Chair when her term expires in February 2018. Yellen is unlikely to resign of her own volition before then and it would be legally difficult for the President to remove a sitting Fed Chair prior to the end of her term. But Trump will get the opportunity to re-shape the composition of the Fed's Board of Governors as soon as he is sworn in. There are currently two empty seats on the Board need to be filled and given that many of Trump's economic advisers have "hard money" leanings, it is very likely that both appointments will go to inflation hawks. Equities: In terms of equities, Trump will be a source of uncertainty for U.S. stocks as the market deals with the unknown of his presidency. In addition, markets tend to not like united government in the U.S. as it raises the specter of big policy moves (Table II-2). However, Trump should be positive for sectors that sold off in anticipation of a Clinton victory, such as healthcare and financials. We also suspect that he will continue the outperformance of defense stocks, although that would have been the case with Clinton as well. Table II-2Election: Industry Implications In the long term, Trump's proposal for major corporate tax cuts should be good for U.S. equities. However, we are not entirely sure that this is the case. First, the effective corporate tax rate in the U.S. is already at its multi-decade lows (Chart II-4). As such, any corporate tax reform that lowers the marginal rate will not really affect the effective rate. Why does this matter? Because major corporations already have low effective tax rates. Any lowering of the marginal rate will therefore benefit the small and medium enterprises (SMEs) and the domestic oriented S&P 500 corporations. If corporate tax reform also includes closing loopholes that benefit the major multi-national corporations (MNCs), then Trump's policy will not necessarily benefit all firms in the U.S. equally. Chart II-4How Low Can It Go? Investors have to keep in mind that Trump has not run a pro-corporate campaign. He has accused American manufacturing firms of taking jobs outside the U.S. and tech companies of skirting taxes. It is not clear to us that his corporate tax reform will therefore necessarily be a boon for the stock market. In the long term, we like to play Trump's populist message by favoring America's SMEs over MNCs. If we are ultimately correct on the USD and growth, then export-oriented S&P 500 companies should suffer in the face of a USD bull market and marginally less globalization. Meanwhile, lowering of the marginal corporate tax rate will benefit the SMEs that do not get the benefit of K-street lobbyist negotiated tax loopholes. Global Assets: The global asset to watch over the next several weeks is the USD/RMB cross. China is forced by domestic economic conditions to continue to slowly depreciate its currency. We have expected this since 2015, which is why we have shorted the RMB via 12-month non-deliverable forwards (NDF). Risk to global assets, particularly EM currencies and equities, would be that Beijing decides to depreciate the RMB before Trump is inaugurated on January 20. This could re-visit the late 2015 panic over China, particularly the narrative that it is exporting deflation. Our view is that even if China does not undertake such actions over the next two months, Sino-American tensions are set to escalate. It is much easier for Trump to fulfill his de-globalization policies with China - a geopolitical rival with which the U.S. has no free trade agreement - than with NAFTA trade partners Canada and Mexico. This will only deepen geopolitical tensions between the two major global powers, which has been our secular view since 2011. Finally, a quick note on the Mexican peso. The Mexican peso has already collapsed half of its value in the past 18 months and we believe the trade is overdone. Investors have used the currency cross as a way to articulate Trump's victory probability. It is no longer cogent. We believe that the U.S. will focus on trade relations with China under a Trump presidency, rather than NAFTA trade partners. Our Emerging Markets Strategy believes that it is time to consider going long MXN versus other EM currencies, such as ZAR and BRL. Investors should also watch carefully the Cabinet appointments that Trump makes over the next two months. Since Carter's administration, cabinet announcements have occurred in early to mid-December. Almost all of these appointments were confirmed on Inauguration Day (usually January 20 of the year after election, including in 2017) or shortly thereafter. Only one major nomination since Carter was disapproved. These appointments will tell us how willing Trump is to reach to traditional Republicans who have served on previous administrations. We suspect that he will go with picks that will execute his fiscal, trade, and tax policies. Bottom Line: After the dust settles over the next several weeks, we suspect that Trump will signal that he intends to pursue his fiscal, trade, immigration, and tax policies. These will be, in the long term, positive for the USD, negative for bonds (including Munis, which will lose their tax-break appeal if income taxes are reduced), and likely neutral for equities. Within the equity space, Trump will be positive for U.S. SMEs and negative for MNCs. This means being long S&P 600 over S&P 100. Lastly, close our long alternative energy / short coal trade for a loss of -26.8%. Constraints: Don't Bet On Them Domestically, the American president can take significant action without congressional support through executive directives. Lincoln raised an army and navy by proclamation and freed the slaves; Franklin Roosevelt interned the Japanese; Truman tried to seize steel factories to keep production up during the Korean War. Truman's case is almost the only one of a major executive order being rebuffed by the Supreme Court. The Reagan and Clinton administrations have shown that a president thwarted by a divided or adverse congress will often use executive directives to achieve policy aims and satisfy particular interest groups and sectors. Though the number of executive orders has gone down in recent administrations (Chart II-5), the economic significance has increased along with the size and penetration of the bureaucracy (Chart II-6). The economic impact of executive orders is always debatable, but the key point is that the president's word tends to carry the day.9 Chart II-5Rule By Decree Chart II-6Executive Branch Is Growing Trade is a major area where Trump would have considerable sway. He has repeatedly signaled his intention to restrict American openness to international trade. The U.S. president can revoke international treaties solely on their own authority. Congressionally approved agreements like the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) cannot be revoked by the president, but Trump could obstruct its ongoing implementation.10 He would also have considerable powers to levy tariffs, as Nixon showed with his 10% "surcharge" on most imports in 1971.11 Bottom Line: Presidential authority is formidable in the areas Trump has made the focus of his campaign: immigration and trade. Without a two-thirds majority in Congress to override him, or an activist federal court, Trump would be able to enact significant policies simply by issuing orders to his subordinates in the executive branch. Long-Term Implications: Polarization In The U.S. Does the Republican control of Congress and the White House signal that polarization in America will subside? We began this analysis by focusing on the investment implications when Republicans control the three houses of the American government. But long-term implications of polarization will not dissipate. Investors may overstate the importance of a Republican-controlled government and thus understate the relevance of continued polarization. We doubt that Donald Trump is a uniting figure who can transcend America's polarized politics, especially given his weak popular mandate (he lost the popular vote as Bush did in 2000) and the sub-50% vote share. And, our favorite chart of the year remains the same: both Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton have entered the history books as the most disliked presidential candidates ever on the day of the election (Chart II-7). Chart II-7Clinton And Trump Are Making (The Wrong Kind Of) History According to empirical work by political scientists Keith Poole and Howard Rosenthal, polarization in Congress is at its highest level since World War II (Chart II-8). Their research shows that the liberal-conservative dimension explains approximately 93% of all roll-call voting choices and that the two parties are drifting further apart on this crucial dimension.12 Chart II-8The Widening Ideological Gulf In The U.S. Congress Meanwhile, a 2014 Pew Research study has shown that Republicans and Democrats are moving further to the right and left, respectively. Chart II-9 shows the distribution of Republicans and Democrats on a 10-item scale of political values across the last three decades. In addition, "very unfavorable" views of the opposing party have skyrocketed since 2004 (Chart II-10), with 45% of Republicans and 41% of Democrats now seeing the other party as a "threat to the nation's well-being"! Chart II-9U.S. Political Polarization: Growing Apart Chart II-10Live And Let Die Much ink has been spilled trying to explain the mounting polarization in America.13 Our view remains that politics in a democracy operates on its own supply-demand dynamic. If there was no demand for polarized politics, especially at the congressional level, American politicians would not be so eager to supply it. We believe that five main factors - in our subjective order of importance - explain polarization in the U.S. today: Income Inequality And Immobility The increase in political polarization parallels rising income inequality in the U.S. (Chart II-11). The U.S. is a clear and distant outlier on both factors compared to its OECD peers (Chart II-12). However, Americans are not being divided neatly along income levels. This is because Republicans and Democrats disagree on how to fix income inequality. For Donald Trump voters, the solutions are to put up barriers to free trade and immigration while reducing income taxes for all income levels. For Hillary Clinton voters, it means more taxes on the wealthy and large corporations, while putting up some trade barriers and expanding entitlements. This means that the correlation between polarization and income inequality is misleading as there is no causality. Rather, rising income inequality, especially when combined with a low-growth environment, shifts the political narrative from the "politics of plenty" towards "politics of scarcity." It hardens interest and identity groups and makes them less generous towards the "other." Chart II-11Inequality Breeds Polarization Chart II-12Opportunity And Income: Americans Are Outliers Generational Warfare The political age gap is increasing (Chart II-13). This remains the case following the 2016 election, with 55% Millennials (18-29 year olds) having voted for Hillary Clinton. The problem for older voters, who tend to identify far more with the Republican Party, is that the Millennials are already the largest voting bloc in America (Chart II-14). And as Millennial voters start increasing their turnout, and as Baby Boomers naturally decline, the urgency to vote for Republican policymakers' increases. Chart II-13The Age Gap In American Politics Chart II-14Millennials Are The Biggest Bloc Geographical Segregation Noted political scientist Robert Putnam first cautioned that increasing geographic segregation into clusters of like-minded communities was leading to rising polarization.14 This explains, in large part, how liberal elites have completely missed the rise of Donald Trump. Left-leaning Americans tend to live in a left-leaning community. They share their morning cup-of-Joe with Liberals and rarely mix with the plebs supporting Trump. And of course vice-versa. University of Toronto professors Richard Florida and Charlotta Mellander have more recently shown in their "Segregated City" research that "America's cities and metropolitan areas have cleaved into clusters of wealth, college education, and highly-paid knowledge-based occupations."15 Their research shows that American neighborhoods are increasingly made up of people of the same income level, across all metropolitan areas. Florida and Mellander also show that educational and occupational segregation follows economic segregation. Meanwhile, the same research shows that Canada's most segregated metropolitan area, Montreal, would be the 227th most segregated city if it were in the U.S.! This form of geographic social distance fosters increasing polarization by allowing voters to remain aloof of their fellow Americans, their plight, needs, and concerns. The extreme urban-rural divide of the 2016 election confirms this thesis. Immigration Chart II-15Racial Composition Is Changing Much as with income inequality, there is a close correlation between political polarization and immigration. The U.S. is on its way to becoming a minority-majority country, with the percent of the white population expected to dip below 50% in 2045 (Chart II-15). Hispanic and Asian populations are expected to continue rising for the rest of the century. For many Americans facing the pernicious effects of low-growth, high debt, and elevated income inequality, the rising impact of immigration is anathema. Not only is the country changing its ethnic and cultural make-up, but the incoming immigrants tend to be less educated and thus lower-income than the median American. They therefore favor - or will favor, when they can vote - redistributive policies. Many Americans feel - fairly or unfairly - that the costs of these policies will have to be shouldered by white middle-class taxpayers, who are not wealthy enough to be indifferent to tax increases, and may be unskillful enough to face competition from immigrants. There is also a security component to the rising concern about immigration. Although Muslims are only 1% of the U.S. population, many voters perceive radical Islam to be a vital security threat to the nation. As such, immigration and radical Islamic terrorism are seen as close bedfellows. Media Polarization The 2016 election has been particularly devastating for mainstream media. According to the latest Gallup poll, only 32% of Americans trust the mass media "to report the news fully, accurately and fairly." This is the lowest level in Gallup polling history. The decline is particularly concentrated among Independent and Republican respondents (Chart II-16). With mainstream media falling out of favor for many Americans, voters are turning towards social media and the Internet. Facebook is now as important for political news coverage as local TV for Americans who get their news from the Internet (Chart II-17). Chart II-16A War Of Words Chart II-17New Sources Of News Not Always Credible The problem with getting your news coverage from Facebook is that it often means getting news coverage from "fake" sources. A recent experiment by BuzzFeed showed that three big right-wing Facebook pages published false or misleading information 38% of the time while three large left-wing pages did so in nearly 20% of posts.16 The Internet allows voters to self-select what ideological lens colors their daily intake of information and it transcends geography. Two American families, living next to each other in the same neighborhood, can literally perceive reality from completely different perspectives by customizing their sources of information. Chart II-18Gerrymandering ##br##Reduces Competitive Seats In addition to these five factors, one should also reaffirm the role of redistricting, or "gerrymandering." Over the last two decades, both the Democrats and Republicans (but mainly the latter) have redrawn geographical boundaries to create "ideologically pure" electoral districts. Of the 435 seats in the House of Representatives, only about 56 are truly competitive (Chart II-18). This improves job security for incumbent politicians and legislative-seat security for the party; but it also discourages legislators from reaching across the ideological aisle in order to ensure re-election. Instead, the main electoral challenge now comes from the member's own party during the primary election. For Republicans, this means that the challenge is most often coming from a candidate that is further to the right. Incumbent GOP politicians in Congress therefore have an incentive to maintain highly conservative records lest a challenge from the far-right emerges in a primary election. Given that the frequency of elections is high in the House of Representatives (every two years), legislators cannot take even a short break from partisanship. Redistricting deepens polarization, therefore, by changing the political calculus for legislators facing ideologically pure electorates in their home districts. Bottom Line: Polarization in the U.S. is a product of structural factors that are here to stay. Trump's narrow victory will in no way change that. But How Much Worse? Political polarization is not new. Older readers will remember 1968, when social unrest over the Vietnam War was at its height. Richard Nixon barely got over the finish line that year, beating Vice-President Hubert Humphrey by around 500,000 votes.17 Another contested election in a contested era. Chart II-19Party Is The Chief Source Of Identity Our concern is that the Republican and Democrat "labels" - or perhaps conservative and liberal labels - appear to be ossifying. For example, Pew Research showed in 2012 that the difference between Americans on 48 values is the greatest between Republicans and Democrats. This has not always been the case, as Chart II-19 shows. We suspect that the data would be even starker today, especially after the divisive 2016 campaign that has bordered on hysterical. This means that "Republican" and "Democrat" labels have become real and almost "sectarian" in nature. In fact, one's values are now determined more by one's party identification than race, education, income, religiosity, or gender! This is incredible, given America's history of racial and religious divisions. Why is this happening? We suspect that the shift in urgency and tone is motivated at least in part by the changing demographics of America. Two demographic groups that identify the most with the Republican Party - Baby Boomers and rural or suburban white voters - are in a structural decline (the first in absolute terms and the second in relative terms). Both see the writing on the political wall. Given America's democratic system of government, their declining numbers (or, in the case of suburban whites, declining majorities) will mean significant future policy decisions that go against their preferences. America is set to become more left-leaning, favor more redistribution, and become less culturally homogenous. Not only are Millennials more socially liberal and economically left-leaning, but they are also "browner" than the rest of the U.S. As we pointed out early this year, 2016 was an election that the GOP could reasonably attempt to win by appealing exclusively to white and older voters. The "White Hype" strategy was mathematically cogent ... at least in 2016.18 It will get a lot more difficult to pursue this strategy in 2020 and beyond. Not impossible, but difficult. We suspect that conservative voters know this. As such, there was an urgency this year to lock-in structural changes to key policies before it is too late. Donald Trump may have been a flawed messenger for many voters, but it did not matter. The clock is ticking for a large segment of America and therefore Trump was an acceptable vehicle of their fears and anger. Bottom Line: Polarization in the U.S. is likely to increase. Two key Republican/conservative constituencies - Baby Boomers and rural or suburban white voters - are backed into the corner by demographic trends. But it also means that a left counter-revolution is just around the corner. And we doubt that the Democratic Party will chose as centrist of a candidate the next time around. Final Thoughts: What Have We Learned Chart II-20Credit No Longer Hides Stagnant Income 1. Economics trump PC: Civil rights remain a major category of the American public's policy concerns. However, the Democratic Party's prioritization of social issues on the margins of the civil rights debate has not galvanized voters in the face of persistent negative attitudes about the economy. More specifically, the surge in cheap credit since 2000 that covered up the steady decline of wages as a share of GDP has ended, leaving households exposed to deleveraging and reduced purchasing power (Chart II-20). American households have lost patience with the slow, grinding pace of economic recovery, they reject the debt consequences of low inflation with deflationary tail risks, and they resent disappointed expectations in terms of job security and quality. Concerns about certain social preferences - as opposed to basic rights - pale in comparison to these economic grievances. 2. Polls are OK, but beware the quant models that use them: On two grave political decisions this year, in two advanced markets with the "best" quality of polling, political modeling turned out to be grossly erroneous. To be fair, the polls themselves prior to both Brexit and the U.S. election were within a margin of error. However, quantitative models relying on these polls were overconfident, leading investors to ignore the risks of a non-consensus outcome. As we warned in mid-October - with Clinton ahead with a robust lead - the problem with quantitative political models is that they rely on polling data for their input.19 To iron-out the noise of an occasional bad poll, political analysts aggregate the polls to create a "poll-of-polls." But combining polls is mathematically the same as combining bad mortgages into securities. The philosophy behind the methodology is that each individual object (mortgage or poll) may be flawed, but if you get enough of them together, the problems will all average out and you have a very low risk of something bad happening. Well, something bad did happen. The quantitative models were massively wrong! We tried to avoid this problem by heavily modifying our polls-based-model with structural factors. Many of these structural variables - economic context, political momentum, Obama's approval rating - actually did not favor Clinton. Our model therefore consistently gave Donald Trump between 35-45% probability of winning the election, on average three and four times higher than other popular quant models. This caused us to warn clients that our view on the election was extremely cautious and recommend hedges. In fact, Donald Trump had 41% chance of winning the race on election night, according to the last iteration of our model, a very high probability.20 3. Professor Lichtman was right: Political science professor Allan Lichtman has once again accurately called the election - for the ninth time. The result on Nov. 8 strongly supports his life's work that presidential elections in the United States are popular referendums on the incumbent party of the last four years. Structural factors undid the Democrats (Table II-3), and none of the campaign rhetoric, cross-country barnstorming, or "horse race" polling mattered a whit. The Republicans had momentum from previous midterm elections, Clinton had suffered a strong challenge in her primary, the Obama administration's achievements over the past four years were negligible (the Affordable Care Act passed in his first term). These factors, along with the political cycle itself, favored the Republicans. Trump's lack of charisma did not negate the structural support for a change of ruling party. Investors should take note: no amount of mathematical horsepower, big data, or Silicon Valley acumen was able to beat the qualitative, informed, contemplative work of a single historian. Table II-3Lichtman's Thirteen Keys To The White House* 4. Non-linearity of politics: Lichtman's method calls attention to the danger of linear assumptions and quantitative modeling in attempting the art of political prediction. Big data and quantitative econometric and polling models have notched up key failures this year. They cannot make subjective judgments regarding whether a president has had a major foreign policy success or failure or a major policy innovation - on all three of those counts, the Democrats failed from 2012-16. There really is no way to quantify political risk because human and social organizations often experience paradigm shifts that are characterized by non-linearity. Newtonian Laws will always work on planet earth and as such we are not concerned about what will happen to us if we board an airplane. Laws of physics will not simply stop working while we are mid-air. However, social interactions and political narratives do experience paradigm shifts. We have identified several since 2011: geopolitical multipolarity, de-globalization, end of laissez-faire consensus, end of Chimerica, and global loss of confidence in elites and institutions.21 5. No country is immune to decaying institutions: The United States has, with few exceptions, the oldest written constitution among major states, and it ensures checks and balances. But recent decades have shown that the executive branch has expanded its power at the expense of the legislative and judicial branches. Moreover, executives have responded to major crisis - like the September 11 attacks and the 2008 financial crisis - with policy responses that were formulated haphazardly, ideologically divisive, and difficult to implement: the Iraq War and the Affordable Care Act. The result is that the jarring events that have blindsided America over the past sixteen years have resulted in wasted political capital and deeper polarization. The failure of institutions has opened the way for political parties to pursue short-term gains at the expense of their "partners" across the aisle, and to bend and manipulate procedural rules to achieve ends that cannot be achieved through consensus and compromise. 6. U.S. is shifting leftward when it comes to markets: Inequality and social immobility have, with Trump's election, entered the conservative agenda, after having long sat on the liberals' list of concerns. The shift in white blue-collar Midwestern voters toward Trump reflects the fact that voters are non-partisan in demanding what they want: they want to retain their existing rights, privileges, and entitlements, and to expand their wages and social protections. Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Geopolitical Strategy marko@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken, Associate Editor mattg@bcaresearch.com 1 Except that it is better armed. 2 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Client Note, "U.S. Election: Trump's Arrested Development," dated November 8, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 3 However, Wisconsin polling was rather poor as most pollsters assumed that it was a shoe-in for Democrats. One problem with polling in Midwest states is that they were, other than Pennsylvania and Ohio, assumed to be safe Democratic states. Note for example the extremely tight result in Minnesota and the absolute dearth of polling out of that state throughout the last several months. 4 Please see BCA Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "Trumponomics: What Investors Need To Know," dated September 4, 2015, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 5 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "U.S. General Elections And Scenarios: Implications," dated July 11, 2012, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 6 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Introducing: The Median Voter Theory," dated June 8, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 7 Please see BCA Foreign Exchange Strategy Weekly Report, "When You Come To A Fork In The Road, Take It," dated November 4, 2016, available at fes.bcaresearch.com. 8 Please see BCA Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "End Of The 35-Year Bond Bull Market," dated July 5, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 9 Only a two-thirds majority of Congress, or a ruling by a federal court, can undo an executive action, and that is exceedingly rare. The real check on executive orders is the rotation of office: a president can undo with the stroke of a pen whatever his predecessor enacted. Congress has the power of the purse, but it is sporadic in its oversight and has challenged less than 5% of executive orders, even though those orders often re-direct the way the executive branch uses funds Congress has allocated. More often, Congress votes to codify executive orders rather than nullify them. 10 Trump is not alone in calling for renegotiating or even abandoning NAFTA. Clinton called for renegotiation in 2008, and Senator Bernie Sanders has done so in 2016. 11 In Proclamation 4074, dated August 15, 1971, Nixon suspended all previous presidential proclamations implementing trade agreements insofar as was required to impose a new 10% surcharge on all dutiable goods entering the United States. He justified it in domestic law by invoking the president's authority and previous congressional acts authorizing the president to act on behalf of Congress with regard to trade agreement negotiation and implementation (including tariff levels). He justified the proclamation in international law by referring to international allowances during balance-of-payments emergencies. 12 The "primary dimension" of Chart II-8 is represented by the x-axis and is the liberal-conservative spectrum on the basic role of the government in the economy. The "second dimension" (y-axis) depends on the era and is picking up regional differences on a number of social issues such as the civil rights movement (which famously split Democrats between northern Liberals and southern Dixiecrats). 13 We have penned two such efforts ourselves. Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Polarization In America: Transient Or Structural Risk?," dated October 9, 2013, and "A House Divided Cannot Stand: America's Polarization," dated July 11, 2012," available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 14 Putnam, Robert. 2000. Bowling Alone. New York: Simon and Schuster. 15 Please see Martin Prosperity Institute, "Segregated City," dated February 23, 2015, available at martinprosperity.org. 16 Please see BuzzFeedNews, "Hyperpartisan Facebook Pages Are Publishing False And Misleading Information At An Alarming Rate," dated October 20, 2016, available at buzzfeed.com. 17 Nonetheless, due to the third-party candidate George Wallace carrying the then traditionally-Democratic South, Nixon managed to win the Electoral College in a landslide. 18 Please see BCA Global Investment Strategy and Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "U.S. Election: The Great White Hype," dated March 9, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 19 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "You've Been Trumped!," dated October 21, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 20 For comparison, Steph Curry, the greatest three-point shooter in basketball history, and a two-time NBA MVP, has a career three-point shooting average of 44%. With that average, he is encouraged to take every three-pointer he can by his team. In other words, despite being less than 50%, this is a very high percentage. 21 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "Strategy Outlook 2015 - Paradigm Shifts," dated January 21, 2015, and "Strategy Outlook 2016 - Multipolarity & Markets," dated December 9, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com.