Geopolitics

Executive Summary Indian Voter’s Economic Miseries Are Ascendant Indian Voter's Economic Miseries Are Ascendant Indian Voter's Economic Miseries Are Ascendant India has a strong strategic geopolitical position but is likely to face turbulence in the short term. This is because India remains expensive, and investors worry if the record political stability shown by India since 2014 can last. We highlight that the ruling Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) may lose some seats in the near term. India’s most populous states could witness a few cases of social conflict as economic miseries grow. India may also temporarily resort to a degree of fiscal populism. But the BJP will be able to hold power for a third consecutive term in 2024, that too with a simple majority. The burst of fiscal populism will be temporary. Moreover, the next tier of India’s most populous states are well-positioned to drive India’s growth story in the long run. We urge investors to tactically short India / long Brazil financials given that India may see some turbulence in the short run. Strategic investors should consider long India tech / short China tech. Trade Recommendation Inception Date Return SHORT INDIA / LONG BRAZIL FINANCIALS 2022-02-10 12.5% Bottom Line: The ruling political party in India may face some political setbacks in the short term. It could even resort to fiscal populism. But the ruling party in a base case, should be able to retain power for a third term in 2024. On a tactical timeframe we advise caution on India but remain constructive on a strategic horizon. Feature The woods are lovely, dark and deep, But I have promises to keep, And miles to go before I sleep, And miles to go before I sleep. – Robert Frost, Stopping By Woods On A Snowy Evening (New Hampshire, 1923)   The protagonist in this famous poem is overwhelmed by the beauty of the wintry woods, but then must stay vigilant about the here and now. The situation that confronts an investor into India today, is surprisingly similar. India has a strong strategic geopolitical position, a position that has strengthened following the Ukraine war. However, Indian markets might face turbulence in the short term. This is because India remains expensive and its ability to keep promises (about high degrees of political stability or about its fiscal discipline) could be tested on a tactical time horizon. In specific, investors with exposure to India worry about three politico-economic challenges: The Anti-Incumbency Challenge Related Report  Geopolitical StrategyIndia's Politics: Know When To Hold 'Em, Know When To Fold 'Em 13 September 2013 is a key date in India’s modern history. On this day the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) announced Narendra Modi as BJP’s prime ministerial (PM) candidate just a few months ahead of the 2014 general elections. From 13 September 2013 till date, MSCI India has incidentally outperformed MSCI EM by a resounding 94.8%. In 2013, markets celebrated the rise of the Modi-led BJP government since such a dispensation was new, and it promised to deliver structural reform. But now when general elections will be held in 2024, the BJP must deal with a middling report card on reforms and a two-term anti-incumbency to boot. Given this clients worry if 2024 could see India go back to an era of coalition governments? The Fiscal Challenge India under BJP has displayed impressive degrees of fiscal discipline. With rising inflation now adding to Indian voters’ miseries and with a loaded state election calendar due in 2023, investors ask if India’s notable streak of fiscal fortitude can last? The Demographics Challenge As China’s weak demographic future becomes clearer, India’s youthful demographics keep attracting paeans. This is partially responsible for the fact that India has traded at a five-year average premium of 54.5% to China on forward price to earnings. With increasing reports of communal violence and inflation-related protests breaking out in India, investors also worry about India’s so-called demographic dividend and how best to play the game? In a foundational GPS Special Report published in 2018 we had made the point that, “Predicting political outcomes is difficult, but to generate geopolitical alpha investors should focus on ‘beating the spread’ not predicting the match winner”. At a time when there is much uncertainty about India’s immediate future, we highlight three key base case predictions with respect to India. By highlighting these key predictions, we hope investors can position themselves for generating geopolitical alpha. We conclude the report with actionable investment recommendations. India’s High Political Stability, Likely To Stay In 2024 Chart 1Bhartiya Janata Party’s (BJP) Win In India In 2014 Was Historic Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... The Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) stormed into power in 2014. Its assumption of power under PM Modi’s leadership was historic. This is because this was the first time since 1984 that a single political party had managed to secure a simple majority on its own steam (Chart 1). The rise of BJP in this resurrected avatar marked a structural break from the past, in three distinct ways: End To Instability Of Nineties: The rise of BJP 2.0 in 2014 marked an end to the political instability seen in the nineties when governments struggled to complete their full five-year terms. This is a problem that India’s South Asian neighbors like Sri Lanka and Pakistan are yet to overcome. End Of Coalition Politics Of Early 2000s: BJP’s rise in 2014 also marked an end to the coalition politics of the early 2000s. While three coalition governments in India managed to complete their five-year terms from 1999-2014, the reform agenda over this period was often held at ransom by smaller coalition partners. India’s ability to break away from coalition governments back in 2014 was commendable given that several developing countries as well as developed countries still have coalition governments at the helm. Regime Continuity: The BJP’s rise in 2014 and their re-election in 2019 meant that the same political party was able to hold power in India (that too with a simple majority) for a decade. Other EMs have not seen this quality of continuity over the last few years.  Owing to this streak of unprecedented political stability that India has been able to offer since 2014, India has attracted a high premium relative to democratic EM peers (Chart 2). But with India’s general elections due in 2024, investors into India are keen to know if India will continue to attract this high political stability premium. This worry is justified for two sets of reasons: (1)    The last time any government in India was able to pull off three consecutive full five-year terms, was way back in the sixties. There is no recent precedent to BJP’s pursuit for a third consecutive term in India. (2)   The most recent election held in India’s largest state i.e., Uttar Pradesh saw the BJP retain power but saw its seat count fall by 18%. This, investors worry could be an indicator of BJP losing traction in the politically critical region of northern India. Reading the tea leaves left behind after all recent elections suggests that India is most likely to see a single political party maintain a simple majority for a third consecutive term in 2024. BJP’s footprint northern in India will be dented owing to anti-incumbency. But despite this, the BJP should be able to maintain a simple majority at the national level in 2024. This is because the BJP appears to be working on deploying a crucial strategy i.e., to offset declines in north India with gains elsewhere. India’s northern states account for 45% of India’s population. Whilst the BJP’s rise in 2014 was pivoted on this geography, its ability to retain power beyond a decade will be dependent on its ability to offset losses in India’s sprawling north with gains in other large states. Interestingly, the BJP’s predecessor i.e., the Congress party had to deal with the reciprocal of this problem. The Congress party stayed in power for a decade (from 2004-14) owing to support from southern and western Indian states. But then the Congress party’s reign could not last beyond a decade because it failed to break into northern India (Chart 3); at a time when it was losing popularity in India’s west and south. Chart 2India Has Been Trading At A Premium To EM Democracies India Has Been Trading At A Premium To EM Democracies India Has Been Trading At A Premium To EM Democracies ​​​​​​ Chart 3Congress Party-Led UPA Alliance Could Not Break Into North India Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... ​​​​​​ The fact that the BJP is now working to straddle both i.e. (1) its traditional base in the north and west as well as (2) new geographies in the east and south is evident from the recent election results: 2019 General Elections: Even as BJP’s seat count in the north Indian states of Uttar Pradesh and Bihar fell in 2019 (Chart 3) it managed to offset this decline by increasing presence in India’s east (in states like West Bengal and Orissa) and in India’s south (in states like Karnataka and Telangana). Consequently, the share of BJP’s seats accounted for by major states outside north India notably increased in 2019 from 2014 (Chart 4). Recent State Elections: The BJP has evidently been able to offset losses in its core northern base (in states like Uttar Pradesh), by increasing its presence in India’s east (in states like West Bengal and Bihar) (Chart 5). Chart 4BJP Is Growing Its Influence Outside North India Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... ​​​​​​ Chart 5BJP Is Offsetting Losses In North With Gains In East Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... ​​​​​​ Chart 6In a Base Case, BJP Should Cross The Halfway Mark At 2024 General Elections Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... In fact, it is critical to note that state elections are due in Gujarat in December 2022, where the BJP is highly likely to lose seat share as it faces a five-term anti-incumbency. Given that Gujarat as a region too is part of BJP’s core voter base, BJP’s seat losses in Gujarat could trigger a wave of selling on India’s bourses. If this leads India’s expensive valuations to be driven down, then this could present a buying opportunity because as long as the BJP keeps compensating for losses in traditional constituencies with inroads into newer realms (like say Karnataka where state elections are due in May 2023 or in Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh where elections are due in end-2023); BJP’s standalone seat count in 2024 is highly likely to cross the half-way mark (Chart 6). To conclude, we re-iterate our constructive outlook on India on a strategic horizon, in view of the high probability of regime continuity lasting in this EM beyond a decade. In a worst-case scenario, we expect a BJP-led coalition to assume power in India in 2024 but this coalition too will be stable and should need the support of a maximum of two regional parties. Bottom Line: The BJP will lose seat share in parts of north and west India but should be able to retain power in 2024 by offsetting these losses with gains in India’s east and south. Most recent election results confirm that the BJP is working meticulously to make this formula work. If BJP’s political losses in its traditional constituencies triggers a market correction, then this should be used as a buying opportunity by strategic investors. Fiscal Risks In India Are Not Dead; They Will Surface, Before Receding Again In 1952 when India’s first national assembly was formed, left-leaning parties were the mainstay of India’s national politics. Back then a left-of-center party i.e., the Congress Party was in power with +70% seats in the national assembly. Then, the leftist Communist Party of India (CPI) was the second largest political party. As the decades went by left-leaning policies kept losing importance in India but the left-of-center national parties influenced Indian politics in a big way right up until 2014. Cut to 2014, the rise of the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) meant that the mainstay of Indian politics now became right-of-center politics. Left-leaning parties became too insignificant to matter at the national level with the Congress Party and the Communist Party of India (M) now cumulatively accounting for only about 11% seats in the national assembly. India’s political pendulum swinging to the right was accompanied by another key development i.e., India’s fiscal management became more prudent (Chart 7). Doles and transfer payments were restrained, and efforts were also made to shore-up tax revenues. But does the BJP-led transition to right-of-center politics mean that left-of-center politics in India are dead, as are the associated risks of fiscal populism? The Indian bond market seems to think so. India’s 10-year bond yield is up only 85 bps since 1 Jan 2020 to date, which is lower than a 106 bps increase seen in the US or 573 bps increase seen in a large emerging market like Brazil. Notwithstanding the superior fiscal discipline maintained by BJP-led governments so far, it is worth asking if this streak of fiscal resilience can last over the next two years? We highlight that even as the right-of-center BJP will remain a force to reckon with, we expect the BJP’s fiscal policy to temporarily swerve to the left owing to three sets of reasons: Miseries Breed Populism: It is true that recent BJP-led governments have maintained superior fiscal discipline (Chart 7). However high levels of inflation are known to feed populist tendencies of governments globally. India will be no exception to this trend because economic miseries of India’s median voter have worsened over the last six months (Chart 8). Chart 7BJP Led Governments Have Maintained Tighter Fiscal Deficits In India Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... ​​​​​​ Chart 8Economic Miseries Of India's Median Voter Have Been Worsening Economic Miseries Of India's Median Voter Have Been Worsening Economic Miseries Of India's Median Voter Have Been Worsening ​​​​​​ Chart 9Government Spends Tend To Pick Up In The Run-Up To General Elections Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Political Cycle: History also suggests that there is a cyclical element to fiscal laxity in India. Populism as a theme tends to become more defined in the two years leading to a general election (Chart 9). This cyclicality in fiscal expansion could also be driven by the fact that India tends to have a loaded state election calendar in the year just before a general election. Competition: As the BJP’s reign matures, it will increasingly face competition from regional parties (Chart 10). Given that most major regional political parties in India operate on the segment between the center and the left of political spectrum (Chart 10), BJP may see sense in metamorphosizing its fiscal policy into one which is closer to the left, albeit temporarily. Chart 10Regional Parties Like SP And AAP Could Grow Their National Footprint Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Chart 11India’s Debt Levels Are High And Rising Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... It is worth noting that as compared to major EMs, India’s debt levels are high today (Chart 11). Against this backdrop an expansion of India’s fiscal deficit could result in turbulence in Indian markets. Bottom Line: The BJP is highly likely to temporarily switch to an expansive fiscal policy stance in the run up to the 2024 general elections. This shift will be driven by the need to retain power in the face of rising miseries of its median voter and to overcome competition from influential regional players. Most Populous Regions, May Not Necessarily Be Drivers Of India’s Growth The ‘demographic dividend’ narrative is often used to justify a bullish stance on India. But such a narrative oversimplifies India’s investment case and may even yield poor investment outcomes. India’s demographics power its consumption engine, but the same demographics can also be a liability sometimes. This is because while India is young, its populace is also poor and large. The combination of a massive population (that creates pressure on limited resources) and nascent institutions (that are yet to ensure a fair use of resources) is at the heart of corruption in India. For instance, the coming to light of the 2G-spectrum scam a decade ago on 16 November 2010 saw Indian markets correct by 6% over the next ten days. Hence ‘corruption’ is one of the ways in which India’s demographics can end-up being a drag on India’s investment returns. Chart 12Six Indian States Account For India’s Political Nucleus Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... With China’s population likely to have peaked last year, India’s population which is likely to peak in the 2040s - keeps attracting investor interest. In this report we peel the onion around India’s demographics in a way that allows investors to make the most of its demographics, whilst avoiding pitfalls associated with the same. We highlight that paradoxically; India’s most populous states may not be the main drivers of India’s growth over the next decade. On the other hand, investing in the ‘next eight’ most populous states, could present a superior opportunity to profit from India’s demographics. Six Indian states account for more than half of India’s population (Chart 12) and each of these states are larger than Germany or Turkey in terms of population (Map 1). Despite being populous, these states could emerge as flashpoints of social conflict over the next decade. This is because it is possible that these states’ economic growth fails to be brisk enough to meet aspirations of its vast populace. Early signs of this phenomenon are evident from the fact that these states’ share in India’s population has been rising, but their share in national income has fallen (Chart 13). Today these six states account for more than half of India’s population but generate less than half of its national GDP (Chart 14). Map 1India’s Most Populous States, May Not Necessarily Lead On Growth Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Chart 13Most Populous States Of India, Are Not Necessarily Leading On Growth Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... ​​​​​​ Chart 14Next Eight Largest States Of India Are Economically Dynamic Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... ​​​​​​ Despite accounting for the lion’s share of India’s population, these six states’ growth potential could be compromised by: Economic Weakness: Primary sectors account for an unusually large share of the local economies of the most populous states today (Chart 15). Social Complexity: Most of the populous states are also characterized by greater social complexity as compared to other Indian states (Chart 16). In other words, their populations are young but are also poor and more heterogenous, which in turn exposes these states to a higher risk of social conflict. Chart 15Primary Activities Account For A Large Chunk Of Populous States’ GDP Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... ​​​​​​ Chart 16The Risk Of Social Conflict Is Higher, In The More Populous States Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... ​​​​​​ ​​​Leverage: The debt to GDP ratio of the more populous states often tends to be higher too (Chart 17).​​​​​​​ Now contrary to the situation in India’s most populous states, India’s ‘next eight’ largest states (by population) could emerge as hubs of economic dynamism (Map 1). This is because: Faster Growth: These states' share in national GDP is growing faster than the pace at which their share in India’s population is growing (Chart 13). As of today, the next eight states account for less than a third of India’s population but more than a third of India’s national income (Chart 14). Fewer Constraints: The next eight most populous states have more modern economic structures (Chart 15), lower risk of social conflict (Chart 16) and mildly superior public finances (Chart 17). Last but not the least, the ‘next eight’ states are poised favorably from a political perspective as well. This is because the Bhartiya Janta Party (i.e., BJP) has a weak footprint in these states (Chart 18) and will be keen to offer supportive economic policies to win over their median voter. Chart 17More Populous States, Also Can Be More Leveraged Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... ​​​​​​ Chart 18Next Eight Most Populous States Likely To Attract More Political Attention Going Forward Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... ​​​​​​ Bottom Line: While the demographic dividend that India enjoys is real, its benefits will not be spread uniformly across India’s geographies. For instance, some of the most populous states of India could lag on the growth front. To profit from India’s demographics and yet mitigate risks associated with the same, we urge investors to build portfolios that maximize exposure to the second tier of populous states in India. Investment Conclusion The Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP) in India appears set to emerge as the first party in India’s modern history to retain power beyond a decade with a simple majority. But to pull off this rare feat, it will have to metamorphosize and may exhibit some changes such as: Develop a focus on regions that are outside its core constituency, in a bid to offset anti-incumbency in its core constituencies. Sharpen its policy focus on the next tier of populous states, given that some of these states have greater growth potential and given that the BJP’s footprint in the second tier of populous states has room to grow. Adopt an expansive fiscal policy in the run up to the 2024 elections, to combat the rising economic miseries of India’s median voter. To play these dynamics, we urge clients to consider the following trades: Strategic Trades For clients with a holding period mandate of more than 12 months, we urge such investors to go strategically long Indian tech / short Chinese tech (Chart 19). The trade allows investors to play the unique and high degrees of political stability that India will offer on a strategic horizon. Chart 19Strategic Trade: Long Indian Tech / Short Chinese Tech Strategic Trade: Long Indian Tech / Short Chinese Tech Strategic Trade: Long Indian Tech / Short Chinese Tech ​​​​​​ Chart 20Tactical Trade: Short India / Long Brazilian Financials Tactical Trade: Short India / Long Brazilian Financials Tactical Trade: Short India / Long Brazilian Financials ​​​​​​ Moreover, it is notable the Indian tech industry’s key bases are concentrated in Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh and Telangana. All three states fall within the next tier of populous states of India. Thus, this trade allows investors to maximize exposure to both an economically vibrant region and sector of India. Tactical Trades For investors with a holding period mandate of less than 12 months, a trade that can be activated to profit from India’s short-term geopolitical risks is to short India / long Brazilian Financials (Chart 20). This allows investors to profit from the cyclical risks that will affect India (1) as commodity prices stay high and (2) as rising economic miseries fan fiscal risks.​​​​​​​   Ritika Mankar, CFA Editor/Strategist ritika.mankar@bcaresearch.com   Strategic Themes Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Regional Geopolitical Risk Matrix

Listen to a short summary of this report.         Executive Summary The US Inflation Surprise Index Has Rolled Over Goldilocks: A Skeptical Q&A Goldilocks: A Skeptical Q&A Global equities are nearing a bottom and will rally over the coming months as inflation declines and growth reaccelerates. While equity valuations are not at bombed-out levels, they have cheapened significantly. Global stocks trade at 15.3-times forward earnings. We are upgrading tech stocks from underweight to neutral. The NASDAQ Composite now trades at a forward P/E of 22.6, down from 32.9 at its peak last year. The 10-year Treasury yield should decline to 2.5% by the end of the year, which will help tech stocks at the margin. The US dollar has peaked. A weakening dollar will provide a tailwind to stocks, especially overseas bourses. US high-yield spreads are pricing in a default rate of 6.2% over the next 12 months, well above the trailing default rate of 1.2%. Favor high-yield credit over government bonds within a fixed-income portfolio.   Bottom Line: The recent sell-off in stocks provides a good opportunity to increase equity allocations. We expect global stocks to rise 15%-to-20% over the next 12 months. Back to Bullish We wrote a report on April 22nd arguing that global equities were heading towards a “last hurrah” in the second half of the year as a Goldilocks environment of falling inflation and supply-side led growth emerges. Last week, we operationalized this view by tactically upgrading stocks to overweight after having downgraded them in late February. This highly out-of-consensus view change, coming at a time when surveys by the American Association of Individual Investors and other outfits show extreme levels of bearishness, has garnered a lot of attention. In this week’s report, we answer some of the most common questions from the perspective of a skeptical reader.   Q: Inflation is at multi-decade highs, global growth is faltering, and central banks are about to hike rates faster than we have seen in years. Isn’t it too early to turn bullish? A: We need to focus on how the world will look like in six months, not how it looks like now. Inflation has likely peaked and many of the forces that have slowed growth, such as China’s Covid lockdown and the war in Ukraine, could abate.   Q: What is the evidence that inflation has peaked? And may I remind you, even if inflation does decline later this year, this is something that most investors and central banks are already banking on. Inflation would need to fall by more than expected for your bullish scenario to play out. A: That’s true, but there is good reason to think that this is precisely what will happen.  Overall spending in the US is close to its pre-pandemic trend. However, spending on goods remains above trend while spending on services is below trend (Chart 1). Services prices tend to be stickier than goods prices. Thus, the shift in spending patterns caused goods inflation to rise markedly with little offsetting decline in services inflation. To cite one of many examples, fitness equipment prices rose dramatically, but gym membership fees barely fell (Chart 2). Chart 1Total US Consumer Spending Is Almost Exactly At Its Pre-Pandemic Trend, But The Composition Of Spending Remains Skewed Total US Consumer Spending Is Almost Exactly At Its Pre-Pandemic Trend, But The Composition Of Spending Remains Skewed Total US Consumer Spending Is Almost Exactly At Its Pre-Pandemic Trend, But The Composition Of Spending Remains Skewed Chart 2Asymmetries Matter: Firms Manufacturing Sports Equipment Jacked Up Prices, But Gyms Barely Cut Prices Asymmetries Matter: Firms Manufacturing Sports Equipment Jacked Up Prices, But Gyms Barely Cut Prices Asymmetries Matter: Firms Manufacturing Sports Equipment Jacked Up Prices, But Gyms Barely Cut Prices As goods demand normalizes, goods inflation will come down. Meanwhile, the supply of goods should increase as the pandemic winds down, and hopefully, a detente is reached in Ukraine. There are already indications that some supply-chain bottlenecks have eased (Chart 3). Q: Even if supply shocks abate, which seems like a BIG IF to me, wouldn’t the shift in spending towards services supercharge what has been only a modest acceleration in services inflation so far? A: Wages are the most important driver of services inflation. Although the evidence is still tentative, it does appear as though wage inflation is peaking. The 3-month annualized growth rate in average hourly earnings for production and nonsupervisory workers slowed from 7.2% in the second half of 2021 to 3.8% in April (Chart 4). Assuming productivity growth of 1.5%, this is consistent with unit labor cost inflation of only slightly more than 2%, which is broadly consistent with the Fed’s CPI inflation target.1 Image Chart 4Wage Pressures May Be Starting To Ease Wage Pressures May Be Starting To Ease Wage Pressures May Be Starting To Ease Image Moreover, a smaller proportion of firms expect to raise wages over the next six months than was the case late last year according to a variety of regional Fed surveys (Chart 5). The same message is echoed by the NFIB small business survey (Chart 6). Consistent with all this, the US Citi Inflation Surprise Index has rolled over (Chart 7).   Chart 6... Small Business Owners Included ... Small Business Owners Included ... Small Business Owners Included Chart 7The US Inflation Surprise Index Has Rolled Over The US Inflation Surprise Index Has Rolled Over The US Inflation Surprise Index Has Rolled Over   Q: What about the “too cold” risk to your Goldilocks scenario? The risks of recession seem to be rising. A: The market is certainly worried about this outcome, and that has been the main reason stocks have fallen of late. However, we do not think this fear is justified, certainly not in the US (Chart 8). US households are sitting on $2.3 trillion excess savings, equal to about 14% of annual consumption. The ratio of household debt-to-disposable income is down 36 percentage points from its highs in early 2008, giving households the wherewithal to spend more. Core capital goods orders, a good leading indicator for capex, have surged. The homeowner vacancy rate is at a record low, suggesting that homebuilding will be fairly resilient in the face of higher mortgage rates.   Q: It seems like the Fed has a nearly impossible task on its hands: Increase labor market slack by enough to cool the economy but not so much as to trigger a recession. You yourself have pointed out that the Fed has never achieved this in its history. A: It is correct that the unemployment rate has never risen by more than one-third of a percentage point in the US without a recession occurring (Chart 9). That said, there are three reasons to think that a soft landing can be achieved this time. Image Chart 9When Unemployment Starts Rising, It Usually Keeps Rising When Unemployment Starts Rising, It Usually Keeps Rising When Unemployment Starts Rising, It Usually Keeps Rising First, increasing labor market slack is easier if one can raise labor supply rather than reducing labor demand. Right now, the participation rate is nearly a percentage point below where it was in 2019, even if one adjusts for increased early retirement during the pandemic (Chart 10). Wages have risen relatively more at the bottom end of the income distribution. This should draw more low-wage workers into the labor force. Furthermore, according to the Federal Reserve, accumulated bank savings for the lowest-paid 20% of workers have been shrinking since last summer, which should incentivize job seeking (Chart 11). Chart 10Labor Participation Has Further Scope To Recover Labor Participation Has Further Scope To Recover Labor Participation Has Further Scope To Recover Chart 11Depleted Savings Will Force More Lower-Wage Workers Into The Labor Market Depleted Savings Will Force More Lower-Wage Workers Into The Labor Market Depleted Savings Will Force More Lower-Wage Workers Into The Labor Market Second, long-term inflation expectations remain well contained, which makes a soft landing more likely. Median expected inflation 5-to-10 years out in the University of Michigan survey stood at 3% in May, roughly where it was between 2005 and 2013 (Chart 12). Median expected earnings growth in the New York Fed Survey of Consumer Expectations was only slightly higher in April than it was prior to the pandemic (Chart 13). Chart 12Consumer Long-Term Inflation Expectations Have Risen But Remain Relatively Low Consumer Long-Term Inflation Expectations Have Risen But Remain Relatively Low Consumer Long-Term Inflation Expectations Have Risen But Remain Relatively Low Chart 13US Consumers Do Not Expect Wages To Grow At A Much Higher Rate Than In The Pre-Pandemic Period US Consumers Do Not Expect Wages To Grow At A Much Higher Rate Than In The Pre-Pandemic Period US Consumers Do Not Expect Wages To Grow At A Much Higher Rate Than In The Pre-Pandemic Period A third reason for thinking that a soft landing may be easier to achieve this time around is that the US private-sector financial balance – the difference between what the private sector earns and spends – is still in surplus (Chart 14). This stands in contrast to the lead-up to both the 2001 and 2008-09 recessions, when the private sector was living beyond its means.   Q: You have spoken a lot about the US, but the situation seems dire elsewhere. Europe may already be in recession as we speak! A: The near-term outlook for Europe is indeed challenging. The euro area economy grew by only 0.8% annualized in the first quarter. Mathieu Savary, BCA’s Chief European Strategist, expects an outright decline in output in Q2. To no one’s surprise, the war in Ukraine is weighing on European growth. The Bundesbank estimates that a full embargo of Russian oil and gas would reduce German real GDP by an additional 5% on top of the damage already inflicted by the war (Chart 15). Chart 14The US Private-Sector Financial Balance Remains In Surplus The US Private-Sector Financial Balance Remains In Surplus The US Private-Sector Financial Balance Remains In Surplus Chart 15Germany’s Economy Will Sink Without Russian Energy Goldilocks: A Skeptical Q&A Goldilocks: A Skeptical Q&A While such a full embargo is possible, it is not our base case. In a remarkable about-face, Putin now says he has “no problems” with Finland and Sweden joining NATO, provided that they do not place military infrastructure in their countries. He had previous threatened a military response at the mere suggestion of NATO membership. In any case, there are few signs that Putin’s increasingly insular and dictatorial regime would respond to an oil embargo or other economic incentives. The wealthy oligarchs who were supposed to rein him in are cowering in fear. It is also not clear if Europe would gain any political leverage over Russia by adopting policies that push its own economy into a recession. It is worth noting that the price of the December 2022 European natural gas futures contract is down 39% from its peak at the start of the war (Chart 16). It is also noteworthy that European EPS estimates have been trending higher this year even as GDP growth estimates have been cut (Chart 17). This suggests that the analyst earnings projections were too conservative going into the year. Chart 16European Natural Gas Futures Are High But Below Their Peak European Natural Gas Futures Are High But Below Their Peak European Natural Gas Futures Are High But Below Their Peak Chart 17European And US EPS Estimates Have Been Trending Higher This Year European And US EPS Estimates Have Been Trending Higher This Year European And US EPS Estimates Have Been Trending Higher This Year Chart 18Chinese Property Sector: Signs Of Contraction Chinese Property Sector: Signs Of Contraction Chinese Property Sector: Signs Of Contraction Q: What about China? The lockdowns are crippling growth and the property market is in shambles. A: There is truth to both those claims. The government has all but said that it will not abandon its zero-Covid policy anytime soon, even going as far as to withdraw from hosting the 2023 AFC Asian Cup. While the number of new cases has declined sharply in Shanghai, future outbreaks are probable. On the bright side, China is likely to ramp up domestic production of Pfizer’s Paxlovid drug. Increased availability of the drug will reduce the burden of the disease once social distancing restrictions are relaxed. As far as the property market is concerned, sales, starts, completions, as well as home prices are all contracting (Chart 18). BCA’s China Investment Strategy expects accelerated policy easing to put the housing sector on a recovery path in the second half of this year. Nevertheless, they expect the “three red lines” policy to remain in place, suggesting that the rebound in housing activity will be more muted than in past recoveries.2  Ironically, the slowdown in the Chinese housing market may not be such a bad thing for the rest of the world. Remember, the main problem these days is inflation. To the extent that a sluggish Chinese housing market curbs the demand for commodities, this could provide some relief on the inflation front.   Q: So bad news is good news. Interesting take. Let’s turn to markets. You mentioned earlier that equity sentiment was very bearish. Fair enough, but I would note the very same American Association of Individual Investors survey that you cited also shows that investors’ allocation to stocks is near record highs (Chart 19). Shouldn’t we look at what investors are doing rather than what they’re saying? A: The discrepancy may not be as large as it seems. As Chart 20 illustrates, investors may not like stocks, but they like bonds even less. Chart 19Individual Investors Still Hold A Lot Of Stock Individual Investors Still Hold A Lot Of Stock Individual Investors Still Hold A Lot Of Stock   Image Chart 20B... But They Like Bonds Even Less ... But They Like Bonds Even Less ... But They Like Bonds Even Less Chart 21Global Equities Are More Attractively Valued After The Recent Sell-Off Global Equities Are More Attractively Valued After The Recent Sell-Off Global Equities Are More Attractively Valued After The Recent Sell-Off Global equities currently trade at 15.3-times forward earnings; a mere 12.5-times outside the US. The global forward earnings yield is 6.7 percentage points higher than the global real bond yield. In 2000, the spread between the earnings yield and the real bond yield was close to zero (Chart 21). It should also be mentioned that institutional data already show a sharp shift out of equities. The latest Bank of America survey revealed that fund managers cut equity allocations to a net 13% underweight in May from a 6% overweight in April and a net 55% overweight in January. Strikingly, fund managers were even more underweight bonds than stocks. Cash registered the biggest overweight in two decades.   Q: Your bullish equity bias notwithstanding, you were negative on tech stocks last year, arguing that the NASDAQ would turn into the NASDOG. Given that the NASDAQ Composite is down 29% from its highs, is it time to increase exposure to some beaten down tech names? A: Both the cyclical and structural headwinds facing tech stocks that we discussed in These Three High-Flying Equity Sectors Could Come Crashing Back Down To Earth and The Disruptor Delusion remain in place. Nevertheless, with the NASDAQ Composite now trading at 22.6-times forward earnings, down from 32.9 at its peak last year, an underweight in tech is no longer appropriate (Chart 22). A neutral stance is now preferable.   Chart 22Tech Stock Valuations Have Returned To Earth Tech Stock Valuations Have Returned To Earth Tech Stock Valuations Have Returned To Earth Q: I guess if bond yields come down a bit more, that would help tech stocks? A: Yes. Tech stocks tend to be growth-oriented. Falling bond yields raise the present value of expected cash flows more for growth companies than for other firms. While we do expect global bond yields to eventually rise above current levels, yields are likely to decline modestly over the next 12 months as inflation temporarily falls. We expect the US 10-year yield to end the year at around 2.5%.   Q: A decline in US bond yields would undermine the high-flying dollar, would it not? A: It depends on how bond yields abroad evolve. US Treasuries tend to be relatively high beta, implying that US yields usually fall more when global yields are declining (Chart 23). Thus, it would not surprise us if interest rate differentials moved against the dollar later this year. Chart 23US Treasuries Have A Higher Beta Than Most Other Government Bond Markets US Treasuries Have A Higher Beta Than Most Other Government Bond Markets US Treasuries Have A Higher Beta Than Most Other Government Bond Markets It is also important to remember that the US dollar is a countercyclical currency (Chart 24). If global growth picks up as pandemic dislocations fade and the Ukraine war winds down, the dollar is likely to weaken. Chart 24The Dollar Is A Countercyclical Currency The Dollar Is A Countercyclical Currency The Dollar Is A Countercyclical Currency Image A wider trade deficit could also imperil the greenback. The US trade deficit has increased from US$45 billion in December 2019 to US$110 billion. Equity inflows have helped finance the trade deficit, but net flows have turned negative of late (Chart 25). Finally, the dollar is quite expensive – 27% overvalued based on Purchasing Power Parity exchange rates.   Q: Let’s sum up. Please review your asset allocation recommendations both for the next 12 months and beyond. A: To summarize, global inflation has peaked. Growth should pick up later this year as supply-chain bottlenecks abate. The combination of falling inflation and supply-side led growth will provide a springboard for equities. We expect global stocks to rise 15%-to-20% over the next 12 months. Historically, non-US stocks have outperformed their US peers when the dollar has been weakening (Chart 26). EM stocks, in particular, have done well in a weak dollar environment Chart 26Non-US Stocks Will Benefit From A Weaker US Dollar Non-US Stocks Will Benefit From A Weaker US Dollar Non-US Stocks Will Benefit From A Weaker US Dollar Chart 27The Market Is Too Pessimistic On Default Risk The Market Is Too Pessimistic On Default Risk The Market Is Too Pessimistic On Default Risk Within fixed-income portfolios, we recommend a modest long duration stance over the next 12 months. We favor high-yield credit over safer government bonds. US high-yield spreads imply a default rate of 6.2% over the next 12 months compared to a trailing 12-month default rate of only 1.2% (Chart 27). Chart 28Falling Inflation Will Buoy Consumer Sentiment Falling Inflation Will Buoy Consumer Sentiment Falling Inflation Will Buoy Consumer Sentiment Our guess is that this Goldilocks environment will end towards the end of next year. As inflation comes down, real wage growth will turn positive. Consumer confidence, which is now quite depressed, will improve (Chart 28). Stronger demand will cause inflation to reaccelerate in 2024, setting the stage for another round of central bank rate hikes.   Peter Berezin Chief Global Strategist peterb@bcaresearch.com Follow me on           LinkedIn Twitter       Footnotes 1    The Federal Reserve targets an average inflation rate of 2% for the Personal Consumption Expenditures (PCE) index. Due to compositional differences between the two indices, CPI inflation has historically averaged 30-to-50 basis points higher than PCE inflation. This is why the Fed effectively targets a CPI inflation rate of 2.3%-to-2.5%. 2    The People’s Bank of China and the housing ministry issued a deleveraging framework for property developers in August 2020, consisting of a 70% ceiling on liabilities-to-assets, a net debt-to-equity ratio capped at 100%, and a limit on short-term borrowing that cannot exceed cash reserves. Developers breaching these “red lines” run the risk of being cut off from access to new loans from banks, while those who respect them can only increase their interest-bearing borrowing by 15% at most. Global Investment Strategy View Matrix Goldilocks: A Skeptical Q&A Goldilocks: A Skeptical Q&A Special Trade Recommendations Current MacroQuant Model Scores Goldilocks: A Skeptical Q&A Goldilocks: A Skeptical Q&A

Listen to a short summary of this report.     Executive Summary The Dollar Likes Volatility The Dollar Likes Volatility The Dollar Likes Volatility Uncertainty about Fed policy has supercharged volatility in bond markets, and correspondingly, USD demand (Feature chart). A well-telegraphed path of interest rates will deflate the volatility “bubble” in Treasury markets and erode the USD safety premium. The dollar has also already priced in a very aggressive path for US interest rates. The onus is on the Fed to deliver on these expectations. Our theme of playing central bank convergence – by fading excessive hawkishness or dovishness by any one central bank – continues to play out. Our latest candidate: short EUR/JPY. The Russia-Ukraine conflict, and ensuing volatility in oil markets, is providing some trading opportunities. One of those is that “good” oil will continue to trade at a premium to “bad” oil. Go long a basket of CAD and NOK versus the RUB. TRADES* INITIATION DATE INCEPTION LEVEL TARGET RATE STOP LOSS PERCENT RETURNS SPOT CARRY** TOTAL Short DXY 2022-05-12 104.8 95 107       Short EUR/JPY 2022-05-12 133.278 120 137       Bottom Line: We recommended shorting the DXY index on April 8th at 102, with a tight stop at 104. That stop-loss was triggered this week. We are reinitiating this trade this week at 104.8, in line with our cyclical view that the dollar faces downside on a 12–18 month horizon.       Multiple factors tend to drive the dollar: Real interest rate differentials, growth divergences, portfolio flows into both public and private capital markets, or even safe-haven demand. Across both developed and emerging market currency pairs, the dollar has been strong (Chart 1), but what has been the key driver of these inflows? For most of this year, interest rate differentials have played a key role in pushing the dollar higher. That said, they have not been the complete story. Chart 2 shows that the dollar has very much overshot market expectations of Fed interest rate policy, relative to other central banks. That premium has been around 8%-10% in the DXY index. In real terms, the overshoot has been even higher. Chart 1The Dollar Has Been King Month In-Review: A Hefty Safe-Haven Premium In The Dollar Month In-Review: A Hefty Safe-Haven Premium In The Dollar Chart 2The Fed And The Dollar The Fed And The Dollar The Fed And The Dollar Chart 3The Dollar Likes Volatility The Dollar Likes Volatility The Dollar Likes Volatility A key source of this safe-haven premium has been rising volatility, specifically in the bond market. For most of the last two years, the dollar has tracked the MOVE index, a volatility measure of US Treasurys (Chart 3). Uncertainty about the path of US interest rates, and the corresponding rise in dollar hedging costs, have ushered in a wave of “naked” foreign buyers – owning USTs without a corresponding dollar hedge. Foreign purchases of US Treasurys are surging. Speculators have also expressed bearish bets on the euro, yen, and even sterling via the dollar. There is a case to be made that some of these bullish dollar bets will be unwound in the next few months, even if marginally. For example, the market expects rates to be 248 bps and 313 bps higher in the US by year end, respectively, compared to the euro area and Japan (Chart 4). This might be exaggerated. The real GDP growth and inflation differential between the eurozone and the US is 0.1% and 0.8%, respectively, for 2022. The difference in the neutral rate could be as low as 1.25%. This suggests that a simplified Taylor-rule framework will prescribe a policy rate differential of only 1.7% (1.25 + 0.5(0.8+0.1)). In a global growth slowdown, US inflation will come in much lower, which will allow the Fed to ratchet back interest rate expectations. Should growth accelerate, however, then growth differentials between open economies and the US will widen, narrowing the policy divergence we have been experiencing. The safe-haven premium in the dollar has also been visible in the equity market. One striking feature of the correction has been the inability for US equities to outperform, as they usually do, during a market riot point. The carnage in technology stocks has been absolute, and the tech-heavy US equity market continues to struggle against its global peers. As such, there has been a break in the historically strong relationship between the dollar and the outperformance of the US equity market (Chart 5). Chart 4Pricing In The Euro And Yen In Line With Rates Pricing In The Euro And Yen In Line With Rates Pricing In The Euro And Yen In Line With Rates Chart 5The Dollar Has Overshot The Relative Performance Of US Equities The Dollar Has Overshot The Relative Performance Of US Equities The Dollar Has Overshot The Relative Performance Of US Equities As US equity markets were surging throughout 2021, investors started accumulating dollars as a hedge against equity market capitulation, which explained the tight correlation between the put/call ratio and the USD (Chart 6). As the carry on the dollar has risen, and puts have become more expensive, our suspicion is that the greenback has become a preferred hedge. Chart 6Dollar Hedges Against A Drawdown In The S&P Dollar Hedges Against A Drawdown In The S&P Dollar Hedges Against A Drawdown In The S&P As we have highlighted in past reports, the dollar continues to face a tug of war. Higher interest rates undermine the US equity market leadership, while lower rates will reverse the record high speculative positioning in the dollar. Given recent market action, the path of US bond yields will be critical for the dollar outlook. Cresting inflation could pressure bond yields lower. As a strategy, we recommended shorting the DXY index on April 8th at 102, with a tight stop 104. That stop-loss was triggered this week. We are reinitiating this trade at 104.8, in line with our cyclical view that the dollar faces downside on a 12–18-month horizon. As usual, this week’s Month In Review report goes over our take on the latest G10 data releases and the implications for currency strategy both in the near term and longer term.   Chester Ntonifor Foreign Exchange Strategist chestern@bcaresearch.com   US Dollar: Inflation Will Be Key Chart 7How Sustainable Is The Breakout? How Sustainable Is The Breakout How Sustainable Is The Breakout The dollar DXY index is up 9% year-to-date, hitting multi-year highs (panel 1). The Fed increased interest rates by 50bps this month. In our view, the Fed will continue to calibrate monetary policy based on data, and the key releases continue to surprise to the upside. Headline CPI came in at 8.3% in April, while the core measure was at 6.2%. Both were higher than expected. Importantly, the month-on-month rate for core was 0.6%, much higher than a run rate of 0.2% that will be consistent with the Fed’s target of inflation (panel 2). It is important to note that used car prices have had an important contribution to US CPI. Airfares had an abnormally large contribution to US CPI for the month of April. As these prices crest, along with other supply-driven costs, inflation could meaningfully roll over in the coming months (panel 3). The job’s report was robust, but there was disappointment in the participation rate that fell from 62.4% to 62.2%. This suggests there might be more labor slack in the US than a 3.6% unemployment rate suggests. Wages continue to inflect higher. The Atlanta Fed Wage Growth Tracker currently sits at 6% (panel 4). These developments continue to underpin market expectations for aggressive interest rate increases. The market now expects the Fed to raise rates to 2.5% by December 2022. Speculators are also very long the dollar. Three factors could unhinge market expectations. First, inflation could come crashing back down to earth which will unwind some of the rate hikes priced in the very near term. That would hurt the dollar. Second, growth could pick up outside the US, especially in economies with lots of pent-up demand like Japan. Third, financial conditions could ease, which will help revive animal spirits. In conclusion, our 3-month view on the dollar remains neutral, but our 12-18-month assessment is to sell the dollar. We are reinitiating our short DXY position today with a stop-loss at 106.  Euro: A Recession Is Priced Chart 8Go Short EUR/JPY Go Short EUR/JPY Go Short EUR/JPY The euro has broken below 1.05 and the whisper circulating in markets is that parity is within striking distance. EUR/USD is down 8.7% year-to-date. We have avoided trading the euro against the dollar and have mostly focused on the crosses – long EUR/GBP, and this week, we are selling EUR/JPY. The euro is in a perfect tug of war: Rising inflation is threatening the credibility of the ECB while there is the risk of slowing growth tipping the euro area into a recession. In our view, the euro has already priced in the latter, much more than potentially higher rates in the eurozone. The ZEW sentiment index, a gauge of European growth prospects, is at COVID-19 lows, along with EUR/USD (panel 1). My colleague, Mathieu Savary, constructed a stagflation index for Europe which perfectly encapsulates the ECB’s quandary. A growing cohort of ECB members are supporting a July rate hike. On the surface, the ECB has the lowest rate in the G10 (outside of Switzerland). With HICP inflation at 7.5% (panel 2), emergency monetary settings are no longer required. A “least regrets” approach suggests gently nudging rates higher to address inflationary pressures. House prices in Germany and Italy are rising at their fastest pace in over a decade, much more than wage inflation (panel 3). The key for the ECB will be to telegraph that policy remains extremely accommodative. It is hard to envision that hiking rates from -0.5% to -0.25% will trigger a European recession, but the ECB will need to balance that outcome with the possibility that inflation crests and real rates rise in Europe. In our trading books, we are long EUR/GBP as a play on policy convergence between the ECB and the BoE. This week, we are playing the same theme via shorting EUR/JPY. In a risk-off environment, EUR/JPY should fall. In an economic boom, the cross has already priced in a stronger euro, relative to the yen (panel 4). We are neutral on the euro over a 3-month horizon but are buyers over 12-18 months.  Japanese Yen: A Mean-Reversion Play Chart 9A Capitulation In The Yen? A Capitulation In The Yen? A Capitulation In The Yen? The Japanese yen is down 10.5% year-to-date, one of the worst performing G10 currency this year. In retrospect, a chart formation since 1990 suggests that we witnessed a classic liquidation phase that could only be arrested by an exhaustion in selling pressure, or a shift in fundamentals (panel 1). The two key drivers of yen weakness are the rise in US yields (panel 2) and the higher cost of energy imports. As today’s price move suggests, any reversal in these key variables will lead to a selloff in USD/JPY – falling bond yields and/or lower energy prices. We have been timidly long the yen, via a short CHF position. Today we are introducing a short EUR/JPY trade as well. What has been remarkable in the last month is the improvement in Japanese economic fundamentals, as the country slowly emergences from the latest COVID-19 wave: Both the outlook and current situation components of the Eco Watchers Survey improved in April. This is a survey of small and medium-sized businesses, very sensitive to domestic conditions. PMIs in Japan are improving on both the manufacturing and service fronts. The Tokyo CPI surprised to the upside, with the headline figure at 2.5%. Historically, the earlier release of the Tokyo CPI has been a reliable gauge for nationwide inflation. Importantly, the release was much below BoJ forecasts. Inflation in Japan could surprise to the upside (panel 3). Employment numbers remain robust. The unemployment rate fell to 2.6% in March, and the jobs-to-applicants ratio rose to 1.22. The Bank of Japan has stayed dovish, reinforcing yield curve control in its April 27 meeting, with strong forward guidance. That said, the BoJ will have no choice but to pivot if inflationary pressures prove stronger than they anticipate, and/or the output gap in Japan closes much faster as demand recovers. Related Report  Foreign Exchange StrategyWhat To Do About The Yen? We were stopped out of our short USD/JPY position at 128. In retrospect, USD/JPY rallied above 131 and is finally falling back down to earth. We are already in the money on our short CHF/JPY position, from our last in-depth report on the yen. This week, we recommend shorting EUR/JPY.  British Pound: A Volte-Face By The BoE Chart 10The Pound Is Being Traded As High Beta The Pound Is Being Traded As High Beta The Pound Is Being Traded As High Beta The pound is down 9.8% year-to-date. While the Bank of England raised rates to 1% this month, they also expect the economy to temporarily dip into recession this year. This week’s disappointing GDP release confirmed the BoE’s fears. In short, pricing in the SONIA curve for BoE rate hikes remains aggressive. The Bank of England has been one of the more proactive central banks, yet the currency has been performing akin to an inflation crisis in emerging markets (panel 1). Inflation continues to soar in the UK with headline CPI now at 6.2% (panel 2). According to the BoE’s projections, inflation will rise to around 10% this year before peaking, well above previous forecasts of 8%. Together with tighter fiscal policy, the combination will be a hit to consumer sentiment. While the BOE must contain inflationary pressures (in accordance with their mandate), the risks of a policy mistake have risen, akin to the eurozone. Labor market conditions appear tight on the surface (panel 3), but our prognosis is that the UK needs less labor regulation, especially towards areas in the economy where labor shortages are acute and are pressuring wages higher. That is unlikely to change in the near term. As such, the current stance of tight monetary and fiscal policy will stomp out any budding economic green shoots. We are currently short sterling, via a long EUR position. In our view, the EUR/GBP cross still heavily underprices the risks to the UK economy in the near term. Given that the pound is very sensitive to global financial conditions (panel 1), it could rebound if recession fears ease, but our suspicion is that it will still underperform the euro.  Canadian Dollar: The BoC Will Stay Hawkish Chart 11The CAD Will Stay Resilient The CAD Will Stay Resilient The CAD Will Stay Resilient The CAD is down 3% year-to-date. The key driver of the CAD remains the outlook for monetary policy and the path of energy prices (panel 1). In the near term, oil prices will stay volatile, but the CAD has not priced in the fact that the BoC is matching the Fed during this interest rate cycle, and/or the rise in energy prices. Together with the NOK, we are going long the CAD versus the RUB today. As we expected, the Bank of Canada raised interest rates by 50bps to 1% at the April 13 meeting. Since then, all the measures the BoC looks at to calibrate monetary policy are continuing to suggest more tightening in monetary policy. Both headline and core inflation came in strong, with headline inflation at 6.7% in March. The common, trim, and median inflation prints were at 2.8%, 4.7%, and 3.8%, respectively, well above the BoC’s target. This continues to suggest inflationary pressures in Canada are broad- based (panel 2). The employment report in April disappointed market consensus, but employment in Canada is back above pre-pandemic levels, and the unemployment rate fell to 5.2%, close to estimates of NAIRU. This suggests the BoC’s path for monetary policy will not be altered (panel 3). House price inflation seems to be moderating across many cities, which argues that monetary policy is having the intended effect, but price increases remain well above nominal income growth (panel 4). Speculators are slightly long the CAD, a risky stance over the next three months. That said, we are buyers of CAD over a 12-to-18-month horizon.  New Zealand Dollar: Positive Catalysts, But Fairly Valued Chart 12Real NZ Rates Need To Stabilize Real NZ Rates Need To Stabilize Real NZ Rates Need To Stabilize The NZD is down 8.7% year-to-date. The RBNZ remains the most hawkish central bank in the G10. They further raised interest rates to 1.5% on April 13. Given a strict mandate on inflation, together with house price considerations, long bond yields have accepted that the RBNZ will be steadfast in tightening policy and hit 3.8% this month. This will help stabilize real yields are rising (panel 1). Underlying data suggests that the “least regrets” approach by the RBNZ makes sense – in a nutshell, tighten policy as fast as economically possible, to get ahead of the inflation curve. CPI continues to accelerate, hitting 6.9% year-on-year in Q1, from 5.9% the previous quarter (panel 2). House price inflation is rolling over from very elevated levels (panel 3). This suggests that monetary policy is having the intended effect of dampening demand.  A weak NZD could sustain imported inflation, but a hawkish central bank cushions this risk.   The RBNZ is forecasting a 2.8% overnight rate for June 2023. The OIS curve suggests that market expectations are much higher. This fits with our view that the market had been overpricing higher interest rates in New Zealand, especially relative to other countries. We already took profits on our long AUD/NZD trade and continue to expect the NZD to underperform at the crosses, even if it rises versus the dollar.  Australian Dollar: Our Top Pick Against The Dollar Chart 13The AUD Has A Terms Of Trade Tailwind The AUD Has A Terms Of Trade Tailwind The AUD Has A Terms Of Trade Tailwind The Australian dollar is down 5.5% year-to-date. The Reserve Bank of Australia raised interest rates by 15bps on its May 3rd meeting, in line with the hawkish tone telegraphed at the prior meeting. The two critical measures that the RBA is focusing on, inflation and wages, have been improving. That said, we had expected the RBA to wait for fresh wage data, out next week, before calibrating monetary policy. The key point is that emergency monetary settings are no longer required in Australia. Home prices remain robust, the unemployment rate has fallen to a cycle low of 4% in and inflationary pressures remain persistent.  Headline CPI was at 5.1% year-on-year in Q1. The trimmed-mean and weighted- median CPI print came in at 3.7% and 3.2%, respectively, above the upper bound of the RBA’s 2%-3% target range. The external environment is one area of concern for the AUD. The trade balance continues to soar, but China’s zero COVID-19 policy is a risk to Australian exports. On the flip side, many speculators are now short the Aussie, which is bullish from a contrarian perspective. We are long the AUD as of 72 cents, expecting this trade to be volatile in the near term, but to pay off over a longer horizon.  Swiss Franc: The Yen Is A Better Hedge Chart 14Swiss Inflation Will Fall Swiss Inflation Will Fall Swiss Inflation Will Fall Year-to-date, CHF is down 9% against USD and flat against the EUR.  The Swiss economy continues to perform well and remains relatively insulated from the inflation dynamics taking place in the rest of the G10. In April, headline CPI inched higher to 2.5% and core CPI to 1.5% year-over-year (panel 2), while the unemployment rate was down to 2.3%. The KOF indicator was also above expectations at 101.7. At 62.5, the manufacturing PMI is still well in the expansionary zone. In other data, retail sales were up 0.8% month-on-month in March and the trade surplus was down to CHF 1.8bn, likely due to the elevated exchange rate versus the euro. Since then, the franc has given up all its gains against the euro. Several SNB board members have recently spoken about the beneficial role of a strong franc in helping to control inflation (panel 4). That said, it is unclear whether the SNB, known for rampant currency interventions, will be as welcoming to a highly valued franc should inflation roll over. Switzerland’s trade surplus as a share of GDP has been persistently increasing since the early 2000s. An expensive currency would not be positive for economic growth. In fact, SNB sight deposits, have been on the rise recently. Last week, these deposits posted the largest one-week increase in two years. In a world where inflation starts to roll over, the SNB will be more dovish. In this environment, EUR/CHF can see more upside.  Norwegian Krone: Bullish On A 12-to-18 Month Horizon Chart 15NOK Has Upside Month In-Review: A Hefty Safe-Haven Premium In The Dollar Month In-Review: A Hefty Safe-Haven Premium In The Dollar The NOK is down 10.7% against the USD this year. This is a remarkable development amidst higher real rates in Norway (panel 1). The Norges Bank is one of the most predictable central banks. It is set to deliver quarterly 25bps hikes through the end of 2023 to a total of 2.5%. In April, headline CPI rose 5.4% and the measure excluding energy was up 2.6% (panel 2). Although slightly above the latest projections, these figures are unlikely to make the bank deviate from its projected rate path. Economic activity is recovering steadily since the removal of pandemic-related restrictions in February. Household consumption and retail sales grew 4.3% and 3.3% month-over-month, respectively, in March. The manufacturing PMI broke above the 60 level in April, while industrial production was up 2.2% on the month in March. Registered unemployment fell under 2% in April, below pre-pandemic levels. This is helping boost wages (panel 3). Norway’s trade balance continued to break all-time highs with a NOK 138bn surplus in March. Elevated energy prices and the transition away from Russian energy should be a significant tailwind for the Norwegian economy. Oil companies planned to increase investment even before the invasion, and recent developments will likely induce more capex. NOK has significantly underperformed in the last month largely due to broad risk-off sentiment. Once markets stabilize, the krone should strengthen over the next 12–18 months. Given the relatively “safer” nature of Norwegian oil, we are initiating a long NOK/RUB trade today, along with a long CAD leg.  Swedish Krona: Into A Capitulation Phase Chart 16SEK Has Upside SEK Has Upside SEK Has Upside The SEK is down 10.8% versus the dollar this year. In a major policy U-turn, the Riksbank raised rates by 25bps during its last meeting, after inflation came in above expectations at 6.1% on the year in March. The Bank also announced a faster pace of balance-sheet reduction, as well as expecting two-to-three more hikes before the end of the year. Just like the euro area, Sweden is within firing range of tensions between Russia and Ukraine (panel 1). Swedish GDP contracted 0.4% from the previous quarter. Global uncertainty and rising prices are weighing on consumer confidence, reflected in subdued retail sales and household consumption in March. The manufacturing PMI remains robust at 55 but is falling quite rapidly, as are real rates (panel 2). As a small open economy, Sweden needs external demand to recover. On a positive note, orders remain very strong and an easing of lockdowns in China should contribute to growth in manufacturing and goods exports later this year. It is also encouraging that Sweden’s trade surplus rose to 4.7bn SEK in March.  The krona remains vulnerable to both a growth contraction in Europe as well as geopolitical risk, especially as Finland might join NATO, sparring retaliation from Russia. That said, the negative news is likely already priced in. SEK should benefit from growth normalization and a pick-up in the Chinese credit impulse in the second half of the year. As a way to benefit from this dynamic, we are short CHF/SEK, but short USD/SEK positions will be warranted later this year.  Chester Ntonifor Foreign Exchange Strategist chestern@bcaresearch.com Artem Sakhbiev Research Associate artem.sakhbiev@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes Strategic View Cyclical Holdings (6-18 months) Tactical Holdings (0-6 months) Limit Orders Forecast Summary

Executive Summary Favor ASEAN And The Philippines Favor ASEAN And The Philippines Favor ASEAN And The Philippines Southeast Asia is suffering from fading macro and geopolitical tailwinds but there are still investment opportunities on a relative basis. The peace dividend, globalization dividend, and demographic dividend are all eroding and will continue to erode, though there are relative winners and losers. The Philippines and Thailand are most secure; the Philippines and Indonesia are least dependent on trade; and the Philippines and Vietnam have the highest potential GDP growth. Geopolitical risk premiums have risen for Russia, Eastern Europe, China, and will rise for the Middle East. This leaves ASEAN states as relatively attractive emerging markets. Trade Recommendation Inception Date Return LONG PHILIPPINES / EM EQUITIES 2022-05-12   LONG ASEAN / ACW EQUITIES 2022-05-12   Bottom Line: ASEAN’s geopolitical outlook is less ugly than many other emerging markets. Cyclically, go long ASEAN versus global equities and long Philippine equities versus EM. Feature Chart 1Hypo-Globalization A Headwind For Trading States Hypo-Globalization A Headwind For Trading States Hypo-Globalization A Headwind For Trading States The Philippines elected its second “strongman” leader in a row on May 9, provoking the usual round of editorials about the death of liberalism. Investors know well by now that such political narratives do as much to occlude economic reality as to clarify it. Still, there is a fundamental need to understand the changing global political order since it will ultimately impact the investment landscape. If the global order stabilizes – e.g. US-Russia and US-China relations normalize – then trade and investment may recover from recent shocks. A new era of “Re-Globalization” could ensue. Asia Pacific would be a prime beneficiary as it is full of trading economies (Chart 1). Related Report  Geopolitical StrategySecond Quarter Outlook 2022: When It Rains, It Pours By contrast, if Great Power Rivalry escalates further, then trade and investment will suffer, the current paradigm of Hypo-Globalization will continue, and East Asia’s frozen conflicts from 1945-52 will thaw and heat up. Asian states will have to shift focus from trade to security and their economies will suffer relative to previous expectations. How will Southeast Asia fare in this context? Will it fall victim to great power conflict, like Eastern Europe? Or will it keep a balance between the great powers and extract maximum benefits? Three Dividends Three dividends have underpinned Southeast Asia’s growth and prosperity in recent decades: 1.  Peace Dividend – A relative lack of war and inter-state conflict. 2.  Globalization Dividend – Advantageous maritime geography and access to major economies. 3.  Demographic Dividend – Young demographics and strong potential GDP growth. All three of these dividends are eroding, so the macro and geopolitical investment case for ASEAN has weakened relative to twenty years ago. Nevertheless in a world where Russia, China, and the Gulf Arab markets face a higher and persistent geopolitical risk premium, ASEAN still offers attractive investment opportunities, particularly if the most geopolitically insecure countries are avoided. Peace Dividend Favors The Philippines And Thailand Since the end of the US and Chinese wars with Vietnam, military conflicts in Southeast Asia have been low intensity. Lack of inter-state conflict encouraged economic prosperity and security complacency. The five major Southeast Asian nations saw military spending decline since the 1990s and only Vietnam spends more than 2% of GDP (Chart 2). Chart 2Peace Brought Prosperity Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines Unfortunately that is about to change. China has large import dependencies, an insufficient tradition of sea power, and feels hemmed in by its geography and the US alliance system. Beijing’s solution is to build and modernize its navy and prepare for potential conflict with the US, particularly over Taiwan. The result is rising tension across East Asia, including in Southeast Asia and the South China Sea. The ASEAN states fear China will walk over them, China fears they will league with the US against China, and the US tries to get them to do exactly that. Hence ASEAN’s defense spending has not kept up with its geopolitical importance and will have to rise going forward. Consider the following: Vietnam risks conflict with China. Vietnam has the most capable and experienced naval force within ASEAN due to its sporadic conflicts with China. Its equipment is supplied mainly by Russia, pitting it squarely against China’s Soviet or Soviet-inspired equipment. But Russia-China ties are tightening, especially after Russia’s divorce with Europe. While Vietnam will not reject Russia, it is increasingly partnering with the United States. The pandemic added to the Vietnamese public’s distrust of China, which is ancient but has ramped up in recent years due to clashes in the South China Sea. While Vietnam officially maintains that it will never host the US military, it is tacitly bonding with the US as a hedge against China. Yet Vietnam does not have a mutual defense treaty with the US, so it is vulnerable to Chinese military aggression over time. Indonesia distances itself from China. Rising security tensions are also forcing Indonesia to change its strategy toward China. Indonesia lacks experience in naval warfare and is not a claimant in the territorial disputes in the South China Sea. It is reluctant to take sides due to its traditionally non-aligned diplomatic status, its military culture of prioritizing internal stability (which is hard to maintain across thousands of islands), and China’s investment in its economy. However, China is encroaching on Indonesia’s exclusive economic zone and Indonesia has signaled its displeasure through diplomatic snubs and high-profile infrastructure contracts. Indonesia is trying to bulk up its naval and air capabilities, including via arms purchases from the West. Malaysia distances itself from China. Malaysia and the Philippines have the weakest naval forces and both face pressure from China’s navy and coast guard due to maritime-territorial disputes. But while the Philippines gets help from the US and its allies and partners, Malaysia has no such allies. Traditionally it was non-aligned. Instead it utilizes economic statecraft, as it has often done against more powerful countries. It recently paused Chinese economic projects in the country to conduct reviews and chose Ericsson over Huawei to build the 5G network. Ongoing maritime and energy disputes will motivate defense spending. The Philippines preserves alliance with United States. Outgoing President Rodrigo Duterte tried but failed to strengthen ties with China and Russia. Beijing continued to swarm the Philippines’ economic zone with ships and threaten its control of neighboring rocks and reefs. Ultimately Duterte renewed his country’s Visiting Forces Agreement with the US in July 2021. The newly elected President “Bong Bong” Marcos is even less likely to try to pivot away from the US. Instead the Philippines will work with the US to try to deter China. Thailand preserves alliance with United States. Thailand is the most insulated from the South China Sea disputes and often acts as mediator between China and other ASEAN states. However, Thailand is also a formal US defense ally and assisted with logistics during the Korean and Vietnamese wars. While US military aid was suspended after the 2014 military coup, non-military aid from the US continued. The State Department certified Thailand’s return to democracy in 2019, relations were normalized, and the annual Cobra Gold exercise resumed in 2020. The US’s hasty normalization shows Thailand’s importance to its regional strategy. On their own, the ASEAN states cannot counter China – they are simply outgunned (Chart 3). Hence their grand strategy of balancing Chinese trade relations with American security relations. Chart 3Outgunned By China Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines Chart 4Opinion Shifts Against China Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines In recent decades, with the US divided and distracted, they sought to entice China through commercial deals, in hopes that it would reduce its encroachments on the high seas. This strategy failed, as China’s expansion of economic and military influence in the region is driven by China’s own imperatives. Beijing’s lack of transparency about Covid-19 also sowed distrust. As a result, public opinion became more critical of China and defensive of national sovereignty (Chart 4). Southeast Asia will continue trading with China but changing public opinion, the US-China clash, and tensions in the South China Sea will inject greater geopolitical risk into this once peaceful and prosperous region. Military weakness will also lead the ASEAN states to welcome the US, EU, Japan, and Australia into the region as economic and security hedges against China. This trend risks inflaming regional tensions in the short run – and China may not be deterred over the long run, since its encroachments in the region are driven by its own needs and insecurities. Decades of under-investment in defense will result in ASEAN rearmament, which will weigh on fiscal balances and potentially economic competitiveness. Investors should not take the past three decades of peace for granted. Bottom Line: Vietnam (like Taiwan) is in a geopolitical predicament where it could provoke China’s wrath and yet lacks an American security guarantee. The Philippines and Thailand benefit from American security guarantees. Indonesia and Malaysia benefit from distance from China. All of these states will attempt to balance US and China relations – but in the future that means devoting more resources to national security, which will weigh on fiscal budgets and take away funds from human capital development. Waning Globalization Dividend Favors Indonesia And The Philippines All the ASEAN states rely heavily on both the US and China for export markets. This reliance grew as trade recovered in the wake of the global pandemic (Chart 5). Now global trade is slowing down cyclically, while US-China power struggle will weigh on the structural globalization process, penalizing the most trade-dependent ASEAN states relative to their less trade-dependent neighbors. So far US-China economic divorce is redistributing US-China trade in a way that is positive for Southeast Asia. China is rerouting exports through Vietnam, for example, while the US is shifting supply chains to other Asian states (Chart 6). The US will accelerate down this path because it cannot afford substantively to reengage with China’s economy for fear of strengthening the Russo-Chinese bloc. Chart 5Trade Rebounded But Hypo-Globalization Will Force Domestic Reliance Trade Rebounded But Hypo-Globalization Will Force Domestic Reliance Trade Rebounded But Hypo-Globalization Will Force Domestic Reliance ​​​​​ Chart 6ASEAN’s Exports To US Surge Ahead Of China’s ASEAN's Exports To US Surge Ahead Of China's ASEAN's Exports To US Surge Ahead Of China's Hence the US will become more reliant on Southeast Asian exporters. Whatever the US stops buying from China will have to be sourced from other countries, so countries that export a similar basket of goods will benefit from the switch. Comparing the types of goods that China and ASEAN export to the US, Thailand is the closest substitute for China, whereas Malaysia is the farthest (Chart 7). That is not to say that Malaysia will suffer from US-China divorce. It is already ahead of China in exporting high-tech goods to the US, which is the very reason its export profile is so different. In 2020, 58% of Malaysia’s exports to the US are high-tech versus 35% for China’s. At the same time, Southeast Asian exports to China may not grow as fast as expected – cyclically China’s economy may accelerate on the back of current stimulus efforts, but structurally China is pursuing self-sufficiency and import substitution via a range of industrial policies (“Made in China 2025,” “dual circulation,” etc). These policies aim to make Chinese industrials competitive with European, US, Japanese, and Korean industrials. But they will also make China more competitive with medium-tech and fledging high-tech exports from Southeast Asia. Thus while China will keep importing low value products and commodities, such as unrefined ores, from Southeast Asia, imports of high-tech products will be limited due to China’s preference for indigenous producers. US export controls will also interfere with ASEAN’s ability to export high-tech goods to China. (In order to retain their US trade, in the face of Chinese import substitution, ASEAN states will have to comply with US export controls at least partially.) Even the low-to-medium tech goods that China currently imports from Southeast Asia may not grow as fast in the coming years as they have in the past. The ten provinces in China with the lowest GDP per capita exported a total of $129 billion to the world in 2020, whereas China’s imports from the top five ASEAN states amounted to $154 billion USD in 2020 (Chart 8). If Beijing insists on creating a domestic market for its poor provinces’ exports, then Southeast Asian exports to China will suffer. China might do this not only for strategic sufficiency but also to avoid US and western sanctions, which could be imposed for labor, environmental, human rights, or strategic reasons. Chart 7The US Sees Thailand And Vietnam As Substitutes For China Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines ​​​​​​ Chart 8China Threatens ASEAN With Import Substitution Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines ​​​​​​ Chart 9Trade Rebound Increased Exposure To US, China Trade Rebound Increased Exposure To US, China Trade Rebound Increased Exposure To US, China China, unlike the US during the 1990s and 2000s, cannot afford to open up its doors and become a ravenous consumer and importer of all Asia’s goods. This would be a way to buy influence in the region, as the US has done in Latin America. But China still has significant domestic development left to do. This development must be done for the sake of jobs and income – otherwise the Communist Party will face sociopolitical upheaval. Malaysia, Vietnam, and Thailand are the most vulnerable to China’s dual circulation strategy because of their sizeable exports to China, which stand at 12%, 15% and 7.6% of GDP respectively (Chart 9). Even though the Southeast Asian states have formed into a common market, and have joined major new trade blocs such as the CPTPP and RCEP, they will not see unfettered liberalization within these agreements – and they will not be drawn exclusively into China’s orbit. Instead they will face a China that wishes to expand export market share while substituting away from imports. The US and India, which are not part of these new trade blocs, will still increase their trade with ASEAN, as they will seek to substitute ASEAN for China, and ASEAN will be forced to substitute them for China. Thus globalization will weaken into regionalization and will not provide as positive of a force for Southeast Asia as it did over the 1980s-2000s. Going forward, the new paradigm of Hypo-Globalization will weigh on trade-dependent countries like Malaysia, Vietnam, and Thailand relative to their neighbors. Within this cohort, Malaysia and the Philippines will benefit from selling high-tech goods to the US, while Thailand and Vietnam will benefit from selling low- and mid-tech goods. China will remain a huge and critical market for ASEAN states but its autarkic policies will drive them to pursue other markets. Those with large and growing domestic markets, like Indonesia and the Philippines, will weather hypo-globalization better than their neighbors. Vietnam, Malaysia, and Thailand are all extremely dependent on foreign trade and hence vulnerable if international trade linkages weaken. Bottom Line: Global trade is likely to slow on a cyclical basis. Structurally, Hypo-Globalization is the new paradigm and will remove a tailwind that super-charged Southeast Asian development over the past several decades. Indonesia and the Philippines stand to suffer least and benefit most. Potential Growth Dividend Favors The Philippines And Vietnam Countries that can generate endogenous growth will perform the best under hypo-globalization. Indonesia, the Philippines, and Vietnam have the largest populations within ASEAN. But we must also take into account population growth, which contributes directly to potential GDP growth. A domestic market grows through population growth and/or income growth. For example, China benefitted from its growing population but now must switch to income generation as its population growth is stagnating. In Southeast Asia, the Philippines, Malaysia, and Indonesia have the highest population growth, while Thailand has the lowest. Thai population growth is even weak compared to China. The total fertility rate reinforces this trend – it is highest in Philippines but lowest in Thailand (Chart 10). A population that is too young or too old needs significant support that diverts resources away from the most productive age group. Philippines and Indonesia have the lowest median age, while Thailand has the highest. The youth of Indonesia and Philippines will come of age in the next decade, augmenting labor force and potential GDP growth. By contrast, Vietnam and especially Thailand, like China, will be weighed down by a shrinking labor force in the coming decade (Chart 11). Chart 10Fertility Rates Robust In ASEAN Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines ​​​​​​ Chart 11Falling Support Ratio Weighs On Thailand, Vietnam Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines ​​​​​​ Hence Indonesia and Philippines will prosper while Thailand, and to some extent Vietnam, lack the ability to diversify away from trade through domestic market growth. Malaysia sits in the middle: it is trade dependent and has the smallest population, but it has a young and growing population, and its labor force is still growing. Yet falling population growth is not a disaster if productivity and income growth are high. Productivity trends often contrast with population trends: Indonesia had the weakest productivity growth despite having a large, young, and growing population, while Vietnam had the strongest growth, despite a population slowdown. In fact Vietnam has the strongest productivity growth in Southeast Asia, at a 5-year, pre-pandemic average of 6.3%, followed by the Philippines (Chart 12A). By comparison China’s productivity growth averaged between 3%-6.6%, depending on the data source. Chart 12AProductivity And Potential GDP Productivity And Potential GDP Productivity And Potential GDP ​​​​​​ Chart 12BProductivity And Potential GDP Productivity And Potential GDP Productivity And Potential GDP ​​​​​​ Chart 13Capital Formation Favors Philippines Capital Formation Favors Philippines Capital Formation Favors Philippines Productivity growth adds to labor force growth to form potential GDP. In 2019, Philippines had the highest potential GDP growth at 6.9%, followed by the Vietnam at 6.8%, Indonesia at 5.6%, Malaysia at 3.9% and Thailand at 2.3%. In comparison China’s potential GDP growth was 3.6%-5.9%, again depending on data. Thailand is undoubtedly the weakest from both a population and productivity standpoint, while the Philippines has strength in both (Chart 12B). Countries invest in their economies to increase productivity. In 2019, Vietnam recorded the highest growth in grossed fixed capital formation at around 10.6%, followed by Indonesia at 6.9%, Philippines at 6.3%, and Thailand at 2.2%. Gross fixed capital formation has rebounded from the contractions countries suffered during the pandemic lockdowns in 2020 (Chart 13). Bottom Line: The Philippines has strong potential GDP growth, but Indonesia is not far behind as it invests in its economy. Vietnam has the highest investment and productivity growth, but its demographic dividend is waning. Malaysia is slightly better than Thailand because it has a growing population, but it has stopped investing and it is as trade dependent as Thailand. Thailand is weak on all accounts: it is trade dependent, has a shrinking population, and has a low potential GDP growth. Investment Takeaways Bringing it all together, ASEAN is witnessing the erosion of key dividends (peace, globalization, and demographics). Yet it offers attractive investment opportunities on a relative basis, given the permanent step up in geopolitical risk premiums for other major emerging markets like Russia, eastern Europe, China, and (soon) the Gulf Arab states (Charts 14A & 14B). Indeed the long under-performance of ASEAN stocks as a bloc, relative to global stocks, has recently reversed. As investors recognize China’s historic confluence of internal and external risks, they increasingly turn to ASEAN despite its flaws. Chart 14AASEAN Will Continue To Outperform China ASEAN Will Continue To Outperform China ASEAN Will Continue To Outperform China The US and China will use rewards and punishments to try to win over ASEAN states as strategic and economic partners. Those that have a US security guarantee, or are most distant from potential conflict, will see a lower geopolitical risk premium. Chart 14BASEAN Will Continue To Outperform China ASEAN Will Continue To Outperform China ASEAN Will Continue To Outperform China ​​​​​​ Chart 15Favor The Philippines Favor The Philippines Favor The Philippines The Philippines is the most attractive Southeast Asian market based on our criteria: it has an American security guarantee, domestic-oriented growth, and high productivity. Populism in the Philippines has come with productivity improvements and yet has not overthrown the US alliance. Philippine equities can outperform their emerging market peers (Chart 15). Indonesia is the second most attractive – it does not have direct territorial disputes with China, maintains defense ties with the West, is not excessively trade reliant, and keeps up decent productivity growth. It is vulnerable to nationalism and populism but its democracy is effective overall and the regime has maintained general political stability after near-dissolution in 1998. Thailand is geopolitically secure but lacking in potential growth. Vietnam has high potential growth but is geopolitically insecure over the long run. Investors should only pursue tactical investments in these markets. We maintain our long-term favorable view of Malaysia, although it is trade dependent and productivity has weakened. In future reports we will examine ASEAN markets in greater depth and with closer consideration of their domestic political risks.   Jesse Anak Kuri Associate Editor Jesse.Kuri@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken Chief Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com   Strategic Themes Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Regional Geopolitical Risk Matrix

Executive Summary Biden’s Support Among Women The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections Investors should assume that the Supreme Court will overturn Roe v. Wade even though the odds are probably overrated. A mere modification of Roe will not have any significant macro impact. Overturning Roe will increase US political risk and policy uncertainty in the short term, as midterm election politics will go nuclear. Democrats could mitigate their midterm losses and potentially keep de facto control of the Senate. However, inflation and the economy will probably have a bigger impact on voters, so congressional gridlock remains the likeliest midterm result. Fiscal policy will freeze from 2023-25, which is marginally positive for equities in an inflationary or stagflationary environment. Illegalizing abortion in roughly half of the US states would increase the birth rate but the overall effect would likely be marginal as it would be mitigated by various factors. Recommendation  Initiation Date Return Tactically go long US 10-year Treasuries relative to duration-matched TIPS. 2022-05-11   Bottom Line: Tactically stay cautious and defensive. Go long US 10-year Treasury versus TIPS.   Chart 1Policy Uncertainty Remains Elevated Policy Uncertainty Remains Elevated Policy Uncertainty Remains Elevated The S&P 500 is down 17% year-to-date while the NASDAQ is down 27%. Our Global Investment Strategy is turning bullish on equities after the recent selloff, bringing its tactical view in line with its cyclical view. Have financial markets priced the bad news? Is a sustainable rally at hand?  We maintain our tactically cautious posture for now but we are cognizant of the potential for a market bounce or even a more sustained rally. We are staying long the US dollar and long defensive sectors relative to cyclicals until we see a clear path for de-escalation in global and US policy uncertainty (Chart 1).   Geopolitical risks are still high and rising, with immediate concerns centering on EU-Russia energy cutoff and NATO enlargement. While China is stimulating its economy, its efforts so far are mixed – import volumes are growing at 2.7% annualized rate. Related Report  US Political StrategyStill At Peak Polarization The US remains politically divided – which results in a more contentious election at home and a more aggressive foreign policy  abroad. Our “Peak Polarization” theme is becoming relevant again in the form of populist pressure on the Supreme Court. The controversy over abortion is likely to drive US political risk and policy uncertainty higher this year and sustain election-year risk-aversion among investors. Overturning Roe Adds To Election Uncertainty The latest controversy over abortion could affect US policy primarily by affecting the midterm elections on November 8. The outcome either way is congressional gridlock, which is marginally positive in an inflationary environment since it freezes fiscal expansion. But the election will keep policy uncertainty high through November.    First let us look at the controversy itself. An unprecedented leak of a draft Supreme Court opinion by Justice Samuel Alito suggests that a five-seat Supreme Court majority has taken shape to overturn the 1973 case Roe v. Wade, which effectively legalized abortion for all states.1 Chief Justice John Roberts confirmed the authenticity of the draft. The final decision in the current case, Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, is due in June or July. Investors should interpret social controversies, if at all, from the perspective of power politics rather than getting wrapped up in endless ideological debates. The fact is that a conservative majority on the court is capable of overturning Roe (Diagram 1). Therefore investors should plan on it being overturned. This is true even though the odds are probably overstated relative to a mere modification of Roe. Diagram 1Conservative Majority Implies Roe V. Wade Will Be Overturned The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections The legality of abortion stems from a 7-2 Supreme Court ruling in 1973, which means that an opposite ruling in 2022 can revoke that precedent. The high court has overturned longstanding precedents in the past. If Roe is overturned, abortion will remain legal in about 25 states. The parameters of its legality will shift to the legislative branch and political process, i.e. the US Congress and state congresses. An estimated 31 million women of child-bearing age live in states that might ban abortion if Roe is overturned.    The decision could still change: It was only a draft opinion that leaked, which shows that the final decision could still change. The court has narrowed the scope of Roe v. Wade before without overturning it entirely, such as in the 1989 Webster v. Reproductive Health Services case and the 1992 Planned Parenthood v. Casey ruling, which relied on stare decisis, i.e. upholding precedent.   The court is not forced to uphold the draft opinion merely because public pressure is rising. While the court’s credibility will suffer if it caves to public opinion, it will also suffer if it diverges too far from public opinion. The reality is that the public remains divided after 49 years (49% pro-choice, 47% pro-life according to Gallup in 2021). This is unlike other major social controversies where the Supreme Court decision settled the debate in public opinion.2 However, Chief Justice Roberts will not cast the deciding vote. Roberts has tried to avoid the appearance of a partisan court and has sided with liberal-leaning justices on notable occasions.3 Regardless, the conservatives hold a 5-4 conservative majority without Roberts. Bottom Line: Investors should assume Roe will be overturned even if the odds are overstated. US social unrest and political instability will revive this year, driving up election uncertainty and hence overall policy uncertainty.  Major Court Rulings Do Not Help Presidents If Roe is overturned then it will mobilize women, Democrats, and independents to go to the voting booth in the midterm elections. About 59% of independents (even a third of Republicans) support abortion as a right, so states and districts that are leaning in favor of Republicans this year will grow more competitive.4Odds that Republicans will win both chambers of Congress (currently 74% on Predictit.org) will be reduced. Having said that, the president’s job approval rating and partisan popular support are the most important factors in determining midterm election results. Controversial Supreme Court decisions do not have a predictable relationship with these variables. Looking at six of the most controversial decisions since World War II, the president’s net approval rating has not reliably responded to whether his ideological camp benefitted from a major court decision:     Brown vs Board of Education, May 1954: The court ruled unanimously to desegregate the nation’s schools. President Eisenhower had appointed Chief Justice Earl Warren, supported desegregation, and saw his approval rating rise in the summer (Chart 2A, first panel). But there had been a recession in 1953-54 and Republicans lost 18 seats in the House and two seats in the Senate. A favorable court case did not help the president’s party in the midterm, while a recession hurt it.  Engel vs Vitale, June 1962: The court ruled 7-1 against prayer in schools. President Kennedy supported the court’s ruling. The court case was overwhelmed by the Cuban Missile Crisis that fall. His approval rating recovered (Chart 2A, second panel). Democrats lost only four House seats and gained four Senate seats, one of the best midterm elections for the president’s party. A favorable court case did not help the president’s party in the midterm, though a foreign policy crisis did.   Loving vs Virginia, June 1967: The court ruled unanimously to allow interracial marriage. President Johnson supported civil rights and appointed the first black Chief Justice Thurgood Marshall to the court the same summer. His approval rating rose afterwards but then fell (Chart 2A, third panel). Johnson did not contend for the presidency in 1968 and Democrats lost it. A favorable court case did not help the president’s party in the presidential elections a year later. US vs Nixon, July 1974: The court ruled unanimously that President Nixon must hand over audio tapes and other evidence to a federal district court. Nixon resigned 15 days later and his approval rating collapsed (though Vice President Gerald Ford’s spiked upon taking office) (Chart 2A, fourth panel). Unsurprisingly Republicans suffered a shellacking in the midterm, losing 49 seats in the House and four seats in the Senate. An unfavorable court case hurt the president’s party in the midterm, though the president was the respondent in the case, which makes it uniquely negative for his party.  Chart 2APresidential Net Approval And Key Supreme Court Decisions The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections ​​​​​ Chart 2BPresidential Net Approval And Key Supreme Court Decisions The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections ​​​​​ ​​​​​Planned Parenthood vs Casey, June 1992: The court ruled 5-4 to uphold Roe v. Wade and require that states not put an “undue burden” on women seeking abortion. President Bush’s approval rating suffered from the 1990-91 recession (Chart 2B, first panel). Democrats won the presidential election in November. An unfavorable court case did not help the president’s party in the presidential election later that year.  NFIB vs Sebelius, June 2012: The court ruled 5-4 that Congress could use its taxing and spending powers to impose an “individual mandate” requiring individuals to buy health insurance. President Obama’s signature legislation, the Affordable Care Act, thus survived. Obama’s popularity recovered in time for him to be re-elected that year (Chart 2B, second panel). A favorable court case did not hurt the president’s party in the presidential election later that year, though the president’s legacy was uniquely implicated. Obergefell vs Hodges, June 2015: The court ruled 5-4 that the Fourteenth Amendment requires the recognition of same-sex marriage. The economy weakened that year and President Obama’s net approval ultimately fell ahead of the 2016 election (Chart 2B, third panel). A favorable court case did not help the president’s party in the presidential election the following year. Chart 3Generic Congressional Ballot And Key Supreme Court Decisions The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections In short, the president’s party tends to suffer in midterm elections even if a major Supreme Court decision reinforces his policy (1954, 1962). Favorable court rulings may help in immediate presidential elections (2012) while unfavorable court rulings may hurt in an immediate presidential election (1992). The implication for the Democrats in 2022 is that the court’s ruling will not exert a decisive impact on the election. An unfavorable ruling will help but maybe not by much given the stagflationary economic context. Biden’s disapproval rating on the economy is 57% as we go to press. Nor is there a clear relationship between major court decisions and the generic congressional ballot, which measures popular support for the two parties. Democrats kept their lead when Nixon lost a major court case; they lost their lead when Obama won major court cases (Chart 3). Most likely, Roe’s demise would favor Democrats relative to Republicans in the generic ballot, but it may not be decisive amid a weak economy – and Democrats would have to take a commanding lead to overwhelm the traditional midterm disadvantage for the president’s party.  Bottom Line: The most controversial court cases only directly help or hurt the president’s party if it is uniquely implicated, as in 1974 and 2012. Otherwise a favorable court case will not help much, while an unfavorable case could help or hurt. In today’s context, if Roe is overturned it will help the Democrats, but history suggests the health of the economy will outweigh social wedge issues. The Senate Hangs In The Balance Leaving aside history, President Biden’s approval among women will rise if the court overturns Roe, as he will campaign aggressively as the champion of women’s issues. But the latest polling suggests that Republican women may also be energized by the abortion controversy, again suggesting the impact may not be decisive (Chart 4). Historically the critical feature of midterm elections is low voter turnout, skewed toward voters in the political opposition who want to impose a check on the president’s party. Midterm voters also tend to be more educated, more elderly, and more ethnically white. The bar to changing this traditional pattern is very high. But anything that energizes a broader electorate could mitigate the president’s party’s losses. Hence if Roe is overturned, Democratic mobilization and turnout will increase and their midterm performance will improve on the margin.  However, Democratic enthusiasm would improve from a very low level relative to Republican enthusiasm (Chart 5). Again, the opposition’s motivation and the poor economy will be hard for Democrats to overcome. And if the Supreme Court merely modifies Roe v. Wade, the boost to enthusiasm will be small.  Chart 4Biden’s Support Among Women The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections ​​​​​ Chart 5Partisan Enthusiasm Gap In 2022 The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections ​​​​​​ Chart 6Swing States: Majority Supports Abortion (Barely) The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections Taking all these points together, if Roe is overturned, Republicans will still be favored in the House of Representatives but will face a tougher battle in the Senate: Our quantitative Senate election model flags Nevada, Arizona, Pennsylvania, North Carolina, and Georgia as the critical swing states in this year’s Senate election (Appendix). Arizona and Pennsylvania are the toss-up states where the probability of Democratic victory is just over 45%. A look at public support for abortion’s legality “in all or most cases” shows that support is (just) over 50% in the key states, though it is under 50% in Georgia  (Chart 6, top panel). Moreover when it comes to voters over the age of 65 – who are more likely to vote in a midterm election – support for abortion is less robust. It is barely over 50% in Arizona and right at 50% in North Carolina. It is under 50% in Pennsylvania and just over 40% in Georgia (Chart 6, second panel). In other words, only if Roe is overturned will the younger cohort of voters in favor of abortion come into play. Support for abortion is also closer to 50/50 in swing states when looking only at white voters (Chart 6, third panel). Again, if Roe is overturned then minority voter turnout may increase but probably not if it is merely curtailed. If Democrats hang onto Arizona and Georgia, they will retain de facto majority control of the Senate. It is possible that they could even gain a seat, say in Pennsylvania. But minority support for abortion in Georgia shows how hard this will be to do. What action can the Democrat-led Congress take on this issue prior to the midterm? Not much. It is highly unlikely that Democrats will be able to pack the Supreme Court, i.e. add new justices to tip the majority in their favor. They will fall short of the 51 votes needed to overrule the Senate filibuster for that purpose. Senator Joe Manchin of West Virginia has ruled it out (and in his state a majority opposes abortion). While a few Republican swing senators could vote for a federal bill to legalize abortion, they would risk losing their seats if they agreed to stack the court in favor of Democrats. Democrats could pass a federal law legalizing abortion but the Senate would have to override the filibuster, which means Republicans could do the same to illegalize abortion when they control the Senate as early as next year. Democrats could replace Manchin with a Republican swing senator. Lisa Murkowski of Alaska would probably have the support of a majority of Alaskans but she would lose her conservative voter base in the August 16 primary election and the general election. Senator Susan Collins of Maine would be more likely to defect from Republican ranks, as she is not up for election in 2022 and Maine shows strong support for abortion. Kyrsten Sinema of Arizona has ruled out overriding the filibuster but she does not face re-election this year and could make an exception on abortion given majority support in Arizona. In that case Collins (and Vice President Harris) would deliver Democrats the decisive vote. However, to gain Collins’s vote, Democrats would have to produce a simple bill that does not contain any poison pills – which is not the case at present. Thus a new federal law is possible but not likely before the election. If it occurred, then Republicans would be more motivated in the midterm elections and the odds of a Republican sweep would rise again. Thus overriding the fililbuster could backfire on Democrats immediately. Bottom Line: If the Supreme Court overturns Roe, Republicans will still be favored to win the House of Representatives, ensuring that Congress becomes gridlocked. The Senate, however, could remain in Democratic hands if Roe is overturned and women voters are fully mobilized. Does Abortion Have A Macro Impact? A divided Congress would generate more uncertainty and market volatility in 2023-24 relative to the scenario in which Republicans win all of Congress and are thus forced to pass laws and compromise with President Biden in 2023-24. President Biden will be less likely to compromise if Democrats retain the Senate, while Republicans will be more obstructionist and willing to engineer crises such as over the federal debt limit, which expires in early 2023. Either way the macro policy implication is that fiscal policy will freeze after Congress’s lame duck session at the end of this year until at least 2025. Chart 7US Fertility Rate And Labor Force Growth Since 1950 US Fertility Rate And Labor Force Growth Since 1950 US Fertility Rate And Labor Force Growth Since 1950 Investors will be able to count on a static fiscal outlook and will not have to worry about an additional spending splurge adding to inflationary pressures. As such, in late 2022 and early 2023, gridlock and a post-election reduction in uncertainty will be marginally positive for equities.    What is the longer-term macroeconomic implication if Roe is overturned? A marginal increase in the birth rate of some states is possible. The slowdown in US fertility and birth rates accelerated in the early 1970s resulting from broad socioeconomic change and the federal legalization of abortion. Almost all societies see fertility rates fall with higher incomes and education. US birth rates peaked in the late 1950s and early 1960s for all ages of women. Birth and fertility rates briefly started to rise again before hitting a local peak in 1970, while labor force growth peaked in 1978 (Chart 7). These peaks can be attributed to several factors including abortion. Eleven states had loosened restrictions on abortion by 1970, including New York and California. According to the most authoritative academic study of the subject, states that legalized abortion prior to Roe saw a 4% drop in fertility relative to states that maintained restrictions, while the overall drop in births as measured between states that had access and distant states that did not was 11%.5  The implication is that, if Roe is overturned, the birth rate will increase at least marginally in states that impose substantial restrictions. About 31 million women of child-bearing age live in states that could entirely ban abortion, which is 48% of all US women in this age group. A roughly 4% increase in fertility among this large of a group would be substantial. However, abortions will still be legally available in neighboring states, and studies suggest that travel across states will have a significant impact, implying less of a fertility increase than might be expected.6    US births and fertility continue to decline even as abortion rates fall sharply. Pregnancy rates for women under age 25 have collapsed since 1990 while they have been flat-to-down for women over 25. Since the Great Recession, the US birth rate has broken down from the fairly stable trend of around 70 births per 1,000 women aged 15-44 and fallen to around 58 births per 1,000 women. Covid-19 caused a further drop in fertility. Yet abortion rates have fallen from a peak of 30 per 1,000 child-bearing-aged women in 1980 to about one-third that level today (Chart 8). Both abortion rates and birth rates have collapsed for teenagers and they have fallen for other cohorts. In other words, illegalizing abortion will not affect the overall trend of falling fertility.7  Chart 8Births And Abortions In Downtrend The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections There are a range of other macroeconomic effects that could follow from Roe being overturned, such as reduced female higher education and labor force participation in states that ban abortion outright, though these would also be marginal. Bottom Line: Overturning Roe would amplify political risk and policy uncertainty but gridlock will freeze fiscal policy in 2023-25, which is marginally positive in an inflationary environment. There would likely be a small increase in birth rates in states that restrict abortion but abortion rates have long been falling, while total fertility is falling for other reasons.    Investment Takeaways Investors should stay defensive in the near term, at least until US relations with Russia reach some kind of precarious equilibrium. That cannot happen in the context of NATO enlargement and EU-Russia energy cutoff. The US midterm election is another source of political risk and policy uncertainty both at home and abroad. The Biden administration’s reactive foreign policy threatens a larger confrontation with Russia and as such presents a headwind to global equities. Meanwhile US policy uncertainty, already rising due to monetary and fiscal policy normalization, will increase as a result of the abortion controversy. Overturning Roe would reinforce our “Peak Polarization” thesis, which holds that today’s historic peak in political polarization will remain elevated in the short run but subside over the long run. If the court overrules Roe, polarization will spike but then states will choose their own abortion laws over the long run, reducing activism and extremism on both sides. Of course, if Democrats break the filibuster to legalize abortion, and Republicans do the same to illegalize it, polarization will skyrocket and our expectation that polarization will subside will be delayed for years. Investors should expect shocking and negative surprise events in US politics ahead of the midterms. The country remains a sociopolitical powder keg and abortion and other controversies will add sparks. There have already been protests at the homes of Supreme Court justices Amy Coney Barret and Brett Kavanaugh, which highlights the security risk to their persons. An anti-abortion group’s headquarters was burned down in Wisconsin.8 More broadly, incidents of domestic terrorism from either ideological extreme are likely as long as polarization remains near peak levels. Tactically go long US Treasuries relative to TIPS. Long-dated Treasuries are at fair value according to our US Bond Strategy, while inflation is reaching a near-term peak. Matt Gertken Senior Vice President Chief US Political Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1     Josh Gerstein and Alexander Ward, “Supreme Court has voted to overturn abortion rights, draft opinion shows,” Politico, May 2-3, 2022, politico.com. 2     See Bill Schneider, “Despite everything, Americans’ opinion on abortion hasn’t changed in 50 years,” The Hill, December 12, 2021, thehill.com. 3    Nobody knows what Roberts will decide: he famously changed his deciding vote on President Obama’s Affordable Care Act the night before the final ruling. But in this case Roberts could side with the conservatives, if he knows they will retain their majority anyway, so as to deliver a stronger 6-3 majority and hence avoid the danger to the court of a decision that is seen as narrowly partisan. Left-leaning voters would still see it as a partisan ruling but the focus of national discussion would shift to the legislative branch more rapidly if the court ruling were more decisive. 4    See Kyle Kondik, Larry Schack, and Mick McWilliams, “How Abortion Might Motivate or Persuade Voters in the Midterms,” Sabato’s Crystal Ball, May 5, 2022, centerforpolitics.org. 5    See Phillip Levine et al, “Roe V. Wade and American Fertility,” American Journal of Public Health 89:1 (1999), 199-203. Available at ajph.aphapublications.org. These findings are consistent with historical studies showing that abortion restrictions led to a 4%-12% increase in births in nineteenth-century America. See Johanna Lahey, “Birthing A Nation: The Effect of Fertility Control Access on the 19th Century Demographic Transition,” National Bureau of Economic Research, Working Paper 18717, January 2013, nber.org.   6    See Phillip Levine, “The Impact of Roe v. Wade on American Fertility (UPDATED),” Econofact, May 17, 2021, econofact.org, and the same author in footnote 4 above. 7     See Isaac Maddow-Zimet and Kathryn Kost, “Pregnancies, Births and Abortions in the United States, 1973–2017: National and State Trends by Age,” Guttmacher Institute, March 2021, guttmacher.org. See also Amanda Barroso, “With a potential ‘baby bust’ on the horizon, key facts about fertility in the U.S. before the pandemic,” May 7, 2021, and Anna Brown, “Growing share of childless adults in U.S. don’t expect to ever have children,” November 19, 2021, Pew Research, pewresearch.com. 8    See Betsy Woodruff Swan, “Law enforcement officials brace for potential violence around SCOTUS draft opinion,” Politico, May 5, 2022, politico.com. For the Wisconsin incident, see Stephanie Fryer, “Madison police chief responds to arson investigation on city's north side,” City of Madison, May 8, 2022, cityofmadison.com. Strategic View Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months)   Table A2Political Risk Matrix The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections Table A3US Political Capital Index The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections Chart A1Presidential Election Model The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections Chart A2Senate Election Model The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections Table A4APolitical Capital: White House And Congress The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections Table A4BPolitical Capital: Household And Business Sentiment The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections Table A4CPolitical Capital: The Economy And Markets The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections  

Listen to a short summary of this report.       Executive Summary Global Equities Are More Attractively Valued After The Recent Sell-Off Global Equities Are More Attractively Valued After The Recent Sell-Off Global Equities Are More Attractively Valued After The Recent Sell-Off We tactically downgraded global equities in late February but see the current level of stock prices as offering enough upside to warrant an overweight. Global equities are now trading at 15.6-times forward earnings, and only 12.6-times outside the US. More importantly, the forces that pushed down stock prices are starting to abate: The war in Ukraine no longer seems likely to devolve into a broader conflict; the number of new Covid cases in China has fallen by half; and global inflation has peaked. The next 18 months of falling inflation and receding recession fears could see stocks recover much of their losses. The “Last Hurrah” for equities is coming. We continue to think that over a 5-year horizon, bond yields will rise from current levels, value stocks will outperform growth stocks, and crypto prices will fall. However, countertrend rallies are likely. To express this view, we recommend taking partial profits on our short 10-year Treasury trade recommendation (up 9.3% from an initial entry yield of 1.45% on June 30, 2021). We are also halving our long global value/growth position (up 20.1% since inception on December 10, 2020) and our short Bitcoin position (up 98% based on our exponential shorting technique). Bottom Line: Global equities are heading towards a “last Hurrah” starting in the second half of this year. Tactically upgrade stocks to overweight.   Feature Dear Client, We published a Special Alert early this afternoon tactically upgrading global equities to overweight. As promised, the enclosed report elaborates on our view change. Best regards, Peter Berezin Restore Tactical Overweight On Global Equities Chart 1Global Equities Are More Attractively Valued After The Recent Sell-Off Global Equities Are More Attractively Valued After The Recent Sell-Off Global Equities Are More Attractively Valued After The Recent Sell-Off We tactically downgraded global equities from overweight to neutral on February 28th. The war in Ukraine, the Covid outbreak in China, and most importantly, the rise in bond yields have kept us on the sidelines ever since. At this point, however, the outlook for stocks has brightened, and thus we are restoring our tactical (3-month) overweight to stocks so that it is consistent with our bullish 12-month cyclical view. First, valuations have discounted much of the bad news. After the recent sell-off, global equities are trading at 15.6-times forward earnings (Chart 1). Outside the US, they trade at only 12.6-times forward earnings. Second, the forces that pushed down stock prices are starting to abate. The war in Ukraine is approaching a stalemate, with Russian troops unable to take much of the country, let alone seriously threaten regional neighbours. A European embargo on Russian oil is likely but will be watered down significantly before it is implemented. European officials have shied away from banning Russian natural gas, an action that would have much more severe economic implications. While still very high in absolute terms, December-2022 European natural gas futures are down 36% from their peak on March 7 (Chart 2). The 7-day average of new Covid cases in China has fallen by more than half since late April (Chart 3). Considering that a significant fraction of China’s elderly population is unvaccinated, the authorities will continue to play whack-a-mole with the virus for the next few months (Chart 4). Fortunately, Chinese domestic production of Pfizer’s Paxlovid anti-Covid drug is starting to ramp up, which should allow for some easing in lockdown measures later this year. Chart 2European Natural Gas Futures Have Come Off The Boil European Natural Gas Futures Have Come Off The Boil European Natural Gas Futures Have Come Off The Boil Chart 3Covid Cases Are Falling In China… It’s Time To Buy: Tactically Upgrading Global Equities To Overweight It’s Time To Buy: Tactically Upgrading Global Equities To Overweight The 20th Chinese National Party Congress is slated for this fall. In the lead-up to the Congress, it is likely that the government will move to diffuse social tensions over its handling of the pandemic by showering the economy with stimulus funds. Of note, the credit impulse has already turned higher, which bodes well for both Chinese growth and growth abroad (Chart 5). Chart 4… But Low Vaccination Rates Among The Elderly Remain A Risk It’s Time To Buy: Tactically Upgrading Global Equities To Overweight It’s Time To Buy: Tactically Upgrading Global Equities To Overweight Chart 5A Rebound In China's Credit Impulse Bodes Well For China And The Rest Of The World A Rebound In China's Credit Impulse Bodes Well For China And The Rest Of The World A Rebound In China's Credit Impulse Bodes Well For China And The Rest Of The World   Inflation Is Peaking On the inflation front, the data flow has gone from unambiguously bad to neutral (and perhaps even slightly positive). In the US, core goods inflation fell by 0.4% month-over-month in April, the first outright decline in core goods prices since February 2021. The Manheim Used Vehicle Value Index has crested and is now 6.4% below its January peak (Chart 6). Global shipping rates have moved up a bit recently on the back of Chinese port shutdowns but remain well below their highs earlier this year (Chart 7). Chart 6Used Car Prices Appear To Have Peaked Used Car Prices Appear To Have Peaked Used Car Prices Appear To Have Peaked Chart 7Global Shipping Rates Are Well Off Their Highs Global Shipping Rates Are Well Off Their Highs Global Shipping Rates Are Well Off Their Highs It Is The Composition Of Spending That Is Distorted Despite the often-heard claim that US consumer spending is well above trend, the reality is that spending is more or less in line with its pre-pandemic trend (Chart 8). It is the composition of spending that is out of line: Goods spending is well above trend while services spending is well below. One might think that only the overall level of spending should matter for inflation, and that the composition of spending is irrelevant. However, this ignores the reality that services prices are generally stickier than goods prices. Companies that sold fitness equipment during the pandemic had no qualms about raising prices. In contrast, gyms barely cut prices, figuring that lower membership fees would do little to drive new business through the door (Chart 9). Chart 8Total US Consumer Spending Is Almost Exactly At Its Pre-Pandemic Trend, But The Composition Of Spending Remains Skewed Total US Consumer Spending Is Almost Exactly At Its Pre-Pandemic Trend, But The Composition Of Spending Remains Skewed Total US Consumer Spending Is Almost Exactly At Its Pre-Pandemic Trend, But The Composition Of Spending Remains Skewed Chart 9Asymmetries Matter: Firms Manufacturing Sports Equipment Jacked Up Prices, But Gyms Barely Cut Prices Asymmetries Matter: Firms Manufacturing Sports Equipment Jacked Up Prices, But Gyms Barely Cut Prices Asymmetries Matter: Firms Manufacturing Sports Equipment Jacked Up Prices, But Gyms Barely Cut Prices This asymmetry matters, and it suggests that goods inflation should continue to fall over the coming months as the composition of spending shifts back to services. A Lull In Wage Growth Wages are the most important determinant of services inflation. While it is too early to be certain, the latest data suggest that wage growth has peaked. The 3-month annualized growth rate in average hourly earnings for production and nonsupervisory workers slowed from 7.2% in the second half of 2021 to 3.8% in April (Chart 10). Assuming productivity growth of around 1.5%, this is consistent with inflation of only slightly more than 2%. Nominal wage growth is a function of both labor market slack and expected inflation. Slack should increase modestly during the rest of the year as labor participation recovers. Chart 11 shows that the labor force participation rate is still about 0.9 percentage points below where one would expect it to be, even adjusting for an aging population and increased early retirements. Chart 10Wage Growth Seems To Be Topping Out Wage Growth Seems To Be Topping Out Wage Growth Seems To Be Topping Out Chart 11Labor Participation Has Further Scope To Recover Labor Participation Has Further Scope To Recover Labor Participation Has Further Scope To Recover Employment has been particularly depressed among lower-wage workers (Chart 12). This should change as more low-wage workers exhaust their savings and are forced to seek employment. According to the Fed, the lowest-paid 20% of workers are the only group to have seen their bank deposits dwindle since mid-2021 (Chart 13). Chart 12More Low-Wage Employees Will Return To Work More Low-Wage Employees Will Return To Work More Low-Wage Employees Will Return To Work Chart 13The Savings Of Low-Wage Workers Are Dwindling The Savings Of Low-Wage Workers Are Dwindling The Savings Of Low-Wage Workers Are Dwindling Inflation expectations should come down as goods inflation recedes and oil prices come off their highs (Chart 14). Bob Ryan, BCA’s Chief Commodity Strategist, sees the price of Brent averaging $86/bbl in the second half of this year, down 16% from current levels.  Central Banks Will Dial Back The Hawkishness With inflation set to fall over the remainder of the year, and financial markets showing increasing signs of stress, the Fed and other central banks will adopt a softer tone. It is worth noting that the median terminal dot for the Fed funds rate actually declined from 2.5% to 2.4% in the March Summary of Economic Projections (Chart 15). Given that markets expect US interest rates to rise to 3.25% in 2023, the Fed may not want investors to further rachet up rate expectations. Chart 14US Inflation Expectations Should Recede If Oil Prices Drop US Inflation Expectations Should Recede If Oil Prices Drop US Inflation Expectations Should Recede If Oil Prices Drop Chart 15Rate Expectations Have Moved Well Above The Fed's Estimate of Neutral Rate Expectations Have Moved Well Above The Fed's Estimate of Neutral Rate Expectations Have Moved Well Above The Fed's Estimate of Neutral   The Bank of England has already veered in a more dovish direction. Its latest forecast, released on May 5, showed real GDP contracting slightly in 2023. Based on market interest rate expectations, the BoE sees headline inflation falling to 1.5% by end-2024, below its target of 2%. Even assuming that interest rates remain at 1%, the BoE believes that inflation will only be slightly above 2% at the end of 2024, implying little need for incremental policy tightening. Not surprisingly, the pound has sold off. We have been tactically short GBP/USD but are using this opportunity to turn tactically neutral. Given favorable valuations, we like the pound over the long run. Chart 16Spending In The Euro Area Is Well Below Its Pre-Pandemic Trend Spending In The Euro Area Is Well Below Its Pre-Pandemic Trend Spending In The Euro Area Is Well Below Its Pre-Pandemic Trend The euro area provides a good example of the dangers of focusing too much on short-term inflation dynamics. Supply-side disruptions stemming from the pandemic and the war in Ukraine have weighed on European growth this year. Yet, those very same factors have also pushed up inflation. Harmonized inflation across the euro area reached 7.5% in April, the highest since the launch of the common currency. The ECB is eager to put some distance between policy rates and the zero bound. However, there is little need for significant tightening. Unlike in the US, spending in the euro area is well below its pre-pandemic trend (Chart 16). If anything, more inflation would be welcome since that would give the ECB scope to bring real rates further into negative territory if economic conditions warrant it. To its credit, the Bank of Japan has stuck with its yield curve control system, even as bond yields have risen elsewhere in the world. Japan’s currency has weakened but given that inflation expectations are too low, and virtually all of its debt is denominated in yen, that is hardly a bad thing. Too Late? Has the surge in bond yields already done enough damage to the global economy to make a recession inevitable? We do not think so. As noted above, much of the recent harm has been caused by various dislocations, namely the war in Ukraine and the ongoing effects of the pandemic. As these dislocations dissipate, inflation will fall and global growth will recover. Despite the hoopla over how the US economy contracted in the first quarter, real private final sales to domestic purchasers (a measure of GDP growth that strips out the effects of changes in government spending, inventories, and net exports) rose by 3.7% at an annualized rate. As Table 1 shows, this measure of economic activity has the highest predictive power for GDP growth one-quarter ahead. Table 1A Good Sign: Real Final Sales To Private Domestic Purchasers Rose By 3.7% In Q1 It’s Time To Buy: Tactically Upgrading Global Equities To Overweight It’s Time To Buy: Tactically Upgrading Global Equities To Overweight Meanwhile, and completely overlooked at this point, S&P 500 earnings have come in 7.3% above expectations so far in Q1, with nearly 80% of S&P 500 companies surprising on the upside. Earnings are up 10.4% year-over-year in Q1. Sales are up 13.6%. Looking out to Q4 of 2022, S&P companies are expected to earn $60.93 in EPS, up 4.3% from what analysts expected at the start of the year. It is also worth noting that homebuilder stocks have basically been flat over the past 30 days, even as the S&P 500 has dropped by nearly 10% over this period. Housing is the most interest rate-sensitive sector of the economy. With the homeowner vacancy rate at record low levels, even today’s mortgage rates may not be enough to push the economy into recession (Chart 17). Economic vulnerabilities are greater outside the US. Nevertheless, there is enough pent-up demand on both the consumer and capital spending side to sustain growth. The Last Hurrah How long will the “Goldilocks” period of falling inflation and supply-side driven growth last? Our guess is about 18 months, starting this summer and lasting until the end of 2023. Unfortunately, as is often the case, the benign environment that will emerge in the second half of this year will sow the seeds of its own demise. Real wages are currently falling across the major economies (Chart 18). That has dampened consumer confidence and spending. However, as inflation comes down, real wage growth will turn positive. This will stoke demand, leading to a reacceleration in inflation, most likely in late 2023 or early 2024. Chart 17Tight Supply Makes Housing More Resilient Tight Supply Makes Housing More Resilient Tight Supply Makes Housing More Resilient Chart 18Real Wages Are Falling In Most Countries Real Wages Are Falling In Most Countries Real Wages Are Falling In Most Countries   In the end, central banks will discover that the neutral rate of interest is higher than they thought. That is good news for stocks in the short-to-medium run because it means that forthcoming rate hikes will not induce a recession. Down the road, however, a higher neutral rate means that investors will eventually need to value stocks using a higher discount rate. It also means that the disinflation we envision over the next 18 months will not last. All this puts us in the rather lonely “transitory transitory” camp: We think much of today’s high inflation will prove to be transitory, but the transitory nature of that inflation will itself be transitory. Be that as it may, the next 18 months of falling inflation and receding recession fears could see stocks recover much of their losses. For most investors, that is too long a period to sit on the sidelines. The “Last Hurrah” for equities is coming. Taking Partial Profits On Our Short Treasury, Long Value/Growth, And Short Bitcoin Trades We continue to think that over a 5-year horizon, bond yields will rise from current levels, value stocks will outperform growth stocks, and crypto prices will fall. However, with the “Last Hurrah” approaching, countertrend rallies are likely. To express this view, we recommend taking half profits on our short 10-year Treasury trade recommendation (up 9.3% from an initial entry yield of 1.45% on June 30, 2021). We are also halving our long global value/growth position (up 20.1% since inception on December 10, 2020), and our short Bitcoin position (up 98% based on our exponential shorting technique). Peter Berezin Chief Global Strategist peterb@bcaresearch.com Global Investment Strategy View Matrix It’s Time To Buy: Tactically Upgrading Global Equities To Overweight It’s Time To Buy: Tactically Upgrading Global Equities To Overweight Special Trade Recommendations Current MacroQuant Model Scores It’s Time To Buy: Tactically Upgrading Global Equities To Overweight It’s Time To Buy: Tactically Upgrading Global Equities To Overweight

Executive Summary The US Still Dominates Economic Output The US Still Dominates Economic Output The US Still Dominates Economic Output While the Ukraine war has been positive for the greenback, there is a slow tectonic shift away from the dollar as China rethinks holding concentrated foreign currency reserves. In the near term, the dollar faces positive macro variables and still-rising geopolitical tensions. Longer term, as global trade slows and countries gravitate into regional trading blocs, the dollar will need to fall to narrow the US trade deficit. By the same token, the Chinese RMB could weaken in the near term but will stabilize longer term. China will promote its currency across Asia. Currency volatility will take a step-function higher in this new paradigm. Winners will be the currencies of small open economies, especially in resource-rich nations. Trade Recommendation Inception Date Return LONG GOLD 2019-12-06 27.7% Bottom Line: Cyclical forces continue to underpin the dollar, such as rising US interest rates, a slowdown in global growth, and a safe haven premium from still-high geopolitical tensions. That said, the dollar is overbought, expensive, and vulnerable to reserve diversification over the longer term. While tactical long positions make sense, strategic investors should not chase the dollar higher. Feature Currency market action this week focused on two key central bank meetings: the Federal Reserve and the Bank of England. The Fed raised rates by 50 basis points while the BoE raised by 25 points, yet the market expectation differs. In the US, markets imply that the Fed can keep real interest positive while engineering a soft landing in the economy. In the UK (and Euro Area), markets see more acute stagflationary risks and assign a higher probability to a policy error. This situation, together with rising geopolitical risk, has put a bid under the dollar. Related Report  Commodity & Energy StrategyDie Cast By EU: Inflation, Recession Risks Rise Brewing in the background is the prospect that the Ukraine war and US sanctions on Russia could have longer-term consequences on the dollar. Specifically, Russia and China are now locked into a geopolitical partnership to undermine US geopolitical dominance, including the dollar’s supremacy. While this discussion will inevitably come with some speculation about what will happen in the future, what does the evidence say so far? More importantly, what are some profitable investment opportunities that could arise from any shift? The Russo-Chinese Rebellion Chart 1The US Needs To Externally Finance Defense Spending The US Needs To Externally Finance Defense Spending The US Needs To Externally Finance Defense Spending From Russia’s and China’s point of view, the United States threatens to establish global hegemony. The US possesses the world’s largest economy and most sophisticated military. It has largely maintained its preponderance in these spheres despite the rise of China, the resurgence of Russia, and the formation of the European Union as a geopolitical entity (Chart 1). If the US succeeds in its current endeavor of crippling Russia’s economy and surrounding it with NATO military allies, the world will be even more imbalanced in terms of power, while China will be isolated and insecure. To illustrate this point, NATO’s military spending is much higher than that of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), which is not nearly as developed a military alliance (Chart 2). Hence Russia and China believe they must take action to counter the US and establish a global balance of power. When Presidents Vladimir Putin and Xi Jinping met on February 4 to declare that their strategic partnership will suffer “no limits,” which means no military limits, they declared a new multipolar era and warned against US domination under the guise of liberalism. If China allows Putin to fail in his conflict with the West, the Russian regime will eventually undergo a major leadership and policy change and China will become isolated. Whereas if China accepts Russia’s current strategic overture, China will be fortified. Russia can be immensely supportive of China’s Eurasian strategy to bypass US maritime dominance and improve supply security (Chart 3). Chart 2NATO Vs SCO: US Threat Of Dominance FX Consequences Of The US-Russia Conflict FX Consequences Of The US-Russia Conflict The consequence of this Russo-Chinese alliance will be to transact in a currency that falls outside sanctions by the US. This will be no easy feat. The US dollar still monopolizes the world’s monetary system, even though the US is likely to lose economic clout over time.  Chart 3China Cannot Reject Russia FX Consequences Of The US-Russia Conflict FX Consequences Of The US-Russia Conflict ​​​​​ De-Dollarization And A Brewing USD Crisis? Fact Versus Fiction A reserve currency must serve the three basic functions of money on a global scale – providing a store of value, unit of account, and accepted medium of exchange. This status gives the dominant reserve currency an “exorbitant privilege,” a range of advantages including the ability to run persistent current account deficits and impose devastating sanctions on geopolitical rivals. Since the turn of the century, the US has struggled to maintain domestic political stability and has failed to deter challenges to its global leadership posed by Russia, China, and lesser powers. Lacking public support for foreign military adventures after Iraq and Afghanistan, Washington turned to economic sanctions to try to influence the behavior of other states. The results have been mixed in terms of geopolitics but cumulatively they have been neutral or positive for the trade-weighted dollar. The US adopted harsh sanctions against North Korea in 2005, Iran in 2010, Russia in 2012, Venezuela in 2015, and China in 2018. The primary trend in the dollar was never altered (Chart 4). Chart 4A Chronicle Of Sanctions And The Dollar A Chronicle Of Sanctions And The Dollar A Chronicle Of Sanctions And The Dollar Yet sweeping sanctions against Russia and China are qualitatively different from other sanctions– as they are among the world’s great powers. The extraordinary sanctions on Russia in 2022 – including cutting off its access to US dollar reserves – have proven deeply unsettling for China and other nations that fear they might someday end up on the wrong side of the US’s foreign policy. Russia’s own experience proves that diversification away from the dollar is likely to occur. From a peak of 47% in 2007, Russia reduced its dollar-denominated foreign exchange reserves to 16%. It cut its Treasury holdings from a peak of over 35% of international reserves to less than 1% today. Meanwhile Russia increased its gold holdings from 2% in 2008 to 20% (Chart 5). The Russians accelerated their diversification away from the dollar after invading Ukraine in 2014 to reduce the impact of sanctions. However, the world is familiar with Russian economic isolation. The West embargoed the USSR throughout the Cold War from 1949-1991. The dollar rose to prominence during this period, so it is not intuitive that Russia’s latest withdrawal from the global economy will enable other countries to abandon the dollar when they have failed in the past due to lack of alternatives. What is clear is that there is no clean or easy exit today from a dollar-denominated financial system. But there are a few lessons from Russia: The ruble has recouped all the losses since the implementation of sanctions. It runs a large current account surplus and has stemmed capital outflows. Another factor has been a sharp reduction in its dependence on the dollar. This will cushion the inflationary impact of US sanctions. Going forward, Russia will be much more insulated from the US dollar but at a terrible cost to potential economic growth (Chart 6). A dearth of US dollar capex into Russia will cripple productivity growth. The lesson for other US rivals will be to take economic stability into account when engaging in geopolitical rivalry.  Chart 5Russia Was Able To Dump Treasurys... Russia Was Able To Dump Treasurys... Russia Was Able To Dump Treasurys... The dollar has been unfazed by the Russian debacle. The victims have been other reserve currencies such as the euro, British pound, and Japanese yen, which are engulfed in an energy crisis from Russia’s actions.  Chart 6...But The Economic Impact Will Remain Severe ...But The Economic Impact Will Remain Severe ...But The Economic Impact Will Remain Severe ​​​​​​ The key question that matters for investors will be what China will do. As one of the largest holders of US Treasurys, a destabilizing exit would have dramatic currency market impacts and could backfire on China. The trick will be to continue exiting this system without precipitating domestic instability. What Will China Do? China has learned two critical lessons from the Russo-Ukrainian conflict, with regard to raising the appeal of the RMB. First, the economic impact of US sanctions can still be devastating even when you have diversified out of dollars. Second, access to commodities is ever more important. As such, any strategy China chooses will need to mitigate these risks. China started diversifying away from the dollar in 2011 and today holds $1.05 trillion in US Treasurys. A little less than half of its foreign exchange reserves are denominated in dollars (Chart 7). This has been a gradual diversification that has not upended the current monetary regime. More importantly, China’s diversification accounts for the bulk of the shift by non-allies away from treasuries. Their share of foreign-held treasuries has fallen from 41% in 2009 to 23% today (Chart 8). Chart 7China Has Lowered USD Reserve Holdings China Has Lowered USD Reserve Holdings China Has Lowered USD Reserve Holdings ​​​​​​ Chart 8US Allies Still Willing To Hold USDs... US Allies Still Willing To Hold USDs... US Allies Still Willing To Hold USDs... ​​​​​​ China’s diversification has helped drive down the overall foreign share of US government debt holdings (excluding domestic central banks) from close to 50% in the middle of the last decade to 36% today (Chart 9). It has also weighed on the dollar. China can and will speed up its diversification from the dollar in the wake of the Ukraine war. While Americans will say that China only need fear such sanctions if it attacks Taiwan or other countries, China will not rest assured. Beijing must respond to US capability, not the Biden Administration’s stated intentions. A new Republican administration could arise as soon as January 2025 and take the offensive against China. The US and China are already engaged in great power rivalry and Beijing cannot afford to substitute hope for strategy. China ran a $224 billion current account surplus in 2021, so part of its strategy could be to reduce the pool of savings that need to be recycled every year into global assets. Since 2007 China has sent large amounts of outward direct investment into the world to acquire real assets and natural resources. The Xi administration tried to bring coherence to this outward investment by prioritizing different countries and investments adhere to China’s economic and strategic aims. The Belt and Road Initiative is the symbol of this process (Chart 10). Going forward, China will continue this process. It will also recycle more of its savings at home by increasing investment in critical industries such as energy security, semiconductors, and defense. Chart 9...But A Slow Diversification From US Debt Persists FX Consequences Of The US-Russia Conflict FX Consequences Of The US-Russia Conflict The key priorities will remain a Eurasian strategy of circumventing the US navy. Building natural gas pipelines and other infrastructure to link up with Russia is an obvious area of emphasis, although it will involve tough negotiations with Moscow. China will also prioritize Central Asia, the Middle East, South Asia, and mainland Southeast Asia as areas where its influence can grow with limited intervention by the US and its allies (Chart 11). Chart 10The Belt And Road Initiative In Progress The Belt And Road Initiative In Progress The Belt And Road Initiative In Progress ​​​​​​   Chart 11China Outward Investment Will Need To Be Strategic FX Consequences Of The US-Russia Conflict FX Consequences Of The US-Russia Conflict Chart 12The RMB Could Dominate Intra-Regional Asean Trade FX Consequences Of The US-Russia Conflict FX Consequences Of The US-Russia Conflict As China invests more at home and in other countries, financing and invoicing deals in the renminbi will grow. While the dollar is the transactional currency globally, it is far less relevant when considering local trading blocs. The euro dominates intra-European trade, suggesting China can try to expand RMB invoicing for intra-Asian trade (Chart 12). Even then, however, the yuan faces serious obstacles from China’s inability or unwillingness to extend security guarantees to its partners, failure shift the economic model to consumerism, persistent currency controls, closed capital account, and geopolitical competition with the United States. Investors should pay close attention to shifts occurring at the margin. The number of bilateral swap lines offered to foreign central banks by the People’s Bank of China has grown (Chart 13), with a total amount of around 4 trillion yuan. This allows the PBoC to use its massive foreign exchange reserves, worth about US$3.2 trillion, to back yuan liabilities. As China continues to grow and increases the share of RMB trade within its sphere of influence, the yuan will rise as an invoicing currency (Chart 14). This could take years, even decades, but a shift is already underway. Chart 13The People's Bank Of Asia? FX Consequences Of The US-Russia Conflict FX Consequences Of The US-Russia Conflict ​​​​​​ Chart 14China Is Growing In Economic Importance China Is Growing In Economic Importance China Is Growing In Economic Importance ​​​​​​ In the near term, any US sanctions on China will hurt the RMB. Combined with hypo-globalization, China’s zero-Covid policy, narrowing interest rate differentials, and flight from Chinese assets, it is too soon to be positive on the RMB in the context of US-China confrontation (Chart 15). Longer term, China’s ability to ascend the reserve currency ladder will require a more radical change in Chinese policy to move the dollar. Chart 15CNY And US Sanctions CNY And US Sanctions CNY And US Sanctions Where Does The Euro Fit In? The biggest competitor to the US dollar is the euro, which took the largest chunk out of the US’s share of the global currency reserve basket in recent decades (Chart 16). Yet the EU could suffer a long-term loss of security, productivity, and stability from Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and the ensuing energy cutoff with Russia. Chart 16The Dollar Remains A Reserve Currency The Dollar Remains A Reserve Currency The Dollar Remains A Reserve Currency The EU will have to spend more on energy security and national defense. This will lead to an increase in debt securities that other countries could buy, which offers a way for countries to diversify from the dollar. However, Europe does not provide China or Russia with protection from US sanctions. The EU is allied with the US, it imposed sanctions on Russia along with the US, and like the US is pursuing extra-territorial law enforcement with its sanctions. When the US withdrew from the 2015 Iran nuclear deal, the EU disagreed technically, but in practice it enforced the sanctions anyway. The euro is hardly a safer reserve currency than sterling or the yen for countries looking to quarrel with the United States. The fact is that all of these allied states are likely to cooperate together in the event that any other state attempts to revise the global order as Russia has done. Not necessarily because they are democracies and share similar values but because they derive their national security from the US and its alliance system. The takeaway is that the euro will become a buying opportunity if and when the security environment stabilizes. Then diversification into the euro will occur. But it will not become a landslide that unseats the dollar, since the euro will still have a higher geopolitical risk premium. Investment Takeaways The historical evidence suggests that US sanctions have not weighed on the dollar. In the case of the Russo-Ukrainian conflict, it has been positive for the greenback. That said, there is a slow tectonic shift from the dollar, as each economic powerhouse evaluates the merits of holding concentrated foreign currency reserves. In the near term, the dollar will continue to be driven by traditional economic variables – global growth, real interest rate differentials, and the resilience of the US economy. That remains a positive. Geopolitical tensions reinforce the dollar’s current rally. Longer term, as globalization deteriorates and countries gravitate into regional trading blocs, the dollar will need to adjust lower to narrow the US trade deficit. By the same token, the RMB could weaken in the near term but will need to stabilize longer term, if Beijing wants it to be considered an anchor and store of value for other Asian currencies. Chart 17Silver Demand Could Explode Higher As Currency Volatility Rises Silver Demand Could Explode Higher As Currency Volatility Rises Silver Demand Could Explode Higher As Currency Volatility Rises The key takeaway is that currency volatility will take a step-function higher in this new paradigm. The winners could be the currencies of small open economies, especially in resource-rich nations. A world in which economic powers increasingly pursue national interests is likely to be inflationary. These powers will deplete the external pool of global savings, as current account balances wind down in favor of national and strategic interests. They will also likely encourage the demand for anti-fiat assets as currency volatility takes a step-function higher. Gold is likely to do well is this environment, but silver could be on the cusp of an explosion higher. The metal has found some measure of support around $22-23 per ounce even as manufacturing bottlenecks have hammered industrial demand. Long-only investors should hold both gold and silver, but a short gold/silver position makes sense both economically and from a valuation standpoint (Chart 17). Geopolitical Housekeeping: We are closing our Long FTSE 100 / Short DM-ex-US Equities trade for a gain of 19.5%. We still favor this trade cyclically and will look to reinstate it at a future date. We are also booking gains on our short TWD-USD trade for a return of 5.8% — though we remain short Taiwanese equities and continue to expect a fourth Taiwan Strait geopolitical crisis.   Chester Ntonifor Foreign Exchange Strategist chestern@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken Chief Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Strategic Themes Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Regional Geopolitical Risk Matrix

Executive Summary Europe's Largest Import Bill: Oil Die Cast By EU: Inflation, Recession Risks Rise Die Cast By EU: Inflation, Recession Risks Rise The EU crossed the Rubicon this week, proposing to eliminate Russian oil imports within six months. The speed of putting the sanctions into effect, and Russia’s retaliation, will be critical to whether the world endures continued inflationary pressures or whether a global recession ensues. Russia indicated it will launch its own round of sanctions in the near future, which could profoundly affect not only global oil and gas markets, but once again induce input price shocks to electricity markets – which will hit firms and households again with higher prices – and agricultural markets. Turmoil in commodity markets has opened a policy debate over whether the world will be forced to migrate to a new monetary order based on access to commodities and control of commodity flows, which would replace the fiat-money architecture that succeeded the post-WWII Bretton Woods system. This debate draws together numerous trends – the centrality of commodities to price levels and inflation; central-bank policy; failed regulation at commodity exchanges; and commodity scarcity due to weak capex. Bottom Line: Commodity markets are changing rapidly as fundamentals adapt to supply tightness and an extremely erratic demand recovery.  However, this does not mark the beginning of a new Bretton Woods era.  Markets adapt quickly to changing fundamentals and that will continue. Feature With its proposal this week to ban the import of Russian oil, the EU crossed the Rubicon and now will prepare for an escalation of its economic war with Russia. Oil imports are, by far, the EU's largest energy import expense, and Russia is its largest supplier (Chart 1). Russian natural gas exports to Europe account for 74% of its total natgas exports, although natgas comprises a much smaller share of Russia’s revenue than oil (Chart 2). In a pecuniary sense, oil is far more important, but in an economic sense gas is more meaningful for Europe. Chart 1Europe's Largest Import Bill: Oil Die Cast By EU: Inflation, Recession Risks Rise Die Cast By EU: Inflation, Recession Risks Rise Chart 2Russia's Largest Market: Europe Die Cast By EU: Inflation, Recession Risks Rise Die Cast By EU: Inflation, Recession Risks Rise Russia produced 10.1mm b/d of crude and condensates in 2021. Of the 4.7mm b/d of this that Russia exported, OECD Europe was its largest customer, at 50% of total, according to the US EIA. If Russia's production is curtailed by roughly 1mm b/d this year and next year due to sanctions, we estimate Brent prices could reach $120/bbl. Losing 1.8mm this year and another 700k b/d next year could push Brent prices above $140/bbl (Chart 3). On the natgas side, one-third of the ~ 25 Tcf of Russian production last year was exported via pipeline or as LNG, based on 2021 data from the EIA. This amounted to almost 9 Tcf. Most of this – 74% – was exported via pipeline to the OECD Europe. These are dedicated volumes flowing through Russia's network into Europe. Until the Power of Siberia pipeline is expanded – likely over the next 2-3 years — this gas will not be available for export. Chart 3Losing Russian Oil Exports Will Push Prices Sharply Higher Losing Russian Oil Exports Will Push Prices Sharply Higher Losing Russian Oil Exports Will Push Prices Sharply Higher Oil and gas exports last year accounted for close to 40% of the Russian government's budget. Crude and product revenue last year came in at just under $180 billion, while pipeline and LNG shipments of natgas accounted for close to $62 billion of the Russian government's revenues. Clearly, the stakes are extremely high for Russia if Europe embargoes oil imports. Escalation Of Economic War Russian Energy Minister Alexander Novak last month threatened to shut off Russian exports of natural gas if the EU cut off oil imports. Whether – or how quickly – that threat is acted upon will be critical for Europe. Speculation around the EU's proposal to embargo oil imports of all kinds from Russia centers on the ban becoming effective by the end of this week, with a six-month phase-down of imports.1 It is still possible that the sanctions will be vetoed and revised. But with Germany changing its position and now willing to embargo oil, it is only a matter of time before the majority of the EU cuts off Russian oil imports. In response, Russia will launch its own round of embargoes, which could profoundly affect not only global oil and gas markets, but once again induce input-price shocks to electricity markets – which will hit household budgets and base-metals smelters and refiners – and agricultural markets, given the large share of natgas in fertilizers (Chart 4). It is not difficult to imagine base-metals refining operations closing again in Europe, along with crop-planting delays rising.2 On the back of this collateral damage from the cut-off of Russian oil and gas exports, we would expect inflation and inflation expectations to take another leg up. This comes against a backdrop in which central banks led by the US Fed already have initiated a rate-hiking program to address inflation that is running far hotter than previously forecast. Chart 4Tight Natgas Markets Drive Fertilizer/Grain Prices Higher Power, Fertilizer, Base Metals Could Be Shocked By Russian Cut-Offs Tight Natgas Markets Drive Fertilizer/Grain Prices Higher Power, Fertilizer, Base Metals Could Be Shocked By Russian Cut-Offs Tight Natgas Markets Drive Fertilizer/Grain Prices Higher Power, Fertilizer, Base Metals Could Be Shocked By Russian Cut-Offs Policymakers Reassess Commodities This turmoil in commodity markets has ignited a policy debate over whether the world will be forced to migrate to a new monetary order. The new order, so the argument goes, would be based on access to commodities and control of commodity flows and would replace the fiat-money architecture that succeeded the post-WWII Bretton Woods system. This debate draws together numerous trends – the centrality of commodities to price levels and inflation; central-bank policy; failed regulation at commodity exchanges; non-USD invoicing and funding; and commodity scarcity – particularly in industrial commodities like oil, natgas and metals due to weak capex over almost a decade. The debates around these different crises are being framed around the heightened geopolitical awareness of the critical role of commodities in the language of financial markets. This is a novel innovation; however, it essentially is an argument by analogy and can obfuscate underlying causes and effects. Bretton Woods III In The Offing? Following WW II, the US and other advanced economies launched the Bretton Woods system, under which the US would operate and maintain a commodity-money regime – i.e., the gold standard – that maintained convertability of USD to gold upon demand. This post-World War II Bretton Woods (BW) system – call it BWI – remained in place until the early 1970s and made the USD the preeminent currency in the world during that period. Literally, the system, operated by the Fed, made the USD "as good as gold." That didn't last, as US domestic exigencies – the Vietnam War and the War on Poverty – forced the US to abandon gold-convertibility and adopt a fiat-money system to finance these multiple wars. Nevertheless the dollar retained its centrality to global markets. Call this fiat system BWII. As of 2022, the dollar remains the world’s dominant reserve currency, accounting for ~ 60% of the $12.25 trillion of foreign exchange reserves, according to IMF data (Chart 5).3 As a vehicle currency, it accounts for close to 90% of daily FX trading – amounting to ~ $6 trillion/day of turnover. The dollar also is the preeminent funding and invoice currency. Trade invoicing denominated in USD accounts for 93% of imports and 97% of exports worldwide. Chart 5USD Remains Dominant Reserve Currency Die Cast By EU: Inflation, Recession Risks Rise Die Cast By EU: Inflation, Recession Risks Rise According to the WTO, global trade in 2019 (just before the COVID-19 pandemic) was just shy of $19 trillion (Chart 6). This global dominance of the USD means the dollar’s funding-currency role “mediates the transmission of U.S. monetary policy to global financing conditions.”4 This has been the case for the 23 years since the creation of the euro, including the periods before and after the 2008 global financial crisis. Chart 6USD Dominates World Trade Die Cast By EU: Inflation, Recession Risks Rise Die Cast By EU: Inflation, Recession Risks Rise The dollar’s importance to the global economy has only grown since the BWI era.5 Obstfeld notes US gross external assets and liabilities relative to GDP “grow sharply (but roughly commensurately) up until the global financial crisis, reaching ratios to GDP in the neighborhood of 150 percent. Since then, assets have levelled off but liabilities have continued to grow.” The dollar faces a range of challenges, as we discuss below, but any discussion must begin with its resilience as the top currency – a resilience that spans the creation of the euro, the rise of China, vast US budget and trade deficits, multiple rounds of quantitative easing, and political instability in Washington. A Return To Commodity-Based Money? The full power of the Fed's role at the center of the global monetary system – as a reserve currency and as the preeminent medium for funding and invoicing trade – was revealed following the invasion of Ukraine by Russia. The US froze Russian foreign reserves, denied it access to the international SWIFT payments system, and imposed sanctions on Russian firms and individuals, and anyone trading with them. Following the US actions, Russia's economy was partially frozen out of global trade, banking and finance. Western partners abandoned their Russian investments, taking their capital and technology out of the country. Outside of the sanctions, individual firms such as refiners, shippers and trading companies “self-sanctioned” their dealings with Russia, and refused to handle inbound or outbound Russian commodities. Given the US capability revealed, and the threat posed to other countries should the US sanction them in a likely manner, new risks to the dollar system will emerge. The primacy of the USD, and the Fed's role in maintaining its central banking position to the world, are by no means assured. Indeed, other states – namely China – will try to insulate themselves from similar sanctions. India is apparently willing to trade with Russia in rubles. Saudi Arabia is exploring being paid in RMB for oil exports to China and a wide range of states could increase their acceptance of RMB at least to cover their growing trade with China. China has been pushing hard to have its RMB recognized and used as a global reserve currency, and a trade-invoicing and trade-funding currency. For this to happen, China also would have to allow its currency to become a vehicle currency – i.e., the anchor leg in FX trading. Zoltan Pozsar, a Credit Suisse analyst, recently penned an article exploring the new terrain exposed by the Russian invasion of Ukraine and the US and EU responses.6 For Pozsar, "Commodity reserves will be an essential part of Bretton Woods III, and historically wars are won by those who have more food and energy supplies – food to fuel horses and soldiers back in the day, and food to fuel soldiers and fuel to fuel tanks and planes today." Pozsar avers that his formulation of Bretton Woods III will reverse the disinflation created by globalization, and "serve up an inflationary impulse (de-globalization, autarky, just-in-case hoarding of commodities and duplication of supply chains, and more military spending to be able to protect whatever seaborne trade is left)." These conclusions are similar to conclusions we have reached over the course of the past few years, as it became increasingly apparent that the US was losing geopolitical clout relative to rising powers, mainly China, and that the international system was becoming multipolar and unstable. The Ukraine war confirmed the new environment of Great Power Rivalry. Nation-states will indeed amass and hoard commodities as they will need to gird for battle as this rivalry heats up. Preparation for war and war itself are historically inflationary (Chart 7). Chart 7War And Preparation For War Are Inflationary War And Preparation For War Are Inflationary War And Preparation For War Are Inflationary However, countries still have to pay for commodities in a currency that exporters are willing to receive. Yet the biggest global oil and food exporters depend on the US for their security, except Russia. Even in base metals the US wields extraordinary influence over the non-aligned exporters. These states could reduce their dollar invoicing to cover their share of trade with countries outside the West, but their national security alliances and partnerships imply a hard-to-change view on which economies and currencies will be most stable over the long run. The dollar is again preeminent. China unquestionably wants to diversify away from the dollar. But China’s trade partners will have a limit on how much yuan cash they are willing to hold. If they want to recycle this cash into China’s economy, China must open its capital account. But this would reduce the Communist Party’s control of the domestic economy due to the Impossible Trinity (the yuan would have to float freely). So until China makes this change, the world is stuck in today’s monetary system. By contrast, if China totally closes its system due to domestic or foreign political threats, then the world faces a recession and investors will not be rushing to sell the dollar. For now China is trying to have it both ways: maintaining large foreign exchange reserves while gradually diversifying away from the dollar (Chart 8). China selling off its Treasury holdings and dollar reserves, which began in the aftermath of the Great Recession, is the biggest monetary shift since 1999, when the euro emerged and China’s purchases of Treasuries began to surge due to trade surpluses on the back of its joining the WTO. But there is little basis for China or anyone else to abandon fiat currencies and return to the gold standard. Fiat currencies enable states to control the money supply and hence to try to control their economies and societies. The Chinese are the least likely to abandon fiat currency given their laser focus on employment, manufacturing, and social stability. China is a commodity importer, so that if it seeks to amass commodities as strategic reserves in the midst of a commodity boom, it will pay top price. This means the yuan would need to be kept strong. But in fact China is allowing the yuan to depreciate, as it would face higher unemployment and instability if domestic demand were further suppressed by a rising yuan. China is already undergoing a painful transition away from export orientation – and Beijing has already acknowledged that de-industrialization should slow down because it poses a sociopolitical threat (Chart 9). A monetary revolution that strengthens the yuan at the expense of the dollar would force an immediate conclusion to China’s transition away from export-manufacturing. That would be politically destabilizing. Chart 8China Diversifies from USD - But Closed Capital Account Prevents Global RMB China Diversifies from USD - But Closed Capital Account Prevents Global RMB China Diversifies from USD - But Closed Capital Account Prevents Global RMB Chart 9Stronger RMB Would De-Industrialize China At Great Political Risk Stronger RMB Would De-Industrialize China At Great Political Risk Stronger RMB Would De-Industrialize China At Great Political Risk If China or other countries attempt to create a commodity base for their currencies, but simultaneously try to prevent a fixed exchange rate that constrains their money supply, then there will be little difference from a fiat currency regime. Today’s major reserve currency issuers already possess reserves of physical wealth (e.g. commodities) beneath their flexible monetary policy regimes – this dynamic would not inherently change. Of course, Europe, Japan, and the United Kingdom are the leading providers of reserve currencies outside the US and yet they are relatively lacking in commodity reserves. If global investors begin chasing currencies primarily on the basis of commodity reserves, the USD will not suffer the most, as the United States is a resource-rich country. China’s policy and strategy may become clearer after the twentieth party congress this fall, but most likely the current contradictions will persist. China will want to prolong the period of economic engagmeent with the West for as long as possible even as it prepares for a time when engagement is utterly broken. While China knows that the US will pursue strategic containment, and US-China engagement is over, it also knows that European leaders have a different set of interests. They have enough difficulty dealing with Russia and are not eager to expand their sanctions to China. Yet switching from dollar to euro reserves offers China little protection against sanctions in any major confrontation in the coming years. A radical decision by China to buy high and sell low (realize big losses on Treasuries and buy high-priced commodities) would show that Beijing is expecting Russian-style confrontation with the West immediately, which would scare foreign investors away from China. Net foreign direct investment in China has surged since the downfall of the Trump presidency (Chart 10). But that process would reverse as companies saw China going down Russia’s path and disengaging from the global monetary system. In that context, western governments would also penalize their own companies for investing in a geopolitical rival that was apparently preparing for conflict (while buttressing Russia). In short, private capital will flee countries that abandon the global financial system because that would be an economically inefficient decision taken for reasons of state security, and hence it would imply higher odds of conflict. Wealthy nations see China’s and other emerging markets’ foreign exchange reserves as “collateral” against asset seizures and geopolitical risks: if China reduces the collateral, private capital will feel less secure flowing into China.7 Chart 10If China Abandonds USD To Prepare For Sanctions, FDI Will Reverse If China Abandonds USD To Prepare For Sanctions, FDI Will Reverse If China Abandonds USD To Prepare For Sanctions, FDI Will Reverse Ultimately China will try to wean itself off the dollar – but it will keep doing so gradually to avoid a catastrophic social and economic change at home and abroad. This is continuation of post-2008 status quo. An accelerated shift away from USD will be interpreted by global actors as preparation for war (just like Russia’s shift). This will drive investors to swap Chinese assets for American or other assets. History suggests that USD devaluations followed US wars and budget expansions. Investors should wait until the next US military adventure, in Iran or elsewhere, before expecting massive dollar depreciation. If the US pursues an offshore balancing strategy, as it appears to be doing today, then other countries will become less stable and the dollar will remain appealing as a safe haven. Bottom Line: Russia’s and China’s diversification away from the dollar over the past decade has not caused global flight from the dollar. International trust in the economy and government of Russia and China is not very high. The euro, the viable alternative to the dollar, is less attractive in the face of the Ukraine war and broader geopolitical instability. The path toward monetary revolution is for China to open up its capital account, make its currency convertible, and sell USD assets while appreciating the yuan. Yet China’s leaders have not embarked on this course for fear of domestic instability. In lieu of that, the current monetary regime continues.     Robert P. Ryan Chief Commodity & Energy Strategist rryan@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken Chief Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com     Footnotes 1     Please see Brussels proposes EU import ban on all Russian oil published by ft.com on May 4, 2022 for summary of the EU's export-ban proposals. 2     Please see our report from March 31, 2022 entitled Germany Closer To Rationing Natgas for further discussion. It is available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 3    See Obstfeld, Maurice (2020), Global Dimensions of U.S. Monetary Policy, International Journal of Central Banking, 16:1, pp. 73-132. 4    Obstfeld (2020, p. 113). 5    Obstfeld (2020, p. 77-78). 6    Please see Pozsar, Zoltan (2022), "Money, Commodities, and Bretton Woods III," published by Credit Suisse Economics. 7     For the “collateral” interpretation of US dollar-denominated foreign exchange reserves, see Michael P. Dooley, David Folkerts-Landau, and Peter M. Garber, “US Sanctions Reinforce The Dollar’s Dominance,” NBER Working Paper Series 29943, April 2022, nber.org.  

Executive Summary Stocks Not Linked To Presidential Approval Stocks Not Linked To Presidential Approval Stocks Not Linked To Presidential Approval   President Kennedy’s performance in 1962 would be ideal for the Biden administration in this year’s midterm elections – but today the Russian conflict is less likely to help the Democrats.   A threat to the homeland could lift President Biden’s job approval. But most likely inflation and foreign crises will weigh on his approval. A contrarian stock rally would not help Biden’s approval but Biden’s attempts to boost his rating could deliver negative surprises for stocks.    US “peak polarization” and Democratic Party policies are negative for the stock market and investor risk appetite over the next zero-to-six months.   Our quantitative election models suggest Republicans will win the Senate, though uncertainty will rise as a result of the controversy over the Supreme Court and abortion. Democratic odds of keeping the White House in 2024 are 54.6% but eroding. CLOSE Recommendation (Cyclical) CLOSING Level CLOSING Date RETURN Long Municipal Bonds Vs. Duration Matched Treasuries 93.53 2-MAY-22 -1.50%   Bottom Line: Overall Biden policies plus global events are neutral or bullish for US Treasuries while neutral or bearish for US stocks over a tactical time horizon (zero-to-six months). Feature President Biden is doubling down on his support for Ukraine and thus adopting the John F. Kennedy foreign policy playbook of confronting Russia ahead of the US’s midterm elections. Related Report  US Political StrategyWar Not Helping Biden So Far Biden’s position today is weaker than Kennedy’s in 1962, so his reaction to Russian aggression will create more market hurdles than it removes. Bad news will come before good news, compounding bearish investor sentiment in the near term. Policy uncertainty should decline after the midterm election on November 8, which is positive for equities in 2023.   Democrats Scramble Amid Recession Fear The US economy contracted unexpectedly in the first quarter at an annualized 1.4% rate. The underlying data contained some silver lining – personal consumption grew at 2.7%. But the contraction is bad news for the economy and the ruling Democratic Party. Public approval of Biden’s handling of the economy has fallen to -16.2%. The global economy continues to sputter. Risks to growth are high in Europe and China as well (Chart 1). The US policy response will take shape on the monetary and fiscal level but also on the foreign policy level. First, global risks will not dissuade the Federal Reserve from normalizing interest rates. Chairman Jerome Powell signaled on April 21 that he is willing to hike interest rates 50 basis points at a time to combat core PCE inflation at 5.2%. The market currently expects core inflation to peak at 5.2% while the Fed funds rate will hit 3.3% in 2023 before falling in 2024. The implication is that monetary policy will tighten quickly, even as the economy stutters, which is negative for the US equity market and investor sentiment. However, Fed hawkishness is largely priced. US long-duration treasuries are at or near fair value at 3%, according to our US Bond Strategy. Our US Investment Strategy believes that with the S&P500 already down by 13% so far this year, stocks can begin to grind upward, barring other negative surprises. Chart 1US Slows Amid Global Growth Risks US Slows Amid Global Growth Risks US Slows Amid Global Growth Risks   Second, the White House will scramble to try to limit the damage to the Democratic Party in the midterms – with the unintentional result that negative surprises could arise from fiscal policy and especially foreign policy. On the fiscal front, congressional Democrats will redesign their budget reconciliation bill to try to gain a legislative victory. They will need to make it as close to deficit-neutral as possible to avoid fanning inflation. The odds of passage are higher than consensus expectations (26% on PredictIt). But the stock market does not want more government spending or higher taxes in a stagflationary environment. Fiscal policy is still a significant source of uncertainty in 2022, if not in 2023. On the foreign policy front, the greatest trouble looms. Russian aggression has prompted the US and its NATO allies to double down on their support for Ukraine, providing additional arms and aid. Biden’s Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin said that the US wants to see Ukraine “a democratic country able to protect its sovereign territory … [and] Russia weakened to the point where it can't do things like invade Ukraine.”1 Finland and Sweden are increasingly likely to join NATO, which will antagonize Russia. Russia’s response is not yet known but it has issued aggressive warnings. By cutting off natural gas to Poland and Bulgaria, Moscow is warning that it may cut off natural gas to all Europe. Meanwhile Germany is embracing an oil embargo. A larger energy shock is increasingly likely. Chart 2More Bad News Before Good News More Bad News Before Good News More Bad News Before Good News ​​​​​ Bottom Line: Monetary policy hawkishness is largely priced whereas additional fiscal uncertainty and America’s reactive foreign policy are not fully priced. This news is neutral or bullish for US Treasuries while neutral or bearish for US stocks over a tactical time horizon (zero-to-six months) (Chart 2). Biden Can Hurt Stocks, Stocks Cannot Help Biden Before addressing how Biden will try to boost his job approval, we should ask whether approval ratings have any direct impact on financial markets. The answer is largely no – or fleeting at best. During the Trump administration it was easy to get the impression that the president’s approval rating had a substantive impact on the stock market, or at least benefited stocks relative to bonds. After the first year, a correlation developed between presidential approval and the stock-to-bond ratio (Chart 3A, top panel). The passage of tax cuts juiced corporate profits but also suggested that President Trump could get things done, boosting his approval rating. Oddly, however, the relationship continued even after Republicans lost Congress in 2018. Spurious or not, the correlation persisted until Covid-19 erupted. At that point Trump’s approval tanked while the stock market roared on the back of gargantuan monetary and fiscal stimulus. President Biden’s administration started off the same way, with presidential approval falling (the usual honeymoon ended) while stocks rallied relative to bonds (Chart 3A, bottom panel). But Biden’s passage of the American Rescue Plan Act and the bipartisan Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act in 2021 did not boost his approval rating. Going forward, Biden’s approval rating will probably stabilize at a low level in an inflationary or stagflationary context. Stocks may continue to underperform bonds over a tactical time frame but will not underperform bonds over the cyclical time frame as long as the US avoids a recession. Thus there is not likely to be close correlation between Biden’s approval and the stock-to-bond ratio. From the sector and style perspective, there is also no clear relationship with presidential approval. There may be some basis for seeing Trump’s tax cuts as positive for cyclicals relative to defensives. His term coincided with the second half of a business cycle when growth expanded. But ultimately cyclicals vacillated and went sideways. Moreover growth stocks outperformed value stocks, in accordance with President Obama’s term in office. Yet there was no correlation between Trump’s approval and growth stocks relative to value  (Chart 3B, top two panels). In Biden’s case, presidential job approval has no clear correlation with cyclicals relative to defensives. There may be some relationship with value relative to growth stocks but it is far from convincing. Most likely the underlying macroeconomic dynamics that favored value stocks (i.e. recovery, inflation) coincided with Biden’s honeymoon period and then outlasted it. However, if Biden passes a reconciliation bill with tax hikes, the implication should be positive both for value versus growth stocks and for his approval rating (Chart 3B, bottom two panels). Chart 3AStocks Not Linked To Presidential Approval Stocks Not Linked To Presidential Approval Stocks Not Linked To Presidential Approval Chart 3BStocks Not Linked To Presidential Approval Stocks Not Linked To Presidential Approval Stocks Not Linked To Presidential Approval From the above data we can draw a few conclusions. On one hand, the stock-to-bond ratio and cyclicals-versus-defensives could rally again on the back of a resilient global economy and yet Biden’s approval rating could fail to recover. The distribution of wealth means that inflation and rising mortgage rates hit low-to-middle income groups who comprise the bulk of voters. Cyclical assets will rise if the global economy improves relative to the US economy, whereas presidential approval may not. Inflation could subside incrementally with limited benefit to the president. On the other hand, if stocks and cyclical sectors continue to underperform, it will probably be due to even worse economic outcomes that will simultaneously prevent Biden’s approval from recovering. If the economy slows further and inflation remains persistent, disapproval will rise. The problem for investors is that the latter is the likeliest scenario based on the energy supply risks in Europe and China’s difficulties stabilizing growth. The US economy cannot entirely avoid the knock-on effects of slower global growth over the next six months. Bottom Line: There is no stable relationship between presidential approval and the stock market, whether regarding bonds, sectors, or styles. There are occasional correlations that reflect coincidences of macro, market, and political cycles or major policy changes. In today’s context a rebound in cyclical assets may not help the president while a further downturn would hurt him. But the president’s attempts to boost his approval rating could hurt stocks. Inflation And Foreign Wars Tend To Hurt Presidents What can Biden do to boost his approval rating and his party’s odds in the midterm election? Not much. Foreign policy is his best option, though he is limited to a defensive or reactive foreign policy and even then the underlying economy will drive voters the most. Looking at presidential approval over time, upswings occur during periods of economic prosperity and peaks occur amid foreign belligerence that threatens the homeland. Presidential approval has slumped since the subprime mortgage crisis and today it is even lower than under President Obama (Chart 4A). Chart 4APresidential Approval Follows Peace And Prosperity, Not War And Poverty Biden's Cold War And Culture War Biden's Cold War And Culture War Similarly presidential disapproval rises during recessionary and inflationary periods as well as wars and scandals (Chart 4B). The Obama/Trump era saw a rise in disapproval that could resume due to inflation. Foreign wars that do not present a threat to the homeland can increase disapproval. Chart 4BPresidential Approval Follows Peace And Prosperity, Not War And Poverty Biden's Cold War And Culture War Biden's Cold War And Culture War The takeaway is that a homeland threat from abroad could temporarily lift the president’s approval but it will not last for long unless the underlying economic malaise is cured. The problem for Biden is that the most immediate foreign policy challenges emanate from oil producers whose reactions exacerbate the inflation problem (Russia, Iran). Biden may or may not keep relations steady with China, where disputes could drive up import prices. Bottom Line: A reactive foreign policy could provoke a threat to the homeland that boosts the president’s job approval. But more likely the weakening economy, high inflation, and foreign crises that add to inflation will hurt the president. Biden And The Kennedy Playbook President Kennedy’s experience in 1962 presents the best case for Democrats but the underlying economic and political context are different and damaging for Biden. Comparing today’s situation to comparable midterm election years, the negative outlook for Biden and the Democrats becomes clear. Comparable midterm elections feature high international tensions, high inflation, or low presidential approval on a net basis. Today the “Misery Index” (unemployment plus inflation) is comparable to the minimum levels in midterm years in the 1970s – and higher than the maximum levels in other midterm years (Table 1). The House and Senate losses during periods of high misery and low presidential approval are substantial. Table 1Misery And Midterms Biden's Cold War And Culture War Biden's Cold War And Culture War The 1962 midterm election is a notable exception. The Cuban Missile Crisis and Kennedy’s handling of it minimized the Democratic Party’s losses that year, with only four seats lost in the House, plus a gain of three seats in the Senate. Compare this to the typical midterm election, with an average of 27 lost seats in the House (31 for Democrats) and four seats lost in the Senate (five for Democrats) (Table 2). Table 2Kennedy’s Cuban Missile Crisis Midterm, 1962 Biden's Cold War And Culture War Biden's Cold War And Culture War Kennedy’s net approval averaged 55% that year, whereas Biden’s today stands at -11%. A threat to the homeland could boost Biden’s approval but today’s likeliest conflicts would worsen inflation if they occurred. The Misery Index stands at 11% this year compared to 6% in 1962. Most importantly, in the Cuban Missile Crisis, the Russians recognized that America would always care about Cuba’s status more than Russia because it posed a proximate strategic threat. Americans had more at stake and could take greater risks to prevent Cuba from hosting nuclear arms. Today, while the US is not trying to supply Ukraine or Finland with nuclear weapons, NATO membership would expand the US nuclear umbrella. Americans do not seem prepared to recognize that Russia will always care more about Ukraine’s and Finland’s status than Americans will. Russians have more at stake and can take greater risks. Thus while Biden’s foreign policy could easily provoke a crisis with Russia, Biden may not get the better end of the crisis like Kennedy did. Meanwhile financial markets will suffer from the spike in tensions. Bottom Line: Biden’s doubling down on support for Ukraine and NATO enlargement suggest that he does not have an interest in reducing tensions with Russia ahead of the midterm election. Yet Biden is unlikely to get the better of any reactive foreign policy that escalates tensions – at least not in time for the midterms. This dynamic is negative for US and global stocks and risk assets. Election Quant Model Updates The Philadelphia Federal Reserve released a second update to its state-level coincident indicators in April, enabling us to update our quant models for the Senate election in 2022 and presidential election in 2024. The model still predicts that Democrats will lose two Senate seats, producing a Republican majority of 52-48 (Chart 5). Arizona and Georgia are the two states in which Democrats won Senate seats in 2022 but are expected to flip to the Republican side. Arizona and Pennsylvania remain toss-up states (odds of Democratic victory range from 45%-55%) but are inching downward toward likely Republican victories. Chart 5GOP Tipped To Take The Senate (Quant Election Model, April 2022) Biden's Cold War And Culture War Biden's Cold War And Culture War Democrats shed probability in all states once again. Odds fell the most in Arizona (-1.08 percentage point since the last update in early April) followed by North Carolina (-1.03ppt) and Pennsylvania (-0.98ppt). In seven states the Democratic odds of victory fell by more than 0.5ppts, including Arizona and Nevada (Chart 6). Overall the probability for Democrats retaining control of the Senate now stands at 48.2% (down 0.2ppt). These odds are higher than consensus even though they agree with the consensus on expecting Republican victory. Online betting markets like PredictIt are pricing in Republican control at around 79%, up 3ppt from our last update. This is overstated and the new controversy over the Supreme Court and abortion will fire up Democratic voters, making the Senate race closer to what our model suggests. Chart 6Democrats Falter Across Senate Races: AZ, PA, NC Biden's Cold War And Culture War Biden's Cold War And Culture War Looking ahead to 2024, our presidential election model still predicts 308 Electoral College votes for the Democratic Party, a number that has not changed since the 2020 election (Chart 7). Democrats have a 54.6% chance overall of retaining the White House. Chart 7Biden Still Tipped For 2024 (Quant Election Model, April 2022) Biden's Cold War And Culture War Biden's Cold War And Culture War The trend is negative for the incumbent party. North Carolina slipped out of the toss-up category and into Republican category – i.e. Democrats now have only a 44% chance of winning it. Democrats’ odds of winning Florida moved lower – it is now in toss-up territory at 54%, which comes closer to our subjective judgment that Republicans are favored there. The toss-up states have remained well anchored in the range of 40%-60% since 2020 and will play a pivotal role in future predictions. Generally the trend is for falling odds that Democrats will win these states (PA, FL, NC, AZ, and GA). Both Pennsylvania and Florida account for a combined 49 electoral votes and Florida is probably more Republican-leaning than the model says. If the three critical Rust Belt states (Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, Michigan) slip into toss-up territory then the model will be flagging serious trouble for Democrats. But a lot can happen between now and 2024. In the latest update Democrats are shedding probability of winning in all states, although to a lesser degree than the past two updates. Economic data, while still negative for the incumbent party, may be deteriorating less rapidly. Biden’s approval rating improved marginally since our last update and we expect it to stabilize, albeit at a low level. Michigan recorded the largest decline in Democratic odds of victory (-1.07ppt) followed by Minnesota (-0.79ppt) and New Hampshire (-0.78ppt). Democrats shed more than 0.5ppts from their odds of victory in twelve states, nine of which they won in 2022 (Chart 8). Chart 8Democrats Shedding Odds Of Winning States In 2024 Biden's Cold War And Culture War Biden's Cold War And Culture War Bottom Line: Republicans are favored to take the Senate (as well as the House) in 2022. Democrats are slightly favored to retain the White House in 2024, though the model is optimistic by granting Florida to the Democrats and the election odds look to be razor-thin yet again. Investment Takeaways As we go to press, the unusual leak of a draft opinion of Supreme Court Justice Samuel Alito has roiled US politics. The draft argues that the landmark court case of Roe Versus Wade should be overturned. This incident reflects our “Peak Polarization” theme – that polarization will remain very disruptive in the short term yet subside over the long term. It also suggests an activist effort to escalate the culture wars ahead of the midterm election, which we have argued would be the case and implies that more unrest will follow from this event. Whether the Supreme Court overturns the landmark Roe versus Wade ruling of 1973, the battle for women voters will help sustain election-year policy uncertainty, as women’s approval for Democrats will start to recover  (Chart 9). Investor sentiment will remain bearish in the very near term. A series of hurdles need to be cleared before we close our tactical long DXY trade and defensive sector tilt. We are closing our long municipal bond relative to Treasury trade for a loss of 1.5% (Chart 10). Chart 9Women Are Key Constituencies In The Midterm Biden's Cold War And Culture War Biden's Cold War And Culture War Chart 10Municipal Trade Fizzled Out Despite Strong Local Government Finance Municipal Trade Fizzled Out Despite Strong Local Government Finance Municipal Trade Fizzled Out Despite Strong Local Government Finance The overall analysis of US politics is neutral or bullish for US Treasuries while neutral or bearish for US stocks over a tactical time horizon (zero-to-six months). If recession is avoided at the critical juncture this year, then 2023 will see a rising stock market as the economy expands and political risks fall.   Matt Gertken Senior Vice President Chief US Political Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com     Footnotes 1     Peter Weber, “Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin says U.S. believes Ukraine can win, wants to 'see Russia weakened,'” The Week, April 25, 2022, theweek.com.   Strategic View Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Table A2Political Risk Matrix Biden's Cold War And Culture War Biden's Cold War And Culture War Table A3US Political Capital Index Biden's Cold War And Culture War Biden's Cold War And Culture War Chart A1Presidential Election Model Biden's Cold War And Culture War Biden's Cold War And Culture War Chart A2Senate Election Model Biden's Cold War And Culture War Biden's Cold War And Culture War Table A4APolitical Capital: White House And Congress Biden's Cold War And Culture War Biden's Cold War And Culture War Table A4BPolitical Capital: Household And Business Sentiment Biden's Cold War And Culture War Biden's Cold War And Culture War Table A4CPolitical Capital: The Economy And Markets Biden's Cold War And Culture War Biden's Cold War And Culture War  

Executive Summary German GeoRisk Indicator German GeoRisk Indicator German GeoRisk Indicator Russia and Germany have begun cutting off each other’s energy in a major escalation of strategic tensions. The odds of Finland and Sweden joining NATO have shot up. A halt to NATO enlargement, particularly on Russia’s borders, is Russia’s chief demand. Tensions will skyrocket. China’s reversion to autocracy and de facto alliance with Russia are reinforcing the historic confluence of internal and external risk, weighing on Chinese assets. Geopolitical risk is rising in South Korea and Hong Kong, rising in Spain and Italy, and flat in South Africa. France’s election will lower domestic political risk but the EU as a whole faces a higher risk premium. The Biden administration is doubling down on its defense of Ukraine, calling for $33 billion in additional aid and telling Russia that it will not dominate its neighbor. However, the Putin regime cannot afford to lose in Ukraine and will threaten to widen the conflict to intimidate and divide the West. Trade Recommendation Inception Date Return LONG GLOBAL DEFENSIVES / CYCLICALS EQUITIES 2022-01-20 14.2% Bottom Line: Stay long global defensives over cyclicals. Feature Chart 1Geopolitical Risk And Policy Uncertainty Drive Up Dollar Geopolitical Risk And Policy Uncertainty Drive Up Dollar Geopolitical Risk And Policy Uncertainty Drive Up Dollar The dollar (DXY) is breaking above the psychological threshold of 100 on the back of monetary tightening and safe-haven demand. Geopolitical risk does not always drive up the dollar – other macroeconomic factors may prevail. But in today’s situation macro and geopolitics are converging to boost the greenback (Chart 1). Global economic policy uncertainty is also rising sharply. It is highly correlated with the broader trade-weighted dollar. The latter is nowhere near 2020 peaks but could rise to that level if current trends hold. A strong dollar reflects slowing global growth and also tightens global financial conditions, with negative implications for cyclical and emerging market equities. Bottom Line: Tactically favor US equities and the US dollar to guard against greater energy shock, policy uncertainty, and risk-aversion. Energy Cutoff Points To European Recession Chart 2Escalation With Russia Weighs Further On EU Assets Escalation With Russia Weighs Further On EU Assets Escalation With Russia Weighs Further On EU Assets Russia is reducing natural gas flows to Poland and Bulgaria and threatening other countries, Germany is now embracing an oil embargo against Russia, while Finland and Sweden are considering joining NATO. These three factors are leading to a major escalation of strategic tensions on the continent that will get worse before they get better, driving up our European GeoRisk indicators and weighing on European assets (Chart 2). Russia’s ultimatum in December 2021 stressed that NATO enlargement should cease and that NATO forces and weapons should not be positioned east of the May 1997 status quo. Russia invaded Ukraine to ensure its military neutrality over the long run.1 Finland and Sweden, seeing Ukraine’s isolation amid Russian invasion, are now reviewing whether to change their historic neutrality and join NATO. Public opinion polls now show Finnish support for joining at 61% and Swedish support at 57%. The scheduling of a joint conference between the country’s leaders on May 13 looks like it could be a joint declaration of their intention to join. The US and other NATO members will have to provide mutual defense guarantees for the interim period if that is the case, lest Russia attack. The odds that Finland and Sweden remain neutral are higher than the consensus holds (given the 97% odds that they join NATO on Predictit.org). But the latest developments suggest they are moving toward applying for membership. They fear being left in the cold like Ukraine in the event of an attack. Russia’s response will be critical. If Russia deploys nuclear weapons to Kaliningrad, as former President Dmitri Medvedev warned, then Moscow will be making a menacing show but not necessarily changing the reality of Russia’s nuclear strike capabilities. That is equivalent to a pass and could mark the peak of the entire crisis. The geopolitical risk premium would begin to subside after that. Related Report  Geopolitical StrategyLe Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) However, Russia has also threatened “military-political repercussions” if the Nordics join NATO. Russia’s capabilities are manifestly limited, judging by Ukraine today and the Winter War of 1939, but a broader war cannot entirely be ruled out. Global financial markets will still need to adjust for a larger tail risk of a war in Finland/Sweden in the very near term. Most likely Russia will retaliate by cutting off Europe’s natural gas. Clearly this is the threat on the table, after the cutoff to Poland and Bulgaria and the warnings to other countries. In the near term, several companies are gratifying Russia and paying for gas in rubles. But these payments violate EU sanctions against Russia and the intention is to wean off Russian imports as soon as possible. Germany says it can reduce gas imports starting next year after inking a deal with Qatar. Hence Russia might take the initiative and start reducing the flow earlier. Bottom Line: If Europe plunges into recession as a result of an immediate natural gas cutoff, then strategic stability between Russia and the West will become less certain. The tail risk of a broader war goes up. Stay cyclically long US equities over global equities and tactically long US treasuries. Stay long defense stocks and gold. Stay Short CNY At the end of last year we argued that Beijing would double down on “Zero Covid” policy in 2022, at least until the twentieth national party congress this fall. Social restrictions serve a dual purpose of disease suppression and dissent repression. Now that the state is doubling down, what will happen next? The economy will deteriorate: imports are already contracting at a rate of 0.1% YoY. The manufacturing PMI has fallen to 48.1  and the service sector PMI to 42.0, indicating contraction. Furthermore, social unrest could emerge, as lockdowns serve as a catalyst to ignite underlying socioeconomic disparities. Hence the national party congress is less likely to go smoothly, implying that investors will catch a glimpse of political instability under the surface in China as the year progresses. The political risk premium will remain high (Chart 3). Chart 3China's Confluence Of Domestic And Foreign Risk Weighs On Stocks And Currency China's Confluence Of Domestic And Foreign Risk Weighs On Stocks And Currency China's Confluence Of Domestic And Foreign Risk Weighs On Stocks And Currency While Chairman Xi Jinping is still likely to clinch another ten years in power, it will not be auspicious amid an economic crash and any social unrest. Xi could be forced into some compromises on either Politburo personnel or policy adjustments. A notable indicator of compromise would be if he nominated a successor, though this would not provide any real long-term assurance to investors given the lack of formal mechanisms for power transfer. After the party congress we expect Xi to “let 100 flowers bloom,” meaning that he will ease fiscal, regulatory, and social policy so that today’s monetary and fiscal stimulus can work effectively. Right now monetary and fiscal easing has limited impact because private sector actors are averse to taking risk. Easing policy to boost the economy could also entail a diplomatic charm offensive to try to convince the US and EU to avoid imposing any significant sanctions on trade and investment flows, whether due to Russia or human rights violations. Such a diplomatic initiative would only succeed, if at all, in the short run. The US cannot allow a deep re-engagement with China since that would serve to strengthen the de facto Russo-Chinese strategic alliance. In other words, an eruption of instability threatens to weaken Xi’s hand and jeopardize his power retention. While it is extremely unlikely that Xi will fall from power, he could have his image of supremacy besmirched. It is likely that China will be forced to ease a range of policies, including lockdowns and regulations of key sectors, that will be marginally positive for economic growth. There may also be schemes to attract foreign investment. Bottom Line: If China expands the range of its policy easing the result could be received positively by global investors in 2023. But the short-term outlook is still negative and deteriorating due to China’s reversion to autocracy and confluence of political and geopolitical risk. Stay short CNY and neutral Chinese stocks. Stay Short KRW South Koreans went to the polls on March 9 to elect their new president for a five-year term. The two top candidates for the job were Yoon Suk-yeol and Lee Jae-myung. Yoon, a former public prosecutor, was the candidate for the People Power Party, a conservative party that can be traced back to the Saenuri and the Grand National Party, which was in power from 2007 to 2017 under President Lee Myung-bak and President Park Geun-hye. Lee, the governor of the largest province in Korea, was the candidate for the Democratic Party, the party of the incumbent President Moon Jae-in. Yoon won by a whisker, garnering 48.6% of the votes versus 47.8% for Lee. The margin of victory for Yoon is the lowest since Korea started directly electing its presidents. President-elect Yoon will be inaugurated in May. He will not have control of the National Assembly, as his party only holds 34% of the seats. The Democratic Party holds the majority, with 172 out of 300 seats. The next legislative election will be in 2024, which means that President Yoon will have to work with the opposition for a good two years before his party has a chance to pass laws on its own. President-elect Yoon was the more pro-business and fiscally restrained candidate. His nomination of Han Duck-soo as his prime minister suggests that, insofar as any domestic policy change is possible, he will be pragmatic, as Han served under two liberal administrations. Yoon’s lack of a majority and nomination of a left-leaning prime minister suggest that domestic policy will not be a source of uncertainty for investors through 2024. Foreign policy, by contrast, will be the biggest source of risk for investors. Yoon rejects the dovish “Moonshine” policy of his predecessor and favors a strong hand in dealing with North Korea. “War can be avoided only when we acquire an ability to launch pre-emptive strikes and show our willingness to use them,” he has argued. North Korea responded by expanding its nuclear doctrine and resuming tests of intercontinental ballistic missiles with the launch of the Hwasong-17 on March 24 – the first ICBM launch since 2017. In a significant upgrade of North Korea’s deterrence strategy, Kim Yo Jong, the sister of Kim Jong Un, warned on April 4 that North Korea would use nuclear weapons to “eliminate” South Korea if attacked (implying an overwhelming nuclear retaliation to any attack whatsoever). Kim Jong Un himself claimed on April 26 that North Korea’s nuclear weapons are no longer merely about deterrence but would be deployed if the country is attacked. President-elect Yoon welcomes the possibility of deploying of US strategic assets to strengthen deterrence against the North. The hawkish turn is not surprising considering that North-South relations failed to make any substantive improvements during President Moon’s five-year tenure as a pro-engagement president. South Koreans, especially Yoon’s supporters, are split on whether inter-Korean dialogue should be continued. They are becoming more interested in developing their own nuclear weapons or at the very least deploying US nuclear weapons in South Korea. Half of South Korean voters support security through alliance with the US, while a third support security through the development of independent nuclear weapons. The nuclear debate will raise tensions on the peninsula. An even bigger change in South Korea’s foreign policy is its policy towards China. President-elect Yoon has accused President Moon of succumbing to China’s economic extortion. Moon had established a policy of “three No’s,” meaning no to additional THAAD missiles in South Korea, no to hosting other US missile defense systems, and no to joining an alliance with Japan and the United States. By contrast, Yoon’s electoral promises include deploying more THAAD and joining the Quadrilateral Dialogue (US, Japan, Australia, India). Polls show that South Koreans hold a low opinion of all of their neighbors but that China has slipped slightly beneath Japan and North Korea in favorability. Even Democratic Party voters feel more negative towards China. While negative attitudes towards China are not unique to Korea, there is an important difference from other countries: the Korean youth dislike China the most, not the older generations. Negative sentiment is less tied to old wounds from the Korean war and more related to ideology and today’s grievances. Younger Koreans, growing up in a liberal democracy and proud of their economic and cultural success, have been involved in campus clashes against Chinese students over Korean support for Hong Kong democrats. Negative attitudes towards China among the youth should alarm investors, as young people provide the voting base for elections to come, and China is the largest trading partner for Korea. Korea’s foreign policy will hew to the American side, at risk to its economy (Chart 4). Chart 4South Korean Geopolitical Risk Rising Under The Radar South Korean Geopolitical Risk Rising Under The Radar South Korean Geopolitical Risk Rising Under The Radar President-elect Yoon’s policies towards North Korea and China will increase geopolitical risk in East Asia. The biggest beneficiary will be India. Both Korea and Japan need to find a substitute to Chinese markets and labor, which have become less reliable in recent years. South Korea’s newly elected president is aligned with the US and West and less friendly toward China and Russia. He faces a rampant North Korea that feels emboldened by its position of an arsenal of 40-50 deliverable nuclear weapons. The North Koreans now claim that they will respond to any military attack with nuclear force and are testing intercontinental ballistic missiles and possibly a nuclear weapon. The US currently has three aircraft carriers around Korea, despite its urgent foreign policy challenges in Europe and the Middle East. Bottom Line: Stay long JPY-KRW. South Korea’s geopolitical risk premium will remain high. But favor Korean stocks over Taiwanese stocks. Stay Neutral On Hong Kong Stocks Hong Kong’s leadership change will trigger a new bout of unrest (Chart 5). Chart 5Hong Kong: More Turbulence Ahead Hong Kong: More Turbulence Ahead Hong Kong: More Turbulence Ahead On April 4, Hong Kong’s incumbent Chief Executive, Carrie Lam, confirmed that she would not seek a second term but would step down on June 30. John Lee, the current chief secretary of Hong Kong, became the only candidate approved to run for election, which is scheduled to be held on May 8. With the backing of the pro-Beijing members in the Election Committee, Lee is expected to secure enough nominations to win the race. Lee served as security secretary from when Carrie Lam took office in 2017 until June 2021. He firmly supported the Hong Kong extradition bill in 2019 and National Security Law in 2020, which provoked historic social unrest in those years. He insisted on taking a tough security stance towards pro-democracy protests. With Lee in power, Hong Kong will face more unrest and tougher crackdowns in the coming years, which will likely bring more social instability. Lee will provoke pro-democracy activists with his policy stances and adherence to Beijing’s party line. For example, his various statements to the news media suggest a dogmatic approach to censorship and political dissent. With the adoption of the National Security Law, Hong Kong’s pro-democracy faction is already deeply disaffected. Carrie Lam was originally elected as a popular leader, with notable support from women, but her popularity fell sharply after the passage of the extradition bill and National Security Law, as well as her mishandling of the Covid-19 outbreak. Her failure to handle the clashes between the Hong Kong people and Beijing damaged public trust in government. Trust never fully recovered when it took another hit recently from the latest wave of the pandemic. Putting another pro-Beijing hardliner in power will exacerbate the trend. Hong Kong equities are vulnerable not merely because of social unrest. During the era of US-China engagement, Hong Kong benefited as the middleman and the symbol that the Communist Party could cooperate within a liberal, democratic, capitalist global order. Hence US-China power struggle removes this special status and causes Hong Kong financial assets to contract mainland Chinese geopolitical risk. As a result of the 2019-2020 crackdown, John Lee and Carrie Lam were among a list of Hong Kong officials sanctioned by the US Treasury Department and State Department in 2020. Now, after the Ukraine war, the US will be on the lookout for any Hong Kong role in helping Russia circumvent sanctions, as well as any other ways in which China might further its strategic aims by means of Hong Kong. Bottom Line: Stay neutral on Hong Kong equities. Favor France Within European Equities French political risk will fall after the presidential election, which recommits the country to geopolitical unity with the US and NATO and potentially pro-productivity structural reforms (Chart 6). France is already a geopolitically secure country so the reduction of domestic political risk should be doubly positive for French assets, though they have already outperformed. And the Russia-West conflict is fueling a risk premium regardless of France’s positive developments. Chart 6France's Domestic Political Risk Will Subside But Russian War Will Keep Geopolitical Risk Elevated France's Domestic Political Risk Will Subside But Russian War Will Keep Geopolitical Risk Elevated France's Domestic Political Risk Will Subside But Russian War Will Keep Geopolitical Risk Elevated The French election ended with a solid victory for the political establishment as we expected. President Emmanuel Macron gaining 58% of the vote to Marine Le Pen’s 42%. Macron beat his opinion polling by 4.5pp while Le Pen underperformed her polls by 4.5pp. A large number of voters abstained, at 28%, compared to 25.5% in 2017. The regional results showed a stark divergence between overseas or peripheral France (where Marine Le Pen even managed to get over half of the vote in several cases) and the core cities of France (where Macron won handily). Macron had won an outright majority in every region in 2017. Macron did best among the young and the old, while Le Pen did best among middle-aged voters. But Macron won every age group except the 50 year-olds, who want to retire early. Macron did well among business executives, managers, and retired people, but Le Pen won among the working classes, as expected. Le Pen won the lowest paid income group, while Macron’s margin of victory rises with each step up the income ladder. Macron’s performance was strong, especially considering the global context. The pandemic knocked several incumbent parties out of power (US, Germany) and required leadership changes in others (Japan, Italy). The subsequent inflation shock now threatens to cause another major political rotation in rapid succession, leaving various political leaders and parties vulnerable in the coming months and years (Australia, the UK, Spain). Only Canada and now France marked exceptions, where post-pandemic elections confirmed the country’s leader. The Ukraine war constitutes yet another shock but it helped Macron, as Le Pen had objective links and sympathies with Russian President Vladimir Putin. Macron’s timing was lucky but his message of structural reform for the sake of economic efficiency still resonates in contemporary France, where change is long overdue – at least compared with Le Pen’s proposal of doubling down on statism, protectionism, and fiscal largesse. The French middle class was never as susceptible to populism as the US, UK, and Italy because it had been better protected from the ravages of globalization. Populism is still a force to be reckoned with, especially if left-wing populists do well in the National Assembly, or if right-wing populists find a fresher face than the Le Pen dynasty. But the failure of populism in the context of pandemic, inflation, and war suggests that France’s political establishment remains well fortified by the economic structure and the electoral system. Whether Macron can sustain his structural reforms depends on legislative elections to be held on June 12-19. Early projections are positive for his party, which should keep a majority. Macron’s new mandate will help. Le Pen’s National Rally and its predecessors may perform better than in the past but that is not saying much as their presence in the National Assembly has been weak. Bottom Line: France is geopolitically secure and has seen a resounding public vote for structural reform that could improve productivity depending on legislative elections. French equities can continue to outperform their European peers over the long run. Our European Investment Strategy recommends French equities ex-consumer stocks, French small caps over large caps, and French aerospace and defense.   Favor Spanish Over Italian Stocks Chart 7Italian And Spanish Political Risk Will Rise But Favor Spanish Stocks Italian And Spanish Political Risk Will Rise But Favor Spanish Stocks Italian And Spanish Political Risk Will Rise But Favor Spanish Stocks What about Spain? It is still a “divided nation” susceptible to a rise in political risk ahead of the general election due by December 10, 2023 (Chart 7). In the past few months, a series of strategic mistakes and internal power struggles have led to a significant decline in the popularity of Spain’s largest opposition party, the People’s Party. Due to public infighting and power struggle, Pablo Casado was forced to step down as the leader of the People’s Party on February 23, as requested by 16 of the party’s 17 regional leaders. It is yet to be seen if the new party leader, Alberto Nunez Feijoo, can reboot People’s Party. The far-right VOX party will benefit from the People Party’s setback. The latter’s misstep in a regional election (Castile & Leon) gave VOX a chance to participate in a regional government for the very first time. Hence VOX’s influence will spread and it will receive greater recognition as an important political force. Meanwhile the ruling Socialist Worker’s Party (PSOE) faces anger from the public amid inflation and high energy prices. However, Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez’s decision to send offensive military weapons to Ukraine is widely supported among major parties, including even his reluctant coalition partner, Unidas Podemos. The People’s Party’s recent infighting gives temporary relief to the ruling party. The Russia-Ukraine issue caused some minor divisions within the government but they are not yet leading to any major political crisis, as nationwide pro-Ukraine sentiment is largely unified. The Andalusia regional election, which is expected this November, will be a check point for Feijoo and a pre-test for next year’s general election. Andalusia is the most populous autonomous community in Spain, consisting about 17% of the seats in the congress (the lower house). The problem for Sanchez and the Socialists is that the stagflationary backdrop will weigh on their support over time. Bottom Line: Spanish political risk is likely to spike sooner rather than later, though Spanish domestic risk it is limited in nature. Madrid faces low geopolitical risk, low energy vulnerability, and is not susceptible to trying to leave the EU or Euro Area. Favor Spanish over Italian stocks. Stay Constructive On South Africa The political and economic status quo is largely unchanged in South Africa and will remain so going into the 2024 national elections. Fiscal discipline will weaken ahead of the election, which should be negative for the rand, but the global commodity shortage and geopolitical risks in Russia and China will probably overwhelm any negative effects from South Africa’s domestic policies. Rising commodity prices have propped up the local equity market and will bring in much-needed revenue into the local economy and government coffers. But structural issues persist. Low growth outcomes amid weak productivity and high unemployment levels will remain the norm. The median voter is increasingly constrained with fewer economic opportunities on the horizon. Pressure will mount on the ruling African National Congress (ANC), fueling civil unrest and adding to overall political risk (Chart 8). Chart 8South Africa's Political Status Quo Is Tactically Positive For Equities And Currency South Africa's Political Status Quo Is Tactically Positive For Equities And Currency South Africa's Political Status Quo Is Tactically Positive For Equities And Currency Almost a year has passed since the civil unrest episode of 2021. Covid-19 lockdowns have lifted and the national state of disaster has ended, reducing social tensions. This is evident in the decline of our South Africa GeoRisk indicator from 2021 highs. While we recently argued that fiscal austerity is under way in South Africa, we also noted that fiscal policy will reverse course in time for the 2024 election. In this year’s fiscal budget, the budget deficit is projected to narrow from -6% to -4.2% over the next two years. Government has increased tax revenue collection through structural reforms that are rooting out corruption and wasteful expenditure. But the ANC will have to tap into government spending to shore up lost support come 2024. Already, the ANC have committed to maintaining a special Covid-19 social-grant payment, first introduced in 2020, for another year. This grant, along with other government support, will feature in 2024 and possibly beyond. Unemployment is at 34.3%, its highest level ever recorded. The ANC cannot leave it unchecked. The most prevalent and immediate recourse is to increase social payments and transfers. Given the increasing number of social dependents that higher unemployment creates, government spending will have to increase to address rising unemployment. President Cyril Ramaphosa is still a positive figurehead for the ANC, but the 2021 local elections showed that the ANC cannot rely on the Ramaphosa effect alone. The ANC is also dealing with intra-party fighting. Ramaphosa has yet to assert total control over the party elites, distracting the ANC from achieving its policy objectives. To correct course, Ramaphosa will have to relax fiscal discipline. To this outcome, investors should expect our GeoRisk indicator to register steady increases in political risk moving into 2024. The only reason to be mildly optimistic is that South Africa is distant from geopolitical risk and can continue to benefit from the global bull market in metals. Bottom Line: Maintain a cyclically constructive outlook on South African currency and assets. Tight global commodity markets will support this emerging market, which stands to benefit from developments in Russia and China. Investment Takeaways Stay strategically long gold on geopolitical and inflation risk, despite the dollar rally. Stay long US equities relative to global and UK equities relative to DM-ex-US. Favor global defensives over cyclicals and large caps over small caps. Stay short CNY, TWD, and KRW-JPY. Stay short CZK-GBP. Favor Mexico within emerging markets. Stay long defense and cyber security stocks. We are booking a 5% stop loss on our long Canada / short Saudi Arabia equity trade. We still expect Middle Eastern tensions to escalate and trigger a Saudi selloff.   Matt Gertken Chief Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Jesse Anak Kuri Associate Editor Jesse.Kuri@bcaresearch.com Yushu Ma Research Analyst yushu.ma@bcaresearch.com Guy Russell Senior Analyst GuyR@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1   The campaign in the south suggests that Ukraine will be partitioned, landlocked, and susceptible to blockade in the coming years. If Russia achieves its military objectives, then Ukraine will accept neutrality in a ceasefire to avoid losing more territory. If Russia fails, then it faces humiliation and its attempts to save face will become unpredictable and aggressive. Strategic Themes Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Regional Geopolitical Risk Matrix Geopolitical Calendar