Geopolitics

Highlights The US Senate election is as important as the presidency for US politics and markets. Our quantitative Senate election model suggests Democrats will win control – as we have long argued – but there is a 49% chance that they do not, which is higher than consensus. A Republican Senate under a Biden presidency is positive for US stocks relative to global. Corporate taxes will stay put. However, fiscal reflation will have to be earned through tough budget battles, which will raise hurdles for markets. The Democratic sweep scenario is generating excessive enthusiasm in the media, as taxes will rise, but it is ultimately reflationary. It will benefit global stocks more than US stocks. Feature Chart 1Democratic Sweep Favors Global Stocks Versus US Democratic Sweep Favors Global Stocks Versus US Democratic Sweep Favors Global Stocks Versus US Throughout the year we have argued that, as a base case for the US election, investors should expect that the pandemic, recession, and widespread social unrest in the United States would culminate in an anti-incumbent movement among voters. President Trump and the Republicans would lose the White House and Senate in a Democratic sweep. The implication for markets was that, after election volatility, global equities would rally in expectation of less hawkish US foreign and trade policy, while US equities would underperform on the expectation of higher taxes and regulation at home. This view has now become the market consensus (Chart 1). However, our quantitative US election model – which does not rely on head-to-head opinion polling – has recently given President Trump a 49% chance of winning in the latest reading. It is flagging a Biden victory but is essentially “too close to call” (Chart 2). The rapid snapback in the economy provides a basis for Trump to make an eleventh-hour comeback, contrary to optics. Chart 2Quant Model Shows Trump Loss, But 49% Odds Of Winning Introducing Our Quantitative US Senate Election Model Introducing Our Quantitative US Senate Election Model In this report we present our quant model for the US Senate election, updated for the 2020 cycle. The Senate model is constructed with similar variables, though not exactly the same, and the result is that Democrats are favored to win control but only slightly. The implication is that Democrats are currently overrated by markets and that the election could still go either way. Uncertainty will go up for the remainder of the month. Ultimately we are sticking with our original forecast unless Trump and the Republicans regain momentum in opinion polling, but our models are flagging major risk. Investors should expect volatility to rise in the short term. We will maintain our tactical risk-off trades, since the risk of a contested election and/or a Trump re-election (and hence renewed global trade war) is rising. The Foundations Of Our Senate Model BCA Geopolitical Strategy developed a US Senate election model in September 2018 which quantified the margin of victory for the GOP among several Senate races during the 2018 mid-term election. The beta model focused on modeling individual Senate races, those deemed competitive by BCA’s Geopolitical Strategy at the time, by combining state and national level economic and political variables as well as the latest polling data applicable to each race.1 We are now re-introducing this model, but with a twist: this time we are adopting the same methodology as per our US presidential election model. The result is a state-by-state model that predicts the number of seats the incumbent party will win in the Senate election on November 3, 2020. Like our US election model, our Senate model is based off a probit model that produces a probability that each state will remain under the control of the incumbent party. The dependent variable (classified as “elected”) is stated as 1 = incumbent party wins the Senate election in each state; or 0 = incumbent party does not win the Senate election in each state. This method allows us to measure the probability that a state with certain characteristics will fall into one of these two categories. Therefore we can predict the probability of the incumbent party winning all the Senate seats in each of the 50 states (though, of course, this is only relevant to the one-third of the states that have a Senate seat up for election in 2020). Our model would have predicted the past five Senate election outcomes correctly on an in-sample basis and the past four Senate elections on an out-sample basis. Unlike our presidential election model, which sampled nine elections (1984 to 2016), our sample size for the Senate model is notably larger. That is, our sample consists of 18 Senate elections (1984 to 2018), across 50 states, amounting to 900 observations. While midterm Senate elections are different from those held during a presidential election year, we would not want to exclude the information they provide. The 2018 Senate race has a bearing on our 2020 prediction and this is appropriate. The Senate Model’s Variables Our Senate model includes six explanatory variables: 1. The Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia State Coincident Index. The coincident index for each state combines four of the state’s indicators to summarize current economic conditions in a single statistic. The four indicators are nonfarm payroll employment; average hours worked in manufacturing by production workers; the unemployment rate; and wage and salary disbursements plus proprietors' income deflated by the consumer price index (U.S. city average). Like in our US Presidential model, we applied several transformations to the data to obtain meaningful results in the modeling process. We found that using a three-month change of the state coincident index in our Senate model provided the most statistically significant result. Our Senate model suggests that Republican odds of winning are underrated by online betting markets, as with our presidential model. The three-month change of all the monthly state coincident indexes are given heavier weight as we approach the Senate election early in November. However, we only include the preceding year of a Senate election up until September of the election year (i.e. the last data release in October prior to the election itself). Senate elections occur every two years, and we excluded data that has been accounted for in previous elections. As we highlighted in the update of our US Election model we assume that prevailing economic conditions matter most to voters (as future expectations inevitably affect people’s assessment of their current situation), and this bolsters our rationale in using a 3-month change of the state coincident index. 2. The incumbent party’s margin of victory in previous Senate elections in each state Senate race. This is measured as the incumbent party’s share of the popular vote minus the non-incumbent party’s share. If the incumbent party failed to secure a solid win in each state in the previous Senate election, the probability of securing a solid win in the current election becomes smaller. Moreover, the larger the margin of victory in a previous Senate election race, the more likely that incumbent party will win re-election in said state. 3. Net average approval level of the incumbent president in a Senate election year. This is the difference between the incumbent president’s approval and disapproval levels in a Senate election year, from the start of the year up until the end of October of that year – taken as an average. 4. Generic congressional ballot (net support rate). The generic congressional ballot asks people which party they are likely to vote for in Congress. We take the average net support rate in a Senate election year (that being whichever party leads the other in congressional ballot polling). Democrats are usually favored in congressional generic ballot voting, so the net rate is more predictive than the gross rate 5. Dummy variable for congressional ballot. A dummy variable is assigned to variable number four. For example, dummy takes the value of 1 when Democrats have a positive net support rate in generic congressional ballot voting, and 0 when Republicans have a net positive support rate. We assign only one dummy variable to avoid a dummy variable trap.2 6. A “time for change” variable, a categorical variable indicating whether the incumbent party has controlled the Senate for three or more terms (six or more years). If the Senate has been controlled by the incumbent party for three or more terms, the model will “punish” the incumbent party, as we would expect to see a change in control of the Senate the longer one incumbent party controls it. Estimating The Model Since this is a probit model, the coefficients cannot be directly interpreted like in an ordinary regression.3 In Table 1, the sign of the coefficient corresponds to the direction of change in probability. An increase in the State Coincident Index, the incumbent’s margin of victory in previous Senate races, net approval of the incumbent president and generic congressional support ballot, all increase the probability of the incumbent winning a Senate election in a state. Table 1Senate Model Regression Coefficients Introducing Our Quantitative US Senate Election Model Introducing Our Quantitative US Senate Election Model Meanwhile occupying the Senate for more than three terms serves as a “punishment” and would decrease the probability of winning a Senate election in a state. The output of our model is the probability of an incumbent win in each state. As in our US Presidential election model, there are two ways of aggregating these probabilities to produce a national-level outcome: Proportional: Allocate the number of Senate seats won by the incumbent proportionally to their probability of victory in each state, and then sum them up across all states. Winner Takes All: As we do in our US Presidential election model, assume a probability threshold of 50%: any state with an incumbent win that is at least 50% likely is fully assigned to the incumbent. The latter, winner takes all, is the aggregation method we base our Senate prediction on. Senate Election Model Prediction Table 2 shows our 2020 prediction. Overall, the Republican Party is expected to win 49 Senate seats, a decrease of four seats from its current 53-seat majority. This means that the Democrats are expected to control the Senate with 51 seats (this includes Independents that caucus with Democrats). Moreover, the model suggests that Republicans have a 49% chance of retaining Senate control. Table 2Predicted 2020 Senate Balance Of Power Introducing Our Quantitative US Senate Election Model Introducing Our Quantitative US Senate Election Model This is substantially higher than consensus, which has put Republicans at 42% throughout the past month and currently has them at 37% (Chart 3). As with our presidential model, the rapid recovery in the state economic indicators is providing the Republicans with a last-minute boost that contradicts the gloomier picture painted by opinion polls. We do not think they will retain the Senate, but our conviction level is now lower. Chart 3Betting Market Overrates Democratic Odds Of Winning Senate Introducing Our Quantitative US Senate Election Model Introducing Our Quantitative US Senate Election Model In terms of Senate seats, our model expects Republicans to lose Arizona, Colorado, Maine, Montana, and North Carolina. This is enough for Democrats to obtain 51 seats, a majority, assuming that they lose Alabama. The full list of states that have Senate races in 2020 and the probabilities of a Republican win according to the model are shown in Chart 4. Chart 4Quant Model Shows Democrats Win Senate, But GOP Odds 49% Introducing Our Quantitative US Senate Election Model Introducing Our Quantitative US Senate Election Model Three Senate races are classified as toss-ups, which we define as having a probability between 45% and 55% according to the model. These states are Iowa (54%), Maine (48%) and North Carolina (49%). Montana is close to a toss-up, with a 44% chance of a Republican win. We expect Democrats to win control of the Senate with 51 votes. They need 50, plus the White House, to have a majority. Of these states, if Republicans retain any two, then they will retain their majority, so control of the Senate is on a knife’s edge. Chart 5 shows the odds for each of the 12 swing states in this election. Chart 5Our Senate Odds Compared With The Bookies Introducing Our Quantitative US Senate Election Model Introducing Our Quantitative US Senate Election Model Bear in mind that only 50 seats are needed for the party that wins the White House, since the Vice President is also the President of the Senate and casts the tiebreaking vote. Senate Races Of Interest Our results show that the consensus is underestimating the Republicans, except in Michigan and Montana. The latter could affect overall control of the Senate. The same can be said for Maine, where the Republican challenger may be underrated (Chart 6). The trend of opinion polling in Chart 6 generally shows closer races than the betting markets expect. Our model supports the betting markets on the unlikelihood that Democrats will prevail in several deep red states. Chart 6US Senate Polling And The Betting Odds Introducing Our Quantitative US Senate Election Model Introducing Our Quantitative US Senate Election Model The presidential race should be the decisive factor. If voters in swing states are sufficiently motivated to vote out the sitting president that they chose only four years ago, which is uncommon in modern US history, then they will likely repudiate the senators who carried that president’s water through a whirlwind of scandals and controversies. Yet with the races so precariously balanced, small or local factors could also decide the outcome. This is an important limitation on our macro method. For example, it is not at all clear that Democrats will win Maine. Our model gives Republicans a 48% chance, while online gamblers put it at 27%. Susan Collins is well-entrenched, having survived again and again since 1996. If Democrats do poach Maine, it is still not clear that they will carry Iowa and Montana, which are more conservative yet saw Democratic victories in 2018. Our model suggests Montana will go Democratic and Iowa will stay Republican. Democrats must win one of these two states (or North Carolina) or they will not take the Senate. A feather could tip the scales. A feather may already be doing that in North Carolina, the other key toss-up state. Democratic candidate Cal Cunningham’s sex scandal has roiled the race. It is not yet clear that voters will abandon Cunningham (see Chart 6, panel 1), but that is likely unless there is an unstoppable Democratic wave.4 If North Carolina stays Republican as a result, then, according to our model, the US Senate would tie at 50-50 and the winner of the White House would turn the balance. Some Democrats have argued that deeper red states may be in contention, such as Georgia, South Carolina, Alaska, Kansas, or Kentucky. Of these, Kansas is notable since no candidate has an incumbent advantage. However, our model rules these races out of play and we tend to agree. Bottom Line: Our model suggests that Democrats will narrowly win control of the Senate as things stand today. With several races extremely close, a trivial event in a single state could turn the balance of power in the US Senate and hence the policy consequences of the entire US election. However, the close contest implies that the party that wins the White House will also win the Senate. Back Testing Our Model Our Senate model performs at an acceptable level during in-sample and out-sample back testing. For in-sample testing, we test our model over our entire sample period (1984 – 2018) and find that 72% of Senate elections (control of the Senate) are correctly predicted, with the model predicting the outcome of the last five Senate elections correctly (Chart 7). Chart 7In-Sample Back Testing Results Introducing Our Quantitative US Senate Election Model Introducing Our Quantitative US Senate Election Model During out-sample back testing, we look at a sample period of 2000 – 2018, comprising of ten Senate elections, where our model correctly predicts 69% of actual outcomes. The previous four Senate elections are predicted correctly (Chart 8). There is still a roughly 50/50 chance of divided US government in 2021-22. Chart 8Out-Sample Back Testing Results Introducing Our Quantitative US Senate Election Model Introducing Our Quantitative US Senate Election Model Investment Takeaways Our US Senate model is based off a similar methodology as our US Presidential election model. There are however some minor differences. First, we use a weighted maximum likelihood estimate as opposed to a traditional maximum likelihood estimate. This is because of unbalanced binary outcomes in our dependent variable (see Appendix). Chart 9Fair Chance Of Divided Government Still Introducing Our Quantitative US Senate Election Model Introducing Our Quantitative US Senate Election Model Secondly, not all our explanatory variables are the same. While we maintain using the State Coincident Index as our one and only economic variable, our suite of political variables has changed to be more geared towards predicting the Senate outcome. Our Senate model predicts Republicans will retain only 49 seats and lose control of the Senate. The Democrats will take control with 51 seats. And yet Republicans have a 49% chance of retaining Senate control. This is equivalent to saying that the race is “too close to call” – which is similar to our presidential model results. The reason is the rapid snapback in the economy. Subjectively, the risk is to the downside for Republicans given the President’s poor polling, particularly on his handling of the pandemic, and the high unemployment rate. The Senate outcome should be determined by the White House race, but obviously there is a fair chance that the winner of the White House still loses control of the Senate (Chart 9). Chart 10Wall Street Expects Divided Government Wall Street Expects Divided Government Wall Street Expects Divided Government Chart 11Trump Protectionism Good For The Dollar Trump Protectionism Good For The Dollar Trump Protectionism Good For The Dollar The stock market is behaving like it expects gridlock, rather than a Democratic sweep – the latter offering greater downside and lesser upside, at least judging by history (Chart 10). So let’s boil this all down to what we know with reasonable certainty: If Trump wins with a Republican Senate, he will still face opposition from House Democrats, so he will be driven to foreign and trade policy in his second term. Protectionism will affect not only China but also Europe and other economies. This is broadly positive for the dollar and US equities relative to global stocks and commodities (Chart 11). Government bond yields would be volatile due to the risk to the cyclical recovery from global trade war. If Biden wins in a Democratic sweep, economies other than China will benefit from lower trade risk and the US will benefit from higher odds of unfettered fiscal stimulus in 2021. But financial markets will simultaneously have to adjust for the negative shock to US corporate earnings from higher taxes and regulation. This outcome is broadly negative for the dollar and US equities relative to global equities and commodities. Government bond yields would rise on the generally reflationary agenda. If Biden wins without the Senate, the market has the most positive outcome of all: less trade war yet no new tax hikes. Both US and global equities would benefit. Bond prices and the dollar would trend downward over time, but not during the occasional fiscal battles that would ensue between the Democratic president and Republican senators.   Guy Russell Research Analyst GuyR@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Statistical Appendix A notable property in our dependent variable data requires a brief discussion. Our dependent variable classified as “elected” takes the form of a binary outcome. This data, however, is what’s called “unbalanced,” since incumbent Senators are re-elected approximately 80% of the time. This means that most outcomes in our dependent variable are coded as “1,” with fewer “0’s” because of the strong incumbency effect in Senate races. There are many data sets that exhibit this type of property, such as events like wars, vetoes, cases of political activism, or epidemiological infections, where non-events occur rarely. To alleviate this statistical property in the data, we estimate our model using a weighted maximum likelihood estimate as opposed to the ordinary maximum likelihood estimate usually used in a probit regression.5 This method assigns more weighting to the unbalanced data, or what is known theoretically as “rare event” data, to aid the probit regression in assigning higher probabilities to “0” outcomes. Through this process, we effectively deal with our unbalanced dependent variable data. That said, in developing our quantitative US Senate Election Model, we estimated a suite of probit regressions with several other variables that were theoretically assumed to be relevant and subsequently tested empirically. In Appendix Table 1 below, we only include variables 1, 2, 3 and 6 from our listed variables (we excluded the generic congressional ballot and its corresponding dummy variable). This model suggests that Republicans will hold control of the Senate with 51 seats. Back testing this model revealed that 71% of past Senate elections were correctly predicted, while 67% were correctly predicted in out-sample testing. This is only slightly worse of a track record than our final model. If this model proves more accurate in the event, the implication is that the generic congressional ballot is an unreliable poll. Americans could be shy about stating their support for the Republican Party in the era of Trump. For this outcome, Republicans would only lose Arizona and Colorado. Critical swing states here are Montana (53%) and Arizona (45%). Appendix Table 1Alternative Senate Model Predictions Introducing Our Quantitative US Senate Election Model Introducing Our Quantitative US Senate Election Model A re-work of the above model, but with a variable that punishes Republicans for holding the Senate for six years or more on average, suggests that Republicans will only win 47 seats in the Senate, giving up six seats (Appendix Table 2). Forecast accuracy is slightly worse off, giving just 68% and 67% predictive accuracy during in and out-sample forecasting of previous Senate elections, respectively. Compared to our primary model, Republicans would lose Arizona, Colorado, Iowa, Maine, Montana, North Carolina and Alabama. Alabama (45%) is the only critical swing state. Appendix Table 2Alternative Senate Model Predictions Introducing Our Quantitative US Senate Election Model Introducing Our Quantitative US Senate Election Model Note: This report has been corrected since publication due to errors in charting. Charts 7 and 8 showed the correct majority party in historical Senate elections but mistakenly attributed to that party the minority party’s number of seats. The changes do not affect the text or the substance of the report: our quantitative model’s accuracy levels remain unchanged, as does the model’s performance relative to historical election results. Footnotes 1 The model was able to predict 14 out of 18 (77%) Senate races flagged as competitive by BCA’s Geopolitical Strategy. Florida, North Dakota, Indiana and Missouri were flagged as Democratic by our model but were won by Republican candidates. 2 A dummy variable trap is a scenario in which the independent variables are multicollinear — a scenario in which two or more variables are highly correlated; or, in simple terms, in which one variable can be predicted from the others. To avoid such a trap, we must exclude one of the categorical variables. Since there are two categorical variables that can be represented here (Republican or Democrat), we use k-1 (where k = the number of categorical variables). 3 The coefficients in a probit regression model measure the change in the Z-score associated to each independent variable for a one-unit change in that variable. 4 See Evie Fordham, "NC Democrat Cal Cunningham faces FEC complaint over California trip amid affair," Fox News, October 13, 2020, foxnews.com. 5 Weighted maximum likelihood estimation is a reasonable approach in dealing with dependent variables that show significant imbalance in their data set. See: King, G. and Zeng, L., 2001. Logistic regression in rare events data. Political analysis, 9(2), pp.137-163.

Highlights Duration: Prospects for more pre-election fiscal stimulus are slim. But with the Democrats gaining ground in the polls, the bond market will stay focused on rising odds of a blue sweep election and greater fiscal stimulus in early 2021. Municipal Bonds: Municipal bonds offer exceptional value relative to both US Treasuries and corporate credit. Not only that, but rising odds of a blue sweep election make state & local government fiscal relief increasingly likely. Investors should overweight municipal bonds in US fixed income portfolios. Economy: The economic recovery continues to roll on, but it will be some time before the output gap is closed and inflation starts to rise. Slow consumer and corporate credit growth suggest that animal spirits have not yet taken hold. Meanwhile, the falling unemployment rate masks a persistent uptrend in the number of permanently unemployed. Feature Chart 1Breakout Breakout Breakout After having been lulled to sleep by several months of stagnant yields, bond investors experienced a minor shockwave in early October. The 10-year Treasury yield and 2/10 slope both broke out of well-established trading ranges and implied interest rate volatility bounced off all-time lows to reach its highest level since June (Chart 1). We suspect this might turn out to be just the first small tremor in a tumultuous month leading up to the US election. Specifically, there are two main political risks that will be resolved within the next month. Both have major implications for the bond market. Bond-Bullish Risk: No More Stimulus Before The Election  The first risk is the possibility that the current Congress will not deliver any more fiscal stimulus. This increasingly looks like less of a possibility and more of a likelihood, especially after the president tweeted that he is halting negotiations with House Democrats. While he partially walked those comments back the next day, the fact remains that there is very little time between now and November 3rd, and the two sides remain at loggerheads. We have argued that more household income support from Congress is necessary. Otherwise, consumer spending will massively disappoint during the next year.1 However, it could take a few more months before this becomes apparent in the consumer spending data. Real consumer spending still rose in August, though much less quickly than it did in June and July (Chart 2). Meanwhile, August disposable income remained above pre-COVID levels, as it continued to receive a boost from facilities related to the CARES act (Chart 2, bottom panel). This boost will fade as the CARES act’s money is doled out, pushing spending lower. That is, unless Congress enacts a follow-up bill. There are two main political risks that will be resolved within the next month and both have major implications for the bond market. It looks less and less likely that a bill will be passed this month but, depending on the election outcome, a follow-up stimulus bill could become more likely in January. If consumer spending can hang in for the next couple of months, then the bond market might look past Congress’ near-term failure. This appears to be what is happening so far. The stock market fell 1.4% last Tuesday after Trump tweeted about halting negotiations. The 10-year Treasury yield, however, dropped only 2 bps on the day. More generally, long-dated bond yields rose during the past month, even as stocks sold off and prospects for immediate fiscal relief dimmed (Chart 3). Chart 2September's Consumer Spending Report Is Critical September's Consumer Spending Report Is Critical September's Consumer Spending Report Is Critical Chart 3Bonds Ignore Stock ##br##Market... Bonds Ignore Stock Market... Bonds Ignore Stock Market... With all that in mind, we think September’s consumer spending data – the last month of data we will see before the election – are very important. If spending collapses, it might re-focus the market’s attention on Congress’ failure, sending bond yields down. However, we think the market would see through a modest drop in spending, especially if the election looks poised to bring us a larger bill in 2021. Bond-Bearish Risk: A Blue Sweep Election Chart 4...Take Cues From Election Odds ...Take Cues From Election Odds ...Take Cues From Election Odds This brings us to the second big political risk that could influence bond yields during the next month: The possibility of a “blue sweep” election where the Democrats win control of the House, Senate and White House. This would clearly be a bearish outcome for bonds, as an unimpeded Democratic party would enact a large stimulus package – likely worth $2.5 to $3.5 trillion – shortly after inauguration. It appears that the bond market is already tentatively pricing-in this outcome. While the recent increase in bond yields is hard to square with weak equity prices and souring expectations for immediate stimulus, it is consistent with rising betting market odds of a blue sweep election (Chart 4). To underscore the bond bearishness of this potential election outcome, consider that not only would a unified Congress be able to quickly deliver another fiscal relief bill, but Joe Biden’s platform calls for even more spending on infrastructure, healthcare, education and other Democratic priorities. In total, Biden is proposing new spending of around 3% of GDP, only about half of which will be offset by tax increases (Table 1). Table 1ABiden Would Raise $4 Trillion In Revenue Over Ten Years Political Risk Will Dominate In A Pivotal Month For The Bond Market Political Risk Will Dominate In A Pivotal Month For The Bond Market Table 1BBiden Would Spend $7 Trillion In Programs Over Ten Years Political Risk Will Dominate In A Pivotal Month For The Bond Market Political Risk Will Dominate In A Pivotal Month For The Bond Market How likely is a “blue sweep” election? It is our Geopolitical Strategy service’s base case.2 Also, fivethirtyeight.com’s poll-based forecasting model sees a 68% chance that Democrats win the Senate, a 94% chance that they win the House and an 85% chance that Joe Biden wins the presidency. Investment Strategy These two political risks appear to put bond investors in a bit of a conundrum. On the one hand, if no stimulus bill is passed this month and September’s consumer spending data are weak, then bond yields could fall in the near-term. However, we are inclined to think that if all that occurs against the back-drop of rising odds of a blue sweep election outcome, the bond market will look beyond the near-term and yields will move higher on expectations of larger stimulus coming in January. As such, we retain our relatively pro-reflation investment stance. We recommend owning nominal and real yield curve steepeners, inflation curve flatteners and maintaining an overweight position in TIPS versus nominal Treasuries. All these positions are designed to profit from a rising yield environment.3 Municipal bonds look extremely cheap compared to other US fixed income sectors. We retain an “at benchmark” portfolio duration stance for now, for two reasons. First, while a blue sweep election outcome looks like the most likely scenario, it is not a guarantee. Second, even against the backdrop of greater government stimulus and continued economic recovery, the US economy will still be dealing with a large output gap next year that will temper inflationary pressures. This will keep the Fed on hold, limiting the upside in bond yields. That being said, the odds of another significant downleg in bond yields look increasingly slim. We will likely shift to a more aggressive “below-benchmark” duration stance this month, if our conviction in a blue sweep election outcome continues to rise. A Rare Buying Opportunity In Municipal Bonds No matter how you slice it, municipal bonds look extremely cheap compared to other US fixed income sectors. First, we can look at the spread between Aaa-rated munis and maturity-matched US Treasury yields (Chart 5). When we do this, we find that 2-year and 5-year municipal bonds trade at about the same yields as their Treasury counterparts. This is despite municipal debt’s tax-exempt status. Munis look even more attractive further out the curve, with 10-year and 30-year bonds trading at a before-tax premium relative to Treasuries. Chart 5Aaa Munis Versus ##br##Treasuries Aaa Munis Versus Treasuries Aaa Munis Versus Treasuries Table 2Muni/Corporate Breakeven Effective Tax Rates (%) Political Risk Will Dominate In A Pivotal Month For The Bond Market Political Risk Will Dominate In A Pivotal Month For The Bond Market Next, we can look at how municipal bonds stack up compared to corporates. We do this in a couple different ways. In Table 2, we start with the Bloomberg Barclays Investment Grade Corporate Index split by credit tier. We then find the General Obligation (GO) municipal bond that matches each corporate index’s credit rating and maturity and calculate the breakeven effective tax rate between the two yields. The breakeven effective tax rate is the effective tax rate that would make an investor indifferent between owning the municipal bond and the corporate bond. For example, if an investor faces an effective tax rate of 7%, they will observe the same after-tax yield in a 12-year A-rated GO municipal bond as they do in a 12-year A-rated corporate bond. If their effective tax rate is more than 7%, the muni offers an after-tax yield advantage. Alternatively, we can look at the relative value between munis and credit using the Bloomberg Barclays Municipal Indexes. In Chart 6A, we start with the average yield on the Bloomberg Barclays General Obligation indexes by maturity. We then find the US Credit index that matches the credit rating and duration of the municipal index and calculate the yield differential.4 We find that in all cases, for GO bonds ranging from 6 years to maturity and higher, the muni offers a before-tax yield advantage compared to the Credit Index. This is also true when we perform the same exercise using municipal revenue bonds instead of GOs (Chart 6B). Chart 6AGO Munis Versus Credit GO Munis Versus Credit GO Munis Versus Credit Chart 6BRevenue Munis Versus Credit Revenue Munis Versus Credit Revenue Munis Versus Credit You may notice that municipal bonds trade at a before-tax premium to credit in Charts 6A and 6B, but at a discount in Table 2. This is because we compare bonds by maturity in Table 2 and by duration in Charts 6A and 6B. Unlike investment grade corporates, municipal bonds often carry call options making them negatively convex and giving them a duration that is much shorter than their maturity. Cheap For A Reason, Or Just Plain Cheap? Chart 7State & Local Balance Sheets Will Weather The Storm State & Local Balance Sheets Will Weather The Storm State & Local Balance Sheets Will Weather The Storm We have effectively demonstrated that municipal bonds offer value relative to both Treasuries and corporate credit. But attractive value is not enough to warrant an overweight allocation. Ideally, we would also like some degree of confidence that wide spreads won’t eventually be justified by a wave of downgrades and defaults. While state & local government balance sheets are certainly stressed, we see strong odds that the muni market will emerge from the COVID recession relatively unscathed. For starters, state & local governments were experiencing strong revenue growth prior to the pandemic (Chart 7, top panel). This allowed them to build rainy day funds up to all-time highs (Chart 7, panel 4). Second, income support for households from the CARES act helped prop up state & local income tax revenues in the second quarter (Chart 7, panel 2), though sales tax revenues took a significant hit (Chart 7, panel 3). Going forward, a blue sweep election scenario would not only provide more income support for households – helping income tax revenues – but a Democratic controlled Congress would also quickly deliver fiscal aid directly to state & local governments. In fact, it is this aid for state & local governments that is currently the key sticking point in fiscal negotiations. In the meantime, state & local governments will continue to clamp down on spending. This can already be seen in the massive drop in state & local government employment (Chart 7, bottom panel). This is obviously a drag on economic growth, but the combination of austerity measures and high rainy day fund balances will help municipal bonds avoid downgrades and defaults, at least until a fiscal relief bill is passed next year. While state & local government balance sheets are certainly stressed, we see strong odds that the muni market will emerge from the COVID recession relatively unscathed. Bottom Line: Municipal bonds offer exceptional value relative to both US Treasuries and corporate credit. Not only that, but rising odds of a blue sweep election make state & local government fiscal relief increasingly likely. Investors should overweight municipal bonds in US fixed income portfolios. Economy: Credit Growth & The Labor Market Credit Growth Slowing Chart 8No Animal Spirits No Animal Spirits No Animal Spirits Of notable economic data releases during the past two weeks, we find it particularly interesting that both consumer credit and Commercial & Industrial (C&I) bank lending continue to slow (Chart 8). On the consumer side, massive income support from the CARES act and few spending opportunities caused households to pay down debt this spring. Then, after two months of modest gains, consumer credit fell again in August (Chart 8, top panel). This strongly suggests that, even as lockdown restrictions have eased, consumers aren’t yet ready to open up the spending taps. On the corporate side, firms received much less of a direct cash injection from Congress and were forced to take on massive amounts of debt to get through the spring and early summer months. But as of the second quarter, we recently observed that nonfinancial corporate retained earnings now exceed capital expenditures.5 This strongly suggests that firms have taken out enough new debt and that C&I bank lending will remain slow in the coming months. Cracks Showing In The Labor Market Chart 9Far From Full Employment Far From Full Employment Far From Full Employment Finally, we should mention September’s employment report that was released two weeks ago (Chart 9). It is certainly positive that the unemployment rate continues to fall, but the main takeaway for bond investors should be that the US economy remains far from full employment, and therefore far away from generating meaningful inflationary pressure. While the unemployment rate fell for the fifth consecutive month, it is now dropping much less quickly than it did early in the summer (Chart 9, panel 2). Also, we continue to note that labor market gains are entirely concentrated in temporarily unemployed people returning to work. The number of permanently unemployed continues to rise (Chart 9, bottom panel). Bottom Line: The economic recovery continues to roll on, but it will be some time before the output gap is closed and inflation starts to rise. Slow consumer and corporate credit growth suggest that animal spirits have not yet taken hold. Meanwhile, the falling unemployment rate masks a persistent uptrend in the number of permanently unemployed. Appendix The Fed rolled out a number of aggressive lending facilities on March 23. These facilities focused on different specific sectors of the US bond market. The fact that the Fed has decided to support some parts of the market and not others has caused some traditional bond market correlations to break down. It has also led us to adopt of a strategy of “Buy What The Fed Is Buying”. That is, we favor those sectors that offer attractive spreads and that benefit from Fed support. The below Table tracks the performance of different bond sectors since the March 23 announcement. We will use this to monitor bond market correlations and evaluate our strategy’s success. Table 3Performance Since March 23 Announcement Of Emergency Fed Facilities Political Risk Will Dominate In A Pivotal Month For The Bond Market Political Risk Will Dominate In A Pivotal Month For The Bond Market Ryan Swift US Bond Strategist rswift@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Please see US Bond Strategy Weekly Report, “More Stimulus Needed”, dated September 15, 2020, available at usbs.bcaresearch.com 2 Please see Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, “It Ain’t Over Till It’s Over”, dated October 9, 2020, available at gps.bcaresearch.com 3 For more details on these recommended positions please see US Bond Strategy Weekly Report, “Positioning For Reflation And Avoiding Deflation”, dated August 11, 2020, available at usbs.bcaresearch.com 4 Note that we use the US Credit Index in Charts 6A and 6B. This index includes the entire US corporate bond index but also some non-corporate credit sectors like Sovereigns and Foreign Agency bonds. 5 Please see US Bond Strategy Weekly Report, “Out Of Bullets”, dated September 29, 2020, available at usbs.bcaresearch.com Fixed Income Sector Performance Recommended Portfolio Specification

Highlights Both public opinion polls and betting markets suggest that Joe Biden will become President, with the Democrats gaining control of the Senate and retaining the House of Representatives. Such a “blue wave” would have mixed effects on the value of the S&P 500. On the one hand, corporate taxes would rise under a Biden administration. On the other hand, trade relations with China would improve. The Democrats would also push for more fiscal stimulus, which the stock market would welcome. The odds of Republicans and Democrats agreeing on a major new stimulus deal before the November elections look increasingly slim. In a blue wave scenario, the Democrats will enact $2.5-to-$3.5 trillion in pandemic relief shortly after Inauguration Day. Joe Biden‘s platform also calls for around 3% of GDP in additional spending on infrastructure, health care, education, climate, housing, and other Democratic priorities. Unlike in late 2016, the Fed is in no mood to raise interest rates. Large-scale fiscal easing will push down the value of the US dollar, while giving bond yields a modest boost. Non-US stocks will outperform their US peers. Value stocks will outperform growth stocks. Looking further out, Republicans will move to the left on economic issues, leaving corporate America with no clear backer among the two major parties. As such, while we are constructive on equities over the next 12 months, we see grave dangers ahead later this decade. Look, Here's The Deal: Joe Biden Is In The Lead With four weeks remaining until the US presidential election, Joe Biden remains on course to become the 46th president of the United States. According to recent public opinion polls, the former vice president leads Donald Trump by 10 percentage points nationwide, and by 4 points in battleground states (Chart 1). Far fewer voters are undecided today compared to 2016. This suggests that there is less scope for President Trump to narrow his deficit in the polls. Betting markets give Biden a 68% chance of prevailing in the race for the White House (Chart 2). They also assign a 67% probability that the Democrats will take control of the Senate and 89% odds that they will retain their majority in the House of Representatives. Chart 1Opinion Polls Favor Biden ... Market Implications Of A Blue Wave Market Implications Of A Blue Wave Chart 2.... As Do Betting Markets Market Implications Of A Blue Wave Market Implications Of A Blue Wave   Mixed Impact On The S&P 500 What would the market implications of a “blue wave” be? Our sense is that the overall impact on the value of the S&P 500 would be small, largely because some negative repercussions from a Democratic sweep would be offset by positive repercussions. On the negative side, Biden has pledged to raise the corporate income tax rate from 21% to 28%, bringing it halfway back to the 35% rate that prevailed in 2017. He has also promised to introduce a minimum of 15% tax on the income that companies report in their financial statements to shareholders, raise taxes on overseas profits, and lift payroll taxes on households with annual earnings in excess of $400,000. Together, these measures would reduce S&P 500 earnings-per-share by 9%-to-10%. On the positive side, while geopolitical tensions will persist, US trade relations with China would likely improve if Joe Biden were to become the president. Biden has roundly criticized Trump’s tariffs, saying that they are “crushing farmers” and “hitting a lot of American manufacturing… choking it to within an inch of its life.”1 He has pledged to honor multilateral agreements. The World Trade Organization concluded on September 15 that Trump’s tariffs violated international trade rules. This judgement and the desire to turn the page on the Trump era could give Biden the impetus to eventually roll back some of the tariffs. In contrast, having been stricken by what he has called the “China virus,” Trump could take things personally and retaliate with a flurry of new punitive measures.  Fiscal policy would be further loosened in a blue wave scenario, an outcome that the stock market would welcome. Voters would also applaud more pandemic relief. Table 1 shows that 72% of Americans, including the majority of Republicans, support the broader contours of the $2 trillion stimulus package that President Trump has rejected. Table 1Voters Support A New $2 Trillion Coronavirus Stimulus Package By A Fairly Wide Margin Market Implications Of A Blue Wave Market Implications Of A Blue Wave At this point, the odds of Republicans and Democrats agreeing on a major new stimulus deal before the November elections look increasingly slim. If Biden wins and the Republicans lose control of the senate, the Democrats would likely enact a stimulus package worth $2.5-to-$3.5 trillion shortly after Inauguration Day on January 20. In addition to pandemic-related stimulus, Joe Biden has called for around 3% of GDP in spending on infrastructure, health care, education, climate, housing, and other Democratic priorities. Only about half of those expenditures would be matched by higher taxes, implying substantial net stimulus for the economy. A Weaker Dollar And Modestly Higher Bond Yields The greenback jumped on Tuesday after President Trump said he is breaking off negotiations with the Democrats over a new stimulus bill. This suggests that the dollar will weaken if fiscal policy is loosened. If that were to happen, it would be different from what transpired following Trump’s victory in 2016 when the dollar strengthened. Why the disconnect between now and then? The answer has to do with the outlook for monetary policy. Back then, the Fed was primed to start raising rates again – it hiked rates eight times beginning in December 2016, ultimately bringing the fed funds rate to 2.5% by end-2018 (Chart 3). This time around, the Fed is firmly on hold, with the vast majority of FOMC members expecting policy rates to stay at rock-bottom levels until at least 2023. This suggests that nominal bond yields will rise less than they did in late 2016. Since inflation expectations will likely move up in response to more stimulative fiscal policy, real yields will rise even less than nominal yields. Over the past 18 months, US real rates have fallen a lot more in relation to rates abroad than what one would have expected based on the fairly modest depreciation in the US dollar (Chart 4). If US real rates remain entrenched deep in negative territory, while the US current account deficit widens further on the back of strong domestic demand, the dollar will continue to weaken. Chart 3Trump Victory Was Followed By Rising Interest Rates Trump Victory Was Followed By Rising Interest Rates Trump Victory Was Followed By Rising Interest Rates Chart 4A Relatively Muted Decline In The Dollar Given The Move In Real Yield Differentials A Relatively Muted Decline In The Dollar Given The Move In Real Yield Differentials A Relatively Muted Decline In The Dollar Given The Move In Real Yield Differentials   Favor Non-US And Value Stocks Non-US stocks typically outperform their US peers when the dollar is weakening (Chart 5). This partly stems from the fact that cyclical stocks are overrepresented in stock markets outside of the United States. It also reflects the fact that cash flows denominated in say, euros or yen, are worth more in dollars if the value of the dollar declines. Chart 5A Weaker Dollar Tends To Benefit Cyclical And Non-US Stocks A Weaker Dollar Tends To Benefit Cyclical And Non-US Stocks A Weaker Dollar Tends To Benefit Cyclical And Non-US Stocks Financial stocks are overrepresented outside the US (Table 2). They are also overrepresented in value indices (Table 3). While a Biden administration would subject the largest US banks to additional regulatory scrutiny, the impact on their bottom lines would likely be small. US banks have been living under the shadows of the Dodd-Frank Act for over a decade. Today, banks operate more as stable utilities than as cavalier casinos. Table 2Financials Are Overrepresented In Ex-US Indexes, While Tech Dominates The US Market Market Implications Of A Blue Wave Market Implications Of A Blue Wave Table 3Financials Are Overrepresented In Value, While Tech Dominates Growth Indexes Market Implications Of A Blue Wave Market Implications Of A Blue Wave Stronger stimulus-induced growth next year will allow many banks to release some of the hefty provisions against bad loans that they built up this year, while modestly steeper yields curves will boost net interest margins. Tech stocks are overrepresented in growth indices. Better trade relations would help US tech companies, as would a weaker dollar. That said, Joe Biden’s plan to increase taxes on overseas profits would hit tech companies disproportionately hard since the tech sector derives over half its revenue from outside the United States. Stepped up antitrust enforcement and more stringent privacy rules could also weigh on tech profits. On balance, while there are many moving parts, a Democratic sweep would favor non-US equities over US equities, and value stocks over growth stocks. Trumpism Transcends Trump Chart 6Trump Targeted Socially Conservative Voters Market Implications Of A Blue Wave Market Implications Of A Blue Wave In 2016, we bucked the consensus view that Hillary Clinton would win the election. On September 30, 2016, we predicted that “Trump will win and the dollar will rally,” noting that “Trump has seen a huge (yuge?) increase in support among working-class whites. If the so-called “likely voters” backing Clinton are, in fact, less likely to turn out at the polls than those backing Trump, this could skew the final outcome in Trump's favor.”2 Right-wing populism was the $1 trillion bill lying on the sidewalk that no mainstream Republican politician seemed eager to pick up. According to the Voter Study Group, only 4% of the US electorate identified as socially liberal and fiscally conservative in 2016, compared to 29% who saw themselves as fiscally liberal and socially conservative (Chart 6). The latter group had no political home, at least until Donald Trump came along. Rather than waxing poetically about small government conservatism – as most establishment Republicans were wont to do – Trump railed against mass immigration, unfair trade deals, rising crime, never-ending wars, and what he described as out-of-control political correctness. While Trump was able to carry out parts of his protectionist agenda, most of his other actions fell well short of what he had promised. His only major legislative achievement was a massive tax cut for corporations and wealthy individuals – something that the vast majority of his base never asked for. The Rich Are Flocking To The Democratic Party How did corporations and wealthy Americans reward Trump for lowering their taxes? By shifting their allegiances towards the Democrats, that’s how. According to the Pew Research Center, households earning more than $150,000 favored Democrats by 20 percentage points during the 2018 Congressional elections, a 13-point jump from 2016. Households earning between $30,000 and $149,999 favored Democrats by only 6 points in 2018. The only other income group that strongly favored Democrats were those earning less than $30,000 per year (Table 4). Table 4Democratic Candidates Had Wide Advantages Among The Highest-And-Lowest Income Voters Market Implications Of A Blue Wave Market Implications Of A Blue Wave Chart 7Democratic Districts Have Fared Better Over The Past Decade Market Implications Of A Blue Wave Market Implications Of A Blue Wave Other data tell a similar story. Median household income in Democratic congressional districts rose by 13% between 2008 and 2017. It fell by 4% in Republican districts. Today, on average, Republican districts have a median income that is 13% below Democratic districts (Chart 7). Campaign donations have shifted towards the Democrats. The latest monthly fundraising data shows that the Biden campaign received three times more large-dollar contributions in total than the Trump campaign. The nation’s CEOs have not been immune from this transformation. Seventy-seven percent of the business leaders surveyed by the Yale School of Management on September 23 said they would be voting for Joe Biden.3   As elites desert the Republican Party, will the Democratic Party start championing lower taxes and less regulation? That seems unlikely. According to the Voter Study Group, higher-income Democrats are actually more likely to support raising taxes on families earning more than $200,000 per year than lower-income Democrats (83% versus 79%). Among Republicans, the opposite is true: 45% of lower-income Republicans are in favor of raising taxes, compared to only 23% of higher-income Republicans.4  There used to be a time when companies tried to steer clear of the political limelight. This is starting to change. As the relative purchasing power of Democratic voters has risen, many companies have become emboldened to adopt overtly political stances on a variety of hot-button social and cultural issues, even if those stances alienate many conservative customers.  What does this imply for investors? If big business abandons conservative voters, conservative voters will abandon big business. Corporate America will be left with no clear backer among the two major parties. Over the long haul, this is likely to be bad news for equity investors. As such, while we are constructive on equities over the next 12 months, we see grave dangers ahead later this decade.   Peter Berezin Chief Global Strategist peterb@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1  “Biden Takes On ‘Trump’s Tariffs’,” The Wall Street Journal, June 12, 2019. 2 Please see Global Investment Strategy Special Report, “Three (New) Controversial Calls,” dated September 30, 2016. 3 “CEO Caucus Survey: Business Leaders Fault Trump Administration on COVID and China,” Yale School of Management, September 24, 2020. 4 Lee Drutman, Vanessa Williamson, Felicia Wong, “On the Money: How Americans’ Economic Views Define — and Defy — Party Lines,” votersstudygroup.org, June 2019. Global Investment Strategy View Matrix Market Implications Of A Blue Wave Market Implications Of A Blue Wave Current MacroQuant Model Scores Market Implications Of A Blue Wave Market Implications Of A Blue Wave

Highlights President Trump is waffling on fiscal relief. Our constraints-based framework still points to a deal, but the odds have clearly fallen. US and global stocks have rallied despite the fiscal failure. Markets evidently believe stimulus is coming regardless, particularly if Democrats win a blue sweep – our base case election scenario. However, our quantitative election model has boosted Republican odds, flagging a major risk to the blue sweep scenario. Moreover a blue sweep will remove checks and balances on the new administration and thus bring negative surprises that the market is underrating. We maintain our tactical risk-off positioning on the expectation of another leg of election-related volatility. Over a 12-month time horizon we remain invested in reflation plays. Feature Financial markets came around to our “blue sweep” base case for the US election this week. Betting markets shifted sharply after the first presidential debate (Chart 1). Support for Biden surged in national opinion polls while Trump dropped off, albeit to a lesser extent in swing states. Worryingly for the White House, the few polls taken since Trump took ill with COVID-19 on October 2 do not show a sympathy bounce for the president (Chart 2). Chart 1Consensus Forms Around ‘Blue Sweep’ Base Case It Ain’t Over Till It’s Over It Ain’t Over Till It’s Over Chart 2Trump Takes A Dive With Little Time On Clock It Ain’t Over Till It’s Over It Ain’t Over Till It’s Over In a very dangerous turn for the president’s re-election chances, Trump discontinued negotiations with House Democrats over a fiscal relief bill, promising to pass a large new stimulus after the election. Partially walking back those comments, he said he would sign any targeted stimulus bills that Congress sends him in the meantime (such as a new round of $1,200 rebates for households). House Speaker Nancy Pelosi shot down the option of a skinny bill, as we have argued she would. Now they are going back and forth. While the S&P 500 rallied on the news, other reflation trades like US cyclicals, oil, and silver show the risk of premature fiscal tightening (Chart 3). Investors may have to wait until late January until getting a new infusion of government support. Chart 3Lack Of Stimulus Still A Risk To Reflation Trades Lack Of Stimulus Still A Risk To Reflation Trades Lack Of Stimulus Still A Risk To Reflation Trades Chart 4Market Rally Not Based On Blue Sweep Odds Market Rally Not Based On Blue Sweep Odds Market Rally Not Based On Blue Sweep Odds True, a fiscal deal could be passed in the lame duck session in November or December, but Republican Senators unwilling to pony up around $500 billion to bail out blue states – when they face a possible wipeout in a historic election – will be even less willing if they lose the election. They will be more hawkish since they will want to pin deficits on the Democrats in future. If Republicans retain control of the Senate despite the latest news – which is possible, especially given the Democratic candidate’s new vulnerability in the North Carolina race due to a sex scandal – then investors have two years of fiscal hawkishness to contend with. Diagram 1 highlights the market implications of this Senate risk. Diagram 1Scenarios For US Election Outcomes And Market Impacts It Ain’t Over Till It’s Over It Ain’t Over Till It’s Over So we need to look elsewhere to explain why the market rallied when odds of a fiscal deal fell. The above reasoning leaves us with the following options: The economy is recovering so robustly that new fiscal stimulus is unnecessary. This is not the view of Federal Reserve Chairman Jay Powell, who all but pleaded for Congress to conclude a deal to secure the recovery, or of other mainstream economists. Stimulus is coming regardless of election outcome. Congress will be forced to support the country during a slump. Debt monetization is the relevant point, even if there is a month-or-two delay in stimulus. Financial markets are cheering the higher odds of a Democratic clean sweep of Congress and the White House since it implies fiscal largesse. The market may already have discounted some of the impending tax hikes over the past month. The second explanation is the best but the third is rapidly becoming the new consensus on Wall Street. Chart 4 suggests there is no connection between the S&P rally and the odds of a blue sweep. With the Fed pursuing “maximum employment” and average inflation targeting, it makes sense that the real mover in the macro landscape has become fiscal policy. Hence the outcome that produces the most proactive fiscal policy is positive for financial markets. A blue sweep is verification of the shift toward debt monetization, which is missing from option two above. The problem is that a blue sweep also brings downside risks. Domestic policy uncertainty will only fall temporarily after the election if there is a blue sweep. Checks and balances will vanish. Eventually Democrats will become overweening in their policy agenda, delivering negative surprises to financial markets. A “New Deal”-style policy agenda would weigh on the corporate earnings outlook. For example, Democrats have refused to forswear removing the filibuster or stacking the Supreme Court, both of which would lie in their power and either of which would enable them to pass an ambitious “New Deal”-style policy agenda that would bring unforeseen consequences – largely in the direction of wealth redistribution away from corporations. Table 1What EPS Hit To Expect? It Ain’t Over Till It’s Over It Ain’t Over Till It’s Over Redistribution would start to correct US social and economic imbalances, improve middle class spending power, and boost consumption – but it would first weigh on the corporate earnings outlook. Net profit growth, which grew by 16% above what was otherwise expected due to the Trump tax cuts (Chart 5), could suffer more than the expected 11% one-off contraction (Table 1), as our US equity strategist Anastasios Avgeriou has shown. Chart 5Partial Repeal Of Trump Tax Cut Bad For Earnings Partial Repeal Of Trump Tax Cut Bad For Earnings Partial Repeal Of Trump Tax Cut Bad For Earnings New proposals will also emerge that the market is not taking account of. To take just the latest example, former Fed Chair Janet Yellen recently stated that the US could adopt a $40 per ton tax on carbon emissions under a Biden administration.1This proposal is not part of Biden’s official plan, hence not priced by markets along with Biden’s expected tax hikes (Table 2). But control of the Senate would make it a real option given Biden’s ambitious climate goals. Table 2Biden Needs Senate To Raise Taxes It Ain’t Over Till It’s Over It Ain’t Over Till It’s Over Consumer confidence in the US will suffer from political polarization. Recall that in 2016, the economy was in fine shape but Republicans did not believe it, weighing down the average until President Trump won the election. Today the economy is in a slump but Republicans may not recognize the bad news until President Trump loses. Democrats, for their part, will suddenly abandon their doom and gloom if Biden wins the election. Applying a comparable partisan shock to consumer confidence for 2021 would suggest that overall confidence will be lackluster (Chart 6). At least this is true until the passage of new stimulus and an advancing recovery outweigh the partisan effect. Chart 6Biden Will Not Recreate Trump Confidence Boost It Ain’t Over Till It’s Over It Ain’t Over Till It’s Over A similar case can be made that small business sentiment will worsen in a blue sweep scenario. Fear of higher regulation and taxes will spike and weigh on animal spirits (Chart 7). Historically the first year after an election sees smaller equity upside and larger downside with unified government as opposed to divided government (Chart 8). If this time is different it is because of the sea change in the US to embrace debt monetization. But that sea change occurred under a Republican administration and is likely to persist due to the output gap. Chart 7SMEs Will Fear Blue Wave SMEs Will Fear Blue Wave SMEs Will Fear Blue Wave Chart 8Stock Market Profile Fits Divided Government, Which Has More Upside Stock Market Profile Fits Divided Government, Which Has More Upside Stock Market Profile Fits Divided Government, Which Has More Upside A Republican Senate under a Biden presidency would bring higher fiscal risk, but the truth is that neither trade war risks nor corporate taxes would go up, yet Republicans would eventually have to concede to spending bills (just as Democrats did under Trump). Hence divided government is not as negative as it is made out to be as it contains mostly known quantities, whereas a blue sweep would lead the US in a redistributionist direction that is initially disruptive. Relative to divided government, it would be positive for aggregate demand but negative for corporate earnings. Bottom Line: US and global equities will rise over the coming 12 months on the back of eventual US stimulus and ongoing global stimulus. A blue sweep is our base case election outcome but it brings mixed results. Global equities would benefit more than US equities which will face a spike in taxes and regulation. US equities will still rise but they face more upside under a divided government in which Republicans halt tax hikes. Supreme Court Confirmation Looms Of course, a blue sweep outcome is not guaranteed. Indeed the fact that it is now consensus makes us nervous, as there are still 26 days until the election. Our quantitative election model gives the Republicans a 49% chance of winning the White House on the back of the V-shaped recovery in the states, which delivers Florida to the Republican camp, leaving Trump with 259 Electoral College votes (Chart 9). This probability is well above our subjective 35% judgment and the new market consensus on Trump’s odds. Chart 9Quant Election Model Gives Trump 259 Electoral College Votes And 49% Odds Of Victory It Ain’t Over Till It’s Over It Ain’t Over Till It’s Over Trump’s decision to break off the fiscal talks probably sealed his doom, but we would still maintain that a correct reading of the various political and economic constraints point toward a fiscal deal. Hence there is still some chance that a deal will be snatched from the jaws of defeat. At that point we would upgrade Trump’s chances to something closer to our election model. But it would not be bullish, as the market would need to price a higher risk of trade war. Subjectively Trump has a 35% chance of re-election, but our quant model flags a risk to this view. The market also must contend with COVID-19 risks (Charts 10A and 10B). Stimulus is necessary to prevent COVID-19 risks from hitting the market, as more distancing will be necessary in states where cases are rising. Chart 10ACOVID-19 Cases Rising It Ain’t Over Till It’s Over It Ain’t Over Till It’s Over Chart 10BCOVID-19 Hits Swing States It Ain’t Over Till It’s Over It Ain’t Over Till It’s Over The reason President Trump cut short the fiscal talks was to ensure that they would not interfere with the Senate’s ability to confirm his Supreme Court nominee Amy Coney Barrett. The confirmation hearings will go up for a floor vote in the Senate sometime around October 23, ensuring a massive constitutional brawl just ahead of the election. The dollar has more upside if Trump wins. Chart 11Risk: Trump Comeback Boosts The Greenback Risk: Trump Comeback Boosts The Greenback Risk: Trump Comeback Boosts The Greenback We do not expect this showdown to change the game, since boosting turnout among Trump’s conservative base will be insufficient in an election fought in the face of major national shocks that affect the median voter (pandemic, recession, social unrest). This election is already going to be a high turnout election – preliminary information suggests it could be the highest since 1908 at 65% of eligible voters2 — which means that Republicans will suffer from the leftward tilt of the median voter. However, if Trump’s polling improves between now and then – and if mFarkets inexplicably rally all month despite the withdrawal of fiscal support – then we could be surprised. Our quantitative model provides a basis for believing that Republicans are now underrated. This implies that the dollar has more upside in the near term as the risk of a contested election and/or a Trump second term, and hence another shock to the US political system and global trading system, must still be guarded against (Chart 11). Investment Takeaways The market faces near-term downside risk and volatility until the US fiscal support is restored. This is particularly the case as long as COVID-19 cases are not subdued. The rising odds of a blue sweep, our base case, is not sufficient to dampen volatility over the coming month. Depending on the election results, volatility will subside in November or January at the latest. Not only is a contested election a non-negligible risk – based on our quant model’s reading – but also President Trump will remain in office till January 20 and could easily dish out some negative surprises, particularly on China relations. Hence we are maintaining our tactical risk-off and safe-haven trades: long US treasuries, Japanese yen, US health care equipment stocks (which will outperform the overall sector amid the Democratic regulatory threat), and EUR-GBP volatility. Over the 12-month time frame, we have little doubt that the US adoption of debt monetization, in keeping with Chinese and global stimulus, will push equities and risky assets higher. The reflation trade remains the core of our strategic portfolio. Global stocks should outperform under a Biden presidency. Biden will be positive for global trade ex-China, as both US electoral politics and grand strategy will drive any administration to take a hard line on China, though Biden will not wield tariffs like Trump.   Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1 See Matthew Green, "U.S. could adopt carbon tax under a Biden presidency, ex-Fed Chair Yellen says," Reuters, October 8, 2020, reuters.com; see also Group of Thirty, "Mainstreaming The Transition To A Net-Zero Economy," October 2020, group30.org. 2 See John Whitesides, "More than 4 million Americans have already voted, suggesting record turnout," Reuters, October 6, 2020, reuters.com.

Highlights Three tail risks will continue to dominate the FX market narrative in the coming weeks: The upcoming November elections, Brexit, and the new wave of COVID-19 infections. As such, markets remain vulnerable in the near term and the dollar will continue to benefit from safe-haven flows. That said, most sentiment and technical indicators suggest the dollar is undergoing a countertrend bounce rather than entering a new bull market. Stay short USD/JPY as a core holding. Look to rebuy a basket of Scandinavian currencies versus the USD and EUR at a trigger point of -2%. Overall, the DXY should continue to face significant headwinds in the 94-96 zone, as we have witnessed recently. Feature US political risk remains the key “white swan” risk for currency markets. Unfortunately for investors, this week’s US presidential debate was full of theatrics and low on content. CNN polling showed that former Vice President Joe Biden was the preferred candidate going into the debate, and emerged as the interim winner. To be sure, the CNN polls are biased, with more contribution from Democratic voters compared to Republican ones. That said, it certainly helped that despite President Donald Trump’s constant jawboning, the former Vice President appeared unfazed and managed to slip in some of the key points of his political campaign. A Debate Post-Mortem Chart I-1The Dollar And Political Uncertainty The Dollar And Political Uncertainty The Dollar And Political Uncertainty The political theater is likely to continue in the coming days. In terms of timelines, we have the Vice-Presidential debate on October 7 and the second and third Presidential debates on October 15 and October 22. But the most important dilemma for currency markets is not whether we have a Democratic or Republican victory, but if the US becomes the source of political uncertainty compared to the rest of the world. For almost two decades, the most important political driver of the dollar was whether uncertainty in the US was rising or falling relative to the rest of the world (Chart I-1). As markets begin to digest the political outcomes, the ultimate conclusion could be dollar bearish. Let’s start with what is priced in. Political uncertainty in the US has surged relative to the rest of the world as mentioned above. Part of the reason is that betting markets now expect a “blue wave” (Chart I-2).  This was reinforced by the Presidential debates where former VP Biden was the preferred candidate (Chart I-3). A blue wave implies that Bidens wins the White House while Democrats gain control of the Senate, and retain the House. Chart I-2ABetting Markets Expect A Blue Wave Tail Risks In FX Markets Tail Risks In FX Markets Chart I-2BBetting Markets Expect A Blue Wave Tail Risks In FX Markets Tail Risks In FX Markets Chart I-3AFormer Vice President Joe Biden Was A Favorite Tail Risks In FX Markets Tail Risks In FX Markets Chart I-3BFormer Vice President Joe Biden Was A Favorite Tail Risks In FX Markets Tail Risks In FX Markets Such a victory will lead to massive fiscal stimulus, since Democratic leaders have been more aggressive in their demands for a greater government role in the economy. Bigger fiscal spending will lead to a higher US debt burden, widen the twin deficits and be only modestly positive for bond yields given that the Federal Reserve will anchor short term rates at zero. If US inflation takes off from increased aggregate demand, foreign bond investors are likely to continue fleeing the US market as real rates become even more negative, driving down the dollar in the process. Admittedly, there has been a small uptick in political uncertainty in the world relative to the US. President Donald Trump’s approval rating is closely correlated to the state of the economy and the US has been in a V-shaped recovery since the second quarter of this year. But as Chart I-2 shows, the probability of a Republican victory from betting markets has fallen recently. A Trump victory will ensure that the policies that have been favorable for markets since 2016 remain in place. Vice President Joe Biden’s hawkish tax policies, which he stuck with in the debate, will also be off the table. In terms of calculus, Senate Republicans may have to give in to more stimulus before the election to grease the wheels of the economy and support asset prices, which will otherwise fall and torpedo their chances. The most favorable outcome for markets could potentially be for Biden to clinch the White House and the Republicans to maintain control of the Senate. For one, it is likely that taxes will not go up as aggressively as Biden is proposing to raise them, while the likelihood of a global trade war will also fall. The dollar’s safe-haven bid will also fade, as capital starts to gravitate from the US towards other cheaper and beaten-up markets. What, then, are the bullish scenarios for the dollar? Chart I-4Swing State Wages Turning Up Swing State Wages Turning Up Swing State Wages Turning Up First, a failure to pass a stimulus bill will boost the dollar, hijack the recovery, and cause a setback to risk assets. Second, big swings in Trump’s approval ratings will raise the prospect of a contested election. According to our Chief Geopolitical Strategist Matt Gertken, his in-house quantitative election model now pins the probability of a Trump victory at almost 50%. Remarkably, Michigan has risen to the ranks of a toss-up state, as economic indicators have drastically improved. In a nutshell, a V-shaped recovery in wages for the swing states that voted for President Trump boost his chances (Chart I-4). However, these are likely short-term hiccups that will ultimately be resolved. The base case is still for a Democratic win, according to Matt. Either way, we will know who the US President is by December (or, worst case, by January) and a new fiscal bill is likely to be passed, regardless of who sits in the White House. Forward-looking financial markets, by then, will have stopped discounting political uncertainty as they currently are. Therefore, as we argued last week, we continue to pay heed to both sentiment and technical indicators that suggest the dollar is in a counter-trend bounce, rather than a renewed bull market.  What About The COVID-19 Saga? Unfortunately for markets, the US presidential election is not the only source of uncertainty. As we approach the winter season in the northern hemisphere, the potential for a new wave of infections is rising. As we approach the winter season in the northern hemisphere, the potential for a new wave of infections is rising. We are already in full lockdown in Montreal, Quebec, where BCA Research's headquarters are located. Around the G10, a second wave is taking hold in the euro area, UK, and Canada. Even Norway and Switzerland, which had managed to keep the virus under wraps for most of the summer, are seeing a resurgence in cases. Infection trends remain favorable in Australia, Japan, New Zealand, and Sweden, probably due to previous localized lockdowns in most of these countries (Chart I-5). Chart I-5A New COVID-19 Wave A New COVID-19 Wave A New COVID-19 Wave The most direct impact for currency markets is relative economic growth. For much of the summer months, the US was under siege from a second wave while the Eurozone, and many other countries, were well into their reopening phases. This affected currency markets (Chart I-6). Specifically, the dollar declined as economic momentum was higher outside the US. More recently, improving relative economic performance between the US and other G10 countries has been a key catalyst behind the dollar’s recent strength (Chart I-7). Chart I-6Rising US Cases And A Fiscal Logjam Rising US Cases And A Fiscal Logjam Rising US Cases And A Fiscal Logjam Chart I-7The Dollar And Relative Growth The Dollar And Relative Growth The Dollar And Relative Growth Going forward, the potential impact from COVID-19 is likely to be much less than what many economies endured for the first half of 2020. There are a few reasons for this. The virus has become less deadly, as mortality rates across many countries have come down. This could be due to a higher incidence of infections among younger people, who are also healthier, or due to the widespread wearing of masks, which has helped mitigate the viral load. Governments are unlikely to introduce the kind of widespread lockdowns we saw during the onset of the outbreak. More likely are localized lockdowns, such as what we are experiencing here in Quebec, and stringent rules on sanitation and social distancing.  We are closer to a vaccine than we were at the start of the year. According to Bio, an association of biotechnology and health care companies, there are currently 739 unique active compounds in development spanning the range from vaccines and antivirals to treatments for COVID-19. Almost 20 of these are in Phase 4 trial. Overall, there are 189 vaccines under trial, a big jump up from nil at the start of the year.  Chart I-8Lots Of Fiscal Stimulus In Canada Tail Risks In FX Markets Tail Risks In FX Markets The big risk is that governments fail to provide fiscal help to bridge economies until the widespread availability of a vaccine. However, outside the US, that does not appear to be the case. For example, during his Throne Speech last week, Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau vowed to do “whatever it takes” to support people and businesses throughout the crisis. The Liberal government has just followed up with a C$10 billion infrastructure spending plan. Fitch Ratings estimates that the budget deficit in Canada will still remain wide going into 2022 (Chart I-8). In Australia, the Liberal-National coalition government has also been very proactive, especially with the “Job Seeker” and “Job Keeper” scheme, which has provided a valuable cushion for domestic economic conditions. The IMF estimates the fiscal thrust in Australia will be positive in 2021. In the euro area, there is still a 750 billion euro stimulus package to be deployed, while France announced a 100 billion euro plan last month. The bottom line is that while the pandemic is likely to induce more shockwaves into markets, spending gridlock appears to be concentrated within the US. At a minimum, this will limit any upside bounce in the dollar, since it will hurt US economic growth relative to its G-10 peers.  An Update On Brexit Chart I-9EUR/GBP Bets Are Lopsided EUR/GBP Bets Are Lopsided EUR/GBP Bets Are Lopsided As the pandemic returns in full force again in the UK, political uncertainty is also rising. Brussels is suing the UK on the new “internal market bill” that violates the Brexit withdrawal agreement. The key issue is still Northern Ireland. Last year, the agreement was that Ireland would remain bound to the EU’s customs and trade regime. The UK is seeking an amendment to be able to intervene, if there is “inconsistency or incompatibility with international or domestic law.” As we posited two weeks ago, it provided for UK discretion in state aid and the movement of goods to and from Northern Ireland, which the EU argues is a clear breach of the last year’s treaty. From the UK point of view, if there is no trade deal, why would it allow a division to emerge within its own national borders?    It is remarkable that despite the ramp up in tensions, the GBP/USD remains well bid above 1.28. Odds of a “hard” Brexit have usually been associated with cable near 1.20. This suggests two things: Either we are in a new paradigm, where the dollar is winning the “ugly contest,” or the market is underestimating the potential for a hard Brexit. Fitch estimates that the budget deficit in Canada will still remain wide going into 2022.  We subscribe to the former view. First, because the British government has nothing to gain from failing to agree to a trade deal, since the recession would only deepen, while it has much to lose, since the Scottish independence movement would likely gain steam. Second, risk reversals between cable and the euro are close to the post-referendum lows. This means that investors have already built significant put options on the pound, and call options on the euro (Chart I-9). Our base case remains that a deal will ultimately be reached. The UK side has a more resurgent pandemic to deal with, and will need to offer some concessions to ease economic volatility. Trade links between the two are also quite large.  In terms of targets, cable will trade between 1.35-1.40 over the next six months. In an optimistic scenario, the pound could go 20%-25% higher. The pound is also cheap versus the euro — another sign that the market is not underestimating the no-deal exit risk. Ergo, shorting EUR/GBP (or being long EUR/GBP volatility) should be a good short-term bet on an eventual resolution. Investment Implications We continue to advocate for a prudent strategy when trading foreign exchange markets over the next few weeks: Hold some portfolio protection. Our preferred vehicle is the Japanese yen, which is cheap, although the pricier Swiss franc also make sense. Focus on trades at the crosses. We are short the NZD/CAD and EUR/GBP as a play on relative fundamentals, but are also looking to buy EUR/CHF on weakness and sell CAD/NOK on strength. We will discuss our CAD strategy in the coming weeks. Buy Scandinavian currencies if they drop another 2% versus an equal weighted basket of the euro and USD (Chart I-10). We initially took profits on this trade a fortnight ago, booking solid gains. Stay short the gold/silver ratio but tighten stops to 84. Chart I-10The Scandinavian Currencies Remain Cheap The Scandinavian Currencies Remain Cheap The Scandinavian Currencies Remain Cheap   Chester Ntonifor Foreign Exchange Strategist chestern@bcaresearch.com Currencies U.S. Dollar Chart II-1USD Technicals 1 USD Technicals 1 USD Technicals 1 Chart II-2USD Technicals 2 USD Technicals 2 USD Technicals 2 Recent data from the US have been mostly positive: The ISM Manufacturing PMI marginally declined from 56 to 55.4 in September. The new orders component slipped but remained elevated at 60.2. The Dallas Fed Manufacturing Index increased from 8 to 13.6 in September. The Chicago Manufacturing Index surged from 51.2 to 62.4 in September.  Durable goods orders increased by 0.4% month-on-month in August. Initial jobless claims increased by 837K for the week ending on September 25. The DXY index fell by 0.6% this week. Market uncertainty continues as the election draws closer and the number of COVID cases keeps rising. The New York Fed Staff Nowcast revised Q4 GDP downward to 5.05% from 7.28% earlier this month. While risks remain tilted to the downside, any positive news on a vaccine and stimulus could revive risk sentiment, which is negative for the US dollar. Report Links: The Message From Dollar Sentiment And Technical Indicators - Sept. 25, 2020 Addressing Client Questions - Sept. 4, 2020 A Simple Framework For Currencies - July 17, 2020 The Euro Chart II-3EUR Technicals 1 EUR Technicals 1 EUR Technicals 1 Chart II-4EUR Technicals 2 EUR Technicals 2 EUR Technicals 2 Recent data from the euro area have been mixed: The Economic Sentiment Indicator increased from 87.5 to 91.1 in September. The Producer Price Index declined by 2.5% year-on-year in August. The unemployment rate ticked slightly up from 8 to 8.1% in August. The euro rebounded by 0.7% against the US dollar this week. The latest EU Economic Sentiment Indicator suggests that the economy continues to recover, albeit at a slower speed than expected. The resurgence of COVID cases might also lead to downward revisions to the Q4 growth outlook, which could trigger further stimulus from the ECB. Report Links: Addressing Client Questions - September 4, 2020 On The DXY Breakout, Euro, And Swiss Franc - February 21, 2020 Updating Our Balance Of Payments Monitor - November 29, 2019 Japanese Yen Chart II-5JPY Technicals 1 JPY Technicals 1 JPY Technicals 1 Chart II-6JPY Technicals 2 JPY Technicals 2 JPY Technicals 2 Recent data from Japan have been improving: Tokyo’s headline inflation declined from 0.3% to 0.2% year-on-year in September. Core inflation remained negative at -0.2% year-on-year.   Vehicle sales contracted by 15.6% year-on-year in September. August saw a contraction of -18.5%. Industrial production rose by 1.7% month-on-month in August, while construction orders surged by 28.5% year-on-year in August. The Japanese yen has been flat against the US dollar this week. Japan’s Q3 Tankan Survey released this Thursday suggests that manufacturers’ sentiment has improved for the first time in three years, showing signs of a recovery supported by pent-up demand. The Japanese yen remains our favorite safe-haven hedge. Report Links: The Near-Term Bull Case For The Dollar - February 28, 2020 Building A Protector Currency Portfolio - February 7, 2020 Currency Market Signals From Gold, Equities And Flows - January 31, 2020 British Pound Chart II-7GBP Technicals 1 GBP Technicals 1 GBP Technicals 1 Chart II-8GBP Technicals 2 GBP Technicals 2 GBP Technicals 2 Recent data from the UK have been positive: The current account deficit narrowed from £20.8 billion to £2.8 billion in Q2. Nationwide housing prices increased by 5% year-on-year in September. Mortgage approvals surged by 84.7K in August. The British pound appreciated by 0.3% against the US dollar this week. The chief economist from the BoE, Andy Haldane, downplayed the possibility of negative interest rates in the UK in a speech on Wednesday. According to the speech, current conditions don’t warrant any further lowering of interest rates, which is positive for the British pound. Report Links: Revisiting Our High-Conviction Trades - September 11, 2020 Updating Our Balance Of Payments Monitor - November 29, 2019 A Few Trade Ideas - Sept. 27, 2019 Australian Dollar Chart II-9AUD Technicals 1 AUD Technicals 1 AUD Technicals 1 Chart II-10AUD Technicals 2 AUD Technicals 2 AUD Technicals 2 Recent data from Australia have been positive: Building permits fell by 1.6% month-on-month in August, following a 12.2% surge in the previous month. On a year-on-year basis, the August figure grew by 0.6% compared to the same month last year. The AiG Manufacturing PMI slipped from 49.3 to 46.7 in September. However, the final Markit Manufacturing PMI ticked up from 53.6 to 55.4. The Australian dollar increased by 1.6% against the US dollar this week. COVID-19 cases in Australia remain at low levels. As such, the Aussie has benefitted tremendously from the reflation trade. We remain positive on the Aussie both at the crosses as well as versus the USD. Report Links: An Update On The Australian Dollar - September 18, 2020 On AUD And CNY - January 17, 2020 Updating Our Balance Of Payments Monitor - November 29, 2019 New Zealand Dollar Chart II-11NZD Technicals 1 NZD Technicals 1 NZD Technicals 1 Chart II-12NZD Technicals 2 NZD Technicals 2 NZD Technicals 2 Recent data from New Zealand have been positive: Building permits increased by 0.3% month-on-month in August. The ANZ Business Confidence Index declined slightly from -26 to -28.5 in September, while the ANZ Activity Outlook Index improved from -9.9 to -5.4. The New Zealand dollar appreciated by 1.4% against the US dollar this week. While the New Zealand dollar might outperform the US dollar as the growth outlook improves, it remains likely to underperform at the crosses due to a more dovish RBNZ. Moreover, our FX model downgraded the kiwi to neutral for the month of October. Tactically, we are also short NZD/CAD. Report Links: Currencies And The Value-Versus-Growth Debate - July 10, 2020 Updating Our Balance Of Payments Monitor - November 29, 2019 Place A Limit Sell On DXY At 100 - November 15, 2019 Canadian Dollar Chart II-13CAD Technicals 1 CAD Technicals 1 CAD Technicals 1 Chart II-14CAD Technicals 2 CAD Technicals 2 CAD Technicals 2 Recent data from Canada have been positive: GDP expanded by 3% month-on-month in July. Building permits increased by 1.7% month-on-month in August. The Bloomberg Nanos confidence Index slightly ticked up from 53.1 to 53.2 for the week ending on September 25. The Canadian dollar increased by 0.7% against the US dollar this week. According to Statistics Canada, the economy expanded for a third consecutive month in July as more sectors reopened in the summer. Notably, all 20 industrial sectors posted gains in July. We continue to favor the Canadian dollar against the US dollar and will discuss the loonie more in-depth in the coming weeks. Report Links: Currencies And The Value-Versus-Growth Debate - July 10, 2020 More On Competitive Devaluations, The CAD And The SEK - May 1, 2020 A New Paradigm For Petrocurrencies - April 10, 2020 Swiss Franc Chart II-15CHF Technicals 1 CHF Technicals 1 CHF Technicals 1 Chart II-16CHF Technicals 2 CHF Technicals 2 CHF Technicals 2 Recent data from Switzerland have been mixed: The KOF Leading Indicator increased from 110.2 to 113.8 in September.  Headline inflation increased from -0.9% to -0.8% year-on-year in September but remains deep in negative territory. Real retail sales increased by 2.5% year-on-year in August. Total sight deposits increased from CHF 703.9 billion to CHF 704.5 billion for the week ending on September 25. The Swiss franc appreciated by 1% against the US dollar this week. The KOF survey highlighted that Switzerland is in a V-shaped recovery. However, deflation remains pervasive, suggesting a strong franc could torpedo the recovery. We continue to expect the SNB to step up the pace of intervention, and are buyers of EUR/CHF on weakness.  Report Links: On The DXY Breakout, Euro, And Swiss Franc - February 21, 2020 Currency Market Signals From Gold, Equities And Flows - January 31, 2020 Portfolio Tweaks Before The Chinese New Year - January 24, 2020 Norwegian Krone Chart II-17NOK Technicals 1 NOK Technicals 1 NOK Technicals 1 Chart II-18NOK Technicals 2 NOK Technicals 2 NOK Technicals 2 Recent data from Norway have been positive: Real retail sales expanded by 8.2% year-on-year, following a 13.8% surge the previous month.  The Norwegian krone rose by 2.2% against the US dollar this week. The latest data from Statistics Norway showed strength in retail sales across various categories, especially in household equipment, recreational goods, food and beverages. We remain NOK bulls based on our positive energy price outlook, the resilience in domestic demand and a less dovish central bank. Report Links: Revisiting Our High-Conviction Trades - September 11, 2020 A New Paradigm For Petrocurrencies - April 10, 2020 Building A Protector Currency Portfolio - February 7, 2020 Swedish Krona Chart II-19SEK Technicals 1 SEK Technicals 1 SEK Technicals 1 Chart II-20SEK Technicals 2 SEK Technicals 2 SEK Technicals 2 Recent data from Sweden have been positive: The Swedbank Manufacturing PMI increased from 53.4 to 55.3 in September. Retail sales grew by 3% year-on-year in August. Consumer confidence increased from 85.1 to 88.3 in September. The trade balance shifted from a surplus of SEK 4 billion to a deficit of 1.6 billion in August. The Swedish krona rebounded by 1.6% against the US dollar this week. We continue to like the Swedish krona along with the Norwegian krone. We are looking to purchase the Nordic basket again at a 2% discount relative to last week’s price levels. Stay tuned. Report Links: Revisiting Our High-Conviction Trades - September 11, 2020 Updating Our Balance Of Payments Monitor - November 29, 2019 Where To Next For The US Dollar? - June 7, 2019   Kelly Zhong Research Analyst Trades & Forecasts Forecast Summary Core Portfolio Tactical Trades Limit Orders Closed Trades

Highlights President Trump’s contraction of COVID-19 will buy him some voter sympathy but it will not change the game in the US election unless he perishes from the disease (unlikely), or Senate Republicans agree to a new relief package in the face of heightened national attention to the pandemic. Our quantitative election model gives Republicans a 49% chance of winning the White House. We think the odds are much lower, at 35%, but we will upgrade them if the Senate GOP approves a new fiscal relief package. A relief package would remove the risk of financial turmoil in the final month of the campaign, which would be the death knell for Republicans.  The election is ultimately about the pace of de-globalization and the disruptiveness of US political polarization. If Trump wins, these forces will intensify. If not, global uncertainty will get a reprieve … though US-China conflict will persist in the long run.  Feature United States President Donald J. Trump is reported to have contracted COVID-19 and to be showing minor symptoms. Vice President Mike Pence has tested negative. The office of the president will not be vacant. The Republican Party election campaign will likely benefit from some sympathy, but a failure to pass new fiscal stimulus in Congress would hurt the Republican bid anyway via market turmoil. Foreign powers have mostly avoided antagonizing President Trump as the election approaches. The US would react aggressively if threatened by another state during a period of heightened vulnerability. But while the US is distracted, other powers can pursue their interests within their region more aggressively. In this report, we explore the implications of Trump’s sickness, including the worst case for the president. We are a non-partisan and non-normative investment strategy and have no intention of doing anything other than investigating the scenarios that could arise. Step Back – What Is Trump’s Personal Impact? What is the US election really about, from an investment point of view? It is about whether global policy uncertainty will continue its dramatic ascent in recent years. Huge increases in uncertainty have exacerbated the dollar bull market and US equity outperformance, as the US is an insulated market and the dollar is a safe haven currency (Chart 1). Chart 1US Election Is About Relative Policy Uncertainty US Election Is About Relative Policy Uncertainty US Election Is About Relative Policy Uncertainty If Trump is elected, uncertainty will spike again on Trump’s erratic conduct of foreign and trade policy, particularly the likelihood of a “Phase Two” trade war with China and potentially a global trade war. If not, US trade and foreign policy will moderate. It will not return to the status quo ante 2016, but it will be more predictable, more responsive to the input of presidential advisers, less erratic. This is more or less the case if Democratic Party candidate Joe Biden wins or if Trump should be succeeded by Pence, who is a conventional Republican and would continue Trump’s policies with less aggression. The US election is also about political polarization within the United States. Trump has exacerbated this long-spiraling trend because he is not nationally popular but depends on regional appeal, so his presidency splits the popular vote from the Electoral College vote. He is also extremely controversial when it comes to voters’ deepest-held values.  Polarization has contaminated US fiscal policy as well as foreign policy (e.g. the Middle East). The US debt ceiling crises of 2011-13 and the current standoff over COVID fiscal relief have global market consequences but are the result of US partisanship. The Tax Cut and Jobs Act injected steroids into the US economy, while its partial repeal under Biden would weigh on animal spirits. Chart 2Election Is About US Polarization, Which Raises Risks To RoW Election Is About US Polarization, Which Raises Risks To RoW Election Is About US Polarization, Which Raises Risks To RoW US polarization, like US protectionism, has fed into global uncertainty in recent years and aggravated the dollar’s strength, US equity outperformance, US tech outperformance, and the downward trend in US treasury yields (Chart 2).   Given the above, if Trump is not awarded a second term the world will see a reprieve in uncertainty – at least once a new administration takes shape. Trade risk will decline, and polarization and fiscal risk could decline depending on the outcome in the Senate.  However, uncertainty will not collapse to pre-2016 levels. The world will still face geopolitical multipolarity, which comes from the US’s relative loss of economic and military power. Ultimately the US conflict with China will continue under Biden or Pence or any other American president. Sans Trump, it is unlikely that the US would expand the trade war to the European Union or the rest of the world. The US would also be more cooperative with NATO and other international institutions under Biden and even Pence.   Bottom Line: US monetary policy will be ultra-dovish over most of the next presidency. Hence faster US growth will cause real interest rates to fall, which is ostensibly negative for the dollar and positive for risk-on currencies and commodities. Hence the election raises risks due to fiscal and trade policy. On fiscal policy, the Senate race is key, discussed below. On trade policy, either Biden or Pence would be less hawkish than Trump, but not dovish, meaning that the EU and the euro would become the ultimate beneficiaries of a change of president while China and the renminbi face risks over the medium- and long-term regardless. So How Will Trump’s Illness Affect The Election? The immediate impact of Trump’s illness on global financial markets is volatility due to election uncertainty: Trump’s sickness underscores that COVID cases are reemerging both in the US and Europe, which will discourage economic activity as households and firms practice distancing. This is market negative. Unless a fiscal stimulus package is passed promptly, that is. It remains unclear whether Senate Republicans will agree to a fiscal package prior to the election. We think they will, but our view is under pressure. The odds have probably gone up due to the president’s sickness and the resurgence of the COVID crisis. If Republican Senators prove pragmatic, then the fiscal outlook for the next two years improves because they could retain a majority of the Senate. If Biden wins, a Republican Senate will be obstructionist – a clear fiscal risk for the next two years – but it is still immensely important to determine if they are pragmatic enough to concede to more spending when a crisis becomes acute, as that would reduce the risk. Chart 3Trump’s Handling Of COVID Has Been A Major Liability Trump’s Illness Alone Not A Game Changer Trump’s Illness Alone Not A Game Changer Republican odds of winning the White House and Senate should increase somewhat due to Trump’s illness, which in turn reduces the odds of tax hikes and re-regulation. A major liability for the party has been Trump’s handling of COVID but his own sickness may clear them of some blame (Chart 3). Our quantitative election model already gives the Republican Party a 49% chance of election based on the V-shape economic recovery (Chart 4). Typically elections are a referendum on the incumbent party, and the Republican Party may receive a sympathy boost. In modern times the incumbent party has won the election in every instance in which the president died in office, though this is not the most likely outcome (Table 1). Chart 4Trump Has 49% Chance of Victory According To Our US Election Quant Model Trump’s Illness Alone Not A Game Changer Trump’s Illness Alone Not A Game Changer Table 1In Modern Times, Incumbent Party Wins After Presidents Who Died In Office Trump’s Illness Alone Not A Game Changer Trump’s Illness Alone Not A Game Changer Conservative British Prime Minister Boris Johnson received a popular opinion bounce and survived COVID-19 but the election took place before his illness. The period between April 5 and 12, when he left the hospital, was a harrowing time. While Boris received only a temporary boost in opinion polls, for President Trump any boost would be convenient given that the election is right around the corner if he recovers in mid-October (Chart 5). Chart 5Boris Got A Sympathy Bounce For COVID Trump’s Illness Alone Not A Game Changer Trump’s Illness Alone Not A Game Changer Any boost for Republicans this month increases the risk of a closely fought election whose results are contested. That in turn will prolong volatility though it will be resolved by December or worst-case end of January. If Republicans lose steam the Democrats will win a clean sweep in November. Bottom Line: Trump’s COVID-19 October surprise highlights the rise in volatility which can last through the next few months, likely motivating a counter-trend bounce in the dollar and weakness in risky assets. The main market outcomes depend on whether Trump survives (most likely he will), whether a fiscal deal is passed now or later (we think it will be passed but risks are rising), and whether Republicans retain the White House and Senate (neither is our base case at present). How Would The Market Respond To Trump’s Passing? Table 2COVID-19 Death Rates By Age Cohort Trump’s Illness Alone Not A Game Changer Trump’s Illness Alone Not A Game Changer Investors cannot shy away from difficult questions. Tables 2 and 3 highlight that the mortality rates for males infected by COVID-19 according to age and body mass index. We do not want to jump to any conclusions regarding his illness, but like many Americans, the president faces a serious risk – between 2%-8% odds of death – though he will get the best treatment. Table 3COVID-19 Mortality Risk Increases With Body Mass Index Trump’s Illness Alone Not A Game Changer Trump’s Illness Alone Not A Game Changer Trump is more likely to survive, but if he should pass away then the market’s direction, whatever it is, will ultimately be unaffected outside of the trade issues discussed above. The experience of all previous American presidents who have died in office during the history of the S&P 500 demonstrates this point (Chart 6). Hence the fate of the fiscal relief bill, the election itself, and other pandemic and economic data are more important than the president for the short-term direction of stocks.    Chart 6SPX Returns On Death Of US President SPX Returns On Death Of US President SPX Returns On Death Of US President Chart 7SPX Returns For Presidents Seeking Re-Election After H1 Recession SPX Returns For Presidents Seeking Re-Election After H1 Recession SPX Returns For Presidents Seeking Re-Election After H1 Recession Only three presidents have been re-elected when a recession occurred during the election year. Prior to Trump’s illness, the stock market was sending mixed signals about whether Trump would follow in their footsteps (Chart 7). Interestingly, two of these three were “takeover presidents” who succeeded the death of a president in office: Theodore Roosevelt (1904) and Calvin Coolidge (1924).  Opinion polls showed a tightening race in the critical swing states prior to the first debate on September 29 and today’s news of Trump’s illness (Chart 8). Polls will tighten temporarily if Trump does get sympathy, namely from independents and undecided voters. Trump is viewed as having lost the first presidential debate to Biden, but public opinion on the debates is not an accurate predictor of the presidency (Chart 9). Today’s news will neutralize the first debate. It may also result in the cancellation of the October 15 debate. There is already criticism from top Democrats and Republicans about the debates. They could matter, but most likely they will not determine the final result.  Chart 8Polling Shows A Tightening Race Trump’s Illness Alone Not A Game Changer Trump’s Illness Alone Not A Game Changer Chart 9Debates Do Not Predict Election Outcomes Trump’s Illness Alone Not A Game Changer Trump’s Illness Alone Not A Game Changer Bottom Line: The rapid economic recovery is the critical reason that the Republican Party’s odds of winning the election have shot up to 49% in our quantitative model. Whether sentiment continues to recover depends on stimulus. We have not yet upgraded our subjective odds of President Trump’s election (35%) due to the fiscal fiasco in Congress. Insofar as Republican Senators move faster to get a fiscal deal, the economic recovery will continue and we will upgrade GOP odds of winning the White House and Senate. While Trump may receive a sympathy bounce for his illness, it will be fleeting, so the economy is the key factor. However, if Trump fails to recover, then the Republican Party as a whole will receive a sympathy boost, at least according to past precedent. Pence could lead the party to victory if the economy and markets do not collapse. US equities will outperform global if Republicans retain the White House and Senate, especially if they do so without compromising on a fiscal deal. The dollar would see a counter-trend rally. Investment Takeaways Global equities will outperform American equities if Democrats win the election (Diagram 1). If they win the Senate, however, tax hikes will have to be discounted which introduces short-term downside, particularly for US equities.  Diagram 1Scenarios For US Election Outcomes And Market Impacts Trump’s Illness Alone Not A Game Changer Trump’s Illness Alone Not A Game Changer Global policy uncertainty will fall if Trump is defeated or if Pence replaces him. US polarization will fall if the election results are decisive either way. Falling uncertainty and polarization will accelerate the US dollar’s decline and favor global equities and commodities. Government bonds will remain well bid during the volatile short term but will sell off once stimulus is passed and the global economic recovery advances, particularly if the result is a Democratic sweep.   Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com   Appendix Appendix Table 1Calendar Of US Election 2020 Trump’s Illness Alone Not A Game Changer Trump’s Illness Alone Not A Game Changer APPENDIX TABLE 2US Line Of Succession If Presidency Vacant Trump’s Illness Alone Not A Game Changer Trump’s Illness Alone Not A Game Changer   Footnotes  

Highlights Latin America faces a deep economic contraction and a new surge of social unrest and political unrest. However, the risks are increasingly priced into financial markets – especially if global monetary and fiscal stimulus continue. A looming global cyclical upturn, massive US and Chinese stimulus, a weaker dollar, and rising commodity prices will lift Latin American currencies and assets. Mexico faces lower trade risk and lower political risk. Colombia’s fundamentals are sound and political risk is contained. Chile’s political risk is significant but will benefit from the macro backdrop. Brazil will remain volatile. We are bearish on Argentina. Venezuela’s regime will be replaced before long. Our tactical positioning is defensive on COVID-19 and US political risk, but we see Latin America as an opportunity over the long run. Feature Cracks in the edifice of this year’s global stock market recovery are emerging with COVID-19 cases rebounding and US political risks rising. Emerging markets that rallied earlier this year have fallen back. This includes Latin America, where the pandemic’s per capita death toll is comparable only to Europe and the United States (Chart 1). Latin America is a risky region for investors because the past decade was a lost decade, particularly after the commodity bust in 2014. Poor macro fundamentals, deep household grievances, heavy dependency on commodity prices, and preexisting political polarization and social unrest have weighed on the region’s currencies and government bonds. Latin American equities have underperformed emerging markets over the period (Chart 2). Chart 1Pandemic Adds To Latin America’s Many Woes Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long Chart 2Global Reflation Needed For LATAM To Outperform Global Reflation Needed For LATAM To Outperform Global Reflation Needed For LATAM To Outperform Looking beyond near-term risks, however, global economic recovery and gargantuan monetary and fiscal stimulus hold out the prospect of a sustained recovery in growth and trade, a weakening US dollar, and a boost to commodity prices (Chart 3). This outlook is favorable for Latin American economies and companies. Chart 3Global Stimulus Keeps Up Commodity Prices Global Stimulus Keeps Up Commodity Prices Global Stimulus Keeps Up Commodity Prices In this report, we analyze the coronavirus outbreak and its likely political impact in six Latin American markets: Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, Chile, and Mexico. The crisis is exacerbating the region’s longstanding problems and freezing attempts at supply-side reforms. However, a lot of political risk is already priced, particularly in Mexico and Colombia. Bullish Mexico: Trade War And Leftism Already Peaked As it stands, Mexico has over 740,000 confirmed cases and over 77,000 deaths, with new cases increasing daily (Chart 4). Testing occurs at a rate of 15,300 tests per 1 million people, one of the lowest rates of any major country. Hence the true number of cases is likely well higher than the official count. The health care system is overwhelmed. Chart 4Mexico Not Too Bad On Virus Death Toll Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long The crisis has been a rude awakening for President Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO), but we see Mexico as an investment opportunity rather than a risk. Chart 5Mexico: Left-Wing Unlikely To Outdo 2018 Win Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long AMLO and his National Regeneration Movement (MORENA) swept to power in 2018 as champions of the poor fed up with the country’s corrupt political establishment. Two tailwinds fueled MORENA’s rise: First, the failure of Mexico’s ruling elites. The 2008 financial crisis knocked one of the dominant parties out of power, while the brief comeback of the traditional ruling party (the Institutional Revolutionary Party or PRI) faltered amid the slow-burn recovery of the 2010s. Second, AMLO’s victory was an answer to the populist and protectionist turn in the United States under President Trump, who had vowed to build a wall and make Mexico pay for it as well as to renegotiate NAFTA to be more favorable to the United States. Mexicans voted to fight fire with fire. Neo-liberalism and supply-side structural reform seemed discredited in a blaze of Yankee imperialism and AMLO and his movement offered the only viable alternative. AMLO became Mexico’s first left-wing populist president in recent memory, while MORENA won an outright majority in the Senate and, with its coalition partners, a three-fifths majority in the Chamber of Deputies (Chart 5). From this back story it is clear that investors interested in Mexican assets faced two primary structural risks: (1) a left-wing “revolution,” given AMLO’s lack of legislative roadblocks (2) American protectionism. About 29% of Mexico’s GDP consists of exports to the US (Chart 6). Chart 6Mexico Will Benefit From US Mega-Stimulus Mexico Will Benefit From US Mega-Stimulus Mexico Will Benefit From US Mega-Stimulus Investors took these risks seriously, judging by the relative performance of Mexican energy and industrial equities (Chart 7). Trade war threatened exporters while AMLO aimed to revitalize the moribund state-owned energy company at the expense of foreign investors admitted by his predecessor’s structural reforms Chart 7Investors DisappointedAfter AMLO Election Rally Investors DisappointedAfter AMLO Election Rally Investors DisappointedAfter AMLO Election Rally However, the left-wing revolution threat was always overstated: Mexico has become the largest fiscal hawk in the region under AMLO. Moreover, monetary policy had remained overly tight before the pandemic. Indeed, AMLO’s track record as mayor of Mexico City in the early 2000s showed his penchant for fiscal frugality. His left-wing policies have been focused on reviving the state-owned oil company PEMEX and increasing signature social programs, which have been funded by slashing other government expenditures, even during the COVID-19 outbreak. Going forward, Mexico’s orthodox economic policy is a major positive relative to emerging markets with out-of-control debt dynamics, often exacerbated by populist leaders, such as Brazil (Chart 8). MORENA will face greater constraints going forward. AMLO’s approval rating has normalized at around 60%, roughly the average for Mexican presidents (Chart 9). MORENA’s support rate has fallen from 45% to below 20%. With midterm elections looming in July 2021, MORENA is unlikely to outperform its 2018 landslide. So while AMLO will win his proposed 2021 presidential “referendum,” he will do so with a smaller share of the vote and a weakened parliament. Reality has set in for Mexico’s new ruling party. Chart 8Mexico’s Low Debts A Boon Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long Chart 9AMLO’s Approval Rating Solid, But Normalizing Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long AMLO and MORENA are likely to be chastened but not to fall from power, which means there is unlikely to be a wholesale reversal in national policy. The crisis has killed AMLO’s honeymoon but not his presidency. He still has 60% approval and his term in office lasts until 2024. The main opposition parties are still floundering (Chart 10). The creation of six new parties since 2018 will help MORENA either by adding to its coalition or taking votes away from the opposition. US fiscal stimulus and shift away from China benefit Mexico over the long run. Second, we now know that the US protectionist threat was also overstated: President Trump’s first term demonstrates that even if the US elects a populist and protectionist president who pledges to take an aggressive approach toward Mexico, the ties that bind the two countries will not be easily broken. One of the few times Senate Republicans openly defied President Trump was their refusal in June 2019 to allow sweeping 5%-25% unilateral tariff rates on Mexican imports. Hence even if Trump wins and the GOP retains the Senate, Mexico has some safeguards here. Trump would also be constrained by House Democrats on the issue of building a border wall and reforming the US immigration system. AMLO visited Trump in Washington to sign the USMCA ahead of the election. The trade deal is part of Trump’s legacy so Trump is more likely to attack other trade surplus countries than Mexico. Former Vice President Joe Biden and the Democratic Party are more likely to win the US election. In that case, US policy toward Mexico will turn more dovish. House Democrats helped negotiate the USMCA deal and voted to pass it. Biden is unlikely to impose large tariffs on Mexico. It is still possible that US-Mexico tensions will reignite later, if immigration swells under Biden, but the latter is not guaranteed. Two additional macro and geopolitical factors also play to Mexico’s favor over the long run: First, the US’s profligate fiscal policy will benefit its neighbor and trading partner. Massive American monetary and fiscal stimulus – about to receive another dollop of around $2-$2.5 trillion in new spending – will total upwards of 20% of US GDP in 2020 (Chart 11). This is especially likely in the event of a Democratic clean sweep. Yet Democrats are likely to retain the House, preventing Republicans from slashing spending too much even if they convince Trump to adopt their fiscal hawkishness in any second term. Chart 10MORENA’s Approval Comes Down To Earth Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long Chart 11Mexican Exports Will Benefit From US Stimulus Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long Chart 12US Leaving China Will Boost Mexico Industrialization US Leaving China Will Boost Mexico Industrialization US Leaving China Will Boost Mexico Industrialization Second, the US is leading a global movement to diversify supply chains away from China. This shift is rooted in US grand strategy and began under the Obama administration, and it is highly likely to continue whether Trump or Biden wins. A Biden victory will result in a more multilateral approach that is more beneficial for global trade, but still penalizes China – which is good for Mexico. No country has suffered a greater opportunity cost from China’s industrialization than Mexico (Chart 12). Both Biden and Trump are advertising a policy of on-shoring that will, in effect, benefit US trading partners ex-China. US current account deficits stem from its domestic savings-investment balance and therefore will persist even if China is cut out, driving production elsewhere. Bottom Line: We are optimistic about Mexico. Trade risk from the US is unlikely to rise higher than during 2017-19, while legislative hurdles facing AMLO and MORENA cannot get much lower than they are today. The currency is fairly valued and equities are not too pricey. Gargantuan US stimulus and a shift away from China dependency will boost growth and investment in Mexico. We will look for opportunities to go long the Mexican peso and assets. Volatile Brazil: Fiscal Restraint Is Gone While much of the world is focused on a second wave of Covid-19, Brazil has struggled to hurdle its first. The country has over 4.8 million confirmed cases (23 000 cases per 1 million people), and 143,000 deaths, second only to the United States. Coronavirus testing in Brazil stands at 73,900 tests per 1 million people, i.e. higher than Mexico’s but not enough to paint a complete picture of the virus’ course (Chart 13). The Brazilian government’s response has been chaotic. With a nearly universal health care system, albeit one that is under-funded, Brazil was not as poorly prepared as some countries. However, like his populist counterparts in Mexico and the United States, Bolsonaro chose to prioritize the economy over the virus response. Brazil was one of the few major countries in the world not to impose a national lockdown. The Ministry of Health, consumed with political turmoil, failed to develop a nationwide plan of action.1 Bolsonaro quarreled with governors who imposed state lockdown measures. With conflicting state and federal messages, Brazilians were unsure about the benefits of social isolation, hand washing, and face coverings, leading to a widespread lack of compliance and a major outbreak of the disease. Bolsonaro’s approach has led to some benefits, however, and the government implemented the largest fiscal response in the region at a whopping 16% of GDP. The economy is recovering faster than that of neighboring countries (Chart 14). Bolsonaro’s approval rating has also improved. The polling looks like a short-term “crisis bounce,” but Bolsonaro is now ahead of his likeliest rivals in 2022, including former President Lula Da Silva and former Justice Minister Sergio Moro. The crisis has catapulted Bolsonaro back into the approval range of other Brazilian presidents, at least for the moment (Chart 15). Chart 13Bolsonaro And Trump Prioritize Recession Over Pandemic Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long Chart 14Bolsonaro's Economy Roaring Back Bolsonaro's Economy Roaring Back Bolsonaro's Economy Roaring Back All eyes will next turn to the municipal elections slated for November 15, 2020. The first elections since Bolsonaro came to power will be a test of whether the left-wing opposition can recover. One of the key pillars of Bolsonaro’s political capital was the collapse of the Worker’s Party after the economic crisis and Car Wash corruption scandal of the 2010s. The local government election will also reflect public views of the pandemic. Local governments are important when it comes to combating COVID-19. On April 15, Brazil’s Supreme Federal Court gave them the power to set quarantine restrictions and rules with regard to public transit, transport, and highway use. They are in charge of utilizing numerous rounds of aid from the federal government to mitigate the health and economic effects of the virus. Many have rejected Bolsonaro’s cavalier attitude, imposed stricter health measures, and established local teams comprised of medical professionals, public officials, and private donors to monitor the outbreak. If the Worker’s Party fails to recover from the shellacking it suffered in Brazil’s local elections in 2016, then Bolsonaro’s polling bounce would be reinforced and his administration would get a new lease on life. The opposite is also true: a strong recovery will undercut his political capital, especially because it is still possible that Da Silva will be cleared of corruption charges and capable of running for office in 2022. Bolsonaro also faces a test on another pillar of his political capital: the fight against corruption. A criminal investigation of the administration emerged after the resignation of popular justice Minister, Sergio Moro, who accuses the president of wrongdoing. There is an additional pending investigation for his team’s use of “fake news” during the 2018 campaign, which many deem illegal. So far, however, talk of impeachment has not hurt the president. Only about 46% of Brazilians support impeachment (Chart 16), which is not enough to get him removed from office. Any future impeachment push will depend on the following factors: Chart 15Bolsonaro Enjoys Popularity Boost Amid Pandemic Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long Chart 16Nowhere Near Enough Support For Bolso Impeachment Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long First, the president has allied with an alliance of center-right parties, called the Centrao, that controls 40% of seats in the Chamber of Deputies and has played a historic role in the rise and fall of Brazilian presidents (Chart 17). The Centrao can shield Bolsonaro from impeachment just as its opposition ultimately led to former President Dilma Rousseff’s removal in August 2016. By the same token, if these allies turn on him, removal will become the likely outcome. Second, powerful politicians like House Speaker Rodrigo Maia are reluctant to impeach because it would add “more wood in the fire,” i.e. worsen political instability. It would be bad politics for the impeachment directors as well. But this could change. The other two pillars of Bolsonaro’s political capital are law and order and structural economic reform. Bolsonaro has maintained his law-and-order image through cozy relations with the military, as well as through a slight decline in homicides (Chart 18). Chart 17Brazil: Presidential Parties Small, Need Support From ‘Centrists’ Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long Chart 18Bolsonaro's "Law And Order" Message Works So Far Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long Structural reform is the critical factor for investors, but the crisis has slowed the reform agenda, particularly on the fiscal front. The main way for Brazil to reform is to reduce the size of government. The government takes up a large share of national output, comparable to Argentina, and public debt is soaring. The country was already hurtling toward a sovereign debt crisis prior to COVID-19 (Chart 19). Bolsonaro’s signature legislative achievement, pension reform, has done little to arrest this trajectory, as it was watered down to gain passage and then the pandemic wiped out the fiscal gains. Ironically, Bolsonaro’s improved popularity is negative for fiscal consolidation, since it will encourage him to play the populist ahead of the 2022 election. Pension reform was never popular and passing it did nothing to boost Bolsonaro’s approval rating. On the contrary, his approval began to rise when the pandemic struck and he loosened fiscal policy. Going forward he will need to maintain fiscal spending to rebuild the economy. He is already jeopardizing Brazil’s key fiscal rules. As for the election, Brazil always increases government spending in the year before and year of a presidential election, as all parties hope to buy votes (Chart 20). Chart 19Brazil's Fiscal Crisis Accelerates Brazil's Fiscal Crisis Accelerates Brazil's Fiscal Crisis Accelerates Chart 20Brazil Cranks Up Spending Ahead Of Elections Brazil Cranks Up Spending Ahead Of Elections Brazil Cranks Up Spending Ahead Of Elections The implication is that any fiscal hawkishness will have to wait until Bolsonaro’s second term. Of course, if Bolsonaro loses the vote, left-wing parties may return to power and fiscal profligacy will be the order of the day. So investors do not have a good prospect for fiscal consolidation anytime soon, barring a successful candidacy by the aforementioned Moro on a reformist and anti-corruption ticket. Fiscal expansion and loose monetary policy are positive for domestic demand initially but negative for the out-of-control debt profile and hence ultimately the currency and government bond prices over the long term. Outside Brazil, geopolitical conditions are reasonably favorable. If Trump wins, Bolsonaro’s right-wing populism will gain some legitimacy and he may be able to negotiate good trade relations with the United States. If Trump loses, Bolsonaro will become politically isolated, but Brazil will benefit economically, as Joe Biden is friendlier to global trade than Trump. Brazil’s trade openness has grown rapidly, one area of reform that will continue. China is also interested in closer relations with Brazil as it faces trade conflict with the US and Australia. If Trump wins, Bolsonaro benefits from further Chinese substitution away from the United States. If Trump loses, Beijing will not return to former dependencies on the United States. Also, while China cannot substitute Brazil for Australia entirely, it is likely to increase imports from Brazil on the margin (Chart 21). Chart 21Brazil Benefits If China Diversifies From US And Oz Brazil Benefits If China Diversifies From US And Oz Brazil Benefits If China Diversifies From US And Oz Chart 22Brazilian Political Risk Down From 2015-16 Peak Brazilian Political Risk Down From 2015-16 Peak Brazilian Political Risk Down From 2015-16 Peak Ultimately Brazil is a country filled with political risk due to extreme inequality and indebtedness. But as long as the global economy and commodity prices recover, Bolsonaro will be able to ride the wave and short-term political risks will continue to subside from the extremely elevated levels of 2016 (Chart 22).   Bottom Line: Bolsonaro’s popularity bounced in the face of the national crisis. Local elections in November are an important barometer of whether his administration and its neoliberal structural reform agenda can survive beyond 2022. Either way, fiscal consolidation is on hold prior to the 2022 election. We are long Brazilian equities as a China play, but the outlook is ultimately negative for the currency. Bearish Argentina: Peronism Restored Argentina has 751,000 cases of coronavirus (16,800 cases per 1 million people) and about 16,900 deaths. Testing stands at 41,700 test per 1 million people. After the federal government eased quarantine restrictions and began reopening most of the country on June 7, total cases followed the general trend of the region (Chart 23). Chart 23Argentina’s COVID-19 Suppression Losing Steam Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long Despite early measures to flatten the curve, Argentina lacks hospital beds, doctors, and medical supplies, especially in the capital of Buenos Aires where 88% of the country’s confirmed cases are found. The coronavirus has exposed stark differences between the rich and poor in terms of access and quality of health care, with about a third of the population uninsured. Politically secure, Fernandez has prioritized the medical crisis over the economy, imposing some of the world’s strictest lockdown measures in mid-March and declaring a one-year national health emergency – the first country in Latin America to do so. However, Argentina’s multi-decade economic mismanagement and recent policy vacillations mean that the crisis came at a bad time. Argentina has been in a deep recession for over two years, with skyrocketing inflation and peso devaluation, excessive budget deficits and external debts, and a 10% poverty rate in 2018 (Chart 24). Former President Mauricio Macri’s badly needed but ultimately failed attempt at supply-side reforms resulted in an economic collapse that saw the left-wing Peronist/Kirchnerista faction regain power in 2019. Argentina’s fiscal problems will continue on the back of populist economic unorthodoxy. Sovereign risk has temporarily fallen. Argentina received a $300 million emergency loan from the World Bank and another $4 billion loan from the Inter-American Development Bank. The country has defaulted on sovereign debt nine times, but the Fernandez government reached a deal with its largest creditors to restructure $65 billion in early August. The government agreed to bring some debt payments forward, thus buying itself immediate debt relief. It now has a little more than five years until the debt pile’s biggest wave of maturities comes due (Chart 25). Chart 24Poverty Rates Spike Amid Crisis, Including In Argentina Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long Chart 25Argentina's Sovereign Risk Will Rise From Here Argentina's Sovereign Risk Will Rise From Here Argentina's Sovereign Risk Will Rise From Here This deal will give President Fernandez a significant boost. He took office in December 2019 so he has time to ride out the crisis before facing voters again in 2023. However, his reliance on populist economic unorthodoxy ensures that Argentina’s fiscal problems will continue. Consider the following: Before Covid-19, in an attempt to regain credibility among international lenders, Fernandez appointed Martin Guzman, as Minister of Economy. Guzman is an academic and a disciple of American Nobel-prize winner Joseph Stiglitz, but has little policy-making experience. Fernandez pushed an Economic Emergency Law through Congress, giving him emergency powers to renegotiate debt terms and intervene in the economy. He re-imposed import-substitution policies, such as large tax increases on agricultural exports, currency controls, and utility price freezes. In Fernandez’s inauguration speech, he justified a return to leftist policies by saying, “until we eliminate hunger we will ask for greater solidarity from those who have more capacity to give it.” This is a traditional trap for Argentina which results in worse economic outcomes over the long run. Chart 26Argentina’s Government Scores Well In Opinion Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long Fernandez’s government has increased fiscal spending on food aid and other safety nets for the unemployed and furloughed. It has required banks to give out loans at reduced interest rates. Initially it pledged 2% of GDP to social and welfare relief programs, but that number has risen since the onset of the pandemic. For now, Fernandez has considerable political capital. The crisis will wipe out the memory of the Kirchneristas’ previous failings. Social spending is now flowing to Fernandez’s political base and the informal sector of the economy, which accounts for almost half of all Argentine workers. Public support for Fernandez has remained strong through the economic woes and pandemic, with his approval rating at around 67%. Over 80% of people polled have confidence in the government’s handling of the virus (Chart 26), according to opinion polls. Profligate spending will likely continue beyond the cyclical demands of the current crisis, adding to Argentina’s unsustainable debt profile. When the pandemic subsides, international lenders will be less willing to extend credit to Argentina and invest, given their record of default and high tax rates. International companies and even small caps have fled the country due to its draconian currency controls. Bottom Line: Argentina has witnessed a fall in uncertainty but going forward political risk will revive. Populist Kirchnerista policies do not create productivity improvements or reduce debt, and the country’s macro fundamentals will underperform in the long run. RIP Venezuela: The Final (Final) Nail In The Coffin For years, Venezuela has suffered an economic crisis with high levels of unemployment, hyperinflation, and mass shortages of food, medical supplies, and even gasoline. Many citizens claim they’re more likely to die from starvation than the coronavirus. Out of the country’s 47 hospitals that are supposedly dedicated to COVID-19, only 57% have a regular water supply, while 43% have a shortage of PPE kits for medical staff and practitioners. Nicolas Maduro – the hapless successor to Hugo Chavez – declared a state of emergency and implemented a nationwide and long-lasting lockdown, enforced by police. The government issued a unique “7 + 7” plan, where strict lockdowns are imposed for seven days, relaxed for another seven days, re-imposed, and so on. Nevertheless, cases have been increasing. Over time the crisis in Venezuela has forced around five million Venezuelans, including skilled workers and medical doctors, to leave the country (Chart 27). Spillover effects are straining neighboring Colombia, which has taken in 1.5 million of the refugees, and Brazil. Although thousands of Venezuelans have returned home during the pandemic, the massive movements will only make the virus more prevalent. In early June, Maduro reopened borders with Colombia after closing them in February when opposition leader (and rival claimant to the presidency) Juan Guaidó tried to import foreign aid. Maduro denied that Venezuela is in humanitarian crisis and warned against a coup d'état by the United States. The political opposition is stymied for now. In January 2019, Guaidó declared himself president of Venezuela over Maduro, whose government has circumvented the constitutional system since losing the parliamentary election of 2015. Guaido receives broad support from the international community, including Europe and the United States, while Maduro is backed by China, Russia, and Iran. Over 18 months later, Guaidó wields nearly no power at home and Maduro remains in place with the army’s top generals still backing him. However, the Trump administration has expanded sanctions throughout its term. Maduro is unable to access international financing from the IMF, after requesting an emergency $5 billion loan to combat COVID-19, partly due to US opposition. Food prices in Venezuela have risen 259% since January. Low worldwide demand for oil – representing 32% of Venezuelan GDP – means the last leg of the economy has weakened. The government has little room to maneuver fiscally or otherwise combat the virus. Maduro has used the crisis to strengthen his domestic security grip. The military, police, and revolutionary militias are enforcing lockdowns to thwart demonstrations. The opposition is divided, with Guaidó now quarreling with former opposition leader Henrique Capriles over whether to contend the parliamentary elections on December 6. The elections will inevitably be rigged; but to boycott them is to allow Maduro officially to retake the key constitutional body that he lost (and then sidelined) back in 2016. Nevertheless, the material foundations of the country have long collapsed (Chart 28). The pandemic and recession will ultimately prove the final (final, final) nail in the coffin. The military is ruling from behind the scenes but will not want to jeopardize its own status when the Bolivarian revolution is finally abandoned. The timing of this denouement is, as always, anybody’s guess. Chart 27Venezuela’s Refugees Show State Collapse Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long Chart 28Venezuela's Regime Cannot Survive Venezuela's Regime Cannot Survive Venezuela's Regime Cannot Survive   Bottom Line: President Trump will maintain maximum on Maduro and Venezuela as long as he is in office. The regime will struggle to survive long enough to enjoy the benefits of the commodity price upswing next year. Whenever Maduro falls, the prospect of an eventual resuscitation of oil production will open up. Bullish Colombia: Political Risk Contained (For Now) Chart 29Colombia Flattened The Curve Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long The Colombian government responded swiftly to COVID-19. President Ivan Duque shut seven border crossings with Venezuela, declared a state of emergency, and imposed lockdown measures in mid-March. The measures have been stringent and extended. The effect on the spread of the disease is discernible compared to Colombia’s neighbors (Chart 29). The city of Medellin, with 2.5 million residents and only 2,399 coronavirus deaths, became the best-case scenario for combating the virus. Through the use of an online app, the city government connected people with money and food, while obtaining important data to track cases. Despite the lockdowns, fiscal policy has been tight. True, the government provided payroll subsidies for formal and informal workers unable to work during lockdowns.2 But government spending as a whole is limited (Chart 30). This is positive for the country’s currency and government bonds but will exacerbate political tensions later. Chart 30Colombia's Fiscal Hawkishness Good For Currency, But Will Spur Opposition Colombia's Fiscal Hawkishness Good For Currency, But Will Spur Opposition Colombia's Fiscal Hawkishness Good For Currency, But Will Spur Opposition Duque’s approval ratings were low back in February (23%) but nearly doubled when the crisis struck (Chart 31). However, they have since fallen back to around 40% and high unemployment and fiscal restraint will challenge his government in coming years. Chart 31Colombia’s President Struggling, But Has Time To Recover Pre-Election Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long Colombia is relatively politically stable but tensions are building beneath the surface that will challenge the country’s recent improvements in governance and the 2016 peace deal. On August 4, former President Alvaro Uribe was put under house arrest by a section of the Colombian Supreme Court amid an investigation on witness tampering. He was the first ex-president to be detained in Colombia’s history. Subsequently he resigned from the Senate to obtain better treatment at the hands of the more friendly Attorney General’s office. Uribe is powerful. He created Centro Democratico, which is the largest party in the Senate and the second largest in Congress. He also hand-picked President Duque. His case will continue to be a source of political polarization. Right-leaning factions have not yet convinced moderates to oppose the country’s UN-backed 2016 peace deal, which ended decades of fighting between government forces and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), the leading rebel group. If that changes, then domestic security will decline and investor sentiment will decline at least marginally. Colombia’s political polarization will be contained by Venezuela’s collapse – as long as the economy recovers. In the wake of the oil bust in 2014, Colombia saw the left-wing factions unite around a single candidate – Gustavo Petro, an ex-guerilla – who challenged the conservative establishment in the 2018 election, pledging to tackle inequality. Petro was soundly defeated, giving markets reason to cheer. Now, however, inequality is combining with a deep recession, austerity, and the potential for a failed peace process to challenge the conservatives in 2022. Table 1Latin America Is Vulnerable To Social Unrest Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long Chart 32MXN, COL, And CLP Outperform While BRL Lags MXN, COL, And CLP Outperform While BRL Lags MXN, COL, And CLP Outperform While BRL Lags The saving grace for the conservatives will likely be the global cyclical upswing, combined with Venezuela’s collapse continuing to unite the right and divide the left. However, the Uribe faction’s dominance is getting long in the tooth and Colombia is vulnerable to social unrest based on our COVID-19 Unrest Index (Table 1). The election is not all that soon. The Colombian peso is still relatively cheap and yet has outperformed other emerging market currencies due to the strong COVID-19 response and the oil rally (Chart 32). Bottom Line: Tight fiscal policy combined with a strong pandemic response – and the recovery in oil prices – will benefit the Colombian peso. Equities are attractively valued. Political risk will build as the 2022 election draws closer, however. Volatile Chile: Tactical Buys Hinge On Politics, China Chile has been a hotspot for the coronavirus. Its lackluster response to the pandemic is fanning the embers of the social unrest that erupted last year. Unrest is tied to a larger political crisis unfolding over the constitutional order, which evolved from the 1980 constitution of dictator Augusto Pinochet. Chile is transitioning from a neoliberal economic model to a welfare state, as Arthur Budaghyan and Juan Egaña of BCA’s Emerging Markets Strategy showed in an excellent special report last year. This transition raises headwinds for an currency, equities, and government bonds. The Chilean government, led by President Sebastián Piñera, declared a state of emergency in March and boosted health care spending throughout the country. The government also passed numerous emergency relief packages to small businesses, workers of the informal economy, and local governments. However, high levels of poverty and overcrowding, especially in the capital of Santiago, have hindered efforts to contain the coronavirus (Chart 33). The government imposed strict lockdowns, including a nationwide increase in police and up to five-year prison penalties for violating quarantines. The political opposition argues that Piñera’s extension of the “state of catastrophe” has allowed him to use emergency powers to restrict citizens’ rights in the name of curbing the pandemic. His approval rating has fallen beneath 22% while popular disapproval has surged above 68% (Chart 34). Chart 33Chile’s Handling Of COVID-19 Largely Successful Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long Chart 34Chile’s Govt Embattled Amid Constitutional Rewrite Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long Chart 35Chile: Inequality Falling, But High Level Still Sparks Unrest Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long Chile was already a tinderbox before the pandemic. Beginning with a small hike to subway fares in Santiago in October 2019, pent-up social grievances erupted against the country’s elite. Protests have continued even during lockdowns and morphed into demands for broader social reform (Chart 35). Chile's top rank on our COVID-19 Social Unrest Index belies the fact that it has high wealth inequality, a threadbare social safety net, high debt levels, and now higher unemployment (Table 1). Table 1Latin America Is Vulnerable To Social Unrest Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long In a concession to protesters, the Piñera administration agreed to revise the constitution. A popular referendum will be held on October 25, though it has already been delayed once. The referendum will determine whether to hold a direct constitutional assembly, whose members are drawn from the population as a whole, or a mixed constitutional assembly, in which congress takes up half of the seats. The latter is the more conservative option; the former is more progressive and will deepen political polarization as the political establishment will resist it (Chart 36). The process to revise the constitution is supposed to last until the end of 2022 but it could drag on longer. Moreover it will be complicated by presidential and legislative elections slated for November 2021. The timing of these events ensures that short-term partisan factors will have a major impact on constitutional revision, which bodes ill for resolving structural political problems. The Piñera administration’s goal is to pacify the protesters with some reforms, thus winning his party re-election, while preserving key elements of the current political establishment. But the pandemic has made it harder to do this, requiring either greater government concessions or a new round of unrest. The implication is that political risk will remain elevated over the next few years. Political risk will thus undermine good news on the macro front, including the peso’s strong performance this year so far (Chart 32 above). Of course, there are positive macro factors countervailing this political risk. One of which is China’s recovery. Beijing accounts for 51% of global copper demand, and Chile provides 28% of mine supply, and China is stimulating aggressively. Chilean exports track even more closely with China’s credit impulse than those of other Latin American economies (Chart 37). Chart 36COVID-19 Unrest Index: If Chile Faces Unrest, Then All Latin America Faces Unrest Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long Latin America: Get Ready To Go Long However, the market has partly priced China’s boost whereas Chile’s political risk will erupt again soon. With regard to the US election, Chile stands to benefit from a Democratic victory that improves the outlook for China’s economy and global trade. Like Peru, Chile is a member of the CPTPP and stands to benefit if Biden is elected and eventually rejoins this pact. Chart 37Chile Constitutional Battle Will Increase Political Risk Chile Constitutional Battle Will Increase Political Risk Chile Constitutional Battle Will Increase Political Risk   Bottom Line: A secular rise in domestic political risk as the country is pressured to expand the social safety net is a negative factor for the peso and stock market that will weigh on its otherwise positive macro backdrop. Investment Takeaways The above review reveals some common threads. First, the last decade has not led to lasting neoliberal reforms or major strides in promoting productivity. Attempts at supply-side structural reform have been modest or have failed entirely in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Mexico. Colombia’s attempt at a peace deal may falter. Venezuela is a failed state. Second, populism, whether left-wing or right-wing, entails that most governments will pursue economic growth at any cost. Fiscal hawkishness has been put on pause, with the exception of Mexico and Colombia, where it will benefit the currencies. Near-term risks abound in Q4 2020 but the long term is favorable for Latin American financial assets due to global reflation. China is stimulating its economy aggressively. US sanctions will weigh on China, but it will need to stimulate more in response to maintain internal stability. This will boost commodity prices. The dollar will eventually weaken as global growth recovers, the Fed avoids raising rates, and the US maintains large twin deficits. This is ultimately true even if Trump is re-elected. A weaker dollar helps commodities and Latin American countries with US dollar debts. All things considered, Mexico and Colombia will come out looking the best, but we will also look for opportunities when discounts on Chilean assets become excessive. The US’s secular confrontation with China over trade tensions holds out the prospect of Latin American markets reversing their long equity underperformance relative to Asian manufacturers (Chart 38). Latin American manufacturers like Mexico will benefit from American trade diversification. If the US joins the CPTPP, then Chile and Peru will also benefit. Metals producers like Chile will benefit most from China’s stimulus. Chart 38China's Stimulus A Boon For Latin America China's Stimulus A Boon For Latin America China's Stimulus A Boon For Latin America   Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Daniel Kohen Consulting Editor Footnotes 1 The Ministry of Health exemplifies growing fractures across the administration. In mid-May, the Health Minister (Nelson Teich) resigned just four weeks into the job, after Bolsonaro fired the previous one (Luiz Henrique Mandetta) for defending lockdown measures imposed by some mayors and governors. 2 There are about 1.8 million Venezuelan refugees in Colombia. They rely on the informal work, with many falling back into poverty as a result of the mandatory quarantines.

Highlights The first presidential debate does not change our subjective judgment on Trump’s odds of victory (35%), but our quantitative election model is flagging a major risk to this view. The V-shaped economic recovery is greatly improving Trump’s odds in key swing states – including Michigan – according to our model. We will upgrade Trump’s chances if the Republicans agree to a fiscal bill that removes the risk of further financial turmoil in the final month of the campaign. A stock market selloff combined with rising COVID-19 cases is a deadly combination for a president whose re-election bid is on thin ice. The best outcome for financial markets is a stimulus deal now, a Biden victory, and a Republican Senate. The worst outcome is no stimulus and a Democratic sweep, but there would be a silver lining in the form of major fiscal expansion in 2021. Feature The shouting match, er, debate between President Trump and former Vice President Joe Biden probably did not change many voters’ minds. Trump started stronger, Biden finished stronger. The key takeaway is that Biden lived to fight another day. At 77 years old, Biden’s age has been a concern, but he did not appear incoherent like he did in the Democratic primary election.1 From a market perspective, the debate revealed the following: The Republican failure to pass a new fiscal relief bill is hurting their re-election bid, as Biden successfully criticized Trump for not providing new resources amid the national crisis. The next 24-48 hours are critical on our view that the Senate GOP will capitulate to a deal. Joe Biden will raise taxes regardless of the recession. There is speculation that Democrats might delay tax hikes to aid the recovery but Biden did not give reason for optimism. China faces pressure from both parties. Trump blames China for the pandemic and recession while Biden hammered Trump for being weak on China. Biden is trying to steal back the thunder on manufacturing and he emphasized on-shoring more than Trump. Decoupling from China will continue regardless of the election outcome. Table 1Recessions Weigh On Incumbent Win Rates A Big Risk To A Democratic Sweep A Big Risk To A Democratic Sweep We have given Trump a 35% chance of winning since March, based on the historical odds of an incumbent party winning when a recession occurs in the year of the election. However, the economic recovery now poses a clear risk to this view. First, the historical odds rise to 50/50 if the recession ends before the election (Table 1). Second, our quantitative election model now gives Trump a 49% chance of victory, discussed below. Subjectively, we are keeping Trump at 35% because a failure to pass fiscal relief will cause a stock market selloff and remove the last leg of Trump’s re-election bid. But we will upgrade Trump if there is a relief bill and his polling gains momentum. Quant Model Upgrades Trump To 49% Odds Of Victory Our quantitative election model is upgrading Trump’s odds, having taken in the just-released Philly Fed’s coincident economic index for the month of August (Chart 1). The US economy continues to recover, and the more the data improve, the better Trump’s odds of winning the election. Chart 1Quant Model Signals Trump At 49% Odds, Michigan A Toss-Up A Big Risk To A Democratic Sweep A Big Risk To A Democratic Sweep Our quant model consists of (1) state-by-state economic indexes (2) a “time for change” variable that rewards the incumbent party after a four-year term but penalizes it after an eight-year term in the White House (3) the president’s margins of victory in the previous election (3) the range of Trump’s approval rating (rather than the level, thus avoiding any concerns about polling understating Trump’s support). Our model now predicts that Trump will win 259 Electoral College votes, an increase of 29 votes from our August update by flipping Florida back into the Republican camp with a ~60% probability. Thus Trump’s probability of winning the election has risen by 4ppt to 49%. Remarkably Michigan has risen into the ranks of a toss-up state, with a 49.6% chance of a Republican win. The coincident indicators in this state have improved drastically over the past three months and our model uses a three-month rate of change (Chart 2). Our model also gives greater weight to these indicators the closer we get to the election. In discussions with many clients we have observed that the model seemed to be underrating the key upper Midwestern battlegrounds, but now that is changing. The odds that Trump could win New Hampshire and Nevada have also improved substantially, to 41% and 25% respectively. Chart 2State Economic Indicators Put MI, NH, NV Into Play? A Big Risk To A Democratic Sweep A Big Risk To A Democratic Sweep Chart 3Swing State Wages Turning Up Swing State Wages Turning Up Swing State Wages Turning Up Still, as it stands, Democrats are still expected to win Michigan, as well as Pennsylvania and Wisconsin, thus pulling off a narrow victory in the Electoral College. Chart 4Median Family Income Improved Median Family Income Improved Median Family Income Improved However, the trend is in Trump’s favor. Barring very bad economic news in September, the model’s final reading on October 23 may even favor Trump for re-election. The state economic indicators are supported by additional factors: The V-shape recovery is pronounced in workers’ wages, including swing states that voted for Trump (Chart 3). Median family income is still growing – and slightly faster than when Trump took office (Chart 4). Thus it is clear that the economic recovery is a growing risk to our view that Biden will win in a Democratic clean sweep of US government. Trump Faces Imminent Risks From Pandemic And Recession In the debate, Trump successfully deflected criticisms of his handling of the economy and pinned the blame for the coronavirus on China. But a worsening of either of these factors would spell his doom in the final month of the campaign. Trump’s approval rating is still weak, though a sharp improvement would put him on the trajectory that won Presidents Bush and Obama re-election (Chart 5). Chart 5Trump Approval Rating Recovering A Big Risk To A Democratic Sweep A Big Risk To A Democratic Sweep Chart 6Trump Looks Better In Swing State Polling A Big Risk To A Democratic Sweep A Big Risk To A Democratic Sweep Biden’s lead in head-to-head polling in the swing states is stable over the course of the year so far, though Trump has recently improved and is close to or within the typical margin of error for these polls. Chart 7Trump Must Beware Whiplash From Pandemic And Recession A Big Risk To A Democratic Sweep A Big Risk To A Democratic Sweep What should prove decisive in the final month is the trajectory of the pandemic and the economy. Trump’s approval on the economy is just barely above 50%, but his handling of COVID-19 has relapsed (Chart 7). The pandemic will bring bad news over the coming month, but it is not clear how bad. New daily cases of COVID-19 are rising in the US as a whole and in key swing states like Wisconsin, Arizona, and Pennsylvania. It makes sense to see cases springing up in states that are improving rapidly in economic terms, including these states and Nevada and New Hampshire (Charts 8A & 8B). As deaths increase, bad news will affect consumers’ behavior and sentiment. Chart 8ACOVID-19 Uptick A Major Risk To Trump A Big Risk To A Democratic Sweep A Big Risk To A Democratic Sweep Chart 8BCOVID-19 Uptick A Major Risk To Trump A Big Risk To A Democratic Sweep A Big Risk To A Democratic Sweep New fiscal relief would sustain the economy even if social distancing and government restrictions increase in October to fend off this third wave in infections. Meanwhile the absence of fiscal relief will weigh on Trump’s fragile approval on the economy. Voters have consistently punished both the president and the Congress for brinksmanship over fiscal deadlines (Charts 9A & 9B). Chart 9AVoters Give Thumbs Down For Fiscal Dysfunction A Big Risk To A Democratic Sweep A Big Risk To A Democratic Sweep Chart 9BVoters Give Thumbs Down For Fiscal Dysfunction A Big Risk To A Democratic Sweep A Big Risk To A Democratic Sweep Markets also sell off when policymakers threaten to take the US over a fiscal cliff (Charts 10A & 10B). So far this is also the case in September 2020, though the jury is out. Chart 10AMarkets Sell Off During Fiscal Cliffs Markets Sell Off During Fiscal Cliffs Markets Sell Off During Fiscal Cliffs Chart 10BMarkets Sell Off During Fiscal Cliffs A Big Risk To A Democratic Sweep A Big Risk To A Democratic Sweep Can President Trump Stimulate By Executive Order? The president has few unilateral alternatives to a congressional fiscal bill. Chart 11Unilateral Stimulus Will Not Save Markets Unilateral Stimulus Will Not Save Markets Unilateral Stimulus Will Not Save Markets Several clients have asked about the Treasury’s general account, which currently holds over $1.5 trillion in cash (Chart 11). The Treasury issued lots of bonds and temporarily over-prepared for what is necessary to finance the US’s surging deficits, as the economic recovery has seen better-than-expected revenues. Our US bond strategist addressed this issue in a recent report entitled “The Case Against The Money Supply.” Could Trump unilaterally re-purpose these funds as economic stimulus if Congress fails to agree on a fiscal bill? We would not put it past the president to try – he is already stimulating by decree – but the courts would issue injunctions since the House has the constitutional power of the purse. In the meantime it would be difficult to implement the president’s orders, as with recent executive orders on extending unemployment insurance and deferring the payroll tax. Uncertainty over the US’s fiscal future would increase, not decrease, due to the legal dispute and the simultaneous risk that Republicans who had proved fiscally hawkish would retain the Senate after November 3. Therefore raiding the Treasury account is not a viable solution for markets in the absence of a real stimulus deal. And while voters might approve of the president’s actions in the face of a do-nothing Congress, the market’s negative response would damage sentiment and Trump’s approval on the economy. Investment Takeaways Our subjective reason not to upgrade Trump’s odds from 35% stems from the relationship of politics and financial markets. We have a high conviction view that the equity market will sell off if Republicans fail to conclude a fiscal deal. Financial turmoil in October will undermine recent improvements in the economy, economic sentiment, and opinion polls, as it will undermine Trump’s approval on handling the economy. The rise in COVID-19 cases reinforces the downside risk to markets, especially in the absence of stimulus. We will upgrade Trump’s odds of victory if this contradiction is resolved either through new fiscal relief or through something that improves sentiment on the pandemic, such as a credible vaccine announcement. It is hard to see Trump’s odds improving otherwise. An upgrade of Trump’s odds will increase the substantial risk of a contested election. Volatility will persist through November, with potential to expand into December and possibly even January. However we have a high conviction view that volatility will collapse by the end of January. Election scenarios would then look like this: If no fiscal relief passes, and markets sell prior to the election, then a Democratic clean sweep becomes more likely and will galvanize a move up for risk assets, as investors will look to major fiscal expansion in 2021 and beyond. But if Republicans retain the Senate in this scenario, then the need for a market riot for each future dose of stimulus will unnerve investors and the selloff will be prolonged. However, if fiscal stimulus passes prior to the election as we expect, then markets will view a Democratic sweep as an initial negative due to tax hikes and re-regulation. The prospect of fiscal expansion will only gradually become a positive factor. Thus the post-election adjustment will be short-lived. Global and cyclical equities will outperform. If stimulus passes pre-election, yet Republicans retain the Senate under a President Biden, fear of fiscal obstruction will be postponed, the prospect of tax hikes will collapse, and trade war risk will be at least somewhat reduced (Biden will be soft on global trade ex-China). This is the best outcome for risk assets, especially global equities and cyclical sectors. If stimulus passes, and Trump and the Republicans retain power, any relief rally will be short-lived as the prospect of a global trade war will loom. US equities will continue outperforming global. We are booking a small 5.7% profit on our long French energy / short US energy trade due to the risk of a Trump comeback, which would help the US energy sector. Dollar strength on near-term uncertainty will also be a headwind for this trade until the US election is resolved.   Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com   Guy Russell Research Analyst GuyR@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Post-debate polling by CNN suggests that Biden beat expectations, performed better than Trump, and increased in voter favorability, while Trump underperformed Biden and expectations and shed favorability. However, post-debate polls tend to overrepresent Democratic-leaning voters and have not predicted past presidential election results. (Post-debate polls over the course of three debates would have predicted a Clinton win in 2016, a Romney win in 2012, and a Kerry win in 2004.)