Geopolitics

Highlights Stronger global growth in the wake of continued and expected fiscal and monetary stimulus, and progress against COVID-19 are boosting oil demand assumptions by the major data suppliers for this year.  We lifted our 2021 global demand estimate by 640k b/d to 98.25mm b/d, and assume OPEC 2.0 will make the necessary adjustments to keep Brent prices closer to $60/bbl than not, so as not to disrupt a fragile recovery. We are maintaining our 2022 and 2023 Brent forecasts at $65/bbl and $75/bbl. Commodity markets are ignoring the rising odds of armed conflict involving the US, Russia and China and their clients and allies.  Russia has massed troops on Ukraine’s border and warned the US not to interfere.  China has massed warships off the coast of the Philippines, and continues its incursions in Taiwan’s air-defense zone, keeping US forces on alert.  Intentional or accidental engagement would spike oil prices.  Two-way price risk abounds.  In addition to the risk of armed hostilities, faster distribution of vaccines would accelerate recovery and boost prices above our forecasts.  Downside risk of a resurgence in COVID-19-induced lockdowns remains, as rising death and hospitalization rates in Brazil, India and Europe attest (Chart of the Week). Feature Oil-demand estimates – ours included – are reviving in the wake of measurable progress in combating the COVID-19 pandemic in major economies, and an abundance of fiscal and monetary stimulus, particularly out of the US.1 On the back of higher IMF GDP projections, we lifted our 2021 global demand estimate by 640k b/d to 98.25mm b/d in this month’s balances. In our modeling, we assume OPEC 2.0 will make the necessary adjustments to keep Brent prices closer to $60/bbl than not, so as not to disrupt a fragile recovery. In an unusual turn of events, the early stages of the recovery in oil demand will be led by DM markets, which we proxy using OECD oil consumption (Chart 2). Thereafter, EM economies, re-take the growth lead next year and into 2023. Chart of the WeekCOVID-19 Deaths, Hospitalizations Threaten Global Recovery Upside Oil Price Risks Are Increasing Upside Oil Price Risks Are Increasing Chart 2DM Demand Surges This Year DM Demand Surges This Year DM Demand Surges This Year Absorbing OPEC 2.0 Spare Capacity We continue to model OPEC 2.0, the producer coalition led by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) and Russia, as the dominant producer in the market. The growth we are expecting this year will absorb a significant share of OPEC 2.0’s spare capacity, most of which – ~ 6mm b/d of the ~ 8mm b/d – is to be found in KSA (Chart 3). The core producers’ spare capacity allows them to meet recovering demand faster than the US shale producers can mobilize rigs and crews and get new supply into gathering lines and on to main lines. We model the US shale producers as a price-taking cohort, who will produce whatever the market allows them to produce. After falling to 9.22mm b/d in 2020, we expect US production to recover to 9.56mm b/d this year, 10.65mm b/d in 2022, and 11.18mm in 2023 (Chart 4). Lower 48 production growth in the US will be led by the shales, which will account for ~ 80% of total US output each year. Chart 3Core OPEC 2.0 Spare Capacity Will Respond First To Higher Demand Core OPEC 2.0 Spare Capacity Will Respond First To Higher Demand Core OPEC 2.0 Spare Capacity Will Respond First To Higher Demand Chart 4Shale Is The Marginal Barrel In The Price Taking Cohort Shale Is The Marginal Barrel In The Price Taking Cohort Shale Is The Marginal Barrel In The Price Taking Cohort OPEC 2.0’s dominant position on the supply side allows it to capture economic rents before non-coalition producers, which will remain a disincentive to them until the spare capacity is exhausted. Thereafter, the price-taking cohort likely will fund much of its E+P activities out of retained earnings, given their limited ability to attract capital. Equity investors will continue to demand dividends that can be maintained and grown, or return of capital via share buybacks. This will restrain production growth to those firms that are profitable. We expect the OPEC 2.0 coalition’s production discipline will keep supply levels just below demand so that inventories continue to fall, just as they have done during the COVID-19 pandemic, despite the demand destruction it caused (Chart 5). These modeling assumptions lead us to continue to expect supply and demand will continue to move toward balance into 2023 (Table 1). Chart 5Supply-Demand Balances in 2021 Supply-Demand Balances in 2021 Supply-Demand Balances in 2021 Table 1BCA Global Oil Supply - Demand Balances (MMb/d, Base Case Balances) Upside Oil Price Risks Are Increasing Upside Oil Price Risks Are Increasing We continue to expect this balancing to induce persistent physical deficits, which will keep inventories falling into 2023 (Chart 6). As inventories are drawn, OPEC 2.0’s dominant-producer position will allow it to will keep the Brent and WTI forward curves backwardated (Chart 7).2 We are maintaining our 2022 and 2023 Brent forecasts at $65/bbl and $75/bbl (Chart 8). Chart 6OPEC 2.0 Policy Continues To Keep Supply Below Demand... OPEC 2.0 Policy Continues To Keep Supply Below Demand... OPEC 2.0 Policy Continues To Keep Supply Below Demand... Chart 7OECD Inventories Fall to 2023 OECD Inventories Fall to 2023 OECD Inventories Fall to 2023 Chart 8Brent Forecasts Rise As Global Economy Recovers Brent Forecasts Rise As Global Economy Recovers Brent Forecasts Rise As Global Economy Recovers Two-Way Price Risk Abounds Risks to our views abound on the upside and the downside. To the upside, the example of the UK and the US in mobilizing its distribution of vaccines is instructive. Both states got off to a rough start, particularly the US, which did not seem to have a strategy in place as recently as January. After the US kicked its procurement and distribution into high gear its vaccination rates soared and now appear to be on track to deliver a “normal” Fourth of July holiday in the US. The UK has begun its reopening this week. Both states are expected to achieve herd immunity in 3Q21.3 The EU, which mishandled its procurement and distribution likely benefits from lessons learned in the UK and US and achieves herd immunity in 4Q21, according to McKinsey’s research. Any acceleration in this timetable likely would lead to stronger growth and higher oil prices. The next big task for the global community will be making vaccines available to EM economies, particularly those in which the pandemic is accelerating and providing the ideal setting for mutations and the spread of variants that could become difficult to contain. The risk of a resurgence in large-scale COVID-19-induced lockdowns remains, as rising death and hospitalization rates in Brazil, India and Europe attest. Cry Havoc The other big upside risk we see is armed conflict involving the US, Russia, China and their clients and allies. Commodity markets are ignoring these risks at present. Even though they do not rise to the level of war, the odds of kinetic engagement – planes being shot down or ships engaging in battle in the South China Sea – are rising on a daily basis. This is not unexpected, as our colleagues in BCA Research’s Geopolitical Strategy pointed out recently.4 Indeed, our GPS service, led by Matt Gertken, warned the Biden administration would be tested in this manner by Russia and China from the get-go. Russia has massed troops on Ukraine’s border and warned the US not to interfere. China has massed warships off the coast of the Philippines, and continues its incursions in Taiwan’s air-defense zone, keeping US forces on alert. Political dialogue between the US and Russia and the US and China is increasingly vitriolic, with no sign of any leavening in the near future. Intentional or accidental engagement could let slip the dogs of war and spike oil prices briefly. Finally, OPEC 2.0 is going to have to accommodate the “official” return of Iran as a bona fide oil exporter, if, as we expect, it is able to reinstate its nuclear deal – i.e., the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) – with Western states, which was abrogated by then-President Donald Trump in 2018. This may prove difficult, given our view that the oil-price collapse of 2014-16 was the result of the Saudis engineering a market-share war to tank prices, in an effort to deny Iran $100+ per-barrel prices that had prevailed between end-2010 and mid-2014. OPEC 2.0, particularly KSA, has not publicly involved itself in the US-Iran negotiations. However, it is worthwhile recalling that following the disastrous market-share war launched in 2014, KSA and the rest of OPEC 2.0 did accommodate Iran’s return to markets post-JCPOA.   Robert P. Ryan Chief Commodity & Energy Strategist rryan@bcaresearch.com Ashwin Shyam Research Associate Commodity & Energy Strategy ashwin.shyam@bcaresearch.com   Commodities Round-Up Energy: Bullish Brent and WTI prices rallied sharply following the release of the EIA’s Weekly Petroleum Status Report showing a 9.1mm-barrel decline in US crude and product stocks for the week ended 9 April 2021. This was led by a huge draw in commercial crude and distillate inventories (5.9mm barrels and 2.1mm barrels, respectively). These draws came on the back of generally bullish global demand upgrades by the major data services (EIA, IEA and OPEC) over the past week. These assessments were supported by EIA data showing refined-product demand – i.e., “product supplied” – jumped 1.1mm b/d for the week ended 9 April. With vaccine distributions picking up steam, despite setbacks on the Johnson & Johnson jab, the storage draws and improved demand appear to have catalyze the move higher. Continued weakness in the USD also provided a tailwind, as did falling real interest rates in the US. Base Metals: Bullish Nickel prices fell earlier this week, as China’s official Xinhua news agency reported that Chinese Premier, Li Keqiang stressed the need to strengthen raw materials’ market regulation, amidst rising commodities prices, which been pressuring corporate financial performance (Chart 9). This statement came after China’s top economic advisor, Liu He also called for authorities to track commodities prices last week. Nickel prices fell by around $500/ ton earlier this week on this news, and were trading at $16,114.5/MT on the London Metals exchange as of Tuesday’s close. Other base metals were not affected by this news. Precious Metals: Bullish The US dollar and 10-year treasury yields fell after March US inflation data was released earlier this week. US consumer prices rose by the most in nearly nine years. The demand for an inflation hedge, coupled with the falling US dollar and treasury yields, which reduce the opportunity cost of purchasing gold, caused gold prices to rise (Chart 10). This uncertainty, coupled with the increasing inflationary pressures due to the US fiscal stimulus will increase demand for gold. Spot COMEX gold prices were trading at $1,746.20/oz as of Tuesday’s close. Ags/Softs: Neutral The USDA reported ending stocks of corn in the US stood at 1.35 billion bushels, well below market estimates of 1.39 billion and the 1.50 billion-bushel estimate by the Department last month, according to agriculture.com’s tally.  Global corn stocks ended at 283.9mm MT vs a market estimate of 284.5mm MT and a Department estimate of 287.6mm MT.  Chart 9Base Metals Are Being Bullish Base Metals Are Being Bullish Base Metals Are Being Bullish Chart 10Gold Prices To Rise Gold Prices To Rise Gold Prices To Rise   Footnotes 1     Please see US-Russia Pipeline Standoff Could Push LNG Prices Higher, which we published on 8 April 2021 re the IMF’s latest forecast for global growth.  Briefly, the Fund raised its growth expectations for this year and next to 6% and 4.4%, respectively, nearly a full percentage-point increase versus its January forecast update for 2021 2     A backwardated forward curve – prompt prices trading in excess of deferred prices – is the market’s way of signaling tightness.  It means refiners of crude oil value crude availability right now over availability a year from now.  This is exactly the same dynamic that drives an investor to pay $1 today for a dollar bill delivered tomorrow than for that same dollar bill delivered a year from now (that might only fetch 98 cents today, e.g.). 3    Please see When will the COVID-19 pandemic end?, published 26 March 2021 by McKinsey & Co. 4    Please see The Arsenal Of Democracy, a prescient analysis published 2 April 2021 by BCA’s Geopolitical Strategy.  The report notes the Biden administration “still faces early stress-tests on China/Taiwan, Russia, Iran, and even North Korea.  Game theory helps explain why financial markets cannot ignore the 60% chance of a crisis in the Taiwan Strait. A full-fledged war is still low-probability, but Taiwan remains the world’s preeminent geopolitical risk.”   Investment Views and Themes Recommendations Strategic Recommendations Tactical Trades Commodity Prices and Plays Reference Table Trades Closed in 2021 Summary of Closed Trades Higher Inflation On The Way Higher Inflation On The Way

Highlights Biden will host a global summit for Earth Day on April 22-23, giving public attention to his climate change policy push. Investors should count on Biden’s green infrastructure package becoming the bulk of his climate push, given uncertainty over the 2022 midterm elections. However, over the long run, American public opinion is shifting in favor of renewables and the US will seek to maintain its technological edge via participating in the green tech race. Go long our “Biden Fiscal Advantage Basket” versus the Nasdaq 100.  Feature The Biden administration’s $2.3 trillion American Jobs Plan is often referred to as a “green infrastructure” package and in this report we take a look at what makes it green – and what are the investment implications. Biden will virtually host a global climate summit on April 22-23, Earth Day, which the Chinese President Xi Jinping is expected to attend, thus providing momentum to the green investment theme. The stock market anticipated Biden’s electoral victory last year and renewable energy stocks rallied exorbitantly, with ultra-easy monetary and fiscal policy as a fundamental support. The market’s reaction to Biden’s official outline of his plan last month suggests that investors are energized about Biden’s infrastructure package but already suffering from some green fatigue (Chart 1). However, this bill’s passage will initiate the US’s official entrance into the global green energy race and from that point of view renewable plays should recover. Once the American Jobs Plan passes, likely sometime this fall, Biden’s climate agenda will be virtually finished, from an investment perspective. Investors have little visibility beyond 2022 as the president’s party rarely hangs onto the House of Representatives in his first midterm election. However, over the long run, American public opinion is shifting in favor of renewable energy. And Biden also has regulatory tools to push the Democratic Party’s climate agenda from 2022-24 regardless. Chart 1Biden's AJP Already Priced Biden's AJP Already Priced Biden's AJP Already Priced Chart 2Biden’s First Budget: Boom In Non-Defense Discretionary Spending Biden's Green Initiatives Biden's Green Initiatives Biden’s first presidential budget, released on April 13, also highlights the US’s attempt to boost climate policy (the Environmental Protection Agency’s funding would go up by 21%). More broadly it highlights the US’s ongoing sea change in fiscal policy. Discretionary spending turned around under President Trump’s populism and will continue under Biden’s populism. The difference lies in social spending versus defense. Biden proposes a 15.2% increase in non-defense discretionary spending, with education, commerce, health, and environment while the departments of defense and justice see much smaller increases (Chart 2). But we doubt that even defense spending will be curtailed given the US’s global strategic challenges. The president’s budget proposals are drops in the bucket compared to the trillions in his economic stimulus packages. Biden’s American Family Plan will be outlined in detail later this month but it only has a 50/50 chance of passing by the 2022 midterm election. This leaves us with the American Jobs Plan as the real macro policy factor to watch. And in the case of green energy, in particular, the Democrats may not have another opportunity to pass major legislation for many years. The US’s Strategic Basis For Green Energy The American Jobs Plan is billed as a $2.3 trillion green infrastructure package but in reality the package should be broken into traditional infrastructure ($784 billion for roads and bridges), social welfare ($647 billion  for elderly care, education, etc), green initiatives ($370 billion for electrical grid and retrofits, etc), tech initiatives ($280 billion for broadband, semiconductors, research and development), and small business support, in order of dollar value (Chart 3). The implication is that climate policy is important but not the top priority. Still, $370 billion is the biggest green package the US has ever launched. It consists of $150 billion for “hard” green infrastructure, such as new electricity grid and $220 billion for “soft” green infrastructure, such as tax credits for buying EVs (Chart 4). Chart 3Biden’s AJP: Green Initiatives Total $370 Billion Biden's Green Initiatives Biden's Green Initiatives Chart 4Biden’s AJP: Green Initiatives Mostly Rebates/Incentive Biden's Green Initiatives Biden's Green Initiatives The US has moved slowly on green energy policy – relative to Europe or China – because it does not face the same strategic necessity. China faces domestic social unrest if it does not reduce pollution, it faces American strategic containment if it does not reduce its dependency on the Middle East (35% of total oil consumption), and it faces the middle-income trap if it does not increase innovation and productivity. Europe is similarly dependent on a geopolitical enemy for its energy supply – Russia provides 35% of its oil consumption and 38% of its natural gas – and it must also increase productivity. Europe and China are net energy importers who have a great strategic interest in making energy supply a matter of manufacturing prowess rather than divine natural resource endowment (Chart 5). The US is late to the green energy game in part because it does not share the same degree of strategic necessity. Like the EU, the US took care of its most pressing pollution problems decades ago. But unlike the EU, the US is a net energy exporter thanks to the fracking revolution. However, the US is not truly energy independent – an Iranian closure of the Strait of Hormuz would cause global oil prices to spike and trigger a recession. And the US also has a powerful strategic interest in maintaining its global leadership and its edge in technology, innovation, and productivity (Chart 6). The US cannot afford to miss out on the green tech race even if starting from a more secure natural resource base. Chart 5US Green Focus Less Motivated By Energy Security Than China, EU Biden's Green Initiatives Biden's Green Initiatives US public opinion is also following European opinion regarding climate change and environmental protection. True, voters are more urgently concerned about the economy, jobs, and health care over the environment – as we showed in our Special Report on health care earlier this year. But the administration has decided not to rehash the health care battles of the Obama administration – having seen Republicans fail to repeal Obamacare – and instead to open up a new policy domain with climate change. Even if the environment is low priority for most voters, they do not oppose green projects in principle – in fact, they favor renewable energy over fossil fuels when it comes to the US’s energy future (Chart 7). And voters strongly favor infrastructure, which means they are more susceptible to green energy projects when presented as part of a broader infrastructure buildout – as opposed to a transformative “Green New Deal” designed to revolutionize every aspect of US life. Chart 6US Green Focus Motivated By Global Innovation/Tech Race Biden's Green Initiatives Biden's Green Initiatives Chart 7US Public Supports Renewable Energy Biden's Green Initiatives Biden's Green Initiatives The US shift to green energy is well underway, with renewables ready to surpass coal in the national energy mix (Chart 8). The natural gas boom of the past decade has worked wonders in reducing coal dependency and hence overall carbon emissions (Chart 9). Chart 8Shift To Renewables Well Underway Biden's Green Initiatives Biden's Green Initiatives Chart 9US Carbon Emissions To Fall Further Biden's Green Initiatives Biden's Green Initiatives Bottom Line: The US does not have the same energy security problems as China and the EU, which is one reason the US trails these competitors in green energy production and policy. But the US has a powerful interest in maintaining its technological edge and productivity growth. So policymakers will continue to push the green agenda even as the public follows Europe in becoming more favorable toward it over the long run. US Climate Policy Will Advance In Fits And Starts The fact that the US lacks the same strategic urgency as Europe and China suggests that the green energy push in the US will progress in fits and starts rather than in a straight line. Popular opinion cited above is supportive enough to allow a political party to push a green agenda if it has control of both the White House and Congress. The Biden administration has moderate-to-strong political capital based on our Political Capital Index (Appendix). But this could change with the next election, which would introduce a ruffle in the current narrative in which Biden saves planet earth. One factor that helps Biden is that his presidency is entirely about economic stimulus and recovery, which enables him to minimize the regulatory and punitive side of his party’s energy agenda. While the American Jobs Plan includes corporate tax hikes, his climate policy in itself is all about spending rather than taxation. There is no carbon pricing scheme anywhere to be seen. And Biden’s Transportation Secretary, Pete Buttigieg (“Mayor Pete,” a center-left politician from Indiana), immediately reversed his recent suggestion that the government levy a gasoline tax or vehicle mileage tax. Biden cannot get any revolutionary green measures passed through the Senate, given that moderate Democrats like Senators Joe Manchin of West Virginia and John Tester of Montana hail from coal-heavy states. The Democrats must also pay heed to the swing states for future elections. Biden only narrowly won his home state of Pennsylvania, after pledging to phase out oil and natural gas in the last presidential debate. True, Biden’s American Jobs Plan will remove subsidies for the oil and gas sector – but these subsidies are not very large. Notably, subsidies for renewables already overwhelm those for traditional infrastructure, even under the Trump administration (Chart 10). Chart 10Subsidy Reform Will Promote Renewables Biden's Green Initiatives Biden's Green Initiatives Chart 11Green Policy At Risk In 2022 Midterm Biden's Green Initiatives Biden's Green Initiatives These points underscore the fact that US climate policy is uncertain over the medium term, when the pandemic fades and the Democrats attempt more ambitious climate proposals. The Republican Party supports the traditional energy sector and is skeptical about climate change. The GOP could easily make a net gain of five seats in the 2022 midterm elections and take back control of the House of Representatives. They would not be able to repeal Biden’s laws or regulations, given his veto and likely Democratic majority in the Senate, but they would be able to pare back green funding. Republicans are not uniform on the issue of climate but more than half of Trump supporters in 2020 considered climate change unimportant. Young party members, moderates, and women were more split on the issue, with 60% of moderate Republicans viewing climate change as somewhat or very important (Chart 11). The takeaway is that Republicans would obstruct but not repeal future climate policy. Climate policy would be limited to Biden’s regulations until at least 2024. Hence investors can expect US climate policy to plow forward in the short run but to encounter resistance in the medium run. This is also likely to be the case as various other crises will emerge and soak up government attention and resources (most likely geopolitical conflicts). Chart 12Green Policy More Likely Over Long Term Biden's Green Initiatives Biden's Green Initiatives Over the long run climate policy will have more reliable support. Younger Republicans support federal environmental policy more than their elders, are increasingly favorable toward government regulation to that end, and prefer renewables to fossil fuels (Chart 12). The millennials and younger generations will make up more than half of the electorate by around 2028. Even then the government’s focus on climate will wax and wane given the other pressing matters of the day. Investment Takeaways A tsunami of money has been created, a lot of it is finding its way into the stock market, and a lot of it is finding its way into green and sustainable energy companies – companies that now have a privileged position in terms of both government support and conspicuous consumption. Combine this with a tidal wave of institutional funds pouring into anything and everything labeled ESG (environmental, social, and governance) – and the stigma attached to climate skepticism and denialism – and investors should fully expect irrational exuberance and stock bubbles. Consider the US’s premier EV maker, Tesla. The vertical run-up in Tesla stock has occurred alongside the run-up in US money supply. Tesla’s price trend conforms with the profile of a range of stock market bubbles of the past (Chart 13), as shown by our US Equity Strategy. Chart 13ALow Rates And Vast Money Growth... Low Rates And Vast Money Growth... Low Rates And Vast Money Growth... Chart 13B...Will Fuel Green Bubble ...Will Fuel Green Bubble ...Will Fuel Green Bubble That being said, renewables stocks surged throughout 2020 on the back of stimulus and Biden’s likely election – and have since fallen back. They have underperformed cyclical and defensive sectors alike this year to date (Chart 14). As highlighted above, the Democrats’ climate ambitions could yet be pared back in the Senate. However, given the argument in this report, there is sufficient political capital for the climate provisions of the American Jobs Plan to pass. Renewable plays should recover, at least on a tactical, “buy the rumor, sell the news” basis. To play Biden’s American Jobs Plan, our US Equity Strategist Anastasios Avgeriou constructed a “Biden Fiscal Advantage Basket” comprising eight ETFs and one stock, all equal weighted (Chart 15, top panel). Instead of buying specific stocks, Anastasios opted for ETFs so as to diversify away company-specific risk. Chart 14Renewables Corrected But Will Recover Renewables Corrected But Will Recover Renewables Corrected But Will Recover Chart 15Introducing The Biden Fiscal Advantage Basket Introducing The Biden Fiscal Advantage Basket Introducing The Biden Fiscal Advantage Basket The goal was to filter for ETFs that hold mostly US companies and that offered the highest possible liquidity. From a portfolio construction perspective, he aimed to match the different spending segments of Biden’s White House proposal with an ETF. The ticker symbols included in the basket are: PAVE, PHO, QCLN, TAN, WOOD, SOXX, HAIL, GRID and SU. We choose SU as there is no pure play Canadian oil sands ETF trading in USD. Granted there is some replication of stocks included in these ETFs. In certain ETFs there is also a sizable international stock exposure, including EM and Chinese stocks. One final caveat is that these ETFs have a high concentration of technology stocks. Our sense is that this basket should outperform the S&P500 on a cyclical and structural basis albeit not tactically (Chart 15, middle panel). However, given the high-tech exposure, our preferred way to express this trade is via a long/short pair trade versus the QQQ high-tech ETF, which tracks the largest 100 companies on the Nasdaq stock exchange (Chart 15, bottom panel). Table 1 shows a number of related ETFs that did not make the cut but that readers may find intriguing and that deserve further research. Later this month we will publish a joint special report with our US Equity Strategy service, updating our views on Biden’s proposals and elaborating on this equity basket. Table 1Infrastructure and Renewables Related ETFs Biden's Green Initiatives Biden's Green Initiatives More broadly, US equities are still enjoying a positive cyclical backdrop, whereas the passage of the American Jobs Plan later this year has a 50% chance of marking peak stimulus (the American Families Plan may not pass). Tactically, however, we are more cautious. There are also several pronounced foreign policy stress tests facing the Biden administration imminently, including serious Russia/Ukraine, Israel/Iran, and China/Taiwan saber-rattling that we fully expect to engender volatility and safe-haven flows. At least one FOMC member, Saint Louis Fed President Jim Bullard, is now openly thinking about thinking about the Fed’s tapering asset purchases – that is, once the US vaccination rate reaches 75%. Our US Investment Strategy recently showed that this rate of vaccination could be reached as early as September.     Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Jesse Anak Kuri Associate Editor jesse.Kuri@bcaresearch.com Anastasios Avgeriou US Equity Strategist anastasios@bcaresearch.com   Appendix Table A1Political Risk Matrix Biden's Green Initiatives Biden's Green Initiatives Table A2Political Capital Index Biden's Green Initiatives Biden's Green Initiatives Table A3APolitical Capital: White House And Congress Biden's Green Initiatives Biden's Green Initiatives Table A3BPolitical Capital: Household And Business Sentiment Biden's Green Initiatives Biden's Green Initiatives Table A3CPolitical Capital: The Economy And Markets Biden's Green Initiatives Biden's Green Initiatives Table A4Biden’s Cabinet Position Appointments Biden's Green Initiatives Biden's Green Initiatives

Highlights Continued upgrades to global economic growth – most recently by the IMF this week –will support higher natgas prices.  In our estimation, gas for delivery at Henry Hub, LA, in the coming withdrawal season (November – March) is undervalued at current levels at ~ $2.90/MMBtu. Inventory demand will remain strong during the current April-October injection season, following the blast of colder-than-normal weather in 1Q21 that pulled inventories lower in the US, Europe and Northeast Asia. The odds the US will succeed in halting completion of the final leg of the Russian Nord Stream 2 natural gas pipeline into Germany are higher than the consensus expectation.  Our odds the pipeline will not be completed this year stand at 50%, which translates into higher upside risk for natural gas prices.  We are getting long 1Q22 calls on CME/NYMEX Henry Hub-delivered natgas futures struck at $3.50/MMBtu vs. short 1Q22 $3.75/MMBtu calls at tonight's close.  The probability of Nord Stream 2 cancellation is underpriced, which means European TTF and Asian JKM prices will have to move higher to attract LNG cargoes next winter from the US, if the pipeline is cancelled (Chart of the Week). Feature As major forecasting agencies continue to upgrade global growth prospects, expectations for industrial-commodity demand – energy, bulks, and base metals – also are moving higher. This week, the IMF raised its growth expectations for this year and next to 6% and 4.4%, respectively, nearly a full percentage-point increase versus its January forecast update for 2021.1 This upgrade follows a similar move by the OECD last month.2 In the US, the EIA is expecting industrial demand for natural gas to rise 1.35 Bcf/d this year to 23.9 Bcf/d; versus 2019 levels, industrial demand will be 0.84 Bcf/d higher in 2021. For 2022, industrial demand is expected to be 24.2 Bcf/d. US industrial demand likely will recover faster than the EU's, given the expectation of a stronger recovery on the back of massive fiscal and monetary stimulus. Overall natgas demand in the US likely will move lower this year, given higher natgas prices expected this year and next will incentivize electricity generators to switch to coal at the margin, according to the EIA. Total demand is expected to be 82.9 Bcf/d in the US this year vs. 83.3 Bcf/d last year, owing to lower generator demand. Pipeline-quality gas output in the US – known as dry gas, since its liquids have been removed for other uses – is expected to average 91.4 Bcf/d this year, essentially unchanged. Lower consumption by the generators and flat production will allow US gas inventories to return to their five-year average levels of 3.7 Tcf by the end of October, in the EIA's estimation (Chart 2). Chart of the WeekUS-Russia Geopolitical Risk Underpriced US-Russia Pipeline Standoff Could Push LNG Prices Higher US-Russia Pipeline Standoff Could Push LNG Prices Higher Chart 2US Natgas Inventories Return To Five-Year Average US-Russia Pipeline Standoff Could Push LNG Prices Higher US-Russia Pipeline Standoff Could Push LNG Prices Higher US Liquified Natural Gas (LNG) exports are likely to expand, as Asian and European demand grows (Chart 3). Prior to the boost in US LNG demand from colder weather, exports set monthly records of 9.4 Bcf/d and 9.8 Bcf/d in November and December of last year, respectively, with Asia accounting for the largest share of exports (Chart 4). This also marked the first time LNG exports exceeded US pipeline exports to Mexico and Canada. The EIA is forecasting US LNG exports will be 8.5 bcf/d and 9.2 Bcf/d this year and next, versus pipeline exports of 8.8 Bcf/d and 8.9 Bcf/d in 2021 and 2022, respectively. Chart 3US LNG Exports Continue Growing US-Russia Pipeline Standoff Could Push LNG Prices Higher US-Russia Pipeline Standoff Could Push LNG Prices Higher Chart 4US LNG Exports Set Records In November And December 2020 US-Russia Pipeline Standoff Could Push LNG Prices Higher US-Russia Pipeline Standoff Could Push LNG Prices Higher US LNG exports – and export potential given the size of the resource base at just over 500 Tcf – now are of a sufficient magnitude to be a formidable force in global markets, particularly in Europe. This puts it in direct conflict with Russia, which has targeted Europe as a key market for its pipeline natural gas exports. US-Russia Standoff Looming Over Nord Stream 2 Given the size and distribution of global oil and gas production and consumption, it comes as no surprise national interests can, at times, become as important to pricing these commodities as supply-demand fundamentals. This is particularly true in oil, and increasingly is becoming the case in natural gas. That the same dramatis personae – the US and Russia – should feature in geopolitical contests in oil and gas markets also should not come as a surprise. In an attempt to circumvent transporting its natural gas through Ukraine, Russia is building a 1,230 km underwater pipeline from Narva Bay in the Kingisepp district of the Leningrad region of Russia to Lubmin, near Greifswald, in Germany (Map 1). The Biden administration, like the Trump administration and US Congress, is officially attempting to halt the final leg of the pipeline from being built, although Biden has not yet put America’s full weight into stopping it. Biden claims it will be up to the Europeans to decide what to do. At the same time, any major Russian or Russian-backed military operation in Ukraine could trigger an American action to halt the pipeline in retaliation. Map 1Nord Stream 2 Route US-Russia Pipeline Standoff Could Push LNG Prices Higher US-Russia Pipeline Standoff Could Push LNG Prices Higher In our estimation, there is a 50% chance that the Nord Stream 2 natural gas pipeline will not be completed this year or go into operation as planned given substantial geopolitical risks. The $11 billion pipeline would connect Russia directly to Germany with a capacity of about 55 billion cubic meters, which, combined with the existing Nord Stream One pipeline, would equal 110 BCM in offshore capacity, or 55% of Russia's natural gas exports to Europe in 2019. The pipeline’s construction is 94% complete, with the Russian ship Akademik Cherskiy entering Danish waters in late March to begin laying pipes to finish the final 138-kilometer stretch, according to Reuters. The pipeline could be finished in early August at the pace of 1 kilometer per day.3 The Russian and German governments are speeding up the project to finish it before US-Russia tensions, or the German elections in September, interrupt the construction process again. It is not too late for the US to try to halt the pipeline through sanctions. But for the Americans to succeed, the Biden administration would have to make an aggressive effort. Notably the Biden administration took office with a desire to sharpen US policy toward Russia.4 While Biden seeks Russian engagement on arms reduction treaties and the Iranian nuclear negotiations, he mainly aims to counter Russia, expand sanctions, provide weapons to Ukraine, and promote democracy in Russia’s sphere of influence. The result will almost inevitably be a new US-Russia confrontation, which is already taking shape over Russia’s buildup of troops on the border with Ukraine, where US and Russian meddling could cause civil war to reignite (Map 2). Map 2Russia’s Military Tensions With The West Escalate In Wake Of Biden’s Election And Ukraine’s Renewed Bid To Join NATO US-Russia Pipeline Standoff Could Push LNG Prices Higher US-Russia Pipeline Standoff Could Push LNG Prices Higher Tensions in Ukraine are directly tied to US military cooperation with Ukraine and any possibility that Ukraine will join the NATO military alliance, a red line for Putin. Nord Stream 2 is Russia’s way of bypassing Ukraine but a new US-Russia conflict, especially a Russian attack on Ukraine, would halt the pipeline. The pipeline’s completion would improve Russo-German strategic relations, undercut US liquefied natural gas exports to Germany and the EU, and reduce the US’s and eastern Europe’s leverage over Russia (and Germany). Biden says his administration is planning to impose new sanctions on firms that oversee, construct, or insure the pipeline, and such sanctions are required under American law.5 Yet Biden also wants a strong alliance with Germany, which favors the pipeline and does not want to escalate the conflict with Russia. The American laws against Nord Stream have big loopholes and give the president discretion regarding the use of sanctions, which means Biden would have to make a deliberate decision to override Germany and impose maximum sanctions if he truly wanted to halt construction.6 This would most likely occur if Russia committed a major new act of aggression in Ukraine or against other European democracies. The German policy, under the current ruling coalition led by Chancellor Angela Merkel’s Christian Democratic Union, is to finish the pipeline despite Russia’s conflicts with the West and political repression at home. Russia provides more than a third of Germany’s natural gas imports and this pipeline would bypass eastern Europe’s pipeline network and thus secure Germany’s (and Austria’s and the EU’s) natural gas supply whenever Russia cuts off the flow to Ukraine (through which roughly 40% of Russian natural gas still must pass to reach Europe). Germany's Election And Natgas Politics Germany wants to use natural gas as a bridge while it phases out nuclear energy and coal. Natural gas has grown 2.2 percentage points as a share of Germany’s total energy mix since the Fukushima disaster of 2011, and renewable energy has grown 7.7ppt, while coal has fallen 7.3ppt and nuclear has fallen 2.5ppt (Chart 5). The German federal election on September 26 complicates matters because Merkel and the Christian Democrats are likely to underperform their opinion polls and could even fall from power. They do not want to suffer a major foreign policy humiliation at the hands of the Americans or a strategic crisis with Russia right before the election. They will insist that Biden leave the pipeline alone and will offer other forms of cooperation against Russia in compensation. Therefore, the current German government could push through the pipeline and complete the project even in the face of US objections. But this outcome is not guaranteed. The German Greens are likely to gain influence in the Bundestag after the elections and could even lead the German government for the first time – and they are opposed to a new fossil fuel pipeline that increases Russia’s influence. Chart 5Germany Sees Nord Stream 2 Gas As Bridge To Low-Carbon Economy US-Russia Pipeline Standoff Could Push LNG Prices Higher US-Russia Pipeline Standoff Could Push LNG Prices Higher Hence there is a fair chance that the pipeline does not become operational: either Americans halt it out of strategic interest, or the German Greens halt it out of environmental and strategic interest, or both. True, there is a roughly equal chance that Merkel’s policy status quo survives in Germany, which would result in an operational pipeline. The best case for Germany might be that the current government completes the pipeline physically but the next government has optionality on whether to make it operational. But 50/50 odds of cancellation is a much higher risk than the consensus holds. The Russian policy is to finish Nord Stream 2 while also making an aggressive military stance against the West’s and NATO’s influence in Ukraine. This would expand Russian commodity and energy exports and undercut Ukraine’s natgas transit income. It would also increase Russian leverage over Germany – and it would divide Germany from the eastern Europeans and Americans. A preemptive American intervention would elicit Russian retaliation. The Russians could respond in the strategic sphere or the economic sphere. Economically they could react by cutting off natural gas to Europe, but that would undermine their diplomatic goals, so they would more likely respond by increasing production of natural gas or crude oil to steal American market share. In any scenario Russian retaliation would likely cause global price volatility in one or more energy markets, in addition to whatever volatility is induced by the cancellation of Nord Stream 2 itself. US-Russia tensions are likely to escalate but only Ukraine and Nord Stream 2, or the separate Iranian negotiations, have a direct impact on global energy supply. If Germany goes forward with the pipeline, then Russia would need to be countered by other means. The Americans, not the Germans, would provide these “other means,” such as military support to ensure the integrity of Ukraine and other nations’ borders. The Russians may gain a victory for their energy export strategy but they will never compromise on Ukraine and they will still need to focus on the broader global shift to renewable energy, which threatens their economic model and hence ultimately their regime stability. So, the risk of a market-moving US-Russia conflict can be delayed but probably not prevented (Chart 6). Chart 6US-Russia Conflit Likely US-Russia Conflit Likely US-Russia Conflit Likely Bottom Line: The Nord Stream 2 pipeline is not guaranteed to be completed this year as planned. The US is more likely to force a halt to the Nord Stream 2 pipeline than the consensus holds, especially if Russia attacks Ukraine. If the US fails to do so, then the German election will become the next signpost for whether the pipeline will become operational. If the Americans halt the pipeline, then US-Russian conflict either already erupted or will occur sooner rather than later and will likely impact global oil or natural gas prices. Investment Implications Our subjective assessment of 50% odds the US will succeed in halting completion of the final leg of Nord Stream 2 are higher than the consensus expectation. This translates directly into higher upside risk for natural gas prices in the US and Europe later this year and next. Given our view, we are getting long 1Q22 calls on CME/NYMEX Henry Hub-delivered natgas futures struck at $3.50/MMBtu vs. short 1Q22 $3.75/MMBtu calls at tonight's close. The probability of Nord Stream 2 cancellation is underpriced, which means the odds of higher prices in the LNG market are underpriced (Chart 7). The immediate implication of our view is European TTF prices will have to move higher to attract LNG cargoes next winter from the US, if the Nord Stream 2 pipeline's final leg is cancelled. This also would tighten the Asian markets, causing the JKM to move higher as well (Chart 8). Any indication of colder-than-normal weather in the US, Europe or Asian markets would mean a sharper move higher. Chart 7Natgas Tails Are Too Narrow For Next Winter US-Russia Pipeline Standoff Could Push LNG Prices Higher US-Russia Pipeline Standoff Could Push LNG Prices Higher Chart 8Nord Stream 2 Cancellation Would Boost JKM Prices Nord Stream 2 Cancellation Would Boost JKM Prices Nord Stream 2 Cancellation Would Boost JKM Prices   Robert P. Ryan Chief Commodity & Energy Strategist rryan@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Commodities Round-Up Energy: Bullish The US and Iran began indirect talks earlier this week in Vienna aimed at restoring the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), otherwise known as the "Iran nuclear deal." All of the other parties of the deal – Britain, China, France, Germany and Russia – are in favor of restoring the deal. BCA Research believes this is most likely to occur prior to the inauguration of a new president who is expected to be a hardliner willing to escalate Iran’s demands. US President Biden can unilaterally ease sanctions and bring the US into compliance with the deal, and Iran could then reciprocate. If a deal is not reached by August it could take years to resolve US-Iran tensions. China could offer to cooperate on sanctions and help to broker negotiations following the signing of its 25-year trade deal with Iran last week. Russia likely would demand the US not pressure its allies to cancel the Nord Stream 2 deal, in return for its assistance in brokering a deal. Base Metals: Bullish Iron ore prices continue to be supported by record steel prices in China, trading at more than $173/MT earlier this week. Even though steel production reportedly is falling in the top steel-producer in China, Tangshan, as a result of anti-pollution measures, for iron ore remains stout. As we have previously noted, we use steel prices as a leading indicator for copper prices. We remain long Dec21 copper and will be looking for a sell-off to get long Sep21 copper vs. short Sep21 copper if the market trades below $4/lb on the CME/COMEX futures market (Chart 9). Precious Metals: Bullish Gold held support ~ $1,680/oz at the end of March, following an earlier test in the month. We remain long the yellow metal, despite coming close to being stopped out last week (Chart 10). The earlier sell-off appeared to be caused by a need to raise liquidity to us. We continue to expect the Fed to hold firm to its stated intent to wait for actual inflation to become manifest before raising rates, and, therefore, continue to expect real rates to weaken. This will be supportive of gold and commodities generally (Chart 10). Ags/Softs: Neutral Corn continues to be well supported above $5.50/bu, following last week's USDA report showing farmers intend to increase acreage planted to just over 91mm acres, which is less than 1% above last year's level. Chart 9 Copper Prices Surge As Global Storage Draws Copper Prices Surge As Global Storage Draws Chart 10 Gold Disconnected From US Dollar And Rates Gold Disconnected From US Dollar And Rates       Footnotes 1     Please see the Fund's April 2021 forecast Managing Divergent Recoveries. 2     We noted last week these higher growth expectations generally are bullish for industrial commodities – energy, metals, and bulks.  Please see Fundamentals Support Oil, Bulks, And Metals, which we published 1 April 2021.  It is available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 3    For the rate of construction see Margarita Assenova, “Clouds Darkening Over Nord Stream Two Pipeline,” Eurasia Daily Monitor 18: 17 (February 1, 2021), Jamestown Foundation, jamestown.org. For the current status, see Robin Emmott, “At NATO, Blinken warns Germany over Nord Stream 2 pipeline,” Reuters, March 23, 2021, reuters.com. 4    The Democratic Party blames Russia for what it sees as a campaign to undermine the democratic West and recreate the Soviet sphere of influence. See for example the 2008 invasion of Georgia, the failure of the Obama administration’s 2009-11 diplomatic “reset,” the Edward Snowden affair, the seizure of Crimea and civil war in Ukraine, the survival of Syria’s dictator, and Russian interference in US elections in 2016 and 2020. 5    The Countering Russian Influence in Europe and Eurasia Act of 2017, and the Protecting Europe’s Energy Security Act of 2019/2020, contain provisions requiring sanctions on firms that have contributed in any way a minimum of $1 million to the project, or provide pipe-laying services or insurance. There are exceptions for services provided by the governments of the EU member states, Norway, Switzerland, or the UK. The president has discretion over the implementation of sanctions as usual. 6    The German state of Mecklenburg-Vorpommern is creating a shell foundation to enable the completion of the pipeline. It can shield companies from American sanctions aimed at private companies, not sovereigns.    Investment Views and Themes Recommendations Strategic Recommendations Tactical Trades Commodity Prices and Plays Reference Table Summary of Closed Trades Higher Inflation On The Way Higher Inflation On The Way

Highlights Our 80% odds that Biden will pass the $2.3 trillion American Jobs Plan stem from public opinion as well as Democratic control of Congress. Voters favor both higher taxes on corporations and higher infrastructure spending, as well as Biden’s proposal to pay for the latter by means of the former. A bipartisan consensus favors infrastructure spending, including “soft” infrastructure. Republicans who campaigned on the need for infrastructure over the past five years will not gain voter support by opposing it now. The Senate parliamentarian’s recent ruling on budget reconciliation procedures enables the Democrats to pass a second reconciliation bill, as expected. This puts Biden’s American Families Plan, to be detailed this month, officially into play for FY2022. Our initial premise remains a 50/50 chance that the $1.9 trillion bill passes before the 2022 midterms. Infrastructure plays benefit from a rising budget deficit but will also face a global headwind as China’s stimulus and growth momentum wane. Feature The market cheered the Biden administration’s $2.3 trillion American Jobs Plan despite the confirmation that corporate tax rates will go up as expected (Chart 1). The details of the plan are shown in Table 1, which makes it clear that $760 billion can easily be subtracted from the plan during negotiations as not having to do with infrastructure. However, investors should wager that most of the new spending, including the social welfare components, will pass, since Democrats will use the budget reconciliation process. Chart 1Market Response To Biden, Infrastructure, Tax Hikes Market Response To Biden, Infrastructure, Tax Hikes Market Response To Biden, Infrastructure, Tax Hikes Table 1Biden's 'American Jobs Plan' Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? The bigger question is tax hikes. Senator Joe Manchin of West Virginia reiterated that a 25% corporate tax rate is as high as he is willing to go. Since Democrats cannot spare a single vote in the Senate (not to mention six or seven votes, which Manchin claims to have on his side), the corporate tax rates may be compromised. Still, investors should prepare for the worst, i.e. the 28% rate that Biden presented or only slightly less. While Manchin is the critical marginal voter – his vote will turn the balance of power in the Senate – nevertheless there will be enormous pressure on him not to “betray” his party and vote against the signature legislative proposal of the Biden presidency. Insofar as Manchin succeeds, he presents a “less bad” outcome for equity sectors that stand to suffer the most from a higher headline corporate tax rate, such as utilities, health care, and information technology (Chart 2). Chart 2Corporate Tax Rates Will Rise To 25%-28%, A Big Increase For Real Estate, Health Care, Tech, Utilities, And Consumer Staples Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? It will take time to draft and negotiate the spending and tax provisions and then get them passed in both the House and Senate. The Democrats also face tight margins in the House, where they can only lose four votes (the balance in the House is 218-211 after the death of Florida Representative Alcee Hastings). The earliest possible passage – based on historical precedent – is in May. The average length of time would put passage in November. In the worst case the negotiations could drag on till Christmas but we highly doubt the Democrats will take that long (Diagram 1). We attach an 80% subjective probability to the view that the American Jobs Plan will pass by end of year. Diagram 1Time Line For Congress To Pass American Jobs Plan By End Of 2021 Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Where we are less certain is in the second part of Biden’s economic plan, the $1.9 trillion American Families Plan, which contains social welfare spending, an expansion of the child tax credit and other tax cuts for the lower and middle classes, and the tax hikes on upper-middle class and wealthy individuals and households. This program will be outlined this month. It will be a challenge to pass it prior to the 2022 midterm elections, depending on how fast infrastructure flies through Congress. Our subjective 50% odds received initial support on April 5 when the Senate parliamentarian, Elizabeth MacDonough, ruled that the Democrats can indeed pass more than one budget reconciliation bill per fiscal year, contrary to previous practice. This bill is just as likely to be the Democratic campaign platform for 2022 as to be passed in early 2022 under the current Congress. Senate Parliamentarian Enables Democrats To Bypass Filibuster We must pause here to note that the parliamentarian’s ruling is highly consequential as it erodes the checks and balances on passing legislation in the Senate. The new ruling holds that under Section 304 of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 the annual budget resolution can be revised. If it can be revised, then a new budget reconciliation bill can be crafted according to the new budget resolution. And reconciliation enables the ruling party to push through bills on a simple majority (51 votes) in the Senate. It will be hard for the Senate, as a body, to limit the ramifications of this decision in future. If the Democrats can pass two reconciliation bills in FY2021, then who is to say that some later Congress cannot pass three? Regardless, it is hard for a party to pass more than three major pieces of legislation in a single year, so the window is just wide enough to enable major breakthroughs in legislation (and, whenever the opposing party regains the House and Senate, big reversals of legislation). We have argued that Democrats would eventually, if not immediately, remove the Senate filibuster (the rule that requires 60-votes to end debate on regular legislation). At the moment there are still not enough votes to remove the filibuster entirely, although moderate Democrats are looking at technical ways of diminishing its influence, such as via the “talking filibuster” that would increase the difficulty of the process and thus reduce its use in the Senate.1 But this new ruling on budget reconciliation process substantively bypasses the filibuster. While the reconciliation process will still come with various technical limitations (the “Byrd rule,” and relevance to the budget), they are pliable. Clearly the ruling party calls the shots – especially if it is a party in synch with the political establishment in Washington. The Public Favors Tax Hikes For Infrastructure Where do we get our 80% subjective probability that Biden’s American Jobs Plan will pass Congress? Why so confident? First, Democrats have control of Congress, albeit narrowly. Second, public opinion not only favors infrastructure but also favors tax hikes on corporations – especially if they are to pay for infrastructure. The solution has been to rebrand renewable energy, broadband Internet, subsidized housing, and a range of other government programs as “infrastructure,” and meanwhile to rebrand social welfare as “human infrastructure.” Consider the following: The public favors higher taxes on corporations: 69% of Americans believe corporations pay too little in taxes, while only 6% believe they pay too much (Chart 3). While this is a general view, and does not reflect regional variations, it calls into question Joe Manchin’s opposition to a corporate tax rate of 28%. Manchin has his eye on the economic recovery, small business owners, as well as the particular industries and political orientation of his state. But the point is that opposition to corporate tax hikes is politically weak and therefore we continue to expect the result to be closer to Biden’s 28% than to Manchin’s 25%. The public favors higher taxes on high-income earners: As for Biden’s second slate of tax hikes, on individuals and households under the yet-to-be detailed American Families Act, 62% of Americans believe that upper-income earners pay too little in taxes and again only 9% believe they pay too much (Chart 4). Since Biden’s proposals amount to only a partial repeal of President Trump’s Tax Cut and Jobs Act, which was itself unpopular in opinion polling, investors should also have a presumption in favor of individual tax hikes. However, as noted above, the American Families Plan only has a 50% chance of passing prior to the midterms due to the time crunch. Chart 3Public Favors Tax Hikes On Corporations Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Chart 4Public Favors Tax Hikes On The Rich Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Government is not seen as incompetent on infrastructure: Net public approval of the government’s performance on infrastructure is positive, just barely, unlike immigration, health care, or the environment. This means Biden can tap into a greater level of trust in government on this policy, while still calling on a general belief that infrastructure needs to be improved (Chart 5). Chart 5Public Gives Government Decent Grades On Infrastructure Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Chart 6No Partisan Gap On whether Infrastructure Should Be Prioritized Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Infrastructure is bipartisan: The gap in the views of Republicans and Democrats is narrow when it comes to infrastructure, unlike other policy issues that are extremely polarized. The gap is narrow whether infrastructure should be prioritized (Chart 6), whether government should play a larger role (Chart 7), and whether the federal government does a good job in this area (Chart 8). Democrats are more supportive of these propositions and they are currently in charge. But even Republicans tend to agree, as indicated by President Trump’s own emphasis on infrastructure, which the grassroots of his party supported despite establishment Republican hesitations due to concerns about the deficit. These charts also suggest that voters, especially Democratic voters, will not be bothered by the presence of non-traditional or “soft” infrastructure in Biden’s package as long as it can be successfully pitched as helping the economy, jobs, and American supply chains. Chart 7Government Role In Infrastructure Not Too Partisan Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Chart 8Government Performance On Infrastructure Not Too Partisan Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? The public approves of Biden’s corporate-tax-hikes-for-infrastructure tradeoff: About 54% approve outright, in line with Biden’s overall approval rating, including 52% of independents and a non-negligible 32% of Republicans. A further 27% support infrastructure spending without raising taxes, including 42% of Republicans (Chart 9). This poll does not stand alone but corroborates a range of polling over the past decade on both taxes and infrastructure. It strongly implies that the median voter will support Biden’s plan. (And again it suggests that while Senator Manchin may turn the balance in the Senate he is not standing on solid rock in calling for Biden to pare back his corporate tax hikes.) Chart 9Voters Back Tax Hikes For Infrastructure Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? No need to rely on polling – look at how people vote: Ballot measures on the local level for transportation funding usually win high levels of voter approval, meaning that people vote to increase their own taxes if they think traditional infrastructure will be improved. The average approval for such measures stood at 74% in 2016 and rose to 94% in the 2020 election cycle (Chart 10). And voters clearly understood that this combination is what they would get in voting for Biden, given that he did not shy away from his tax proposals in the presidential debates (although he insisted no tax hikes on those who earn less than $400,000 per year). Chart 10Voters Accept Higher Taxes For Infrastructure Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? The Democrats have the votes for an infrastructure package, they have the votes for at least some degree of corporate tax hikes, and they have popular opinion behind the principle of tax hikes in exchange for infrastructure upgrades. Furthermore the rise of geopolitical struggle abroad and populism at home have given Biden and the traditional Democrats extraordinary impetus to pass this bill. If they fail, they will have wasted precious congressional time, they will be less likely to pass the American Families Plan, and they will be more likely to lose control of the House or even the Senate in 2022, as their failure would energize both the democratic socialists on their left and the Trump Republicans on their right. It is unlikely that Senator Manchin alone is willing or able to cause such a train wreck for his party given the popularity of the proposals.2 The implication is that corporate tax hikes will be compromised only somewhat. It is also possible that non-infrastructure components of the bill, such as housing or some social spending, could be pared back, although these are not the controversial parts of the bill and we would not bet on the overall size of spending to be reduced by much. A bill with Biden’s spending measures and only half of the tax hikes would increase the budget deficit by $1.4 trillion, as we showed last week. A bill with all spending and all tax hikes would increase the deficit by $400 billion. Bottom Line: Biden has an 80% chance of passing the American Jobs Act, although some non-infrastructure provisions could be pared back and the corporate tax hike may not reach all the way to 28%. Most likely the final bill will be substantially similar to Biden’s proposal on spending, while the tax hikes will be compromised, reflecting the populist and proactive fiscal turn in US politics. Investment Takeaways A basket of the 50 companies in the S&P 500 with the highest median effective tax rates outperformed the S&P500 upon Trump’s election and subsequent tax cuts (Chart 11). Since Biden’s election they have also outperformed on the expectation of post-pandemic reopening and economic stimulus. However, the high-tax companies and high-tax sectors have underperformed on an equal-weighted basis since the Democratic Party won control of the Senate and tax hikes became inevitable. Tax hikes are largely but not fully priced from this point of view. Historically a rising budget deficit does not have a clear or positive correlation with the S&P 500, cyclical sectors, value stocks, or small caps. Fiscal thrust normally surges during recessions and bear markets. Nevertheless infrastructure plays – by which we include building products, construction materials and services, environmental services, metals and mining, machinery, and steel – tend to perform better when the deficit blows out. That trend looks to be intact today (Chart 12). Chart 11High-Tax Companies Rallied Despite Biden's Tax Hikes (But Not On Equal-Weighted Basis) High-Tax Companies Rallied Despite Biden's Tax Hikes (But Not On Equal-Weighted Basis) High-Tax Companies Rallied Despite Biden's Tax Hikes (But Not On Equal-Weighted Basis) Chart 12US Budget Blow-Out Positive For Infrastructure Plays US Budget Blow-Out Positive For Infrastructure Plays US Budget Blow-Out Positive For Infrastructure Plays The budget deficit is generally a stronger predictor of the performance of these sub-sectors than global manufacturing surveys and leading economic indicators, although the improvement in global sentiment and growth is clearly a positive backdrop (Chart 13). Europe and countries other than China will soon improve their vaccinations, reopen, and start catching up to the US economic rebound. China’s fiscal-and-credit impulse is closely correlated with US infrastructure plays and this has not changed since the trade war began (Chart 14). Importantly, China is tapping on the policy brakes and its economy is set to decelerate in the second half of the year, which has important implications for our BCA Infrastructure Basket and long trades. This indicator suggests that the relative performance of infrastructure plays will face a gradually rising headwind from abroad even as the US economy continues to provide a tailwind. Chart 13Global Sentiment Positive But Not A Big Driver Of US Infrastructure Plays Global Sentiment Positive But Not A Big Driver Of US Infrastructure Plays Global Sentiment Positive But Not A Big Driver Of US Infrastructure Plays Chart 14Infrastructure Plays Face Headwind From China's Waning Stimulus Infrastructure Plays Face Headwind From China's Waning Stimulus Infrastructure Plays Face Headwind From China's Waning Stimulus Infrastructure plays shown here – which consist of goods and services that fall under greater demand when infrastructure is built – should not be confused with infrastructure companies themselves, which tend to be classified under the much more defensive utilities and telecommunication sectors (Chart 15). This ratio is looking very toppy, in keeping with the general rollover in cyclical equity sector performance relative to defensives.   Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Jesse Anak Kuri Associate Editor jesse.Kuri@bcaresearch.com Chart 15Infrastructure Plays Versus Utilities And Telecoms Infrastructure Plays Versus Utilities And Telecoms Infrastructure Plays Versus Utilities And Telecoms   Appendix Table A1Political Risk Matrix Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Table A2Political Capital Index Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Table A3APolitical Capital: White House And Congress Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Table A3BPolitical Capital: Household And Business Sentiment Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Table A3CPolitical Capital: The Economy And Markets Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Table A4Biden’s Cabinet Position Appointments Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure?   Footnotes 1     Molly E. Reynolds, “What is the Senate filibuster, and what would it take to eliminate it?” Brookings Institution, September 9, 2020, brookings.edu. 2     On the contrary, while the bill will pass via party-line voting, it is still conceivable that one or two moderate Senate Republicans could be brought to endorse Biden’s American Jobs Plan.  

Highlights The Biden administration is combining Trumpian nationalism with a renewed push for US innovation in a major infrastructure bill that is highly likely to become law. Populism and Great Power struggle with China and Russia are structural forces that give enormous momentum to this effort. Don’t bet against it. President Biden’s $2.4 trillion infrastructure and green energy plan has a subjective 80% chance of passing into law by the end of the year, as infrastructure is popular and Democrats control Congress. The net deficit increase will range from $700 billion to $1.3 trillion depending on the size of corporate tax hikes in the final bill. The second part of Biden’s plan, the roughly $2 trillion American Families Plan, has a much lower chance of passage – at best 50/50 – as the 2022 midterm elections will loom and fiscal fatigue will set in. While the US infrastructure package is a positive cyclical catalyst, it was largely expected, and the Biden administration still faces early stress-tests on China/Taiwan, Russia, Iran, and even North Korea. Game theory helps explain why financial markets cannot ignore the 60% chance of a crisis in the Taiwan Strait. A full-fledged war is still low-probability but Taiwan remains the world’s preeminent geopolitical risk. In emerging markets, stay short Russian and Brazilian currency and assets – and continue favoring Indian stocks over Chinese. Feature The “arsenal of democracy” is a phrase that President Franklin Delano Roosevelt used to describe the full might of US government, industry, and labor in assisting the western allies in World War II. The US is reviving this combination of productive forces today, with President Joe Biden’s $4 trillion-plus American Jobs and Families Plan unveiled in Pittsburgh on March 31. The context is once again a global struggle among the Great Powers, albeit not world war (at least not yet … more on that below). The US is reviving its post-WWII pursuit of global liberal hegemony – symbolized by its role, growing once again, as the world’s chief consumer and chief warrior (Chart 1). Biden promoted his plan to build up the US’s infrastructure and social safety net explicitly as a historic and strategic investment – “in 50 years, people are going to look back and say this was the moment that American won the future.”1 It is critical for investors to realize that they are not witnessing another round of COVID-19 fiscal relief. That task is already completed with the Republican spending of 2020 and Biden’s own $1.9 trillion American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA), which together with the vaccine rollout are delivering a jolt to growth (Chart 2). Chart 1America Pursues Hegemony Anew America Pursues Hegemony Anew America Pursues Hegemony Anew Chart 2Consensus Expects 6.5% US GDP Growth After American Rescue Plan Consensus Expects 6.5% US GDP Growth After American Rescue Plan Consensus Expects 6.5% US GDP Growth After American Rescue Plan Our own back-of-the-envelope estimates of growth suggest that there is considerable upside risk even under current law (Chart 3). The output gap is also guesstimated here, and it will tighten faster than expected, especially as the service sector revives on economic reopening. Chart 3Back-Of-Envelope: US GDP And Output Gap Show Upside Risk After American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA) The Arsenal Of Democracy The Arsenal Of Democracy A growth overshoot is even more likely considering that the first part of Biden’s proposal, the $2.4 trillion American Jobs Plan consisting mostly of infrastructure and green energy, is highly likely to pass Congress (by July at earliest and December at latest, most likely late fall). Our revised estimates for the US budget deficit show that this bill will add considerably to the deficit in the coming years, peaking in three or four years, thus averting the “fiscal cliff” in 2022-23 and adding to aggregate demand in the years after the short-term COVID-era cash handouts dry up (Chart 4). The net deficit increase will be $700 billion if Biden gets all of his tax hikes and $1.3 trillion if he only gets half of them, according to our sister US Political Strategy. Chart 4US Budget Deficit Will Remain Fat In Coming Years The Arsenal Of Democracy The Arsenal Of Democracy We give Biden’s $2.4 trillion American Jobs Plan an 80% chance of passing through Congress by the end of the year. Infrastructure is broadly popular – as President Trump’s own $2 trillion infrastructure campaign proposal revealed – and Democrats have just enough votes to push it through the Senate via budget reconciliation, which requires zero votes from Republicans. Biden’s political capital is still strong given that his approval rating will stay above 50% as long as Trump is the obvious alternative and the Republicans are deeply divided over their own future (Chart 5).2 The second part of his plan, the $1.95 trillion American Families Plan, is much less likely to pass before the 2022 midterm elections – we would say 50/50 odds at best, if the infrastructure deal passes quickly. Chart 5Biden’s Political Capital Is Sufficient To Pass Another Major Law The Arsenal Of Democracy The Arsenal Of Democracy Of course there are very important differences between Biden’s $2.4 trillion infrastructure plan and the similarly sized proposal that Trump would have unveiled this month had he been re-elected: Biden’s proposal is probably heavier on innovation and research and development, and certainly heavier on unionization and labor regulation, than Trump’s would have been. Biden’s plan integrates infrastructure with sustainability, renewable energy, and climate change initiatives that will help the US catch up with Europe and China on the green front. The plan will consist of direct government spending – rather than government seed money to promote private investment. It will be partially offset by repealing the corporate tax cuts in Trump’s signature Tax Cuts and Jobs Act. Most importantly – from a geopolitical point of view – Biden is making a bid for the US to resume its post-WWII quest for global liberal hegemony. He argued that the US stands at the crossroads of a global choice between “democracies and autocracies” and that rebuilding US infrastructure is ultimately about proving that democracies can create consensus and “deliver for their people.” Autocratic regimes, fairly or not, routinely call attention to the divisiveness of modern party politics in the West and the resulting policy gridlock which produces bad outcomes for many citizens, resulting in greater domestic dysfunction and “chaos.” It is important to note that this bid for hegemony will be more, not less, destabilizing for global politics as it will make the US economy more self-sufficient and insulated from the world. It will intensify the US-China and US-Russia strategic competition while making it more difficult for Biden to conduct bilateral diplomacy with these states given their differences in moral values and frequent human rights violations. What is happening now is the culmination of political shifts that pre-date the pandemic, but were galvanized by the pandemic, and it is of global, geopolitical significance for the coming decade and beyond.3 Biden and the establishment Democrats – embattled by populism on their right and left flanks – are shamelessly coopting President Trump’s “Make America Great Again” nationalism with a larger-than-life, infrastructure-and-manufacturing initiative that emphasizes productivity as well as “Buy American” protectionism. Biden explicitly argued that Americans need to boost innovation to “put us in a position to win the global competition with China in the upcoming years.” At Biden’s first press conference on March 25, he made a similar point about China: So I see stiff competition with China. China has an overall goal, and I don’t criticize them for the goal, but they have an overall goal to become the leading country in the world, the wealthiest country in the world, and the most powerful country in the world. That’s not going to happen on my watch because the United States are going to continue to grow and expand.4 The US trade deficit is set to widen a lot further under this massive domestic buildout. It aims to be the largest government investment program since Dwight Eisenhower’s building of the highways or the Kennedy-Johnson-Nixon space race. But it explicitly aims to diminish China’s role as a supplier of US goods and materials and the US trade deficit already shows evidence of economic divorce (Chart 6). The US is bound to have a larger trade deficit due to its own savings-and-investment imbalances but it has a powerful interest in redistributing this trade deficit to its allies and reducing over-dependency on China, which is itself pursuing strategic self-sufficiency and military modernization in anticipation of an ongoing rivalry this century. Chart 6Biden's Coopts Trump's Trade And Manufacturing Agenda Biden's Coopts Trump's Trade And Manufacturing Agenda Biden's Coopts Trump's Trade And Manufacturing Agenda Bottom Line: Biden’s $2.4 trillion American Jobs Plan has an 80% chance of passing Congress later this year with a net increase to the fiscal thrust of between $700 billion and $1.3 trillion, depending on how many and how high the corporate tax hikes. The other $2 trillion social spending part of Biden’s plan has only a 50/50 chance of passage. The infrastructure and green energy rebuild should be understood as a return of Big Government motivated by populism and Great Power competition – it is a geopolitical theme with enormous momentum. The result will be faster US growth and higher inflation expectations, with the upside risk of a productivity boom (or boomlet) from the combination of public and private sector innovation. Investors should not bet against the cyclical bull market even though any increase in long-term potential GDP is speculative. A Fourth Taiwan Strait Crisis And The Cuban Missile Crisis Biden’s American Jobs Plan reserves $50 billion for US semiconductor manufacturing, a vast sum, larger than expectations and far larger than the relatively small public investments that helped revolutionize the US chip industry in the 1980s. But it will take a long time for these investments to pay off in the form of secure and redundant supply chains, while a semiconductor shortage is raging today that is already entangled with the US-China rivalry and tensions over the Taiwan Strait. The risk of a diplomatic or military incident is urgent because the chip shortage exacerbates China’s vulnerabilities at a time when the Biden administration is about to make critical decisions regarding the tightness of new export controls that cut off China’s access to US semiconductor chips, equipment, and parts. If the Biden administration appears to pursue a full-fledged tech blockade, as the Trump administration seemed bent on doing, then China will retaliate economically or militarily. Before going further we should point out that there are still areas of potential US-China cooperation under the Biden administration that could reduce tensions this year (though not over the long run). Biden and Xi Jinping might meet virtually as early as this month to discuss carbon emission reduction targets. Meanwhile China is positioning itself to serve as power-broker on two major foreign policy challenges – Iran and North Korea. Biden expressly seeks Chinese and Russian assistance based on the mutual interest in nuclear non-proliferation. Notably, Beijing’s renewed strategic dealings with Iran over the past month highlight its confidence that Biden does not have the appetite to stick with Trump’s “maximum pressure” but rather will seek to reduce sanctions and restore the 2015 nuclear deal. Hence China will seek to parlay influence over Tehran in exchange for reduced US pressure on its trade and economy (Chart 7). Beijing is making a similar offer on North Korea. Chart 7China Holds The Key To Iran, As With North Korea? China Holds The Key To Iran, As With North Korea? China Holds The Key To Iran, As With North Korea? Ironically both Iranian and North Korean geopolitical tensions should skyrocket in the short term since high-stakes negotiations are beginning, even though they are ultimately more manageable risks than the mega-risk of US-China conflict over Taiwan. China cannot gain the advanced technology it needs to achieve a strategic breakthrough if the US should impose a total tech blockade, e.g. draconian export controls enforced on US allies. Yet it is highly unlikely to gain the tech by seizing Taiwan, since war would likely destroy the computer chip fabrication plants and provoke global sanctions that would crush its economy. The result is that China is launching a massive campaign of domestic production and indigenous innovation while circumventing US restrictions through cyber and other means. Still, a dangerous strategic asymmetry is looming because the US will retain access to the most advanced computer chips via its alliances and on-shoring, whereas China will remain vulnerable to a tech blockade via Taiwan. This brings us to our chief global geopolitical risk: a US-China showdown in the Taiwan Strait. Highlighting the urgency of the risk, Admiral John Aquilino, the nominee for Commander of the US Indo-Pacific Command, told the Senate Armed Services Committee that China might not wait six years to attack Taiwan: “My opinion is that this problem is much closer to us than most think and we have to take this on.”5 To illustrate the calculus of such a showdown – and our reasons for maintaining an alarmist tone and building up market hedges and safe-haven investments – we turn to game theory. Game theory is not a substitute for empirical analysis but a tool to formalize complex international systems with multiple decision-makers. An obvious yet fair analogy to a US-China-Taiwan crisis is the Cuban missile crisis of 1962.6 The standard construction of the Cuban missile crisis in game theory goes as follows: if the US maintains a blockade and the Soviets withdraw their missiles a compromise is achieved and war is averted; if the US conducts air strikes and the Soviets maintain or use their missiles then war ensues. The payouts to each player are shown in the matrix in Diagram 1. Diagram 1Cuban Missile Crisis, 1962 The Arsenal Of Democracy The Arsenal Of Democracy One concern about this construction is that the payouts may underestimate the costs of war since nuclear arms could be used. We insert a comment into the diagram highlighting that the payouts could be altered to account for nuclear war. Note that this alteration does not change the final outcome: the equilibrium scenario is still US blockade and Soviet withdrawal, which is what happened in reality. If we model a US-China-Taiwan conflict along similar lines, the US takes the role of the Soviet Union while China stands where the US stood in 1962 (Diagram 2). This is a theoretical scenario in which the US offers Taiwan a decisive improvement in its security or offensive military capabilities. However, because of the unique circumstances of the Chinese civil war, in which the victors established the People’s Republic of China in Beijing in 1949 and the defeated forces retreated to Taiwan, China’s regime legitimacy is at stake in any showdown over Taiwan. If Beijing suffered a defeat that secured Taiwan’s independence while degrading Beijing’s regime legitimacy and security, the Chinese regime might not survive the domestic blowback.7 Diagram 2Fourth Taiwan Strait Crisis – What Happens If The US Offers Game-Changing Military Support To Taiwan? The Arsenal Of Democracy The Arsenal Of Democracy Thus we reduce the Chinese payout in the case of American victory. In the top right cell of Diagram 2, the row player’s payout falls from two points (2ppt) in the first diagram to one point (1ppt) in this diagram. This seemingly slight change entirely alters the outcome of the game. Beijing now faces equally bad outcomes in the event of defeat, whereas victory remains preferable to a tie. Therefore as long as China believes that the US will not resort to nuclear weapons to defend Taiwan (a reasonable assessment) then it may make the mistake of opting for military force to ensure victory. Fortunately for global investors the US is not providing Taiwan with game-changing military capabilities, although it is ultimately up to China to decide what threatens its security and the US is in the process of upgrading Taiwan’s defense in an effort to deter Beijing from forceful reunification. Thus the exercise demonstrates why we do not expect immediate war – no game-changer yet – but at the same time it shows why war is much likelier than the consensus holds if the military or political status quo changes in a way that China deems strategically unacceptable. A lower-degree Taiwan crisis should be expected – i.e. one in which the US maintains tech restrictions, offers arms sales or military training that do not upend the military balance, or signs free trade agreements or other significant upgrades to the US-Taiwan relationship.8 We would give a 60% probability to some kind of crisis over the next 12-24 months. The global equity market could at least suffer a 10% correction in a standard geopolitical crisis and it could easily fall 20% if US-China war appears more likely. What would trigger a full-fledged Taiwan war? We would grow even more alarmed if we saw one of three major developments: Chinese internal instability giving rise to a still more aggressive regime; the US providing Taiwan with offensive military capabilities; or Taiwan seeking formal political independence. The first is fairly likely, the second lends itself to miscalculation, and the third is unlikely. But it would only take one or two of these to increase the war risk dramatically. Bottom Line: The Taiwan Strait is still the critical geopolitical risk and Biden’s policy on China is still unclear. Iranian and North Korean tensions will escalate in the short run but the fundamental crisis lies in Taiwan. Since some kind of showdown is likely and war cannot be ruled out we advise clients to accumulate safe-haven assets like the Japanese yen and otherwise not to bet headlong against the US dollar until it loses momentum. Emerging Markets Round-Up In this section we will briefly update some important emerging market themes and views: Chart 8Favor USMCA Over Putin's Russia Favor USMCA Over Putin's Russia Favor USMCA Over Putin's Russia Russia: US-Russia tensions are escalating in the face of Biden’s reassertion of the US bid for liberal hegemony, which poses a direct threat to Russia’s influence in eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. Ukraine is expected to see a renewed conflict this spring. The top US and Russian military commanders spoke on the phone for the second time this year after Ukrainian military reports indicated that Russia is amassing forces on the border. We also assign a 50/50 chance that the US will use sanctions to prevent the completion of the NordStream II pipeline from Russia to Germany, an event that would shake up the German election as well as provoke a Russian backlash. The Russian ruble has suffered a long slide since Putin’s invasion of Georgia in 2008 and Crimea in 2014 and the country’s currency and equities have not staged much of a comeback amid the global cyclical upswing and commodity price rally post-COVID. We recommend investors favor the Canadian dollar and Mexican peso as oil plays in the context of American stimulus and persistent Russian geopolitical risk (Chart 8). We also favor developed market European stocks over emerging Europe, which will suffer from renewed US-Russia tensions. Brazil: Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro’s domestic political troubles are metastasizing as expected – the rally-around-the-flag effect in the face of COVID-19 has faded and his popular approval rating now looks dangerously like President Trump’s did, relative to previous presidents, which is an ominous warning for the “Trump of the South,” who faces an election in October 2022 (Chart 9). The COVID-19 deaths are skyrocketing, with intensive care units reaching critical levels across the country. The president has reshuffling his cabinet, including all three heads of the military in an unprecedented disruption that compounds fears about his willingness to politicize the military.9 Meanwhile the judicial system looks likely (but not certain) to clear former President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva to run against Bolsonaro for the presidency, a potent threat (Chart 10). Bolsonaro’s three pillars of political viability have cracked under the pandemic: the country remains disorderly, the systemic corruption and the “Car Wash” scandal under the former ruling party are no longer at the center of public focus, and fiscal stimulus has replaced structural reform. Chart 9Brazil: Will ‘Trump Of The South’ Face Trump’s Fate? The Arsenal Of Democracy The Arsenal Of Democracy Our Brazilian GeoRisk Indicator has reached a peak with Bolsonaro’s crisis – and likely breaking of the fiscal spending growth cap put in place at the height of the political crisis in 2016 – while Brazilian equities relative to emerging markets have hit a triple bottom (Chart 11). It is too soon for investors to buy into Brazil given that the political upheaval can get worse before it gets better and a Lula administration is no cure for Brazil’s public debt crisis, though a short-term technical rally is at hand. Chart 10Brazil’s Lula Looks To Be A Contender In 2022? The Arsenal Of Democracy The Arsenal Of Democracy Chart 11Brazil: Policy Risk Peaks, Equities Hit Triple-Bottom Versus EM Brazil: Policy Risk Peaks, Equities Hit Triple-Bottom Versus EM Brazil: Policy Risk Peaks, Equities Hit Triple-Bottom Versus EM India: A lot has happened since we last updated our views on India, South Asia, and the broader Indian Ocean basin. Farmer protests broke out in India, forcing Prime Minister Narendra Modi to temporarily suspend his much-needed structural reforms to the agricultural sector, while China-backed military coup broke out in Myanmar, and the US election set up a return to negotiations with Iran and the Taliban in Afghanistan. Perhaps the biggest surprise was the Indo-Pakistani ceasefire, despite boiling tensions over India’s decision to make Jammu and Kashmir a federal union territory. The ceasefire is temporary but it does highlight a changing geopolitical dynamic in the region. India and Pakistan ceased fire along the Line of Control where they have fought many times. The ceasefire does not resolve core problems – Pakistan will not stop supporting militant proxies and India will not grant Kashmir autonomy – but it does show their continued ability to manage the intensity of disputes while dealing with the global pandemic. An earlier sign of coordination occurred after the exchange of air strikes in early 2019, which preceded the Indian election and suggested that India and Pakistan had the ability to control their military encounters. India’s move to revoke the autonomy of Jammu and Kashmir in August 2019, along with various militant operations, created the basis for another major conflict this year. After all, the Kargil war in 1999 followed nuclear weaponization, while the 2008 conflict followed the Mumbai attack. But instead India and Pakistan have agreed to a temporary truce. A major India-Pakistan conflict would be a “black swan” as nobody is expecting it at this point. Not coincidentally, India and China also reduced tensions after the flare-up in their Himalayan territorial disputes in 2020. China may be reducing tensions now that it no longer has to distract its population from Trump and the US election. China is shifting its focus to the Myanmar coup, another area where it hopes to parlay its influence with a Biden administration preoccupied with democracy and human rights. Sino-Indian tensions will resume later, especially as China continues its infrastructure construction at the farthest reaches of its territory for the sake of economic stimulus, internal control, and military logistics. The Biden administration is adopting the Trump administration’s efforts to draw India into a democratic alliance. But more urgently it is trying to withdraw from Afghanistan and cut a deal with Iran, which means it will need Indian and Pakistani cooperation and will want India to play a supportive role. Typically India eschews alliances and it will disapprove of Biden’s paternalism. For both China and Pakistan, making a temporary truce with India discourages it from synching up relations with the US immediately. Still, we expect India to cooperate more closely with the US over time, both on economic and security matters. This includes a beefed up “Quad” (Quadrilateral Security Dialogue) with Japan and Australia, which already have strong economic ties with India. Biden’s attempt to frame US foreign policy as a global restoration of democracy and liberalism will not go very far if he alienates the largest democracy in the world and in Asia. Nor will his attempt to diversify the US economy away from China or counter China’s regional assertiveness. Therefore Biden will have to take a supportive role on US-India ties. We are sticking with our contrarian long India / short China equity trade (Chart 12). India cannot achieve its geopolitical goals without reforming its economy and for that very reason it will redouble its structural reform drive, which is supported by changing voting patterns in favor of accelerating nationwide economic development. India will also receive a tailwind from the US and its allies as they seek to diversify production sources and reduce supply chain dependency on China, at least for health, defense, and tech. Meanwhile China’s government is pursing import substitution, deleveraging, and conflict with its neighbors and the United States. While Chinese equities are much cheaper than Indian equities on a P/E basis, they are not as pricey on a P/B and P/S basis (Chart 13) – and valuation trends can continue under the current macro and geopolitical backdrop. Indian equities are more volatile but from a long-term and geopolitical point of view, India’s moment has arrived. Chart 12Contrarian Trade: Stick To Long India / Short China Contrarian Trade: Stick To Long India / Short China Contrarian Trade: Stick To Long India / Short China Bottom Line: Stay long Indian equities relative to Chinese and stay short Russian and Brazilian currencies and assets. These views are based on political and geopolitical themes that will remain relevant over the long run but are also seeing short-term confirmation. Chart 13Indian Stocks Not As Over-Priced On Price-To-Book, Price-To-Sales Indian Stocks Not As Over-Priced On Price-To-Book, Price-To-Sales Indian Stocks Not As Over-Priced On Price-To-Book, Price-To-Sales Investment Takeaways To conclude we want to highlight two investment takeaways. First, while the market has rallied in expectation of the US stimulus package, Biden must now get the package passed. This roller coaster process, combined with the inevitable European recovery once the vaccine rollout gets on its feet (Chart 14), will power an additional rally in cyclicals, value stocks, and commodities. This is true as long as China does not tighten monetary and fiscal policy too abruptly, a risk we have highlighted in previous reports. Chart 14Europe's Vaccination Problem Europe's Vaccination Problem Europe's Vaccination Problem While the US is pursuing “Buy American” provisions within its stimulus package, its growing trade deficit shows that it will be forced to import goods and services to meet its surging demand. This is beneficial for its nearest trade partners, Canada and Mexico, and Europe – as well as China substitutes further afield in some cases. Our European Investment Strategist Mathieu Savary has pointed out the opportunities lurking in Europe at a time when vaccine troubles and lockdowns are clouding the medium-term economic view, which is brightening. He recommends going long the “laggard” sectors and sub-sectors that have not benefited much relative to “leaders” that rallied sharply in the wake of last year’s stimulus, vaccine discovery, and defeat of President Trump (Chart 15). The laggard sectors are primed to outperform on rising US interest rates and decelerating Chinese economy as well (Chart 16). Therefore we recommend going long his basket of Euro Area laggards and short the leaders. Chart 15Europe’s Laggards And Leaders The Arsenal Of Democracy The Arsenal Of Democracy Chart 16Macro Forces Favor The Laggards over the Leaders Macro Forces Favor The Laggards over the Leaders Macro Forces Favor The Laggards over the Leaders Chart 17Will OPEC 2.0 Maintain Production Discipline To Keep Oil Supplies Tight? Will OPEC 2.0 Maintain Production Discipline To Keep Oil Supplies Tight? Will OPEC 2.0 Maintain Production Discipline To Keep Oil Supplies Tight? Commodities – especially base metals – will continue to benefit from the global and European reopening as well as the US infrastructure buildout, assuming that China does not shoot its economy in the foot. Our Commodity & Energy Strategy highlights that global oil prices should remain in a $60-$80 per barrel range over the coming years on the back of tight supply/demand balances and ongoing OPEC 2.0 production management (Chart 17). We continue to see upside oil price risks in the first half of the year but downside risks in the second half. The US pursuit of a deal with Iran may trigger sparks initially – i.e. unplanned supply outages – but this will be followed by increased supply from Iran and/or OPEC 2.0 as a deal becomes evident.   Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1 White House, "Remarks by President Biden on the American Jobs Plan," Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, March 31, 2021, whitehouse.gov. 2 A bipartisan bill is conceivably, barely, since Republicans face pressure to join with such a popular bill, but they cannot accept the corporate tax hikes, unionization, or green boondoggles that will inevitably occur. 3 The pandemic and President Trump’s hands-off attitude toward it helped galvanize this revival of Big Government, but the revival was already well on its way prior to the pandemic. 4 White House, "Remarks by President Biden in Press Conference," March 25, 2021, whitehouse.gov. 5 Again, "the most dangerous concern is that of a military force against Taiwan," though he implied that Beijing would wait until after the February 2022 Winter Olympics before taking action. He requested that the US urgently increase regional military defense. See Senate Armed Services Committee, "Nomination – Aquilino," March 23, 2021, armed-services.senate.gov. 6 At that time the Soviet Union stationed nuclear missiles in Cuba that threatened the US homeland directly and sent a convoy to make the missile installation permanent. The US imposed a blockade. A showdown ensued, at great risk of war, until the Soviets withdrew and the Americans made some compromises regarding missiles in Turkey. 7 Note that this was not the case for the US in 1962: Cuba did not have special significance for the legitimacy of the American republic and the American regime would have survived a defeat in the showdown, although its security would have been greatly compromised. 8 Taiwan is proposing to buy a missile segment enhancement for its Patriot Advanced Capability-3 missile defense system for delivery in 2025, though this is not yet confirmed by the Biden administration. See for example Yimou Lee, "Taiwan To Buy New U.S. Air Defence Missiles To Guard Against China," Reuters, March 31, 2021, reuters.com. 9 See Monica Gugliano, "I Will Intervene! The Day Bolsonaro Decided To Send Troops To The Supreme Court," Folha de São Paulo, August 2020, piaui.folha.uol.com.br.

Highlights The Biden Administration's $2.25 trillion infrastructure plan rolled out yesterday will, at the margin, boost global demand for energy and base metals more than expected later this year and next.  Global GDP growth estimates – and the boost supplied by US stimulus – once again will have to be adjusted higher (Chart of the Week). Energy and metals fundamentals continue to tighten. OPEC 2.0's so-far-successful production management strategy will keep the level of supply just below demand, which will keep Brent crude oil on either side of $60/bbl. Base-metals output will struggle to meet higher demand from the ongoing buildout of renewables infrastructure and growing electric-vehicle sales. Of late, concerns that speculative positioning suggests prices will head lower – or, at other times, higher – are entirely misplaced: Spec positioning conveys no information on price levels or direction.  Energy and metals prices, on the other hand, do convey useful information on spec positioning, demonstrating specs do not lead the news or prices, they follow them. Short-term headwinds caused by halting recoveries and renewed lockdowns – particularly in the EU – will fade in 2H21 as vaccines roll out, if the experience of the UK and US are any guide.  Continued USD strength, however, would remain a headwind. Feature If the Biden administration is successful in getting its $2.25 trillion infrastructure-spending bill through Congress, the US will join the rest of the world in the race to re-build – in some cases, build anew – its long-neglected bridges, roads, schools, communications and high-speed transportation networks, and, critically, its electric-power grid.  There's a lot of game left to play on this, but our Geopolitical Strategy group is giving this bill an 80% of passage later this year, after all the wrangling and log-rolling in Congress is done. In and of itself, the infrastructure-directed spending coming out of Biden's plan will be a catalyst for higher US industrial commodity demand – energy, metals and bulks.  In addition, it will support the lift in the demand boost coming out of higher GDP growth globally, which will be pushed higher by US fiscal spending, as the Chart of the Week shows.  Of note is the extremely robust growth expected in India, China and the US, which are among the largest consumers of industrial commodities globally.  Overall growth in the G20 and globally will be expansive in 2022 as well. Chart of the WeekBiden's $2.25 Trillion Infrastructure Bill Will Boost Global Commodity Demand Fundamentals Support Oil, Bulks, And Metals Fundamentals Support Oil, Bulks, And Metals Higher GDP growth translates directly into higher demand for commodities, all else equal, as can be seen in the relationship between EM and DM GDP, supply and inventories and Brent crude oil prices in Chart 2.  While we have reduced our Brent forecast for this year to $60/bbl on the back of renewed demand-side weakness in the EU due to problems in acquiring and distributing COVID-19 vaccines, we expect this to be reversed next year and into 2025, with prices trading between $60-$80/bbl (Chart 3).  OPEC 2.0, the oil-producer coalition led by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) and Russia, has done an excellent job of keeping the level of oil supply below demand over the course of the pandemic, which we expect to continue to the end of 2025.1 Chart 2Higher GDP Growth Presages Higher Commodity Demand Higher GDP Growth Presages Higher Commodity Demand Higher GDP Growth Presages Higher Commodity Demand Chart 3Brent Crude Oil Prices Will Average - / bbl to 2025 Brent Crude Oil Prices Will Average $60 - $80 / bbl to 2025 Brent Crude Oil Prices Will Average $60 - $80 / bbl to 2025 As the Biden plan makes its way through Congress, markets will get a better idea of how much diesel fuel, copper, steel, iron ore, etc., will be required in the US alone.  What is important to note here that the US is just moving to the starting line, whereas other economies like China and the EU already have begun their investment cycles in renewables and EVs.  At present, key markets already are tight, particularly copper (Chart 4) and aluminum (Chart 5).  In both markets, we expect physical deficits this year and next, which inclines us to believe the metals leg of this renewables buildout is just beginning – higher prices will be required to incentivize the development of new supply.2  Chart 4Copper Will Post Physical Deficit... Copper Will Post Physical Deficit... Copper Will Post Physical Deficit... Chart 5...As Will Aluminum ...As Will Aluminum ...As Will Aluminum This is particularly important in copper, where growth in mining output of ore has been flat for the past two years.  Copper is the one metal that spans all renewables technologies, and is a bellwether commodity for global growth.  We expect copper to trade to $4.50/lb (up ~ $0.50/lb vs spot) on the COMEX in 4Q21 on the back of increasing demand and tight supplies – i.e., falling mining supply and refined copper output growth (Chart 6). Worth noting also is steel rebar and hot-rolled coil prices traded at record highs this week on Chinese futures markets.  Stronger steel markets continue to support iron ore prices, although the latter is trading off its recent highs and likely will move lower toward the end of the year as Brazilian supply returns to the market.3  We use steel prices as a leading indicator for copper prices – steel leads copper prices by ~ 9 months.  This makes sense when one considers steel is consumed early in infrastructure and construction projects, while copper consumption occurs later as airports and houses are fitted with copper for electric, plumbing and communications applications. Chart 6Copper Ore Output Flat Copper Ore Output Flat Copper Ore Output Flat   Does Speculative Positioning Matter? Of late, media pundits and analysts have cited an unwinding of speculative positions in oil and metals markets following sharp run-ups in net long positions as a harbinger of weaker prices in the near future (Chart 7).4  At other times, speculation has been invoked as a reason for price surges – e.g., when oil rocketed  toward $150/bbl in mid-2008, which was followed by a price collapse at the start of the Global Financial Crisis (GFC).5 Brunetti et al note, "The role of speculators in financial markets has been the source of considerable interest and controversy in recent years. Concern about speculative trading also finds support in theory where noise traders, speculative bubbles, and herding can drive prices away from fundamental values and destabilize markets." (p. 1545) Chart 7Speculative Positioning Lower In Brent Than WTI Speculatives Positioning Lower in Brent Than WTI Speculatives Positioning Lower in Brent Than WTI We recently re-tested earlier findings in our research, which found that knowledge of how specs are positioned – either on the long or the short side of the market – conveys no information on the level of prices or the change that should be expected given that knowledge.  However, knowledge of the price level does convey useful information on how speculators are positioned in futures markets.6 In cointegrating regressions of speculative positions in crude oil, natural gas and copper futures on price levels for these commodities, we find the level of prices to be a statistically significant determinant of spec positions. We find no such relationship using spec positions as an explanatory variable for prices.7 On the other hand, Chart 2 above is an example of statistically significant relationships for Brent and WTI price as a function of supply-demand fundamentals displaying coefficients of determination (r-squares) of close to 90% in the post-GFC period (2010 to now).  This supports our earlier findings regarding spec behavior: They follow prices, they don't lead them.8 We are not dismissive of speculation.  It plays a critical role in markets, by providing the liquidity that enables commodity producers and consumers to hedge their price exposures, and to investors seeking to diversify their portfolios with commodity exposures that are uncorrelated to their equity and bond holdings.  Short-Term Headwinds Likely Dissipate COVID-19 remains the largest risk to markets generally, commodities in particular.  The mishandling of vaccine rollouts in the EU has pushed back our assumption for demand recovery deeper into 2H21, but it has not derailed it.  We expect COVID-related deaths and hospitalizations to fall in the EU as they have in the UK and the US following the widespread distribution of vaccines, which should occur in the near future as Brussels organizes its pandemic response (Chart 8).  Making vaccines available for other states in dire straits will follow, which will allow the global re-opening to progress as lockdowns are lifted (Chart 9). Chart 8EU Vaccination Rollouts Will Boost Global Economic Recovery Fundamentals Support Oil, Bulks, And Metals Fundamentals Support Oil, Bulks, And Metals Chart 9Global Re-Opening Has Slowed, But Will Resume In 2H21 Fundamentals Support Oil, Bulks, And Metals Fundamentals Support Oil, Bulks, And Metals The other big risk we see to commodities is persistent USD strength (Chart 10).  The dollar has rallied for the better part of 2021, largely on the back of improving US economic prospects relative to other states, and success in its vaccination efforts.  The resumption of the USD's bear market may have to wait until the rest of the world catches up with America's public-health response to the pandemic, and the global economy ex-US and -China enters a stronger expansionary mode. Bottom Line: We remain bullish industrial commodities expecting demand to improve as the EU rolls out vaccines and begins to make progress in arresting the pandemic and removing lockdowns.  Global fiscal and monetary policy, which likely will be bolstered by a massive round of US infrastructure spending beginning in 4Q21 will catalyze demand growth for oil and base metals.  This will prompt another round of GDP revisions to the upside.  The dollar remains a headwind for now, but we expect it to return to a bear market in 2H21. Chart 10The USD's Evolution Remains Important The USD's Evolution Remains Important The USD's Evolution Remains Important   Robert P. Ryan Chief Commodity & Energy Strategist rryan@bcaresearch.com Ashwin Shyam Research Associate Commodity & Energy Strategy ashwin.shyam@bcaresearch.com   Commodities Round-Up Energy: Bullish Going into the April 1 meeting of OPEC 2.0 today, we are not expecting any increase in production.  OPEC earlier this week noted demand had softened, mostly due to the slow recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic in the EU, which, based on their previous policy decisions, suggests the producer coalition will not be increasing production.  The coalition led by KSA and Russia will have to address Iran's return as a major exporter to China this year, which appears to have been importing ~ 1mm b/d of Iranian crude this month (Chart 11).  This puts Iran in direct competition with KSA as a major exporter to China, in defiance of the US re-imposition of sanctions against Iranian exports.  China and Iran over the weekend signed a 25-year trade pact that also could include military provisions, which could, over time, alter the balance of power in the Persian Gulf if Chinese military assets – naval and land warfare – deploy to Iran under their agreement.  Details of the deal are sparse, as The Guardian noted in its recent coverage.  Among other things, government officials in Tehran have come under withering criticism for entering the deal, which they contend was signed with a "politically bankrupt regime."  The Guardian also noted US President Joe Biden " is prepared to make a new offer to Iran this week whereby he will lift some sanctions in return for Iran taking specific limited steps to come back into compliance with the nuclear agreement, including reducing the level to which it enriches uranium," in the wake of the signing of this deal. Base Metals: Bullish Copper fell this week, initially on an inventory build, and has now settled right under the $4/lb mark, as investors await details on the US infrastructure bill unveiled in Pittsburgh, PA, on Wednesday.  According to mining.com, a major chunk of the proposed bill will be devoted to investments in infrastructure, which will be metals-intensive.  Precious Metals: Bullish Gold fell further this week, as US treasury yields rose, buoyed by the increased US vaccine efforts and President Biden’s proposed spending plans (Chart 12). USD strength also worked against the yellow metal, which has been steadily declining since the beginning of this year.  COMEX gold fell below the $1,700/oz mark for the third time this month and settled at $1,683.90/oz on Tuesday. Chart 11 Sporadic Producers Will Be Accomodated Sporadic Producers Will Be Accomodated Chart 12 Gold Trading Lower On The Back of A Strong Dollar Gold Trading Lower On The Back of A Strong Dollar     Footnotes 1     Please see Five-Year Brent Forecast Update: Expect Price Range of $60 - $80/bbl, which we published 25 March 2021.  It is available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 2     Please see Industrial Commodities Super-Cycle Or Bull Market?, which we published 4 March 2021 for additional discussion, particularly regarding the need for additional capex in energy and metals markets. 3    Please see UPDATE 1-Strong industrial activity, profit lift China steel futures, published by reuters.com 29 March 2021. 4    See, e.g., Column: Frothy oil market deflates as virus fears return published 23 March 2021. 5    Brunetti, Celso, Bahattin Büyüksahin, and Jeffrey H. Harris (2016), " Speculators, Prices, and Market Volatility," Journal of Financial and Quantitative Analysis, 51:5, pp. 1545-74, for further discussion. 6    Please see Specs Back Up The Truck For Oil, which we published 26 April 2018, and Feedback Loop: Spec Positioning & Oil Price Volatility published 10 May 2018.  Both are available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 7     We group money managers (registered commodity trading advisors, commodity pool operators and unregistered funds) and swap dealers (banks and trading companies providing liquidity to hedgers and speculators) together to test these relationships. 8    In our earlier research, we also noted our results generally were supported in the academic literature.  See, e.g., Fattouh, Bassam, Lutz Kilian and Lavan Mahadeva (2012), "The Role of Speculation in Oil Markets: What Have We Learned So Far?" published by The Oxford Institute For Energy Studies.   Investment Views and Themes Strategic Recommendations Commodity Prices and Plays Reference Table Summary of Closed Trades Higher Inflation On The Way Higher Inflation On The Way

Highlights President Biden’s $2.4 trillion “American Jobs Plan” is a major US public investment that will dispel any endogenous deflationary tail risk from the US economy this cycle, increase inflation expectations yet boost productivity, and hike corporate taxes. The proposal has an 80% chance of passage before the end of the year given that infrastructure is popular and Democrats can pass the bill via reconciliation with zero Republican votes.   The $2.4 trillion infrastructure proposal will take effect over eight years and will be offset by corporate tax hikes that will take effect over 15 years. The increase in the budget deficit will be around $400 billion if all tax hikes pass and $1.4 trillion if only half the tax hikes pass. The American Families Plan will follow with another roughly $700 billion to $1.3 trillion increase to the budget deficit, depending on how much individual/household taxes go up. But this bill only has a 50/50 chance of passing before the 2022 midterm elections. Investors should maintain a bullish cyclical (12-month) bias and keep favoring value stocks, industrials, and materials over tech and health care. We also recommend going long consumer discretionary stocks and energy large caps versus small caps. Feature President Joe Biden spoke in Pittsburgh on Wednesday to unveil his economic vision and policy proposals going forward. Biden proposed a $2.4 trillion “American Jobs Plan” infrastructure and green energy package to be implemented over eight years, which will be part of a $4 trillion-plus “Build Back Better” legislative agenda that will be partially offset by an estimated $3 trillion in tax hikes to take effect over 15 years. The result will be a pro-cyclical boost to fiscal thrust, GDP growth, and inflation expectations; some potential for a productivity boom; a possible expansion of the social safety net; and tax reform that reduces US corporate profits. Pennsylvania is a Rust Belt state, Biden’s home state, and a critical swing state in the 2016 and 2020 elections, so the location makes sense. Biden aims to solidify the economic recovery and restore the Democratic Party’s leadership on infrastructure and manufacturing after Republican President Trump nearly stole their thunder. If he succeeds then his administration and party will improve their support substantially. The US economy is opening rapidly while the COVID-19 vaccination campaign continues apace. Chart 1 shows that household disposable income and net worth surged as a result of giant fiscal relief while consumer spending lags behind due to social distancing. The $1.7 trillion treasure chest of personal savings creates the basis for an increase in spending as consumers get vaccinated and regain their freedom. Economic policy uncertainty has collapsed, even relative to global uncertainty (Chart 2). There are no longer doubts about whether government will spend the country out of a slump. Even state and local governments have been bailed out despite having much stronger finances than predicted. However, there are doubts about how much more deficit spending the Biden administration will be able to push through, and that is what will now be debated in Congress following Biden’s Pittsburgh proposals. Chart 1Lower Spending And Higher Income Led To Mounting Excess Savings Lower Spending And Higher Income Led To Mounting Excess Savings Lower Spending And Higher Income Led To Mounting Excess Savings Chart 2US Policy Uncertainty Soon To Revive US Policy Uncertainty Soon To Revive US Policy Uncertainty Soon To Revive There will not be much of a deflationary tail risk to the new business cycle in the context of this expansive fiscal policy, as bullish investors are well aware. However, policy uncertainty will revive going forward as more spending will raise the risk of economic overheating, tax hikes will affect different sectors disproportionately, deficits and debt will balloon, and Biden’s challenges with immigration and foreign policy will intensify. There is an upside risk for the stock market that Congress delays tax hikes but this is not our base case. In this week’s report we revise and update our estimates for the impact of Biden administration’s legislative proposals – including his projected $4 trillion-plus in spending on infrastructure, health, and education – taking into consideration Biden’s Pittsburgh speech, his first press conference on March 25, and all the rumors and leaks that have come to light over the past two weeks. Back-Of-The-Envelope Estimates Of US Growth And Output Gap After ARPA First we need to revise our back-of-the-envelope estimates of the impact of the $1.9 trillion American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA). Chart 3 shows two scenarios for US GDP growth. The first is the “maximum” scenario, in which US real GDP grows by 10.7% because all of the money authorized under the new law is spent. The second scenario puts real growth at 6% by using only the Congressional Budget Office’s expected federal outlays (as opposed to budget authority) to estimate the government spending component of GDP. In both cases we assume that 33% of the fiscal relief is spent in FY2021 and the remainder in FY2022. These scenarios do not include Biden’s American Jobs and Families Plans because those bills have yet to be drafted, let alone pass Congress. Chart 3Revised US GDP Estimates With ARPA Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Consensus estimates put real GDP growth at 5.7% and the Federal Reserve estimates that 2021 growth will clock in at 6.5%, as shown in Chart 4. Not all of the government spending will translate directly into aggregate demand because 37% of the ARPA consists of direct checks and unemployment benefits to households that may only spend one-third of the amount they receive (while paying down debt with a third of it and saving a third of it). Yet more government deficit spending is coming down the pike and consumers are sitting on a huge pile of savings, which implies that growth could surprise to the upside of consensus estimates. Chart 4Consensus Estimates Of US GDP PosT-ARPA Consensus Estimates Of US GDP PosT-ARPA Consensus Estimates Of US GDP PosT-ARPA Chart 5 uses our same back-of-the-envelope calculation to estimate the impact of current law (including ARPA) on the US output gap. The output gap is the difference between actual GDP growth and potential GDP growth – during busts the country’s growth falls well beneath potential while during booms it rises above potential. The chart shows that if all of the government relief funds are spent then the output gap will be more than closed by the end of the year. By contrast, the CBO’s January projection shows the output gap persisting through 2025. While our estimates in Chart 5 may be too generous regarding federal cash handouts translating directly to consumer spending and higher demand, nevertheless the consensus estimate is entirely understated and out of date as a result of ARPA and the Biden administration’s additional fiscal spending that is coming. Chart 5Revised US Output Gap Estimates With ARPA Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Chart 6Revised US Budget Deficit Projection Post-ARPA Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Chart 6 updates our US budget deficit outlook using the CBO’s February budget baseline. The ARPA’s increase in government spending is added to create the new Democratic Party status quo scenario over the next ten years, with the budget normalizing by 2025. The Democratic low spending scenario assumes that Biden passes the $2.4tn infrastructure-plus plan announced in Pittsburgh (Table 1) using all the revenue from all the corporate tax hikes. Biden’s agenda will be broken into separate bills with varying probabilities of success. So in our budget deficit outlook we only include the infrastructure-and-corporate-tax-hikes component that is apparently being prioritized. Table 1Biden's 'American Jobs Plan' Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Bottom Line: US growth will surprise to the upside of consensus estimates while the US output gap will be closed much sooner than expected. Financial markets are largely prepared for this outcome, although it reinforces that investors should maintain a cyclically bullish view and tactically should buy on the dips. Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And ‘American Jobs Plan’ Budget Impacts Our view is that the Biden administration has a subjective 80% chance of passing a second major budget reconciliation bill (FY2022) and a 50% chance of passing a third budget reconciliation bill (FY2023). The question appears to be resolved that Democrats will prioritize infrastructure over social welfare. Whichever one they prioritize can be linked to tax hikes and yet will still be highly likely to pass given that no Republican votes are needed under budget reconciliation rules. Moderate Democrats may water down the tax provisions but they would be suicidal to oppose their entire party on the administration’s signature piece of legislation. The social spending bill, assuming it follows infrastructure, would have to be pursued via a third reconciliation bill for FY2023 but it is less likely to pass. By next year Biden will have spent a lot of his political capital, fiscal spending fatigue will be a real phenomenon, and the 2022 midterm elections will loom. What matters for investors is the impact on the budget deficit since that will determine how big of an impact will hit GDP and how long US fiscal policy remains accommodative. Table 2 shows the impact on the budget balance if Biden gets all of his spending and all revenue proposals (Baseline), if he gets all the spending but only half the tax hikes (Scenario 1), and if he gets half the spending and half the tax hikes (Scenario 2). Scenarios 3 and 4 treat the social spending plan with varying degrees of tax revenue from the proposed individual tax hikes, while Scenarios 5 and 6 treat the infrastructure plan with varying tax revenue from corporate tax hikes. Table 2Biden’s Forthcoming ‘American Jobs Plan’ Legislative Proposals Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Table 3 shows the Biden campaign’s proposed tax hikes by line item along with the spending proposals. The range of net deficit spending runs from about $400 billion to about $3 trillion over ten years, which is a broad range and not very telling but which seems, subjectively, likely to settle in the $2 trillion range. Chart 7 shows the budget deficit’s deviation from the status quo trajectory in each of these scenarios, i.e. additional fiscal thrust. Table 3Biden’s Tax-And-Spend Proposals In Detail Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Chart 7US Budget Deficit Projections With ‘American Jobs Plan’ Agenda Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda The infrastructure package consists of a range of proposals having to do with traditional roads and bridges, renewable energy, rural broadband Internet, domestic manufacturing incentives, supply chain security initiatives, affordable housing, and research and development (see Table 1 above). The social safety net expansion consists of making permanent the child tax credit that was extended in the ARPA; lowering the Medicare eligibility requirement to age 60 from 65; lengthening paid family/medical leave for workers; funding universal pre-school; and funding tuition-free community college. Some Democrats will oppose delaying social spending and tax hikes because they may not pass before the midterms and Republicans could easily take back control of the House of Representatives in 2022. Hence there is still a chance that Biden will pursue infrastructure on a bipartisan and piecemeal basis while using the FY2022 budget reconciliation for his social spending and tax hikes. The reasoning goes as follows: Historically the House has a high probability of shifting against a new president’s party in his first midterm election. The only exception to this rule were George W. Bush and Franklin D. Roosevelt. Republicans will definitely oppose social welfare and tax hikes, whereas they could be convinced to support an infrastructure plan. Republicans will not vote for infrastructure if it includes tax hikes and many Democrats believe that long-term infrastructure spending will enhance productivity and hence need not require revenue offsets. Hence there is still a chance of a bipartisan infrastructure bill. This would jeopardize its overall passage but it would ensure that Democrats could pass their social agenda via FY2022 reconciliation. What are the odds of bipartisanship? Throughout this year we have reserved some space for bipartisan lawmaking to take place under the radar. A recent example is the Paycheck Protection Program (PPP) Extension Act of 2021, which Biden signed into law on March 30. This is a bipartisan extension of the small business emergency loan program that began under President Trump. Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell quashed objections from within his party to extending the program, which has substantial support from the National Federation of Independent Business.1 The result was a 92-7 vote majority in the Senate, showing that Republican cooperation is possible. The fact that Republicans also cleared the way for the use of earmarks, or pork barrel spending directed at a critical lawmaker’s constituency in exchange for his or her vote, also suggests that bipartisanship is possible, particularly on infrastructure. Republicans can also be brought to support efforts to secure supply chains and energize the US technological race with China, such as the $50 billion funding for semiconductor manufacturing, which could be part of a major infrastructure package or regular budget appropriations. The catch is that Republicans will not support tax hikes, unionization, IRS strengthening, workplace enforcement, or climate change policies pursued under the guise of infrastructure. As a result the Democrats are highly incentivized to bypass Republicans from the beginning and pursue their agenda through two separate reconciliation bills. Finally, Democrats still have the option of removing the Senate filibuster, enabling regular bills to pass with merely 51 votes. Investors should plan on this occurring despite the news media narrative suggesting that moderate Democrats do not want it to happen – the point is that it is not an invincible check on the ruling party’s power. Biden signaled in his first press conference on March 25 that he is willing to see the filibuster removed. Bottom Line: Democrats can pass most of their infrastructure and social safety net proposals via budget reconciliation bills for FY2022 and FY2023, without a single Republican vote. If they do so they can only spare three votes in the House and zero votes in the Senate – meaning that the devil is in the details. Their odds of passing the first are high at a subjective 80% but then their odds of passing the second are 50/50 at best. Thus it is not wise to bet against Democratic tax hikes or new spending. The net impact on the deficit will be negative and hence stimulating for the economy. Growth and inflation will surprise to the upside. Biden’s Political Capital Still Moderate-To-Strong Our argument above is based in great part on Biden’s political capital, which is moderate but likely to strengthen as consumer sentiment rises. Table 4 updates our US Political Capital Index. Political polarization is subsiding from extreme peaks, and business sentiment and economic conditions are improving (with a surge in capex intentions albeit rising concerns over regulation). Table 4Biden’s Political Capital Sufficient For Another Major Bill Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda The weak spot is household sentiment as Biden’s approval rating is falling (normal for presidents as their honeymoon ends). However, consumer confidence is already picking up and will surely accelerate with vaccinations gaining ground, the dole being delivered, and the service sector reviving. Chart 8 shows that Biden’s approval rating is settling in the mid-50% range, which is substantially better than Trump’s at this time although worse than President Obama’s. Biden can be understood as a synthesis of these two predecessors given that he is coopting Trump’s agenda on fiscal spending, infrastructure, trade, and manufacturing while continuing Obama’s legacy on regulation, immigration, civil rights, and foreign policy. We expect Biden’s approval rating not to fall too far, unless he suffers a foreign policy disaster with China, Iran, or Russia, given that over 50% of voters will tend to support him as long as President Trump is the obvious alternative. Chart 9 suggests that Biden’s economic approval rating is weak but this score is going to rise once the new relief funds are distributed and the economic recovery gets going full steam. The early business cycle will probably be a constant source of support for the president over his four-year term. Chart 8Biden’s Approval Rating Fairly Stout Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Chart 9Biden’s Approval On Economy Will Rise Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Remarkably even the US Congress is gaining greater popular approval (Chart 10). This is very rare in modern times and could suggest that a major change is taking shape as Congress pursues populist fiscal policy under both Trump and Biden. Congress is handing out free money so people suddenly don’t hate it as much. There is a limit to how popular Congress will become and it will certainly not shake off its hard-earned reputation for gridlock and partisan rancor by suddenly exemplifying enlightenment and bipartisanship. But any rise in congressional approval is notable and would imply greater political capital for the current government and hence greater policy certainty for investors in the short run. Biden’s political capital is not yet suffering due to economic overheating as the latter has not yet happened – but it is a risk to monitor over the medium term. Inflationary pressures continue to build across the supply chain. Small businesses are increasingly flagging cost of labor as a rising concern while consumer price inflation is likely to pick up. Chart 10Congress Is Becoming More Popular Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Inflation expectations are critical and will take time to change. Americans think about inflation through prices at the pump. Chart 11 shows the US and global crude oil price and average gasoline prices at the gas station for US consumers. Gasoline prices have surged although they are not yet at the $4 per gallon level that causes popular concern to escalate sharply. Chart 11Inflation Is Coming But Geopolitics Brings Oil Price Volatility Inflation Is Coming But Geopolitics Brings Oil Price Volatility Inflation Is Coming But Geopolitics Brings Oil Price Volatility Oil prices are expected to go higher in the coming two years, according to our Commodity & Energy Strategy, but over a five-year period global supply-demand trends and balances suggest that the price will fluctuate within the $60-$80 dollar range. Biden’s regulations and foreign policy will introduce some volatility by hampering domestic US production, triggering sparks in the Middle East over Iran, and yet ultimately increasing global supply via any diplomatic deal with Iran. The BCA Research House View holds that today’s inflation is a temporary phenomenon whereas a more substantial bout of inflation is waiting in the medium-to-long term. The reason our strategists are not overly concerned in the near term is that there is still substantial slack in the economy: the labor force participation rate has fallen from 63.3% to 61.4% since the pandemic, the U6 unemployment rate stands at 11.1% (up from 7% prior to the pandemic), and the all-important employment-to-population ratio for prime-age workers stands at 57.6%, down from 61.1% prior to the pandemic. However, this slack is on pace to be tightened quickly as long as the pandemic subsides and Biden’s American Jobs Plan passes. Bottom Line: Our US Political Capital Index suggests Biden’s political capital is moderate-to-strong, which supports our view that he can pass at least one more major piece of legislation and possibly two. Inflation expectations will rise further and the selloff in US treasuries will continue. Investment Takeaways The market rally since January has priced a lot of the good news from Biden’s proposals, which are broadly similar to his campaign proposals. There is not a clear legislative strategy and passing two major bills before the midterm elections is a stretch. The priority bill, however, looks to pass by the end of this year after a roller-coaster ride of congressional negotiations and horse-trading. Deep cyclical sectors will benefit the most. We remain long value over growth stocks, specifically industrials and materials. We are also maintaining our long BCA infrastructure basket at least until passage of the bill is secured. Our infrastructure basket consists of a range of materials and machinery producers, construction services, and environmental services, and does not focus on headline “infrastructure” companies in the utilities and telecoms sectors. We recommend going long large cap energy stocks relative to small caps, which will have a harder time adjusting to Biden’s regulatory, tax, and green agenda. A long-term infrastructure plan that includes green energy, manufacturing, digital infrastructure, and R&D could create a productivity boost. Hiking the corporate tax rate to 28% is negative for corporate earnings but it will take place over a longer time frame and is being introduced in the context of a cyclical upswing. Hence we remain bullish over the course of this year. Biden’s Pittsburgh speech ostensibly confirmed the news flow over the past month suggesting that the Democrats will not propose a government-provided health insurance option in their upcoming legislative proposals. Instead they are prioritizing lowering the Medicare eligibility requirement and enabling Medicare to negotiate pharmaceutical prices. Our short of the managed health care sub-sector suffered from this shift in policy focus although we will maintain the trade as we expect the public option to reemerge at a later date. Meanwhile our pair trade of long health equipment and facilities relative to pharmaceuticals and bio-tech continues to perform well (Chart 12). A clear beneficiary of the US’s newfound proactive fiscal policy is the consumer. Consumer spending has not fully recovered from the pandemic and recession. Household disposable income ticked down in February from January, after the distribution of the government’s $900 billion COVID-19 relief funds in the Consolidated Appropriations Act passed in December. However, disposable income is up 8% over the 12 months since COVID broke out, due to fiscal relief. The result of lower spending and higher income is an increase in the personal saving rate to 13.6% in February, well above normal, as our US Bond Strategy highlights in its latest report. Recent research from our US Investment Strategy highlights that consumer growth should track relatively well with increases in household net worth, implying that nominal personal consumption expenditures could grow at a rate of 8.8% by the end of the year and 6.9% by the end of next year. Chart 12Stay Long Industrials Over Health Care Stay Long Industrials Over Health Care Stay Long Industrials Over Health Care Chart 13Go Long Consumer Discretionary Stocks Go Long Consumer Discretionary Stocks Go Long Consumer Discretionary Stocks In this context we take a positive view of consumer stocks in general. Cyclically we would favor consumer discretionary stocks and recommend investors go long. While discretionary spending should outperform as the economic upswing gains pace, we are holding consumer staples as a hedge against bad news (Chart 13). Not only will Biden’s tax hikes, inflation, and the rise in bond yields cause ongoing risks to cyclical sectors, but Biden also faces a series of imminent foreign policy tests with China/Taiwan, Iran, Russia, and North Korea, as highlighted in our sister Geopolitical Strategy.     Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com   Appendix Table A1Political Risk Matrix Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Table A2APolitical Capital: White House And Congress Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Table A2BPolitical Capital: Household And Business Sentiment Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Table A2CPolitical Capital: The Economy And Markets Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Table A3Biden’s Cabinet Position Appointments Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda   Footnotes 1     Bill Scher, “The Bipartisan Senate Bill You Haven’t Heard About,” Real Clear Politics, realclearpolitics.com.          

  The BCA Research Global Asset Allocation (GAA) Forum will take place online on May 18th. We have put together a great lineup of speakers to discuss issues of importance to CIOs and asset allocators. These include the latest thinking on portfolio construction, factor investing, alternatives, and ESG. Our keynote speaker will be Keith Ambachtsheer, founder of KPA Advisory and author of many books on investment management including "The Future of Pension Management: Integrating Design, Governance and Investing" (2016). His presentation will be followed by a panel discussion of top CIOs including Maxime Aucoin of CDPQ, James Davis of OPTrust, and Catherine Ulozas of the Drexel University Endowment. The event is complimentary for all GAA subscribers, who can see a full agenda and register here. Others can sign up here. We hope you can join us on May 18th for what should be a stimulating and informative day of ideas and discussion. Highlights Recommended Allocation Quarterly Portfolio Outlook: What Higher Rates Mean For Asset Allocation Quarterly Portfolio Outlook: What Higher Rates Mean For Asset Allocation Global growth will rebound later this year, fueled by an end of lockdowns and generous fiscal stimulus. Despite that, central banks will not move towards tightening until 2023 at the earliest. This remains a very positive environment for risk assets like equities, though the upside is inevitably limited given stretched valuations. We continue to recommend a risk-on position, with overweights in equities and higher-risk corporate bonds. It is unlikely that long-term rates will rise much further over the coming months. But there is a risk that they could, and so we become more wary on interest-sensitive assets. Accordingly, we cut our overweight on the IT sector to neutral, and go overweight Financials. We continue to prefer cyclical sectors, and stay overweight Industrials and Energy. Chinese growth is slowing and so we cut our recommendation on Chinese equities to underweight. Some Emerging Markets will suffer from tighter US financial conditions, so we would be selective in our positions in both EM equity and debt. We stay firmly underweight government bonds, and recommend an underweight on duration, and favor linkers. Within alternatives, we raise Private Equity to overweight. The return to normality will give PE funds a wider range of opportunities, and allow them to pick up distressed assets at attractive valuations. Overview What Higher Rates Mean For Asset Allocation The past few months have seen a sharp rise in long-term interest rates everywhere (Chart 1). These have reflected better growth prospects, but also a greater appreciation of the risk of inflation over the next few years (Chart 2). Our main message in this Quarterly Portfolio Outlook is that we do not expect long-term rates to rise much further over the coming months, but that there is a risk that they could. This would be unlikely to undermine the positive case for risk assets overall, but it would affect asset allocation towards interest-rate sensitive assets such as growth stocks and Emerging Markets, and could have an impact on the US dollar. Chart 1Rates Are Rising Everywhere Rates Are Rising Everywhere Rates Are Rising Everywhere Chart 2...Because Of Both Growth And Inflation Expectations Quarterly Portfolio Outlook: What Higher Rates Mean For Asset Allocation Quarterly Portfolio Outlook: What Higher Rates Mean For Asset Allocation     We accordingly keep our recommendation for an overweight on equities and riskier corporate credit on the 12-month investment horizon, but are tweaking some of our other allocation recommendations. The macro environment for the rest of the year continues to look favorable. Pent-up consumer demand will be released once lockdowns end. In the US, this should be mid-July by when, at the current rate, the US will have vaccinated enough people to achieve herd immunity (Chart 3). Excess household savings in the major developed economies have reached almost $3 trillion (Chart 4). At least a part of that will be spent when consumers can go out for entertainment and travel again. Chart 3US On Track To Hit Herd Immunity By July US On Track To Hit Herd Immunity By July US On Track To Hit Herd Immunity By July Chart 4Global Excess Savings Total Trillion Global Excess Savings Total $3 Trillion Global Excess Savings Total $3 Trillion     Fiscal stimulus remains generous, especially in the US after the passing of the $1.9 trillion package in March (with another $2 trillion dedicated towards infrastructure spending likely to be approved within the next six months). The OECD estimates that the recent US stimulus alone will boost US GDP growth by almost 3 percentage points in the first full year and have a significant knock-on effect on other economies (Chart 5). Central banks, too, remain wary of the uneven and fragile nature of the recovery and so will not move towards tightening in the next 12 months. The Fed is not signalling a rate hike before 2024 – and it is likely to be the first major central bank to raise rates. In this environment, it is not surprising that long-term rates have risen. We showed in March’s Monthly Portfolio Update that, since 1990, equities have almost always performed strongly when rates are rising. This is likely to continue unless there is either (1) an inflation scare, or (2) the Fed turns more hawkish than the market believes is appropriate. Inflation could spike temporarily over the coming months, which might spook markets (see What Our Clients Are Asking on page 9 for more discussion of this). But sustained inflation is improbable until the labor market recovers to a level where significant wage increases come through (Chart 6). This is unlikely before 2023 at the earliest. Chart 5US Fiscal Stimulus Will Help Everyone Quarterly Portfolio Outlook: What Higher Rates Mean For Asset Allocation Quarterly Portfolio Outlook: What Higher Rates Mean For Asset Allocation Chart 6Labor Market Still Well Away From Full Employment Labor Market Still Well Away From Full Employment Labor Market Still Well Away From Full Employment   BCA Research’s fixed-income strategists do not see the US 10-year Treasury yield rising much above 1.8% this year.1 Inflation expectations should settle down around the current level (shown in Chart 2, panel 2) which is consistent with the Fed achieving its 2% PCE inflation target on average over the cycle. Treasury yields are largely driven by whether the Fed turns out to be more or less hawkish than the market expects (Chart 7). The market is already pricing in the first Fed rate hike in Q3 2022 (Chart 8). We think it unlikely that the market will start to price in an earlier hike than that. Chart 7The Fed Unlikely To Hike Ahead Of What Market Expects... The Fed Unlikely To Hike Ahead Of What Market Expects... The Fed Unlikely To Hike Ahead Of What Market Expects... Chart 8...Since This Is As Early As Q3 2022 ...Since This Is As Early As Q3 2021 ...Since This Is As Early As Q3 2021 How much would a further rise in rates hurt the economy and stock market? Rates are still well below a level that would trigger problems. First, long-term rates are considerably below trend nominal GDP growth, which is around 3.5% (Chart 9). Second, short-term real rates are well below r* – hard though that is to measure at the moment given the volatility of the economy in the past 12 months (Chart 10). Finally, one of the best indicators of economic pressure is a decline in cyclical sectors (consumer spending on durables, corporate capex, and residential investment) as a percentage of GDP (Chart 11). This is because these are the most interest-rate sensitive parts of the economy. But, at the moment, consumers are so cashed up they do not need to borrow to spend. The same is true of corporates, which raised huge amounts of cash last year. The only potential problem is real estate, buoyed last year by low rates which are now reversing (Chart 12). But mortgage rates are still very low and this is not a big enough sector to derail the broader economy. Chart 9Long-Term Rates Well Below Damaging Levels... Long-Term Rates Well Below Damaging Levels... Long-Term Rates Well Below Damaging Levels... Chart 10...Such As The R-Star Fed Still Below Neutral ...Such As The R-Star Fed Still Below Neutral ...Such As The R-Star   Chart 11Interest-Rate Sensitive Sectors Are Robust... Interest-Rate Sensitive Sectors Are Robust... Interest-Rate Sensitive Sectors Are Robust... Chart 12...With The Possible Exception Of Housing ...With The Possible Exception Of Housing ...With The Possible Exception Of Housing   Chart 13Debt Levels Are High In Emerging Markets... Debt Levels Are High In Emerging Markets... Debt Levels Are High In Emerging Markets... Chart 14...Which Makes Them Vulnerable To Tightening Financial Conditions ...Which Makes Them Vulnerable To Tightening Financial Conditions ...Which Makes Them Vulnerable To Tightening Financial Conditions         This sanguine view may not apply to Emerging Markets, however. Given the amount of foreign-currency debt they have built up in the past decade (Chart 13), they are very sensitive to US financial conditions, particularly a rise in rates and an appreciation of the US dollar (Chart 14). Accordingly, we have become more cautious on the outlook for both EM equity and debt over the next 6-12 months.   Garry Evans, Senior Vice President Chief Global Asset Allocation Strategist garry@bcaresearch.com   What Our Clients Are Asking What will happen to inflation? How can we tell if it is trending up? Chart 15Watch The Trimmed Mean Inflation Measure Watch The Trimmed Mean Inflation Measure Watch The Trimmed Mean Inflation Measure How much inflation rises will be a key driver of asset performance over the next 12-18 months. Too much inflation will push up long-term rates and undermine the case for risk assets. But the picture is likely to be complicated. US inflation will rise sharply in year-on-year terms in March and April because of the base effect (comparison with the worst period of the pandemic in 2020), pricier gasoline, rising import prices due to the weaker dollar, and supply-chain bottlenecks that are pushing up manufacturing costs. Core PCE inflation could get close to 2.5% year-on-year (Chart 15, panel 1). In the second half, too, an end to lockdowns could push up service-sector inflation – which has unsurprisingly been weak in the past nine months – as consumers rush out to restaurants and on vacation (panel 3). The Fed has signalled that it will view these as temporary effects. But they may spook the market for a while. Next year, however, it would be surprising to see strong underlying inflation unless employment makes a miraculous recovery. Payrolls would have to increase by 420,000 a month to get back to “maximum employment” by end-2022.2 Absent that, wage growth is likely to stay muted. Conventional inflation gauges may not be very useful at indicating underlying inflation pressures, in a world where consumers switch their spending depending on what is currently allowed under pandemic regulations. The Dallas Fed’s Trimmed Mean Inflation indicator (which excludes the 31% of the 178 items in the consumer basket with the highest price rises each month, and the 24% with the lowest) may be the best true measure. Research shows that historically it has been closer to trend headline PCE inflation in the long run than the core inflation measure, and predicts future inflation better (panel 4). Currently it is at 1.6% year-on-year and trending down. Investors should focus on this measure to see whether rising inflation is becoming a risk.   How can investors best protect against rising inflation? In May 2019 we released a report describing how to best to hedge against inflation.3 In that report, we analyzed every period of rising inflation dating back to the 1970s. Our conclusions were the following: The level of inflation will determine how rising inflation affects assets. When inflation goes from 1% to 2%, the macro environment is entirely different from when it goes from 5% to 6%. Thus, inflation hedging should not be thought of as a static exercise but a dynamic one (Table 1). Table 1Winners During Different Inflationary Regimes Quarterly Portfolio Outlook: What Higher Rates Mean For Asset Allocation Quarterly Portfolio Outlook: What Higher Rates Mean For Asset Allocation As long as the annual inflation rate is below about 3%, equities tend to be the best performing asset during high inflation periods, surpassing even commodities. This is because monetary policy tends to stay accommodative and cost pressures remain benign for most companies. However, as inflation passes this threshold, things start to change. Central banks start to become restrictive as they seek to curb inflation. This rise in policy rates starts to choke off the bull market. Meanwhile cost pressures become more significant and, as a result, equities begin to suffer. It is at this time when commodities – particularly oil and industrial metals – and US TIPS become a much better asset to hold. Finally, if the central bank fails to quash inflation, inflation expectations become unanchored, creating a toxic cocktail of rising prices and poor growth. During such periods, the best strategy is to hold the most defensive securities in each asset class, such as Health Care or Utilities within the equity market, or gold within commodities.   Can the shift to renewables drive a new commodities supercycle? Chart 16The Shift To Renewables Is Likely To Be A Tailwind For Metal Prices... The Shift To Renewables Is Likely To Be A Tailwind For Metal Prices... The Shift To Renewables Is Likely To Be A Tailwind For Metal Prices... The rise in commodity prices in H2 2020 has made investors ask whether we are on the verge of a new commodities “supercycle” (Chart 16). Our Commodity & Energy strategists argue that the fundamental drivers of each commodities segment differ. Here we focus on industrial metals – particularly those pertaining to renewable energy and transport electrification. Prices of metals used in electric vehicles (EVs) have risen by an average 53% since July 2020, reflecting strong demand that is outstripping supply (Chart 16). In the short-term, metals markets are likely to be in deficit, especially as demand recovers after the pandemic. Modelling longer-term demand is tricky since it relies on assumptions for the emergence of new technologies, metals’ efficiency, recycling rates, and the share of renewables. A study by the Institute for Sustainable Futures showed that, in the most positive scenarios, demand for some metals will exceed available resources and reserves (Table 2).4 The most pessimistic scenarios – which, for example, assume no major electrification of the transport system – show demand at approximately half of available resources. It is likely that demand will lay somewhere between those scenarios. Table 2...As Future Demand Exceeds Supply Quarterly Portfolio Outlook: What Higher Rates Mean For Asset Allocation Quarterly Portfolio Outlook: What Higher Rates Mean For Asset Allocation Supply is concentrated in a handful of countries: For example, the DR Congo is responsible for more than 65% of cobalt production and 50% of the world’s reserves;5 Australia supplies almost 50% of the world’s lithium and has 22% of its reserves.6 Production bottlenecks could therefore put significant upside pressures on prices. Factoring in supply/demand dynamics, as well as an assessment of future technological advancements, we conclude that industrial metals might be posed for a bull market over the upcoming years.   How can we add alpha in the bond bear market? Chart 17Government Bond Yield Sensitivities To USTs Government Bond Yield Sensitivities To USTs Government Bond Yield Sensitivities To USTs For a portfolio benchmarked to the global Treasury index, one way to add alpha is through country allocation. BCA’s Fixed Income Strategy recommends overweighting low yield-beta countries (Germany, France, and Japan) and underweighting high yield-beta countries (Canada, Australia, and the UK).7 The yield beta is defined as the sensitivity of a country’s yield change to changes in the US 10-year Treasury yield, as shown in Chart 17. BCA’s view is that the Fed will be the first major central bank to lift interest rate, therefore investors' underweights should be concentrated in the US Treasury index. It’s worth noting, however, that yield beta is influenced by many factors, and can change over time. When applying this approach, it’s important to pay attention to key factors in each country, especially those that are critical to central bank policy decisions (Table 3). Table 3A Watch List For Bond Investors Quarterly Portfolio Outlook: What Higher Rates Mean For Asset Allocation Quarterly Portfolio Outlook: What Higher Rates Mean For Asset Allocation Global Economy Chart 18US Growth Already Looks Strong... US Growth Already Looks Strong... US Growth Already Looks Strong... Overview: Growth continues to recover from the pandemic, although the pace varies. Manufacturing has rebounded strongly, as consumers spend their fiscal handouts on computer and household equipment, but services remain very weak, especially in Europe and Japan. Successful vaccination programs and the end of lockdowns in many countries should lead to strong growth in H2, as consumers spend their accumulated savings and companies increase capex to meet this demand. Perhaps the biggest risk to growth is premature tightening in China, but the authorities there are very aware of this risk and so it is unlikely to drag much on global growth. US: Although the big upside surprises to economic growth are over (Chart 18, panel 1), the US continues to expand more strongly than other major economies, due to its relatively limited lockdowns and large fiscal stimulus (which last year and this combined reached 25% of GDP, with another $2 trillion package in the works). Fed NowCasts suggest that Q1 GDP will come in at around 5-6% quarter-on-quarter annualized, with the OECD’s full-year GDP growth forecast as high as 6.5%. Nonetheless, there is still some way to go: Consumer expenditure and capex remain weak by historical standards, and new jobless claims in March still averaged 727,000 a week. Euro Area: More stringent pandemic regulations and slow vaccine rollout mean that the European service sector has been slow to recover. The services PMI in March was still only 48.4, though manufacturing has rebounded strongly to 64.2 (Chart 19, panel 1). Fiscal stimulus is also much smaller than in the US, with the EUR750 billion approved in December to be spent mostly on infrastructure over a period of years. Growth should rebound in H2 if lockdowns end and the vaccination program accelerates. But the OECD forecasts full-year GDP growth of only 3.9%. Chart 19...But Chinese Growth Has Probably Peaked ...But Chinese Growth Has Probably Peaked ...But Chinese Growth Has Probably Peaked Japan has seen the weakest rebound among the major economies, slightly puzzlingly so given its heavy weight in manufacturing and large exposure to the Chinese economy. Industrial production still shrank 3% year-on-year in February (Chart 19, panel 2), exports were down 4.5% YoY in February, and the manufacturing PMI is barely above 50. The main culprit remains domestic consumption, with confidence very weak and wages still declining, leading to a 2.4% YoY decline in retail sales in January. The OECD full-year GDP growth forecast is just 2.4%. Emerging Markets: The Chinese authorities have been moderately tightening policy for six months and this is starting to impact growth. Both the manufacturing and services PMIs have peaked, though they remain above 50 (panel 3). The policy tightening is likely to be only moderate and so growth this year should not slow drastically. Nonetheless, there remains the risk of a policy mistake. Elsewhere, many EM central banks are struggling with the dilemma of whether to cut rates to boost growth, or raise rates to defend a weakening currency. Real policy rates range from over 2% in Indonesia to below -2% in Brazil and the Philippines. This will add to volatility in the EM universe. Interest Rates: Policy rates in developed economies will not rise any time soon. The Fed is signalling no rise until 2024 (although the futures are now pricing in the first hike in Q3 2022). Other major central banks are likely to wait even longer. A crucial question is whether long-term rates will rise further, after the jump in the US 10-year Treasury yield to a high of 1.73%, from 0.92% at the start of the year. We see only limited upside in yields over the next nine months, as underlying inflation pressures should remain weak and central banks will remain highly reluctant to bring forward the pace of monetary policy normalization.   Global Equities Chart 20Has The Equity Market Priced In All The Earnings Growth? Has The Equity Market Priced In All The Earnings Growth? Has The Equity Market Priced In All The Earnings Growth? The global equities index eked out a 4% gain in Q1 2021, completely driven by a rebound in the profit outlook, since the forward PE multiple slightly contracted by 4%. Forward EPS has now recovered to the pre-pandemic level, while both the index level and PE multiple are 52% and 43% higher than at the end of March 2020 (Chart 20). While BCA’s global earnings model points to nearly 20% earnings growth over the next 12 months and analysts are still revising up earnings forecasts, the key question in our mind is whether the equity market has priced in all the earnings growth. Equity valuations are still not cheap by historical standards despite the small contraction in PEs in Q1. In addition, the VIX index has come down to 19.6, right at its historical average since January 1990, and profit margins in both EM and DM have come under pressure. As an asset class, however, stocks are still attractively valued compared to bonds (panel 5). Given our long-held approach of taking risk where risk will most likely be rewarded, we remain overweight equities versus bonds at the asset-class level, but we are taking some risk off the table in our country and sector allocations by downgrading China to underweight (from overweight) and upgrading the UK to overweight (from neutral), and by taking profits in our Tech overweight and upgrading Financials to overweight (see next two pages). To sum up, we are overweight the US and UK, underweight Japan, the euro area, and China, while neutral on Canada, Australia, and non-China EM. Sector-wise, we are overweight Industrials, Financials, Energy, and Health Care; underweight Consumer Staples, Utilities, and Real Estate; and neutral on Tech, Consumer Discretionary, Communication Services, and Materials.   Country Allocation: Downgrade China To Underweight From Overweight Chart 21China Is Risking Overtightening China Is Risking Overtightening China Is Risking Overtightening We started to separate the overall EM into China and Other EM in the January Monthly Portfolio Update this year. We initiated China with an Overweight and “Other EM” with a Neutral weighting in the global equity portfolio. The key rationale was that Chinese growth would remain strong in H1 2021 due to its earlier stimulus, while some EM countries would benefit from Chinese growth but others were still suffering from structural issues. In Q1, China underperformed the global benchmark by 4.5%, while the other EM markets underperformed slightly. China’s National People’s Congress (NPC) indicated that Chinese policymakers will gradually pull back policy support this year. BCA’s China Investment Strategists think that fiscal thrust will be neutral in 2021 while credit expansion will be at a lower rate compared to 2020. The Chinese economy should remain strong in H1 but will slow to a benign and managed growth rate afterwards. Therefore, the risk of policy overtightening is not trivial and could threaten China’s economic growth and corporate profit outlook. The outperformance of Chinese stocks since the end of 2019 has been largely driven by multiple expansion (Chart 21, panel 1), but the slowdown in the credit impulse implies that the recent underperformance of Chinese equities has not run its course because multiple contraction will likely have to catch up and will therefore put more downward pressure on price (panels 2 and 3). We remain neutral on the non-China EM countries, implying an underweight for the overall EM universe. We use the proceeds to fund an upgrade of the UK to Overweight from Neutral because the UK index is comprised largely of globally exposed companies and because we have upgraded GBP to overweight (see page 21).   Sector Allocation: Upgrade Financials To Overweight By Downgrading Tech To Neutral Chart 22Financials And Tech: Trading Places Financials And Tech: Trading Places Financials And Tech: Trading Places One year ago, we upgraded Tech to overweight and downgraded Financials to neutral given our views on the impact of the pandemic and interest rates.8 This position has netted out an alpha of 1123 basis points in one year. BCA Research’s House View now calls for somewhat higher global interest rates and steeper yield curves (especially in the US) over the next 9-12 months. Accordingly, we are downgrading Tech to neutral and upgrading Financials to overweight. Financials have outperformed the broad market by about 20% since September 2020 after global yields bottomed in July 2020. We do not expect yields to rise significantly from the current level, nor do we expect Tech earnings growth to slow significantly (Chart 22, panel 5). So why do we make such shift between Financials and Tech? There are three key reasons: First, the Tech sector is a long-duration asset with high sensitivity to changes in the discount rate. In contrast, Financials’ earnings benefit from steepening yield curves. If history is any guide, we should see more aggressive analyst earnings revisions going forward in favor of Financials (Chart 22, panel 3). Second, the performance of Financials relative to Tech has been on a long-term structural downtrend since the Global Financial Crisis. A countertrend rebound to the neutral zone from the currently very oversold level would imply further upside (Chart 22, panel 1). Last, Financials are trading at an extremely large discount to the Tech sector (Chart 22, panel 2). In an environment where overall equity valuations are stretched by historical standards, it is prudent to rotate into an extremely cheap sector from an extremely expensive sector.   Government Bonds Chart 23Policy Mix Is Bond-Bearish Policy Mix Is Bond-Bearish Policy Mix Is Bond-Bearish Maintain Below-Benchmark Duration. Global bond yields have climbed sharply in Q1, supported by strong economic growth, mostly smooth rollout of vaccination and the Biden Administration’s very stimulative fiscal package of USD1.9 trillion. The US stimulus package changes the trajectory of the 2021 US fiscal impulse from a $0.8 trillion contraction to a $0.3 trillion expansion, according to estimates from the US Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget. Going forward, the path of least resistance for global yields is still up, though the upside will be limited given the resolve of central banks to maintain accommodative monetary policies (Chart 23). Chart 24Stay Long TIPS Stay Long TIPS Stay Long TIPS Still Favor Linkers Vs. Nominal Bonds. Our overweight position in inflation-linked bonds relative to nominal bonds has panned out well so far this year, as has our positioning for a flattening inflation-protection curve. Even though inflation expectations have run up quickly, the 5 year-5 year forward inflation breakeven rate is still below 2.3-2.5%, the range that is consistent with core PCE reaching the Fed’s 2% target in a sustainable fashion (Chart 24). The US TIPS 5/10-year curve is inverted already, but our fixed income strategists are still reluctant to exit the curve-flattening position for two key reasons: 1) The Fed has indicated that it will tolerate core PCE overshooting the 2% target because it will try to hit the target from above rather than from below; and 2) the short end of the inflation expectation curve is more sensitive to actual inflation than the long end. There are signs (core producer prices, prices paid in the ISM manufacturing survey, and NFIB reported prices are all rising) that core PCE will reach 2% in the next 12 months.   Corporate Bonds Chart 25High-Yield Offers Best Value In Fixed Income Quarterly Portfolio Outlook: What Higher Rates Mean For Asset Allocation Quarterly Portfolio Outlook: What Higher Rates Mean For Asset Allocation Since the beginning of the year, investment-grade bonds have outperformed duration-matched Treasurys by 62 basis points, while high-yield bonds have outperformed duration-marched Treasurys by 232 basis points. In the current reflationary environment, we believe that the best strategy within fixed-income portfolios is to overweight low-duration assets and maximize credit exposure where the spread makes a large portion of the yield. Thus, we remain overweight high-yield bonds. We believe that high yield offers much better value than higher quality credits. Currently spreads for high-yield bonds are in the middle of their historical distribution – a stark contrast from their investment-grade counterparts, which are trading at very expensive levels (Chart 25, panel 1). Moreover, the reopening of the economy should help the more cyclical sectors of the bond market, where the lower credit qualities are concentrated. But could a rise in yields start hurting sub-investment-grade companies and increase their borrowing costs? We do not think this is likely for now. Most of the bonds in the US high-yield index mature in more than three years, which means that high-risk corporates will not have to finance themselves with higher rates yet (Chart 25, panel 2). On the other hand, we remain underweight investment-grade credit. Not only are these bonds expensive, but they offer very little upside in any scenario. On the one hand, these bonds should underperform further if raise continue to rise – a result of their high duration. On the other hand, if a severe recession were to hit, spreads would most likely widen, which will also result in underperformance.   Commodities Chart 26Limited Upside For Oil From Here Limited Upside For Oil From Here Limited Upside For Oil From Here Energy (Overweight): Despite the recent mid-March selloff, which was most likely triggered by profit taking, oil prices are still up 25% since the beginning of the year. This happened on the back of the restoration of some economic activity, the OPEC 2.0 coalition maintaining production discipline and therefore keeping supply in check, and the recovery in crude demand drawing down inventory. However, earlier forecasts of the 2021 oil demand recovery were a bit too optimistic amid continuing pandemic uncertainty. There is now, therefore, only limited upside for the oil price, at least this year. Our Commodity & Energy strategists expect the Brent crude price to average $65/bbl this year (Chart 26, panels 1 & 2). Industrial Metals (Neutral): We have previously highlighted that Chinese restocking activity in 2020 was a big factor behind the rally in industrial metals prices. As this eases, and Chinese growth slows, commodity prices might correct somewhat in the short term. However, fundamental changes in demand for alternative energy makes us ask whether we are now entering a new commodities “supercycle” for certain metals (for more analysis of this, see What Our Clients Are Asking on page 11). If history is any guide, however, the commodities bear market may have a little longer to run. Historically, commodity bear cycles lasted 17 years on average and we are only 10 years into this one (panel 3). On balance, therefore, we remain neutral on industrial metals for now. Precious Metals (Neutral): After peaking last August, the gold price has continued to tumble, down almost 19% since and 11% since the beginning of the year. We have been wary of the metal’s lofty valuation – the real price of gold remains near a historical high. The recent rise in real rates put more downside pressure on gold. However, the pullback in prices should provide investors who see gold as a long-term inflation hedge and do not buy the metal with a view to strong absolute performance over the next 12 months, with an attractive entry point. We maintain a slight overweight position to hedge against inflation and unexpected tail risks (panel 4).   Currencies US Dollar Chart 27Vaccinations will help USD and GBP in 2021 Vaccinations will help USD and GBP in 2021 Vaccinations will help USD and GBP in 2021 While we still believe that the dollar is in a major bear market, the current environment could see a significant dollar countertrend. Thanks to its gargantuan fiscal stimulus as well as its relatively fast vaccination campaign, the US is likely to grow faster than the rest of the world during 2021 (Chart 27, panel 1). This dynamic should put further upward pressure on US real rates relative to the rest of the world, helping the dollar in the process. To hedge this risk, we are upgrading the US dollar from underweight to neutral in our currency portfolio. Euro The euro should experience a temporary pullback. Economic activity in Europe, particularly in the service sector is lagging the US – a consequence of Europe’s slow vaccination campaign. This sluggishness in economic activity will translate into a worse real rate differential vis-a-vis the US, dragging the euro lower in the process. Thus, we are downgrading the euro from overweight to neutral. British Pound One currency that might perform well in this environment is the British pound. Consumer spending in the UK was particularly hard hit during the pandemic, since such a high share of it is geared towards social activities like restaurants and hotels (Chart 27, panel 2). However, thanks to Britain’s successful vaccination campaign, UK consumption is likely to experience a sharp snapback. As growth expectations improve, real rates should grind higher vis-à-vis the rest of the world, pushing the pound higher. Moreover, valuations for this currency are attractive: The pound currently trades at a 10% discount to purchasing power parity fair value. As a result, we are upgrading the GBP from neutral to overweight.   Alternatives Chart 28Turning More Positive On Private Equity Turning More Positive On Private Equity Turning More Positive On Private Equity Return Enhancers: In last October’s Quarterly Outlook, we advised investors to prepare for new opportunities in Private Equity (PE) as fund managers look to deploy record high dry power. A gradual return to normality is likely to provide PE funds with a wider range of opportunities, while still allowing them to pick up distressed assets at attractive valuations. This is illustrated by the annualized quarterly returns of PE funds in Q2 and Q3 2020, which reached 43% and 56% respectively. PE funds raised in recession and early-cycle years tend to have a higher median net IRR than those raised in the latter stages of bull markets. This suggests that returns from the 2020 and 2021 vintages should be strong. In recent years, capital flows have increasingly gone to the longer established and larger funds, which tend to have better access to the most attractive deals and therefore record the strongest returns. This trend is likely to continue. Given the time it takes to shift allocations in private assets, we increase our recommended allocation in PE to overweight. Inflation Hedges: It is not clear that inflation will come roaring back in the next couple of years. But what is certain is that market participants are concerned about this risk, which should give a boost to inflation-hedge assets. Given this backdrop, we continue to favor commodity futures (Chart 28, panel 2). In other circumstances, real estate would also have been a beneficiary in this environment. But the slowdown in commercial real estate, as many corporate tenants review whether they need expensive city-center space, makes us remain cautious on real estate. Volatility Dampeners: We continue to favor farmland and timberland over structured products, particularly mortgage-backed securities (MBS). Farmland offers attractive yields and should continue to provide the best portfolio protection in the event of any market distress (Chart 28, panel 3).   Risks To Our View The main risks to our central view are to the downside. Because global equities have risen by 55% over the past 12 months, and with the forward PE of the MSCI ACWI index at 19.5x (Chart 29), the room for price appreciation over the next 12 months is inevitably limited. There are several things that could undermine the economic recovery and equity bull market. The COVID-19 pandemic remains the greatest unknown. The vaccination rollout has been very uneven (Chart 30). New strains, especially the one first identified in Brazil, are highly contagious and people who previously had COVID-19 do not seem to have immunity against them. Behavior once COVID cases decline is also hard to predict. Will people be happy again to fly, attend events in large stadiums, and socialize in crowded bars, or will many remain wary for years? This would undermine the case for a strong rebound in consumption. Chart 29Is Perfection Priced In? Is Perfection Priced In? Is Perfection Priced In? Chart 30Vaccination Has Been Spotty Vaccination Has Been Spotty Vaccination Has Been Spotty Vaccination Has Been Spotty Vaccination Has Been Spotty Vaccination Has Been Spotty   Chart 31China Slowing Again? China Slowing Again? China Slowing Again? As often, a slowdown in China is a risk. The authorities there have signalled a pullback in stimulus, and the credit impulse has begun to slow (Chart 31). Our China strategists think the authorities will be careful not to tighten too drastically (with the fiscal thrust expected to be neutral this year), and that growth will slow only to a benign and moderate rate in the second half.9 But there is a lot of room for policy error. Finally, inflation. As we argue elsewhere in this Quarterly, it will inevitably pick up for technical reasons in March and April, and then again in late 2021 as renewed consumer demand for services (especially travel and entertainment) pushes up prices. The Fed has emphasized that these phenomena are temporary and that underlying inflation will not emerge until the economy returns to full employment. But the market might get spooked for a while when inflation jumps, pushing up long-term interest rates and triggering an equity market correction. Footnotes 1 Please see US Bond Strategy Report, “The Fed Looks Backward While Markets Look Forward,” dated March 23, 2021. 2 Please see US Bond Strategy Report, “The Fed Looks Backward While Markets Look Forward,” dated March 23, 2021, 3 Please see Global Asset Allocation Special Report, “Investors’ Guide To Inflation Hedging: How To Invest When Inflation Rises,” dated May 22, 2019. 4 Dominish, E., Florin, N. and Teske, S., 2019, Responsible Minerals Sourcing for Renewable Energy. Report prepared for Earthworks by the Institute for Sustainable Futures, University of Technology Sydney. The optimistic scenario is referred to as “total metals demand” scenario, which assumed current materials intensity and market share continues into the future without recycling or efficiency improvements. This study is based on 2018 production levels and therefore expansion of future production may vary results. 5US Geological Survey, Mineral Commodity Summaries 2021. 6 Chile is estimated to have the largest reserve of lithium. 7 Please see Global Fixed Income Strategy Report, “Harder, Better, Faster, Stronger,” dated March 16, 2021. 8 Please see Global Asset Allocation, “Quarterly Portfolio Outlook: Playing The Optionality,” dated April 1, 2020. 9 Please see China Investment Strategy Report, “National People’s Congress Sets Tone For 2021 Growth,” dated March 17, 2021. GAA Asset Allocation  

The inflation/deflation debate has been dominating the news flow and we are compelled to offer our thoughts in two-part series of Special Reports on this widely discussed, but also widely misunderstood topic. Over the past year, we have been inundated with countless questions about our outlook on inflation given the dual monetary and fiscal stimuli that have been ongoing since Covid-19 hit (Chart 1). We take this opportunity to provide detailed answers on everything inflation in this series of Special Reports. Specifically, in this first report we focus on the long-term and structural forces behind US core CPI inflation. We go in depth into the drivers behind the current deflationary trend and also examine what other variables might break that trend in the future. We also try to ignore the medium-term outlook because the inflation story is well-known as the financial media is littered with charts that slice and dice the ISM manufacturing release in every possible way showing that inflation will rebound. Hence, there is no disagreement about the medium-term path for the core CPI inflation. Chart 12020 Stimuli 2020 Stimuli 2020 Stimuli The important question that we look to answer in this Special Report is whether this rebound is a paradigm shift that will push the US into a new era of consistently high (i.e. above 3%/annum) core CPI inflation, or is it a merely counter trend inflationary spike within the broader deflationary megatrend? Laying The Groundwork Before we wrestle with the structural forces behind inflation, first we must get the question of quantitative easing (QE) and its effects on the real economy and inflation out of the way. Undoubtedly, QE is an integral part of any discussion about the real-word and/or financial asset price inflation, and while it tickles the public’s imagination with hyperinflationary fears, the reality is that those fears are largely misplaced (Chart 2). In fact, pundits have established a consensus: “QE only affects the financial economy as it increases bank reserves that can never escape in the real economy. On the other hand, fiscal stimulus affects the real economy and can cause genuine inflation.” There clearly hasn’t been any material inflation since the GFC, so the argument of “QE only affecting the financial economy” appears to be correct, but at closer look there is room for a different interpretation. What is important to understand is that QE is nothing but a tool, sometimes a signaling tool, in the Fed’s arsenal, and like any tool, it can be used in different ways. Chart 2Boogeyman? (Part I) Tinkering With Inflation: Outlook (Part I) Tinkering With Inflation: Outlook  The fact that there has not been any material real-world inflation since the housing bubble is neither because QE is structurally deflationary nor because it “cannot touch” the real economy, but because policy makers chose to use the QE tool to rescue creditors (the financial sector) rather than debtors (the real economy) during the GFC. Delving deeper in the Great Recession, the banks were largely undercapitalized with cash accounting for a tiny portion of overall assets and Treasury holdings being at historic lows (Chart 3). The rest of the assets were tied to loans and other risky securities. Once NINJA loans and other subprime loans along with the derivative CLOs/CDOs house of cards began imploding, the banking sector could not stomach the losses owing to the nonexistent cash buffer, and the entire system went into insolvency mode. This is when the Fed stepped in with QE (and the Treasury with TARP in order to recapitalize the banks) to bail out the nervous system of the US economy by boosting reserves and giving freshly printed money to the banks in exchange for their Treasurys, MBS and other risky securities. By providing support to the banking system, the Fed was counterbalancing a deflationary financial industry shutdown (the Richard Koo balance sheet type recession) rather than injecting an inflationary real economic stimulus. As a result, nearly all of the newly created money was stuck in the financial system in the form of new reserves, and as far as the real economy was concerned, no new money entered directly into the real world. This is how the consensus of “QE only affecting the financial economy” was formed, and why we did not observe a long-lasting rise in CPI despite all of the GFC-brought about stimuli. Chart 3Banks Were Well-capitalized Banks Were Well-capitalized Banks Were Well-capitalized Fast-forward to today, and the backdrop could not be more different. The banking sector was well capitalized, so doing an aggressive QE to boost reserves and to stimulate the financial sector would have only provided marginal benefits. The deflationary shock came through the real economy, not the financial economy, meaning that a real (i.e. fiscal) stimulus was needed. Once again, the QE tool comes to the rescue. This time however, QE was also used to finance Main Street stimulus programs as the Fed bought long dated Treasury (and other) securities that pushed interest rates to rock bottom levels and helped facilitate government stimulus spending. Consequently, a more meaningful fraction of QE money reached Main Street and had an effect on the real economy and was not just locked in new reserves. As a reminder, when rates fall to zero and the Fed embarks on QE, the lines between monetary and fiscal policies get blurred. When QE (instead of the foreign or private sectors) is used to facilitate government expenditures, which later on gets distributed into the real economy, QE can provide inflationary support and can reach the real economy. Chart 42008 Versus Today 2008 Versus Today 2008 Versus Today Perhaps the best way to illustrate the difference between 2008 and 2020 is by showing M2 money supply data. The spike in M2 data in 2020 dwarfs the one in 2008; in 2020 QE money reached the real economy and ended up in private sector’s bank accounts (thus contributing to M2 growth), whereas in 2008 QE money was mainly locked in bank reserves. True the money multiplier and M2 money stock velocity are still in hibernation, and were we to see a sustainable inflationary impulses both of these indicators would have to show signs of life (Chart 4). So does this mean that there are grounds for longer-term inflationary concerns since in 2020 QE actually reached the real economy? To answer this question, we now dig deeper into the secular inflation forces and split them in two camps: pro-inflationary and anti-inflationary. Pro-Inflationary Driver #1: The Buenos Aires Consensus Our view since last June has been that fiscal deficits are here to stay as far as the eye can see and the shift from the Washington to the Buenos Aires Consensus1 is a paradigm shift with staying power. The most important long-term consequence of the Buenos Aires Consensus will be higher inflation. And we are not talking just the asset price kind – which investors have enjoyed over the past decade – but of the more traditional flavor: consumer price inflation. Crudely put, as long as fiscal support remains in place (proverbial helicopter drop, Chart 5) after the pandemic is long forgotten it can serve as a meaningful catalyst for structural inflation, instead of being a one-off counterbalancing short-term boost. To reiterate just how much more powerful fiscal spending is outside of a recession, we conduct a labor market analysis and show that a large percentage of the present-day stimulus is being used to counterbalance the deflationary pandemic shock, rather than contributing to driving inflation higher. Table 1 shows our proxy for total payroll losses incurred by America households as a direct result of the pandemic. Our estimate is $501 billion from March 2020 until today. Chart 5Helicopter Checks Helicopter Checks Helicopter Checks The Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget also publishes detailed statistics on the dollar flow of every pandemic stimulus program to a specific economic sector. As of today, US households received $1,400 billion, but some of the stimulus categories simply defer a payment that households still have to make in the future, instead of injecting brand-new money. After stripping those categories out, we arrive to a cleaner number of roughly $1,000 billion – that is how much new money US households received. Next, we subtract our total payroll loss proxy resulting into a net inflow of approximately $500 billion or 2.3% of 2020 US GDP. This is a respectable sum and 2.3% is significant. However, it has one major drawback. The 2.3% GDP stimulus number assumes that every single dollar was actually spent into the real economy, which we know is not true. Table 1The Counterbalancing Effect (Part I) Tinkering With Inflation: Outlook (Part I) Tinkering With Inflation: Outlook A recent New York Fed study on how American households used their stimulus money concluded that: “36.4% of the stimulus money was used to boost savings, 34.5% to paydown debt, 25.9% was spent on essentials and non-essentials, and finally the rest of the money (3.2%) was donated”. It is worth noting that this study also looked at the expected spending patterns for the new round of stimulus checks, and the results were generally the same. To obtain a more realistic number of how much of the net $500 billion inflow actually entered the economy, we multiply it by 25.9% (how much money was used on spending according to the NY Fed) and arrive at a better estimate of $130 billion or 0.6% of 2020 US GDP, which is by no means an astronomical number that will shatter into pieces the current deflationary megatrend. This empirical exercise demonstrated how a large percentage of the present-day stimulus is being used to counterbalance the deflationary pandemic shock. However, if our thesis of a Buenos Aires Consensus in which governments spend even outside of recessions pans out, then there will not be the aforementioned counterbalancing effect, and all the fiscal dollars will go straight to contributing to rising inflation until the deflationary megatrend is broken. Pro-Inflationary Driver #2: Demographics In the long run, inflation tends to oscillate alongside a country’s demographics. More specifically, it is the relative size of the three age cohorts (young, working-age, and old) that plays a key role in driving inflation. People who are in the working-age cohort are at their peak productivity, which implies that their contribution to the production of goods and services is greater than the demand for new credit they generate, meaning that they produce a deflationary pull. The opposite is true for the other two age cohorts (the young and the old). Neither one is contributing to the production of goods & services, while both still generate new credit in the economy (for example student loans), and the end result is an inflationary pull. Hence, it is the interplay between these three age cohorts that serves as a structural force behind inflation. To put some numbers behind this conceptual framework, we turn our attention to a paper “The enduring link between demography and inflation” written by Mikael Juselius and Előd Takáts. In the paper, the authors conduct rigorous cross-country analysis and find that indeed, people 30-60 years of age (the working-age cohort) exert deflationary pressure, while the other two cohorts contribute to rising inflation. Chart 6 plots the age-structure effect for the US against inflation. The authors also quantified that over the 40-year period (1970-2010) the increase in the working-age population (due to baby-boomers) has lowered inflationary pressures by almost five percentage points in the US (Chart 7). Meanwhile, by extrapolating the likely path of demographic data by 40 years (2010-2050), the authors observed a shift from deflationary to inflationary age pressure mainly due to the incoming increase in the proportion of the old cohort. Their estimate of the expected pull on inflation in the US will be approximately two and a half percent (Chart 8). Chart 6Demographics Are A Mighty Force Demographics Are A Mighty Force Demographics Are A Mighty Force Chart 7From Deflationary... (Part I) Tinkering With Inflation: Outlook (Part I) Tinkering With Inflation: Outlook Chart 8...To Inflationary (Part I) Tinkering With Inflation: Outlook (Part I) Tinkering With Inflation: Outlook Going forward, US demographics will be more inflationary than deflationary. Pro-Inflationary Driver #3: De-Globalization The “apex of globalization” or “de-globalization” is our third pro-inflationary driver. We have written about this theme extensively at BCA Research and it is the mega-theme of our sister Geopolitical Strategy (GPS) service. Odds are high that countries will continue looking inward as the US sustains its aggressive trade policy, China’s trend growth slows, and US-China strategic tensions intensify. Chart 9 shows that we are at the conclusion of a period of tranquility. Pax Americana underpinned globalization as much as Pax Britannica before it. The US is in a relative decline after decades of geopolitical stability allowed countries like China to rise to “great power” status and rivals like Russia to recover from the chaos of the 1990s. Chart 9The Tide Is Turning The Tide Is Turning The Tide Is Turning De-globalization has become the consensus since the election of Donald Trump. But Trump is not the prophet of de-globalization; he is its acolyte. And now, President Biden is continuing in Trump’s footsteps. Globalization is ending because of structural factors, not cyclical ones. And its decline was pre-written into its “source code.” Three factors stand at the center of this assessment, first outlined in a 2014 GPS Special Report, “The Apex Of Globalization – All Downhill From Here”: multipolarity, populism and protectionism. Events have since confirmed this view. The three pillars of globalization are the free movement of goods, capital, and people across national borders. We expect to see marginally less of each in the future and this should prove inflationary. Pro-Inflationary Driver #4: US Dollar Bear Market The path of least resistance is lower for the US dollar and it represents our final pro-inflationary driver. Chart 10 highlights the ebbs and flows of the trade-weighted US dollar since it floated in the early-1970s. The DXY index has moved in six-to-ten year bull and bear markets. The most recent trough was during the depths of the Great Recession, while the peak was in early-2020. If history repeats, eventually the dollar will mean revert lower in the 2020s, especially given the fiscal profligacy (Buenos Aires Consensus) of the current administration that may continue into 2024. Chart 10Time For A Downcycle? Time For A Downcycle? Time For A Downcycle? True, the US dollar remains the global reserve currency, but that exorbitant privilege is clearly fraying on the edges as the balance-of-payments dynamics are heading in the wrong direction. While the US Congressional Budget Office (CBO) expects some normalization in the US budget deficit over the next 4 years since the pandemic shock will be over, looking further into the future the CBO forecasts a further reacceleration in deficit spending. Assuming a stable to grinding lower current account deficit in the next several years, the path of least resistance is lower for the currency. BCA’s US dollar model also corroborates the twin deficit message and suggests ample structural downside for the USD (Chart 11).  The apex of globalization will also hurt the greenback in a reflexive manner. In a world where all the markets are integrated, borrowers in EM nations often use the reserve currency to issue liabilities at a lower cost. This boosts the demand by EM central banks for US dollar reserves to protect domestic banking systems funded in USD. Moreover, some countries like China implement pegs (both official and unofficial) to the US dollar in order to maintain their competitiveness and export their production surpluses to the US. To do so they buy US assets. If the global economy becomes more fragmented and the Sino-US relationship continues to deteriorate structurally as we expect, then these sources of demand for the dollar will recede. Overlay the widening US current account deficit, and you have the perfect recipe for a depreciating trade-weighted US dollar. Importantly, the 1970s is an interesting period to examine in more detail. As the Nixon administration floated the greenback this aggravated the inflationary pressures (Chart 12) that were building all along the 1960s when the US adopted the Mutually Assured Destruction Doctrine along with the Cold War space race that eventually saw the US landing on the moon in 1969. Chart 11A Bearish Outlook A Bearish Outlook A Bearish Outlook Chart 12The Greenback In The 1970s The Greenback In The 1970s The Greenback In The 1970s A lower greenback is synonymous with rising commodity and import prices and given that the US is the consumer of last resort (70% PCE), the commodity/import price pendulum will swing from a deflationary to an inflationary force. Anti-Inflationary Driver #1: Technology’s Creative Destruction Schumpeter’s “creative destruction” forces dominate technology companies in general and Silicon Valley in particular, and represent our fist anti-inflationary driver. These creative destruction forces in the tech industry are inherently deflationary. As a result, tech business models have evolved to thrive during disinflationary periods. Chart 13 shows the software sector deflator derived from national accounts, and since the mid-1980s more often than not it has been mired in deflation. US semiconductor prices, computer hardware prices, and almost any tech related category from the PCE, PPI and CPI releases looks more or less the same as software, underscoring that this is a technology sector wide modus operandi. More recently, Uber Technologies and Airbnb, to name a few, continually bring existing capacity online and that adds another layer of deflation forces at work in select industries they operate in. Tack on technology infiltrating finance and soon the extremely opaque health care services industry that comprises almost 20% of US GDP or $4tn and a deflationary impulse will likely reverberate across these large segments of the US economy that have managed to sustain high pricing power over the decades. Chart 13Technological Progress Is Deflationary Technological Progress Is Deflationary Technological Progress Is Deflationary Thus, these creative destruction processes remain alive and well in tech land and will continue to exert deflationary/disinflationary pressure (of the good kind) on the US economy. Anti-Inflationary Driver #2: Income & Wealth Inequality The growing trend in income and wealth inequality is our second anti-inflationary force. We first want to focus on the issue of income inequality as it leads to wealth inequality. Income inequality refers to the distribution of wages and profits generated by the economy. It is the proverbial “share of the pie” that households from different socioeconomic brackets receive. The link with inflation comes through the marginal propensity to save statistic of those different brackets. Lower income households have nearly nonexistent propensity to save as they live paycheck to paycheck. Therefore, any additional income inflow they receive gets immediately syphoned into the real economy. In contrast, the top 10% have a high propensity to save as all of their living expenses are well covered, so any additional income they receive is stashed away into savings and does not enter the real economy. This is why following the Trump’s tax cut that benefitted the top 10% there has not been a durable spike in CPI inflation. The fact that in the US the income share of the top 10% is growing at stratospheric rates at the same as time as the bottom 90% are struggling to cover even a $400 unexpected expense needs no introduction. The exact reasons as to why that happened would require a separate Special Report, but one of the main reasons is the multi-decade suppression of unions, which does not allow employees to bargain effectively for a larger slice of corporate profits. Given that profits are an exact mirror image of labor expenses, it is not surprising that the union movement is being marginalized (Charts 14 & 15). Staying on the topic of inflation, as we already outlined, when the lower and medium socioeconomic brackets receive more income, it does not disappear in the savings accounts, but instead it is redirected into the real economy causing a healthy inflationary uptick. Chart 14No Power = No Money No Power = No Money No Power = No Money Chart 15The Tug Of War The Tug Of War The Tug Of War ​​​​​​​ Chart 16 shows the wealth share of the top 10% of American households on inverted scale. Since the 1920s, inflation and the wealth share of the top 10% has moved in opposite directions. There were two distinct periods when the wealth share of the bottom 90% rose: from the early 1930s until the early 1950s, and from the mid-1960s until the mid-1980s. Both of these periods were accompanied by rising CPI inflation. Chart 16Wealth Equality Is Inflationary Wealth Equality Is Inflationary Wealth Equality Is Inflationary At the same time, when looking at any other period outside of those golden days for the bottom 90%, US inflation was anemic. This empirical evidence further underscores the importance of income and wealth distribution in the economy, and given the current US political and economic realities, we do not expect any material changes in labor dynamics to take root. The top 10% will continue benefitting at the expense of the bottom 90%, which will keep US CPI inflation suppressed. Concluding Thoughts In this Special Report our goal was to look beyond the already known medium term inflation outlook, and present both sides of the argument about the long-term inflation trend. We took a deep dive into six structural forces behind inflation that we identified. Four of those forces were pro-inflationary, while the remaining two were anti-inflationary (Table 2). We also assigned a value on our subjective strength scale for each force. Each value incorporates how quickly a particular force will come to fruition, and how strong it will be over the next 5-to-10 year period. Based on our analysis, we conclude that there are rising odds that the deflationary megatrend has run its course and has reached an inflection point of turning inflationary. Table 2Inflation Dots (Part I) Tinkering With Inflation: Outlook (Part I) Tinkering With Inflation: Outlook In the next Special Report from our Tinkering With Inflation series, we will conduct a thought experiment and explore a world in which our forecasts prove to be accurate, and a new inflationary paradigm engulfs the US economy. Under such a backdrop what will the US equity sector winners and losers, especially given the related shift in the stock-to-bond correlation? Stay tuned.   Arseniy Urazov Research Associate ArseniyU@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1     Buenos Aires Consensus is our catchall term for everything that is opposite of the Washington Consensus: less globalization, fiscal stimulus as far as the eyes can see, erosion of central bank independence, and a dirigiste (as opposed to laissez-faire) approach to economics that seeks to protect “state champions,” stifles innovation, and ultimately curbs productivity growth.