Geopolitics

Dear Client, In lieu of our regular report next week, we are sending you a Special Report from my colleague Chester Ntonifor, Foreign Exchange Strategist. Chester will share his outlook on the Hong Kong Dollar. I hope you will find his report insightful. Please note that next week’s report will be published on Friday, August 21. Best regards, Jing Sima, China Strategist   Highlights President Trump's ban of China-based apps marks a new front in the Sino-US tech war. There is no change in our strategic views. The impact on both China’s aggregate economic growth outlook and the financial markets should be limited on a cyclical basis. Consider overweight Chinese offshore ex-TMT stocks and onshore semiconductor stocks within a global equity portfolio, against a backdrop of escalating hostilities in the tech sphere. Feature Chart 1Five Chinese Companies Are Mentioned In The New "Clean Network" Initiative Geopolitical risks again stirred up volatility last week in China’s equity markets. President Trump issued two executive orders to take effect in 45 days, banning US transactions with the Chinese-owned social media apps TikTok and WeChat. Shares in Tencent, the China-based Internet giant that owns WeChat, have plummeted by 11% in China’s offshore market following the ban announcement (Chart 1). The event underscores that technology is at the root of a power struggle between the US and China. The struggle will likely be exploited by Trump as the US presidential election nears and Trump’s polling numbers lag. However, we remain constructive on Chinese stocks over the next 6 to 12 months.  Although the latest development remains highly fluid, the tensions should not have a material impact on the cyclical outlook for China’s aggregate economy or financial markets. This will be the case as long as the situation does not degenerate into an outright tariff increase on Chinese export goods or other strategic actions with the potential to cause major economic damage.  Given rising downside risks to Chinese tech company stocks in the near term, we recommend investors hold a neutral position on Chinese tech giant company equities versus their global peers. Instead, investors should overweight Chinese “old economy” stocks as well as sectors that are greatly benefited from policy support. We initiate two trades today: long MSCI China ex-TMT versus MSCI Global ex-TMT;1 and long domestic semiconductor stocks versus global semiconductor benchmark. A New Front In Tech War It is likely that the US will implement the ordered bans in some way. Banning TikTok wasn’t a surprise because the US had amply signaled its displeasure with the app in preceding months. The social media company has rapidly gained US market share and hence access to American users’ data. Its parent company ByteDance is based in Beijing and therefore subject to China’s cybersecurity laws, a major source of bilateral tensions. The company originated in a Chinese acquisition of an American company, another irritant for the Trump administration. The US is now pressuring TikTok’s US operations to sell the app to an American-based company such as Microsoft. Regarding Trump’s executive order on WeChat and Tencent, it is not clear what “transactions” with Tencent will be disallowed from the US market.2 Additionally, US officials later appeared to backpedal and limit the scope of the executive order on Tencent to only the WeChat app. We have a few preliminary observations on the evolving situation: It is unknown how far the executive action will go regarding Tencent. The Internet titan gets less than 5% of its revenues from outside China, according to its 2019 financial statement.  However, Tencent has many prominent investments in the US gaming and music industries. The US Commerce Department has 45 days to interpret and enforce the directive. The vague language in the executive order provides the US with enough legal space to deprive Tencent of US technologies in those sectors, and would severely curtail Tencent’s online gaming business, which is its main engine of growth. The bans underscore the US administration’s intention to extend tech hostilities with China by denying Chinese tech companies the access to compete and expand globally. Last week, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo announced a five-pronged “Clean Network” initiative that would scrub Chinese companies from US telecommunications networks entirely.3 China, for its part, has been progressively banning US social media giants since 2009. China has not announced any retaliatory actions since the executive orders were issued. Top Chinese policymakers seem to have shifted gears from a tit-for-tat retaliation to a carefully calibrated diplomatic reaction that does not ramp up tensions further. Moreover, there is a sizeable contingent of top Chinese policymakers pushing for reconciliation with the US. We think that China’s senior leaders prefer to dial down the current conflict and take a wait-and-see approach until after the US presidential election in November. Nevertheless, the next two to three months will be unpredictable as the election nears and Trump’s polling numbers lag behind his rival Joe Biden. Bottom Line: China’s leading Internet and tech companies are embroiled in a US-China feud. Pressures will likely intensify with other tech companies potentially also targeted. For now, stay neutral on leading Chinese tech company stocks within a global equity portfolio. Stick With The Knowns Chinese tech company stock prices will likely be extremely volatile in the short run. Nevertheless, we are staying the course with our constructive cyclical view on overall Chinese stocks and we do not recommend any one-way bets on the market during the next two to three months. China’s financial markets have been shaken by negative surprises relating to frictions with the US.  However, investors cheer on even the slightest easing of tensions between the two countries. Last Friday’s volatile trading was a good example: initial confusion over the ban’s scope in Trump’s order led to a more than 10% plunge in Tencent stock during morning trading in the Hong Kong market, but the losses were cut in half after the US indicated the ban only affected the WeChat app. Chart 2Chinese Tech Company Stocks Rallied Through Most Of The Trade War Economic policy support from the Chinese government and “national team” can also distort the short-term price trend in tech equities. These stocks have risen by more than 20% in both the onshore and offshore markets since the beginning of 2018, despite the deteriorating US-China relationship (Chart 2). While we are neutral on tech company stocks, we recommend overweight Chinese “old economy” stocks and remain constructive on domestic sectors that are beneficiaries of government policy support. We are initiating two trades: long MSCI China ex-TMT versus MSCI Global ex-TMT; and long domestic semiconductor stocks versus global semiconductor benchmark. The reflationary efforts since early this year facilitated a strong rebound in China’s industrial sector activities and profits (Chart 3). In turn, China’s ex-tech "old economy" stocks have outperformed relative to their global peers. Even though the handful of tech titans account for roughly 35% of the investable market capitalizations, MSCI China stock prices excluding tech titans have decisively broken out of their 200-day moving average, which suggests there is still sufficient support to our constructive view on the overall investable index (Chart 4). Chart 3Investors Have Been Focusing On China's Stimulus And Economic Recovery Chart 4Chinese "Old Economy" Stocks Have Prevailed Of Late Our cyclical overweight view on China’s domestic stocks also remains unchanged. The domestic market is much more sensitive to the trend in monetary conditions, credit growth and economic cycles than the investable market. As we pointed out in last week’s report,4 monetary conditions are accommodative and credit and economic growth remain in an uptrend. This underscores that China’s domestic stocks have more upside potential than investable stocks, even in an escalating geopolitical risk environment. Chart 5Chinese Semis Are On Fire Lastly, more pressure from the US and the West to curb the advancement of Chinese technology will only encourage the leadership to double down on supporting state-led technology programs. This argues for a more bullish view on Chinese tech companies that focus on the domestic market, at least on a cyclical basis (Chart 5). Last week the State Council updated its policy, supporting two strategically important sectors: integrated circuits and software. The central government has had policies in place to support these two sectors since 2000 and updates its support policies every decade or so. Last week's updated version will allow chip companies to enjoy even more tax exemptions and favorable financing than the first set of support policies. China has clearly stepped up its promotion of self-sufficiency and redoubled  its efforts to thwart any pressures meant to restrain its technological progress.  As pointed out by our Geopolitical Strategy team,5 the U.S. and its allies control 95% of the global semiconductor market (Chart 6). Nonetheless, China is the world’s largest importer, accounting for about one-third of global semiconductor sales, making it the largest consumer of semiconductors (Chart 7). Chart 6China’s Chip Makers Are Still Small Fry Chart 7China Accounts For 60% Of Global Semiconductor Demand Chart 8Made In China 2025 Targets In brief, China relies a lot on imported semiconductors and is working to mitigate this dangerous vulnerability. The Made in China 2025 program estimates that China will produce 70% of its demand for integrated circuits by 2030 (Chart 8). Bottom Line: China’s domestic industrial sector will continue to recover in the next 6 to 12 months. The nation’s semiconductor industry will get a boost from recently shored-up government policy supports. Overweight these sectors in the face of expanding tensions from the US tech war against China.   Jing Sima China Strategist jings@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1TMT stocks include information technology prior to December 2018, and include media & entertainment and internet & direct marketing retail sectors after December 2018. 2Please see the orders: https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/executive-order-addressing-threat-posed-tiktok/ and https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/executive-order-addressing-threat-posed-wechat/ 3https://www.state.gov/announcing-the-expansion-of-the-clean-network-to-safeguard-americas-assets/ 4Please see China Investment Strategy Weekly Report "China Macro And Market Review," dated August 5, 2020, available at cis.bcaresearch.com 5Please see China Investment Strategy Special Report "U.S.-China: The Tech War And Reform Agenda," dated December 12, 2018, available at cis.bcaresearch.com   Cyclical Investment Stance Equity Sector Recommendations

Former Vice President Joe Biden’s picking Senator Kamala Harris of California as his running mate is not a surprise. It does not change the 2020 election equation – vice presidents rarely do and she does not hail from a swing state. Still, the pick prevents Biden from making an unforced error, such as former National Security Adviser Susan Rice, who would have done more to motivate Republican opposition than Democratic support. Other candidates were also flawed either in experience or in the constituencies they could energize to turn out to vote. Harris will ensure that Biden’s bid to connect with African American voters and women remains intact. Biden won the Democratic primary due to a strong showing among Black voters, who will be motivated to vote by this year’s social unrest over poor race relations in the United States and pandemic-induced high unemployment. One of the best electoral college scenarios for Democrats is to recreate the Obama/Biden ticket of 2008-12 – a traditional Democrat along with a younger progressive who is also a minority (Chart 1). That’s what the Biden/Harris ticket recreates. Chart 1Biden/Harris A Solid Electoral College Strategy, But Not A Game Changer Still, Michelle Obama would have clinched the election for Biden – Kamala Harris does not. Thus Trump’s odds of winning remain at 35%. Our Quantitative Election Model shows upside risk, giving Trump a 42% chance (Chart 2). Chart 2Quant Model Shows Trump With 42% Chance Of Winning Trump’s comeback hinges on three factors: whether Republican Senators arrive at a new coronavirus fiscal package that boosts the economy and stock market; whether COVID-19 outbreak continues to subside; and whether this year’s increase in the murder rate in US cities improves suburban voters’ views of Trump’s fitness for re-election. Bottom Line: The ongoing stimulus hiccup remains the near-term risk to the rally. Republicans are likely to concede to a large fiscal package in the end but the timing is unclear and markets are getting jittery. The market would also normally fall by 10% or more by the time of the election in a presidential election year in which the ruling party is overthrown. Furthermore, Trump is at risk of becoming a “lame duck,” which would escalate geopolitical risks to the market (especially with Iran and China). Taken as a whole, we maintain a defensive tactical position until the stimulus goes through.   Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com

Highlights Ultimately the US Congress will pass a major stimulus bill, but short-term risks to the equity rally are elevated. President Trump’s executive actions are not sufficient stimulus in the absence of an act of Congress. Trump’s opinion polling is starting to recover. A sustainable comeback requires Trump to sign a bill, the stock market to avoid a correction, COVID-19 new cases to continue subsiding, and crime to rise such that “law and order” resonates with voters. Depending on the data, we will upgrade Trump’s odds of victory from 35%. A major Trump comeback would increase global economic policy uncertainty relative to the United States. This would support the USD and US equity outperformance relative to global in the near term, though the opposite is still likely over the long term. Feature Over the weekend President Trump resorted to executive orders to bypass the gridlock in Congress over the next round of fiscal support for the pandemic-stricken economy. He issued four decrees that would provide $400 per week in new federal unemployment benefits; defer the 6.2% payroll tax on US workers making less than $100,000 through December 31; assist renters and homeowners with monthly payments; and delay student debt repayments. These actions are politically popular and Democrats will have trouble criticizing them. But they are not ultimately sufficient for the US economy or stock market. They should be seen as part of a “stimulus hiccup” that fails to deliver the equity market from the elevated risk of a correction in the very near term. First, these measures are leaner than any compromise bill that would come from Capitol Hill. They will also be difficult to implement as US states are required to provide 25% of the unemployment benefits while individual companies are needed to manage the payroll tax. Uncertainty will be high and compliance low, especially initially.     Second, federal courts will add to uncertainty by raising legal questions about the president’s decrees, probably issuing injunctions. The president is partly redirecting funds already appropriated, which can be gotten away with (especially during emergencies and on a temporary basis), but he is flirting with making unilateral appropriations, which is unconstitutional. Legal questions will make it harder for states and firms to know whether and how to implement the orders, vitiating their effect. Thus if the president’s actions are not quickly superseded by a full relief bill from Congress, the market will be disappointed, along with business and consumer confidence and balance sheets. Fiscal policy is of utmost importance to financial markets because the major central banks are limited due to the zero lower bound. Any premature interruption in fiscal support could cause markets to go into a tailspin on the fear that household and business finances and confidence will relapse, with longer-term damage. Chart 1Volatility Rises Ahead Of Elections Volatility has not picked up much because the pandemic numbers are improving (see below) and these executive actions offer a bridge to a full stimulus bill later (Chart 1). But that means further delays will cause bigger swings – especially if Congress does not get a deal by the end of this week. With election risks and geopolitical risks also escalating, August could easily whipsaw bullish equity investors who have grown complacent with this year’s rapid rebound. Ultimately, we maintain that Congress will pass a bill. GOP senators will succumb to political pressure. Both Trump and the Republicans are looking extremely vulnerable in public opinion polling. A failure on pandemic relief would likely be the final straw for voters. Concessions to House Democrats will produce a bill of around $2.5 trillion for President Trump to sign (Table 1). Table 1Outline Of Fifth US COVID Stimulus Package (Estimate) Chart 2Republicans Will Forgive Senate Largesse If Re-Elected The opposing risk – that Republicans will lose votes for being fiscally profligate – is a far lower bar for them to cross. Republicans worry less about Big Government when their own party runs the government (Chart 2). Assuming GOP senators get with the program and a bill is passed, markets will turn to the 2020 election battle. This election is more significant than usual because it pits an anti-establishment candidate against a political establishment that is circling the wagons, thus portending structural consequences for the US economy, particularly on trade and immigration. President Trump is the underdog because of the pandemic and recession. High unemployment is deadly for sitting presidents. Voters clearly believe he has mishandled the pandemic; they also believe he has mishandled race relations amid an explosion of racially charged social unrest. But these factors are now baked in the cake. There are three factors that can sustain Trump’s comeback in the opinion polls: Stimulus passes: Passage of a new stimulus bill will buttress the households, businesses, and the stock market. By issuing executive orders, Trump has shown he has no patience for Congress’s dithering. This will resonate with voters, but only so far. A full stimulus bill needs to be signed and disbursed to sustain his rebound in popular opinion. COVID-19 abates: COVID-19 hospitalizations and new cases are rolling over, giving society (and markets) a reason to be optimistic (Chart 3). As long as stimulus is passed, people can continue distancing without reversing the economic recovery. If the virus abates, Trump’s net approval rating will also improve. “Law and order” resonates: Trump has taken a hard line on crime, violence, and vandalism amid this summer’s social unrest. If crime rises in the suburbs in swing states, then his message may resonate with critical voters. Alternately he could gain traction for tough foreign policy on China (as long as stocks do not collapse) or Iran. Chart 3COVID-19 Hospitalizations And New Cases Rolling Over Chart 4Trump’s Comeback Begins – Is It Sustainable? Trump’s polling head-to-head against his rival, former Vice President Joe Biden, suggests that he has hit the floor in the swing states but not national polling – and it is swing states that determine the Electoral College outcome (Chart 4). If these three trends fall together, Trump’s comeback in opinion polls will be sustainable and we would need to upgrade his odds of victory, which we set at 35% in March. Global policy uncertainty would rise relative to the United States, as Trump is disruptive on the global scene. The US dollar could bounce, or at least stay flat, as near-term geopolitical risk would vie with surging debt monetization, which will weaken the dollar over the long run. US equity performance relative to global stocks would get a boost due to higher odds of more significant protectionism and trade conflict in 2021-24. By contrast, if Congress fails on stimulus, the stock market corrects, COVID reaccelerates with the school year, and the “law and order” theme flops, then Trump’s polling will see a dead-cat bounce. US policy uncertainty would rise relative to global, as Biden and the Democrats would raise regulation and taxes at home yet act with greater predictability abroad (Chart 5). Chart 5A Trump Comeback Would Boost US Equity Outperformance Until the three trends above confirm the basis for Trump to have a sustainable comeback, we maintain that his odds of victory are 35%. Our quantitative model reveals upside risk by indicating he has a 42% chance (Chart 6). Chart 6Geopolitical Strategy Quant Model: Trump Has 42% Chance Of Victory​​​​​​​ Bottom Line: Investors should be prepared for a risk-off episode in the near term in case Congress fails to compromise on a major new fiscal stimulus. Assuming they agree, President Trump will have a comeback in opinion polls that could be sustainable and justify an upgrade of his election chances. That in turn would raise the risk of significant escalation in the trade war for China (and Europe) and eliminate the risk of higher taxes and regulation in the United States in 2021. Investors who are aggressively short the dollar, or heavily invested into cyclical stocks and regions, would get blindsided in the short run by such a turn of events, even though this positioning makes sense over the long run. After all, over the long run for the dollar, the whole dynamic outlined in this report underscores that austerity is dead: if Trump wins he was rewarded for using populist spending by executive fiat; if Democrats win then their mega-spending proposition paid off. Matt Gertken  Vice President Geopolitical Strategy  mattg@bcaresearch.com ​​​​​​​

Special Report

Highlights We remain bullish on France over the long run. Its industrial economy should revive on global stimulus over the coming years and its government will likely remain reformist in orientation. Macron has enough of a popular consensus and enough time on the political clock to oversee recovery in 2021 and get reelected in 2022. It would take a massive new economic crisis, on top of COVID-19, to generate a successful anti-establishment challenge. Macron is not likely to enjoy the strong legislative majorities of his first term. Much depends on how he handles the economic recovery and the international challenges facing Europe. The likely leadership change in the US will assist on the latter point, although US policy uncertainty will weigh on France’s prospects in the near term. Investors with a long-term horizon should go long French defense and energy stocks relative to American peers, which face policy headwinds. Underweight French government bonds in a diversified portfolio over the long run. Feature France celebrated Bastille Day this year with a toned down military parade on the Champs Elysee. The COVID-19 pandemic has hit the country hard – it has the eighth highest death toll in the world with 452 deaths per million people. By comparison, the US is ranked seventh, with 472 deaths per million (Chart 1). Chart 1France Has Been Badly Hit By COVID-19 Ironically, the crisis provided President Emmanuel Macron an opportunity to postpone his controversial pension reform and put a stop to massive labor strikes. These strikes were surprisingly large and effective – much more significant than the Yellow Vest protests that erupted in 2018. Aggregate demand will benefit but France’s economic structure will not, until reforms get back on track. With less than two years before the presidential election, we take a moment to reassess our view on Macron’s re-election prospects and our bullish view of the country’s equity market. We view Macron as a favorite for re-election and hence remain optimistic about the prospects for structural reforms that improve France’s economic competitiveness over the long run. French Markets Have Underperformed Amid COVID-19 But Will Outperform Later Chart 2French Equities Amid Covid-19 French equities have underperformed developed market equities by 12% this year. The post-February equity rally, fueled as elsewhere by massive monetary and fiscal stimulus, has been disappointing compared to US and German equities but still better than that of southern European bourses Italy, Spain and Greece (Chart 2). France has also outperformed the UK, which is heavily reliant on energy and financials and faces a high degree of economic policy uncertainty due to Brexit. Our European Strategist, Dhaval Joshi, has described equity performance this year as a case of the “good stock market” versus the “bad stock market.” The key lies in the relationship between equity sectors and bond yields. For the good sectors, lower bond yields entail a valuation boom and higher prices – as with information technology and health care. For the bad market, lower bond yields entail a profits recession and lower prices – case in point being the banking sector. To better illustrate his point, Table 1 provides the sector composition for core European equities and other developed market bourses (US and UK) as well as the year-to-date performance of each sector. Banks have underperformed massively while information technology and health care have delivered positive returns across different bourses thus far. Table 1The "Good" And The "Bad" Stock Markets French equities are the most exposed to global growth, with 17% allotted to industrials and 4% to energy. Year to date, these sectors have underperformed by -24% and -34% respectively. The upside is that global economic recovery will benefit France more than other bourses and enable it to retrace its massive underperformance during the virus lockdowns. Global economic recovery will benefit France more than other bourses and enable it to retrace its massive underperformance. Extremely accommodative monetary policy around the world will keep bond yields low as long as unemployment stays high and inflation stays low. Central bankers will remain ultra-dovish. This will drive a search for yield from investors and bid up risk assets’ prices in the process. Core European government bond yields may fall further in the short run, in the face of a resurgent virus and acute geopolitical risk surrounding the US election, but not the long run (Chart 3). Reliable cyclical indicators such as the German ZEW and IFO surveys are already showing signs that Euro Area growth is starting to recover from the lockdowns. Chart 3The Threat Of Second Waves Will Keep A Lid On Bond Yields Chart 4French Bonds Will Underperform As Growth Recovers In relative terms, economies with high “yield betas” tend to have the greatest sensitivity to global growth indicators (Chart 4). We anticipate a revival in global growth sometime in 2021, as policymakers will be forced to apply more stimulus when needed. Bond yields will eventually rise, though there is a long journey before the output gap will be closed. French bonds will underperform their peripheral peers, which have more to gain from the global search for yield combined with the implementation of the Macron-Merkel agreement to mutualize Euro Area debt. Bottom Line: Fundamentals suggest that investors should go long French equities, and favor French over other developed market equities over a long-term investment horizon. Investors should remain underweight French government bonds in a diversified portfolio over the long run as the global recovery advances. The Bloated State Saves The Supply-Side Reformer Most lockdown restrictions ended at the beginning of June in France and most measures of economic activity have rebounded sharply. The French manufacturing PMI came in at 52.4 in July, a 22-month high, from 40.6 in May. The services PMI jumped well above the 50 boom/bust line to 57.8 from 31.1 in May (Chart 5). Firms are finally resuming business as usual alongside a marked improvement in sentiment regarding the next 12 months. The underlying data from the Markit PMI survey revealed that domestic demand drove the expansion. Chart 5Sharp Rebound In Soft Data Chart 6Don’t Judge The Recovery Based On The Fiscal Stimulus Package France’s rebound was sharp even relative to other developed markets that had deployed much larger fiscal stimulus packages (Chart 6, with details in Appendix). First, the French economy was surprisingly resilient during the 2019 manufacturing downturn and the slowdown in global activity – note that the French manufacturing PMI only flirted with the 50 boom/bust line in 2019 while German, Italian and Spanish manufacturing PMIs remained well below 50. Importantly, France is after Germany the European country that stands to benefit the most from the recovery in Chinese economic activity. Second, while France’s new fiscal spending was restrained overall, the composition of its stimulus and its existing automatic stabilizers proved to be effective. France rolled out one of the most generous state-subsidized furlough schemes in Europe, with the state shouldering more than two-thirds of wages and leaving the rest to the employers. By end of June, more than 13 million workers were on state-subsidized furloughs, almost half the French workforce (Chart 7). That compares with around one-third of workers in Italy, and around one-fifth in the UK and Germany. Going forward, the sectors most badly hurt by the COVID-19 crisis, such as aerospace and tourism, will be able to keep benefitting from state-subsidized furlough schemes for the next 24 months if necessary. For other companies, the coverage will be slightly reduced and extended into the first quarter of 2021. Reducing unemployment is essential for any world leader, but Macron faces an election around the corner, and he had promised specifically to bring unemployment to 7% by the end of his mandate. Before the crisis the unemployment rate was 7.6% but is now expected to reach 10% by the end of 2020 (Chart 8). Normally it takes eight years after a recession for French unemployment to return to pre-recession levels. Chart 7The French Furlough Scheme Is Impressive Chart 8French Unemployment Rate Expected To Jump Back To Post-GFC Peak In other words, Macron will do more stimulus if necessary. So far France’s coronavirus response measures amount to nearly 4% of GDP, excluding loan guarantees. An unprecedented public sector budget deficit of 11.4% is now expected by the government this year, compared to 3% in 2019. The government is supporting car manufacturer Renault and airline company Air France – two jewels of the French economy – as well as other industries. Given the V-shaped recovery, we would not expect banks to shut the credit tap (Chart 9). Indeed, the French economy will be able to rely on stronger bank lending activity than its European peers (Chart 9, panels 2 and 3). Importantly, Chart 10 shows that French companies rated by Moody’s are less extremely exposed to the pandemic-induced recession than the firms of neighboring Germany, Italy, and Spain. Further, once economic conditions improve enough to restore consumer confidence, then consumer spending will pick up, bolstered by accumulated savings (Chart 11). Chart 9Supportive Bank Lending Chart 10A Lower Exposure To The Pandemic-Induced Recession Tourism is a weak spot, but France’s reliance on tourism is overstated (Table 2). The sector accounts for 9.5% of GDP and 7.3% of non-financial business employment. France made supporting this industry a national priority.   Chart 11A V-Shaped Recovery In Consumer Spending Incoming? Table 2The French Reliance On Tourism Is Overstated Ironically, President Macron’s greatest asset right now is the large French state that he campaigned on cutting down to size. The French state helped sustain the economy better than others during this year’s historic shock. Bottom Line: France’s economic rebound has surpassed that of other countries that deployed larger stimulus packages. Gener­ous furloughing, large automatic stabilizers, ample bank credit, and Macron’s looming election ensure that government support will persist. This is a solid backdrop for an economic recovery led by domestic demand. Macron Still Favored In 2022 Chart 12France Gets A “C-“ For Handling The Pandemic & A “B+” For Handling The Economy The French people naturally question the ability of government authorities to handle the pandemic efficiently (Chart 12). By mid-May, about 60% of the public doubted the government’s effectiveness. Public opinion has not been so bad when it comes to the handling of the economy by the government (Chart 12, bottom panel). Moreover Macron has received a notable boost to his popular support during the crisis. The number of people who intend to vote for him has gone up, the first time that has happened for an incumbent president since 2002 (Chart 13). Compared to other world leaders, Macron fares pretty well. His personal support and his party’s support have increased more than their peers in Spain, the US, the UK, and Japan, albeit less than in Germany and the Netherlands (Chart 14). But while those two governments only have to sustain this support until next year’s elections, Macron needs to sustain support for two years to get re-elected. Chart 13The Crisis Ended Up Boosting Macron’s Popular Support... Chart 14…Which Is Not The Case For All Political Leaders The good news for Macron is that the public does not believe that any other parties or candidates would have handled the pandemic any better (Chart 15). There is a lack of credible opposition from traditional political parties. Macron and the anti-establishment Marine Le Pen, who leads the National Rally, are expected to face each other once again in the second round of the 2022 election. If the election were held today, polls suggest Macron would win this rematch with 55% of votes instead of the 66% he won in 2017. Chart 15French Public Does Not Blame Macron For Coronavirus Handling As long as voters are forced to choose between Macron and Le Pen, Macron has the advantage. As in 2017, he will be able to appeal to voters from other parties in the second round of the election, notably the green party EELV (see Box 1). Left-wing voters will join with center-right voters to elect him. The risk to Macron is if a viable challenger manages to edge out Le Pen. Or, an economic collapse could discredit his centrist and reformist movement and drive more voters into the anti-establishment camp. But that risk merely underscores the necessity that will drive his administration to play an accommodative and reflationary economic role. As long as voters are forced to choose between Macron and Le Pen in 2022, Macron has the advantage.  Box 1: Macron Suffers A Setback In Local Elections French local elections have historically been a way for voters to sanction the incumbent power, as was the case for Nicolas Sarkozy in 2008 and his successor Francois Hollande in 2014. True to the historical pattern, Macron and his party La Republique En Marche (LREM) performed poorly in the polls this year. Amid the virus, voter turnout was historically low: 41% compared to 62.1% in 2014. Macron has seen some splintering in his party and has been forced to reshuffle his cabinet. This stumble should not come as a surprise for a party that is akin to an infant in the French political landscape and therefore preferred to play it safe by endorsing candidates in only half of France’s cities of 10,000 people, often choosing to support right-wing candidates (Les Republicains) everywhere else. Fortunately for Macron, Marine Le Pen’s party did not fare any better. The main surprise from the 2020 local elections came from the green party Europe Ecologie-Les Verts (EELV) which even managed to win a number of major victories in large cities. A surge for the Greens is actually quite positive for Macron as he will have no trouble rallying the Greens in 2022 if he is opposed by Le Pen (Chart 16, bottom panel). This outcome also calls for an environmental spending push as part of stimulus efforts in the second half of his term. Chart 16Polls See Macron Win In 2022 Macron is still popular among Millennials, white collar workers, and the elderly (Chart 16). He also has a strong base in Paris (and the suburbs) as opposed to Le Pen, yet he still outperforms Le Pen among rural voters in today’s polls. Bottom Line: Macron is still favored to win the 2022 election. The two-round voting system makes it very difficult for a populist or anti-establishment politician to win the election, given that other factions will align against extreme players. While another massive economic shock could change things, the Macron administration will pursue economic reflation all the more aggressively to prevent this outcome. Macron Keeps France On Reformist Path Crises often accelerate the changes that were taking shape beforehand. This is positive for Macron’s centrist vision of France rather than the anti-establishment alternative that he faced down in 2017. What will be Macron’s roadmap for the remaining two years of his presidency? Public opinion wants him to focus on the labor market and the economic recovery in the months to come and he will be happy to oblige (Chart 17). Macron reshuffled his government before announcing a recovery plan of 100 billion euros, of which 40% will be funded by the European recovery fund. For now, we know the private sector will receive a large share of the pie in order to boost productivity and help French companies stay afloat. Twenty billion euros will go toward the environmental push. A detailed blueprint will be unveiled at the end of August. Chart 17Roadmap To 2022: Focusing On The Labor Market & Economic Recovery Structural reforms may not resume until after 2022. Yes, Macron intends to finish his pension reform prior to the election. And yes, he is capable of passing it through the legislature on paper. Technically he lost his single-party absolute majority in the National Assembly in May. Defections have cost him 26 party members since the 2017 election. But LREM can still count on the unconditional support of two other coalitions in the Assembly giving him 355 seats out of 577 (61.5%). However, Macron would take a huge gamble in reviving the pension reform when the country’s output gap is large. Former President Nicolas Sarkozy attempted to pass a less ambitious pension reform in the midst of the Euro debt crisis, 12 months before facing re-election in 2012 – and he lost the election. We doubt Macron will share the fate of his predecessor, but that most likely means punting on reforms for now and returning to them after securing re-election. If Macron proves us wrong, then that will be a positive surprise for French equity markets confirming our thesis that Macron is favored and France is on a reformist trajectory. The pace and breadth of the reforms have been substantial so far, but obviously Macron has halted plans to pare back the size of the state. Cutting back inefficiencies will still be a theme of Macron’s re-election campaign, but with modifications for the new political environment (such as green spending, mentioned above). Meantime, the COVID-19 crisis revealed that more state decentralization is desperately needed. We should also expect measures to push French companies to relocate production activities back into France, which will be more feasible thanks to labor reforms passed into law earlier in Macron’s presidency. The crisis revealed France might find ways to strengthen supply chains, starting with medical masks, of which France is a net importer. Excessive foreign dependency is an economic reality that the French president cannot envision for France and the EU. As Macron said, “The only answer is to build a new, stronger economic model, to work and produce more, so as not to rely on others.” The objective is to build a European Union that is less dependent on China and the US. The EU is first and foremost a geopolitical project, and the impetus for integration has increased, not decreased, since the 2008 financial crisis. A divided Europe is no match for Russia, the US, or China, especially if the US takes a step back from its post-World War II role of guaranteeing free trade and global security. While a Democratic Party government in Washington would ease trans-Atlantic tensions, there will still be an American need to limit foreign commitments and a European need to look after itself. The outstanding question, then, is the makeup of the National Assembly in 2022. This is too far away to predict. What is clear is that Macron is unlikely to regain the golden single-party majority with which he entered office in 2017, or to gain control of the Senate. So he will necessarily be more constrained in a second term in the legislature. Nevertheless he will still benefit from the underlying trend in France: the demand for a better economy and jobs market. This requires pro-productivity reforms, which is known by the public, and Macron has made reform his banner. Bottom Line: Overseeing the economic recovery and bringing down unemployment will be the two key factors to monitor. At present, Macron’s chances of re-election are good. He does not face a major challenger other than the anti-establishment Marine Le Pen, who will provoke a coalition of parties against her. He even stands to benefit from the rise of the Greens, although the future makeup of the legislature will then become the key challenge. Although the focus of the remaining two years of his mandate will be on economic recovery, there is a chance that Macron could pass a watered-down pension reform. This political setup is positive for French growth but not entirely at the expense of long-term productivity. After 2022, Macron will face a higher legislative constraint, but he will have a new mandate to pursue structural reforms. Investment Takeaways Governments and their populations do not have much appetite for additional social lockdowns as COVID-19 cases reaccelerate, but lockdowns are clearly a near-term risk to the recovery. As such, risky assets face volatility in the near term. Europe’s political cooperation and stability combined with global reflation provide a stable launching pad for EUR-USD. The EUR-USD is reaching a critical testing ground (Chart 18). European integration has taken another leap forward during this crisis, thanks in part to Macron’s diplomatic success in smoothing the way for Germany’s Merkel to take prompt steps toward joint debt issuance and more proactive fiscal support for the periphery. Europe’s political cooperation and stability combined with global reflation provide a stable launching pad for EUR-USD. Chart 18The Case For A Higher EUR/USD However, the dollar could bounce in the near term. A chaotic US election is looming in three months and European earnings revisions underperforming the US will weigh on the euro. While global growth is recovering, and a massive new round of US fiscal stimulus is likely to further enlarge US twin deficits, the 35% chance of a surprise Trump victory would raise the prospect of trade war against Europe as well as China in 2021 and beyond. The dollar could revive if the market seeks safe havens on the anticipation of new crises in a second term in which President Trump is “unleashed.” This would also hurt industrial-oriented economies like France. The risk scenario of Trump’s re-election would also increase the tail-risk of a major conflict with Iran over the subsequent four years – and Middle Eastern instability is negative for European risk assets and political stability. Therefore the long EUR-USD call could be jeopardized by a surprise as November approaches. Otherwise, assuming that the Democratic Party wins the US election, the risk of a trade war against Europe will collapse. So too will the risk of a real war with Iran. Meanwhile the US’s strategic pivot to Asia will be handled in a less disruptive way. Therefore EUR-USD would stand to benefit. To the extent that European equities tend to outperform other regions only when global growth is accelerating, bond yields are heading higher, and the growth defensives like tech are underperforming, we are inclined to underweight European bourses relative to US equities in the short run, but not the long run. On a cyclical or 12-month-plus time frame, governments are likely to succeed in rebooting economic growth through massive stimulus. This is positive for French equities, particularly relative to US equities. We recommend going long French aerospace and defense equities in particular. This sector has been beaten down, like its global and American peers. Yet geopolitical power struggle will fuel defense expenditures and global stimulus will revive the aerospace sector once the coronavirus becomes more manageable (Chart 19). Tactically, the shift to a Democratic administration in the US presents near-term risk for US defense stocks, making them the fitting short end of a pair trade favoring French defense stocks. Two French sectors equities are particularly attractive: Aerospace & defense and Energy. Tactically we would play these against American counterparts due to US election policy headwinds for defense and energy. We also recommend going long French energy equities, relative to US peers. The French energy sector has been outperforming its US and developed market counterparts in recent years and will benefit from a global growth revival (Chart 20). The sector will also benefit on the margin if Trump loses the vote and cannot pursue “maximum pressure” on Iran, but instead gives way for former Vice President Joe Biden to tighten regulation on US energy companies and restore the 2015 nuclear deal and strategic détente with Iran. Chart 19Go Long French Aerospace & Defense... Chart 20…And Long French Energy Relative To US We remain bullish French equities on a secular basis as long as Macron’s reelection remains the base case, European integration is supported and France has the prospect to return to incremental structural reforms over time. Meanwhile it is an economy that is structurally protected from the world’s retreat from globalization. De-globalization abroad requires Europe to break down internal barriers and France is well-positioned to succeed in such an environment.   Jeremie Peloso Senior Analyst jeremiep@bcaresearch.com Appendix

Highlights The tech sector faces mounting domestic political and geopolitical risks. We fully expected stimulus hiccups but believe they will give way to large new fiscal support, given that COVID-19 is weighing on consumer confidence. Europe’s relative political stability is a good basis for the euro rally but any comeback in opinion polling by President Trump could give dollar bulls new life. DXY is approaching a critical threshold below which it would break down further. The US could take aggressive actions on Russia and Iran, but China and the Taiwan Strait remain the biggest geopolitical risk. Feature Near-term risks continue to mount against the equity rally, even as governments’ combined monetary and fiscal policies continue to support a cyclical economic rebound. Chart 1Tech Bubble Amid Tech War Testimony by the chief executives of Facebook, Apple, Amazon, and Alphabet to the US House of Representatives highlighted the major political risks facing the market leaders. There are three reasons not to dismiss these risks despite the theatrical nature of the hearings. First, the tech companies’ concentration of wealth would be conspicuous during any economic bust, but this bust has left pandemic-stricken consumers more reliant on their services. Second, acrimony is bipartisan – conservatives are enraged by the tendency of the tech companies to side with the Democratic Party in policing the range of acceptable political discourse, and they increasingly agree with liberals that the companies have excessive corporate power warranting anti-trust probes. Executive action is the immediate risk, but in the coming one-to-two years congressional majorities will also be mustered to tighten regulation. Third, technology is the root of the great power struggle between the US and China – a struggle that will not go away if Biden wins the election. Indeed Biden was part of the administration that launched the US’s “Pivot to Asia” and will have better success in galvanizing US diplomatic allies behind western alternatives to Chinese state-backed and military-linked tech companies. US tech companies struggle to outperform Chinese tech companies except during episodes of US tariffs, given the latter firms’ state-backed turn toward innovation and privileged capture of the Chinese domestic market (Chart 1). The US government cannot afford to break up these companies without weighing the strategic consequences for America’s international competitiveness. The attempt to coordinate a western pressure campaign against Huawei and other leading Chinese firms will continue over the long run as they are accused of stealing technology, circumventing UN sanctions, violating human rights, and compromising the national security of the democracies. China, for its part, will be forced to take counter-measures. US tech companies will be caught in the middle. Like the threat of executive regulation in the domestic sphere, the threat of state action in the international sphere is difficult to time. It could happen immediately, especially given that the US is having some success in galvanizing an alliance even under President Trump (see the UK decision to bar Huawei) and that President Trump’s falling election prospects remove the chief constraint on tough action against China (the administration will likely revoke Huawei’s general license on August 13 or closer to the election). Massive domestic economic stimulus empowers the US to impose a technological cordon and China to retaliate. Combining this headline risk to the tech sector with other indications that the equity rally is extended – the surge in gold prices, the fall in the 30-year/5-year Treasury slope – tells us that investors should be cautious about deploying fresh capital in the near term. Republicans Will Capitulate To New Stimulus Just as President Trump has ignored bad news on the coronavirus, financial markets have ignored bad news on the economy. Dismal Q2 GDP releases were fully expected – Germany shrank by 10.1% while the US shrank by 9.5% on a quarterly basis, 32.9% annualized. But the resurgence of the virus is threatening new government restrictions on economic activity. US initial unemployment claims have edged up over the past three weeks. US consumer confidence regarding future expectations plummeted from 106.1 in June to 91.5 in July, according to the Conference Board’s index. Chart 2Global Instability Will Follow Recession Setbacks in combating the virus will hurt consumers even assuming that governments lack the political will to enforce new lockdowns. The share of countries in recession has surged to levels not seen in 60 years (Chart 2). Financial markets can look past recessions, but the pandemic-driven recession will result in negative surprises and second-order effects that are unforeseen. Yes, fresh fiscal stimulus is coming, but this is more positive for the cyclical outlook than the tactical outlook. Stimulus “hiccups” could precipitate a near-term pullback – such a pullback may be necessary to force politicians to resolve disputes over the size and composition of new stimulus. This risk is immediate in the United States, where House Democrats, Senate Republicans, and the White House have hit an all-too-predictable impasse over the fifth round of stimulus. The bill under negotiation is likely to be President Trump’s last chance to score a legislative victory before the election and the last significant legislative economic relief until early 2021. The Senate Republicans have proposed a $1.1 trillion HEALS Act in response to the House Democrats’ $3.4 trillion HEROES Act, passed in mid-May. As we go to press, the federal unemployment insurance top-up of $600 per week is expiring, with a potential cost of 3% of GDP in fiscal tightening, as well as the moratorium on home evictions. Congress will have to rush through a stop-gap measure to extend these benefits if it cannot resolve the debate on the larger stimulus package. If Democrats and Republicans split the difference then we will get $2.5 trillion in stimulus, likely by August 10. Compromise on the larger package is easy in principle, as Table 1 shows. If the two sides split the difference between their proposals in a commonsense way, as shown in the fourth and fifth columns of Table 1, then the result will be a $2.5 trillion stimulus. This estimate fits with what we have published in the past and likely meets market expectations for the time being. Table 1Outline Of Fifth US COVID Stimulus Package (Estimate) Whether it is enough for the economy depends on how the virus develops and how governments respond once flu season picks up and combines with the coronavirus to pressure the health system this fall. A back-of-the-envelope estimate of the amount of spending necessary to keep the budget deficit from shrinking in the second half of the year comes much closer to the House Democrats’ $3.4 trillion bill (Table 2), which suggests that what appears to be a massive stimulus today could appear insufficient tomorrow. Nevertheless, $2.5 trillion is not exactly small. It would bring the US total to $5 trillion year-to-date, or 24% of GDP! Table 2Reducing The Budget Deficit On A Quarterly Basis Will Slow Economy While a compromise bill should come quickly, the Republican Party is more divided over this round of stimulus than earlier this year. Chart 3US Personal Income Looks Good Compared To 2008-09 First, there is some complacency due to the fact that the economy is recovering, not collapsing as was the case back in March. Our US bond strategist, Ryan Swift, has shown that US personal income is much better off, thus far, than it was in the months following the 2008 financial crisis, even though the initial pre-transfer hit to incomes is larger (Chart 3). Second, the Republican Party is reacting to growing unease within its ranks over the yawning budget deficit, now the largest since World War II (Chart 4). Chart 4If Republicans React To Deficit Concerns They Cook Their Own Goose Chart 5Consumer Confidence Sends Warning Signal To Republicans If Republicans are guided by complacency and fiscal hawks, they will cook their own goose. A failure to provide government support will cause a financial market selloff, will hurt consumer confidence, and will put the final nail in the coffin of their own chance of re-election as well as President Trump’s. Consumer confidence tracks fairly well with presidential approval rating and election outcomes. A further dip could disqualify Trump, whereas a last-minute boost due to stimulus and an economic surge could line him up for a comeback in the last lap (Chart 5). These constraints are obvious so we maintain our high conviction call that a bill will be passed, likely by August 10. But at these levels on the equity market, we simply have no confidence in the market gyrations leading up to or following the passage of the bill. Our conviction level is on the cyclical, 12-month horizon, in which case we expect US and global stimulus to operate and equities to rise. Bottom Line: Political and economic constraints will force Republicans to join Democrats and pass a new stimulus bill of about $2.5 trillion by around August 10. This is cyclically positive, but hiccups in getting it passed, negative surprises, and other risks tied to US politics discourage us from taking an overtly bullish stance over the next three months. Yes, US-China Tensions Are Still Relevant Chart 6Chinese Politburo"s Bark Worse Than Bite On Stimulus Financial markets have shrugged off US-China tensions this year for understandable reasons. The pandemic, recession, and stimulus have overweighed the ongoing US-China conflict. As we have argued, China is undertaking a sweeping fiscal and quasi-fiscal stimulus – despite lingering hawkish rhetoric – and the size is sufficient to assist in global economic recovery as well as domestic Chinese recovery. What the financial market overlooks is that China’s households and firms are still reluctant to spend (Chart 6). China’s Politburo's late July meetings on the economy are frequently important. Initial reports of this year’s meet-up reinforce the stimulus narrative. Hints of hawkishness here and there serve a political purpose in curbing market exuberance, both at home and in the US election context, but China will ultimately remain accommodative because it has already bumped up against its chief constraint of domestic stability. Note that this assessment also leaves space for market jitters in the near-term. The phase one trade deal remains intact as President Trump is counting on it to make the case for re-election while China is looking to avoid antagonizing a loose cannon president who still has a chance of re-election. As long as broad-based tariff rates do not rise, in keeping with Trump’s deal, financial markets can ignore the small fry. We maintain a 40% risk that Trump levels sweeping punitive measures; our base case is that he goes to the election arguing that he gets results through his deal-making while carrying a big stick. At the same time, our view that domestic stimulus removes the economic constraints on conflict, enabling the two countries to escalate tensions, has been vindicated in recent weeks. Chinese political risk continues on a general uptrend, based on market indicators. The market is also starting to price in the immense geopolitical risks embedded in Taiwan’s situation, which we have highlighted consistently since 2016. While North Korea remains on a diplomatic track, refraining from major military provocations, South Korean political risk is still elevated both for domestic and regional reasons (Chart 7). Chart 7China Political Risk Still Trending Upward The market is gradually pricing in a higher risk premium in the renminbi, Taiwanese dollar, and Korean won, and this pricing accords with our longstanding political assessment. The closure of the US and Chinese consulates in Houston and Chengdu is only the latest example of this escalating dynamic. While the US’s initial sanctions on China over Hong Kong were limited in economic impact, the longer term negative consequences continue to build. Hong Kong was the symbol of the Chinese Communist Party’s compatibility with western liberalism; the removal of Hong Kong’s autonomy strikes a permanent blow against this compatibility. China’s decision to go forward with the imposition of a national security law in Hong Kong – and now to bar pro-democratic candidates from the September 6 Legislative Council elections, which will probably be postponed anyway – has accelerated coalition-building among the western democracies. The UK is now clashing with China more openly, especially after blocking Huawei from its 5G system and welcoming Hong Kong political refugees. Australia and China have fought a miniature trade war of their own over China’s lack of transparency regarding COVID-19, and Canada is implicated in the Huawei affair. Even the EU has taken a more “realist” approach to China. Across the Taiwan Strait, political leaders are assisting fleeing Hong Kongers, crying out against Beijing’s expansion of control in its periphery, rallying support from informal allies in the US and West, and doubling down on their “Silicon Shield” (prowess in semiconductor production) as a source of protection. Intel Corporation’s decision to increase its dependency on TSMC for advanced microchips only heightens the centrality of this island and this company in the power struggle between the US and China. China cannot fulfill its global ambitions if the US succeeds in creating a technological cordon. Taiwan is the key to China’s breaking through that cordon. Therefore Taiwan is at heightened risk of economic or even military conflict. The base case is that Beijing will impose economic sanctions first, to undermine Taiwanese leadership. The uncertainty over the US’s willingness to defend Taiwan is still elevated, even if the US is gradually signaling a higher level of commitment. This uncertainty makes strategic miscalculations more likely than otherwise. But Taiwan’s extreme economic dependence on the mainland gives Beijing a lever to pursue its interests and at present that is the most important factor in keeping war risk contained. By the same token, Taiwanese economic and political diversification increases that risk. A “fourth Taiwan Strait crisis” that involves trade war and sanctions is our base case, but war cannot be ruled out, and any war would be a major war. Thus investors can safely ignore Tik-Tok, Hong Kong LegCo elections, and accusations of human rights violations in Xinjiang. But they cannot ignore concrete deterioration in the Taiwan Strait. Or, for that matter, the South and East China Seas, which are not about fishing and offshore drilling but about China’s strategic depth and positioning around Taiwan. Taiwan is at heightened risk of economic or military conflict. The latest developments have seen the CNY-USD exchange rate roll over after a period of appreciation associated with bilateral deal-keeping (Chart 8). Depreciation makes it more likely that President Trump will take punitive actions, but these will still be consistent with maintaining the phase one deal unless his re-election bid completely collapses, rendering him a lame duck and removing his constraints on more economically significant confrontation. We are perilously close to such an outcome, which is why Trump’s approval rating and head-to-head polling against Joe Biden must be monitored closely. If his budding rebound is dashed, then all bets are off with regard to China and Asian power politics. Chart 8A Warning Of Further US-China Escalation Bottom Line: China’s stimulus, like the US stimulus, is a reason for cyclical optimism regarding risk assets. The phase one trade deal with President Trump is less certain – there is a 40% chance it collapses as stimulus and/or Trump’s political woes remove constraints on conflict. Hong Kong is a red herring except with regard to coalition-building between the US and Europe; the Taiwan Strait is the real geopolitical risk. Maritime conflicts relate to Taiwan and are also market-relevant. Europe, Russia, And Oil Risks Europe has proved a geopolitical opportunity rather than a risk, as we have contended. The passage of joint debt issuance in keeping with the seven-year budget reinforces the point. The Dutch, facing an election early next year, held up the negotiations, but ultimately relented as expected. Emmanuel Macron, who convinced German Chancellor Angela Merkel to embrace this major compromise for European solidarity, is seeing his support bounce in opinion polls at home. He is being rewarded for taking a leadership position in favor of European integration as well as for overseeing a domestic economic rebound. His setback in local elections is overstated as a political risk given that the parties that benefited do not pose a risk to European integration, and will ally with him in 2022 against any populist or anti-establishment challenger. We still refrain from reinitiating our long EUR-USD trade, however, given the immediate risks from the US election cycle (Chart 9). We will reevaluate if Trump’s odds of victory fall further. A Biden victory is very favorable for the euro in our view. Chart 9EUR-USD Gets Boost From EU Solidarity We are bullish on pound sterling because even a delay or otherwise sub-optimal outcome to trade talks is mostly priced in at current levels (Charts 10A and 10B). Prime Minister Boris Johnson has the raw ability to walk away without a deal, in the context of strong domestic stimulus, but the long-term economic consequences could condemn him to a single term in office. Compromise is better and in both parties’ interests. Chart 10APound Sterling A Buy Over Long Run Chart 10BPound Sterling A Buy Over Long Run Two other risks are worth a mention in this month’s GeoRisk Update: Chart 11Russia: GeoRisk Indicator Russian Bonds May Face Sanctions Russia: In recent reports we have maintained that Russian geopolitical risk is understated by markets. Domestic unrest is rising, the Trump administration could impose penalties over Nordstream 2 or other issues to head off criticism on the campaign trail, and a Biden administration would be outright confrontational toward Putin’s regime. Moscow may intervene in the US elections or conduct larger cyber attacks. US sanctions could ultimately target trading of local currency Russian government bonds, which so far have been spared (Chart 11). Iran: The jury is still out on whether the recent series of mysterious explosions affecting critical infrastructure in Iran are evidence of a clandestine campaign of sabotage (Table 3). The nature of the incidents leaves some room for accident and coincidence.1 But the inclusion of military and nuclear sites in the list leads us to believe that some degree of “wag the dog” is going on. The prime suspect would be Israel and/or the United States during the window of opportunity afforded by the Trump administration, which looks to be closing over the next six months. Trump likely has a high tolerance for conflict with Iran ahead of the election. Even though Americans are war-weary, they will rally to the president’s defense if Iran is seen as the instigator, as opinion polls showed they did in September 2019 and January of this year. Iran is avoiding goading Trump so far but if it suffers too great of damage from sabotage then it may be forced to react. The dynamic is unstable and hence an oil price spike cannot be ruled out. Table 3Wag The Dog Scenario Playing Out In Iran Chart 12Oil Supply Risks Stem From Iran/Iraq, But COVID Threat To Demand Persists Oil markets have the capacity and the large inventories necessary to absorb supply disruptions caused by a single Iranian incident (Chart 12). Only a chain reaction or major conflict would add to upward pressure. This would also require global demand to stay firm. The threat from COVID-19 suggests that volatility is the only thing one can count on in the near-term. Over the long run we remain bullish crude oil due to the unfettered commitment by world governments to reflation. Bottom Line: The euro rally is fundamentally supported but faces exogenous risks in the short run. We would steer clear of Russian currency and local currency bonds over the US election campaign and aftermath, particularly if Trump’s polling upturn becomes a dead cat bounce. Iran is a “gray swan” geopolitical risk, hiding in plain sight, but its impact on oil markets will be limited unless a major war occurs. Investment Implications The US dollar is at a critical juncture. Our Foreign Exchange Strategist Chester Ntonifor argues that if the DXY index breaks beneath the 93-94 then the greenback has entered a structural bear market. The most recent close was 93.45 and it has hovered below 94 since Monday. Failure to pass US stimulus quickly could result in a dollar bounce along with other safe havens. Over the short run, investors should be prepared for this and other negative surprises relating to the US election and significant geopolitical risks, especially involving China, the tech war, and the Taiwan Strait. Over the long run, investors should position for more fiscal support to combine with ultra-easy monetary policy for as far as the eye can see. The Federal Reserve is not even “thinking about thinking about raising rates.” This combination ultimately entails rising commodity prices, a weakening dollar, and international equity outperformance relative to both US equities and government bonds.   Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1 See Raz Zimmt, "When it comes to Iran, not everything that goes boom in the night is sabotage," Atlantic Council, July 30, 2020. Section II: Appendix : GeoRisk Indicator China Russia UK Germany France Italy Canada Spain Taiwan Korea Turkey Brazil Section III: Geopolitical Calendar

Highlights The decade-long US equity market outperformance versus the rest of the world could be nearing its end. We are upgrading EM stocks from underweight to neutral within a global equity portfolio. We reiterate the change in our US dollar outlook from bullish to bearish. The concentration risk in EM (specifically in North Asia) mega-cap stocks, poor fundamentals in EM outside North Asia, and a potential flare-up in US-China tensions are the reasons why we are reluctant to be overweight EM stocks. Feature We recommended the short EM equities / long S&P 500 position in late 2010,1 and have reiterated this strategy consistently over the past decade. Since its inception, this trade has produced a 193% gain with extremely low volatility (Chart 1). We recommend taking profits on this position for the reasons elaborated in this report. Chart 1Book Profits On Our Short EM Stocks / Long S&P 500 Strategy Chart 2Equity Strategy Of the Decade: The Risk-Reward Is No Longer Attractive Consistently, we are upgrading EM stocks from underweight to neutral within a global equity portfolio. Our decade-long equity sector theme – introduced in our June 8, 2010 report2 – has been to underweight resources and overweight technology and healthcare (Chart 2). This sector strategy has been one of the reasons for underweighting EM and favoring the US market in a global equity portfolio over the past decade. Going forward, the risk-reward of this sector strategy is no longer attractive. Regarding EM absolute performance, we recommend that absolute-return investors remain on standby for a correction before going long the EM equity benchmark. The End Of US Equity Outperformance The decade-long US equity market outperformance versus the rest of the world could be nearing its end.It is widely known that this decade’s US equity outperformance was largely due to FAANGM stocks (Facebook, Amazon, Apple, Netflix, Google and Microsoft). The FAANGM rally meets many of the criteria for a bubble, as we elaborated in our July 16 report. Our FAANGM equity index – an equal-weighted average of the six stocks – has increased almost 20-fold in real (inflation-adjusted) terms since January 2010 (Chart 3). Chart 3Each Decade = One Mania Its rise is on par with the magnitude of the bull market in the Nasdaq 100 index through the 1990s, or of Walt Disney. through the 1960s, and it well exceeds other bubbles, as illustrated on Chart 3. All price indexes are shown in real (inflation-adjusted) terms. FAANGM stocks have greatly benefited from the recent “work from home” and other societal shifts and have been outperforming through the March financial carnage. It has made them unassailable in the eyes of investors. Yet, even great companies have a fair price, and considerable price overshoots will not be sustainable in the long term. We sense that a growing number of investors deem the US FAANGM and EM mega-cap stocks to be invincible. When some stocks are regarded as unbeatable, their top is not far. Therefore, it is highly unlikely that the FAANGM will outperform in the next selloff. Rather, the odds are that they will underperform because these stocks are extremely expensive, overbought, over-hyped and over-owned. The decade-long US equity market outperformance versus the rest of the world could be nearing its end. Apart from technology and FAANGM, US equities are facing a mediocre profit outlook. As long as the pandemic is not contained, America’s consumer and business confidence will remain lackluster, and, as a result, a recovery in their spending will be subdued. Chart 4US Stocks Are Not Cheap After Removing Market-Cap Bias Notably, the broad US equity market is also expensive. The equal-weighted US equity index is trading at a 12-month forward P/E ratio of 21 (Chart 4, top panel). The risks associated with domestic politics are rising in the US. Social, political and economic divisions have been magnified by both the pandemic and the economic downtrend. Social and political tensions will likely flare up around the November elections. Our colleagues from the Geopolitical team argue that a contested election is possible and could lead to a crisis of presidential legitimacy in the US. Finally, the US equity market cap has reached 58% of the global market cap, the highest on record. Gravity forces are likely to kick in sooner than later, capping US equity outperformance. Bottom Line: The tailwinds supporting the US equity outperformance are fading. We are booking gains on the short EM stocks / long S&P 500 strategy. Consistently, we are also closing the short EM banks / long US banks and short Chinese banks / long US banks positions. They have produced a 75% gain and an 11% loss, respectively. Downgrading The US Dollar Outlook = Upgrading The EM View We had been bullish on the US dollar and bearish on EM currencies since early 2011 (Chart 5, top panel), but on July 9 made a major change in our currency strategy: we switched our shorts in EM currencies away from the US dollar to against an equal-weighted basket of the euro, Swiss franc and the yen. Since then, the EM ex-China equal-weighted currency index has rebounded versus the US dollar, but has depreciated against the basket of the euro, CHF and JPY (Chart 5, bottom panel). Chart 5EM Currencies Have Bottomed Versus The US Dollar But Not Against Other Safe-Heavens While the US dollar could rebound in the short term, especially versus EM currencies, any rebound will likely prove to be short-lived. From now on, the strategy for the greenback should be selling into strength. Here is why: As US inflation rises in the coming years and the Fed refuses to raise interest rates, US real rates will drop further and, as a result, the US dollar will depreciate. A central bank that is behind the inflation curve is bearish for a nation’s currency. The main reason for turning negative on the US dollar structurally is the rising determination by the Federal Reserve to stay behind the inflation curve in the years to come. This strategy will instigate an inflation outbreak. Falling real interest rates have caused a plunge in the US dollar, as well as a surge in precious metal prices, in recent weeks. In fact, risk-on currencies have lately underperformed safe-haven currencies, such as the CHF and JPY (Chart 6). This market move confirms that the dollar’s recent plunge is due to fears of its debasement, not to robust growth in the world economy and in EM/China. As US inflation rises in the coming years and the Fed refuses to raise interest rates, US real rates will drop further and, as a result, the US dollar will depreciate.    Colossal debt monetization. The Fed is undertaking an immense monetization of public and private debt. The current situation, involving the Fed’s purchases of securities, is different from the one following the Lehman crisis. Back in 2008-2014, the Fed’s QE program did not produce an exponential rise in money supply. The US broad money supply (M2) was rising at a single-digit rate between 2009 and 2014 (Chart 7). Presently, US M2 growth has exploded to 24% from a year ago. Chart 6Risk-On Currencies Are Underperforming Safe-Heaven Ones Chart 7Helicopter' Money in the US The pace of US broad money growth is much higher than that of many advanced and developing economies. Chart 8 shows new money creation as a share of GDP across various economies. It demonstrates that Japan and the US are now experiencing the quickest rate of new money creation in the world.   In short, even though debt monetization is occurring in many advanced and EM economies, the US is doing it on an unprecedented scale. Chart 8Money Creation As % Of GDP In 2Q2020 “Helicopter” money will eventually lift inflation. The latest surge in the US money supply has only partially offset the collapse in its velocity. Consequently, America’s nominal GDP has plunged. This stems from the following identity: Nominal GDP = Price Level x Output Volume = Velocity of Money x Money Supply Solving the above equation for inflation, we get: Price Level = (Velocity of Money x Money Supply) / (Output Volume) Going forward, the velocity of US money will likely recover, for it is closely associated with consumers’ and businesses’ willingness to spend. At that point, rising velocity of money and greater money supply will work together to exert upward pressure on nominal GDP. Meantime, the pandemic will probably reduce potential output. The outcome of higher nominal spending and reduced potential productive capacity will be higher inflation. In sum, US inflation will rise well above 2% in the coming years. Yet, the Fed will stay put amid rising inflation. The upshot will be a structural downtrend in the US dollar. Whilst there are many arguments against rising inflation, we are leaning toward the view that US inflation will begin rising as of next year. We will elaborate on this inflation outlook in our future reports.     Rising political and social uncertainty in the US will weigh on the greenback. The failure by the US authorities to contain the spread of the pandemic will continue fueling political and social upheavals. This could culminate in a harshly contested presidential election and a reduction in the US dollar’s allure for foreign investors.    Portfolio inflows into the US will turn into outflows. The stellar performance of US equities attracted portfolio inflows into the US over the last 10 years. These capital inflows, in turn, boosted the greenback. But these dynamics are about to be reversed. Chart 9The US's Net International Investment Position Is At A Record Low The top panel of Chart 9 shows that the US’s net international investment position in equities is at its lowest point since 1986. This means that foreign ownership of US stocks exceeds US resident ownership of foreign equities by a record amount. This reflects the fact that investors have by a large margin favored the US versus other bourses. As American share prices outperformed their international peers, both domestic and foreign investors have poured more capital into US equities. As the US relative equity performance reverses, equity capital will flow out of the US, thus dragging down the US dollar. Chart 10 shows that the trade-weighted dollar tracks the relative performance of the S&P500 versus the global equity benchmark in local currency terms. Regarding debt securities, the US’s net international investment position has widened to  - US$8.5 trillion (Chart 9, bottom panel). Not all fixed-income investors hedge currency risk. As the dollar slides, there will be growing pressure on foreign fixed-income investors to hedge their dollar exposure or sell US and buy non-US debt securities. Chart 10A Top In The US$ = The End Of The US Equity Outperformance? Bottom Line: Immense public debt monetization leading to higher inflation down the road and the Fed falling behind the curve, will produce a lasting and considerable downtrend in the US dollar in the coming years. Why Not Overweight EM Stocks? There are a number of reasons why – for now – we are only upgrading EM equities to neutral, rather than to overweight within a global equity portfolio, and why we are still reluctant to recommend buying EM stocks for absolute-return investors:   Concentration risk in EM mega-cap stocks. As US FAANGM share prices come under selling pressure, contagion will spill over to EM mega-cap stocks. The latter have been responsible for a large share of gains in the EM equity index and, conversely, their pullback will considerably impact the EM benchmark’s performance. The top six companies combined account for about 24% of the MSCI EM equity market cap. To compare, US FAANGM (Facebook, Apple, Amazon, Netflix, Google and Microsoft) also account for 24% of the S&P 500 market cap. Hence, the concentration risk in EM equity space is as high as in the US. Geopolitical risk. A potential flare up in in geopolitical tensions will weigh on Chinese, South Korean and Taiwanese stocks. Given that they make up about 65% of the MSCI EM index equity market cap, the EM benchmark will suffer in absolute terms and be unlikely to outperform the global equity index. Faced with decreased approval in regard to his handling of the pandemic, and to a lesser extent, the economy and other social issues, President Trump could well resort to geopolitics to “rally Americans behind the flag.” He may, for example, ramp up tensions with China in an attempt to make geopolitics and China the focal points of the forthcoming presidential election. China will certainly retaliate. The South China Sea, Taiwan, technology transfers, treatment of multinational companies in both China and the US, as well as North Korea, could be focal points of a confrontation. This will weigh on business confidence in Asia and on capital spending. In our opinion, markets are vulnerable to such geopolitical risks. Poor domestic fundamentals in EM outside China, Korea and Taiwan. Fundamental backdrops remain inferior in many EM economies outside the North Asian ones. The number of new infections continues to rise in India, Indonesia, The Philippines, Brazil, Mexico, Colombia and Peru. Many EM economies will only slowly return to normalcy. In certain countries, banking systems were already in poor health, and things have gotten much worse after the crash in economic activity. As to the positives for EM, they are as follows: Rising Chinese demand will boost EM exports to China and help revive their growth. EM equity valuations are very appealing versus the S&P 500 (Chart 11). The bottom panel of Chart 11 shows that EM’s cyclically-adjusted P/E ratio relative to that in the US is over one standard deviation below its mean. Based on the 12-month forward P/E ratio for an equal-weighted index, EM stocks are cheaper than US ones (please refer to Chart 4 on page 4).  EM currencies are also cheap (Chart 12). While they might experience a short-term setback, as a global risk-off phase takes place, EM exchange rates have probably seen their lows versus the US dollar. Chart 11EM Stocks Offer Value Versus The S&P 500 Chart 12EM Currencies Are Cheap The US dollar’s weakness will mitigate risks for EM issuers of US dollar bonds and, thereby, induce more flows into EM sovereign and corporate credit markets. In short, EM local currency bonds will assuredly benefit from the US dollar’s slide. We have been neutral on both EM local currency bonds and EM sovereign and corporate credit, and are waiting for a correction before upgrading to overweight. In nutshell, little or no stress in EM fixed-income markets bodes well for EM share prices. Bottom Line: Risks to EM equity relative performance are presently balanced. A neutral allocation is warranted for now. EM relative equity performance versus DM is only slightly above its recent low (Chart 13, top panel). It is, therefore, a good juncture to move the EM equity allocation from underweight to neutral. In addition, both the EM equal-weighted and small-cap equity indexes are not yet signaling a broad-based and sustainable outperformance (Chart 13, middle and bottom panels). Chart 13EM Relative Equity Performance Is In A Bottom-Out Phase Some FAQs Question: Wouldn’t the US dollar rally if global stocks sell off? The greenback will likely attempt to rebound from current oversold levels when and as a global risk-off phase sets in. EM high-beta currencies could experience a non-trivial setback but will remain above their March lows. Yet, any rebound in the US dollar versus European currencies and the Japanese yen will be fleeting and moderate. On July 9, in anticipation of US dollar weakness, we booked profits on the short EM currencies/long US dollar strategy and recommended shorting several EM currencies versus an equal-weighted basket of the euro, CHF and JPY. This strategy remains intact for now. Our short list of EM currencies includes: BRL, CLP, ZAR, TRY, IDR, PHP and KRW. Odds are that EM stocks will likely be broadly flattish relative to those in DM amid the next sell off. Chart 14EM Stocks Have Been Low Beta Question: Aren’t EM stocks high-beta and won’t they underperform if, and as, global stocks sell off? The EM equity index has had a beta lower than one since 2013 (Chart 14). Odds are that EM stocks will likely be broadly flattish relative to those in DM amid the next sell off. Within the DM equity space, the US will likely underperform both Europe and Japan in common currency terms. Question: Which equity markets do you favor within the EM space? Our current overweights are China, Thailand, Russia, Peru, Pakistan and Mexico. Our underweights are Indonesia, India, Hong Kong, the Philippines, Turkey, South Africa, Chile and Brazil. Question: Which currencies and local currency bond markets do you recommend overweighting for dedicated EM managers? We recommended going long the Czech koruna versus the US dollar last week. Other currencies that we favor within the EM space are SGD, TWD, THB, MXN and RUB. As for local currency bonds or swap rates, our top picks are Mexico, Russia, Korea, India, China, Malaysia, Thailand, Peru, Ukraine and Pakistan. As always, the list of country recommendations for equities, fixed-income and currencies is available at the end of our reports (please refer to pages 14-15) or on the website.   Arthur Budaghyan Chief Emerging Markets Strategist arthurb@bcaresearch.com     Footnotes 1Please see Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Reports "Inflation, Overheating And The Stampede Into Bonds," dated November 30, 2010, and "Emerging Markets In 2011: Not The Best Play In Town," dated December 14, 2010. 2Please see Emerging Markets Strategy Special Report "How To Play Emerging Market Growth In The Coming Decade," dated June 8, 2010   Equities Recommendations Currencies, Credit And Fixed-Income Recommendations

Special Report

Dear Clients, This month we offer you a Special Report on Russia and cyber security by our colleague and friend, Elmo Wright. Elmo recently retired from US Army civil service after 43 years working in intelligence, either on active duty, reserves, or as a civilian. From 2018 to 2020, he served as the senior civilian executive at the US Army National Ground Intelligence Center.  He has served on five continents and provided analysis of the most pressing global trends in national security and intelligence. In this Special Report with BCA’s Geopolitical Strategy team, Elmo analyzes Russia’s cyber capabilities and argues that structural and cyclical factors, including COVID-19, will ensure the continued salience of Russian and global cyber security challenges in the coming years. His thesis reinforces our recommendation that investors buy cyber security equities. Elmo’s work for this report is in his personal capacity and does not represent any position of the US government. Only publicly available information was used as background research material for Elmo’s contribution to the report. All very best, Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy Mathieu Savary Vice President The Bank Credit Analyst As the US elections come closer, there will be a return to news about Russia and its potential interference via social media. Russia will continue to use cyber, both state sponsored attacks, and in coordination with criminal groups, to advance Russian national security objectives. In contrast to nuclear doctrine, there is no commonly accepted framework for cyber warfare between Russia and other nations that provides understandable signals for escalation, de-escalation, appropriate targets, or goals. US efforts to conduct military operations against Russia or China would likely be countered by Russian or Chinese cyber operations before any physical military operations could be initiated. Cyber security stocks offer a way for investors to capitalize on our long-term themes of nationalism, multipolarity, and de-globalization. The ISE Cyber Security Index offers value relative to the broad NASDAQ and S&P 500 indexes as well as the S&P tech sector. Chart II-1Russian Cyber Interference Resurfaces Around US Elections As the national elections in the US come closer, there will be a return to news about Russia and its potential interference via social media. Indeed Russia is making headlines even as we go to press. This report aims to provide context for Russian cyber capabilities in general as a contributor to overall geopolitical instability (Chart II-1). We forecast Russia will continue to use cyber, both state sponsored attacks, and in coordination with criminal groups, to advance Russian national security objectives. As background, the word cyber is commonly accepted to be derived from cybernetics, a phrase attributed to Norbert Wiener, an MIT scientist. The phrase itself is related to the ancient Greek word for steering or helmsman, in other words, control. Chart II-2Russian Excellence In Math Makes It Competitive In Cybernetics Russia has a long history of excellence in science, especially theoretical work in mathematics and physics (Chart II-2). Those fields can explain natural phenomena in formulas and mathematical relationships. The Soviets believed that centralized state planning that manipulated data in formulas could lead to better outcomes in all aspects of the society. Although central state economic planning did not work out for the Soviet economy, Soviet military science built on the concept of data relationships in formulas to develop its theory of troop control, a derivative of reflexive control, that is, the presenting of data to the recipient, either friendly or enemy, in order to get that recipient to act in a way favorable to Soviet military plans. One can see the Soviets embraced the idea of cybernetics as very congruent to their desire for top down control. Russia, as the core part of the Soviet Union, retained significant numbers of scientists and mathematicians who were naturally drawn to the ability of computers to take data and manipulate that data according to formulas. Other Russian scientists and mathematicians emigrated to the West where their expertise was rewarded in the rise in the use of computers to manipulate data. Over time, the term cyber has come to be associated with many aspects of computers, especially the intellectual and physical structures hidden behind the direct interface of a person with a keyboard and screen. Russian expertise in the use of computers to do cyber work was not limited to working for the State. As the Soviet Union broke apart and many people lost their jobs working for the State, there were those persons who took their talents to criminal ventures. And in the symbiotic nature of society in Russia, many of those who went into criminal ventures were former intelligence and security personnel who could maintain their connection to the official organizations that were successors to the KGB, the GRU, and others. Russia is the source of the most sophisticated cyber threats to the US. Senior Russian military officials, such as General Valery Gerasimov, Chief of the General Staff of the Russian Federation armed forces, equivalent to the US Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, have noted the growth of nonmilitary means of achieving strategic goals, and specifically in the information space. Gerasimov, in an article in 2013, has been widely quoted that all elements of national power have to be harnessed, including cyber capabilities. One Soviet and Russian military concept that relates to the information space is maskirovka, the use of camouflage, deception, and disinformation to confuse the enemy. Maskirovka is intimately connected with the Soviet/Russian concept of “active measures”. Active measures include actions taken generally by intelligence services to provide propaganda, false information, and otherwise sow discord and confusion among the enemy ranks at all levels of war as well as in the political, economic, and social spheres. In today’s time period, cyber, especially social media, offers the opportunity for the wide spread of aspects of maskirovka and active measures to all users, as well as targeted groups (Chart II-3). Reporting indicates a continued Russian emphasis on cyber as a means for active measures concealed by maskirovka. Chart II-3Social Media Offers Russia An Opportunity For The Spread Of Maskirovka Wikileaks has provided a platform for the dissemination of information normally hidden from the general public. It is noteworthy how much of the information on the Wikileaks platform relates to the US and the West, and relatively little on Russia. Possible factors that explain that characteristic include the disparity in penalties for disclosing information between the US and the West versus Russia; the greater number of journalists and other persons involved in the media, both for profit and personal reasons, in the West; and the language barriers involved in understanding Russian versus English. A final possible factor in Wikileaks greater dissemination of Western information might be an aspect of active measures undertaken by Russia. There are numerous actions attributed to Russian state actors in the cyber field in the recent past (Table II-1). They include a distributed denial of service attack on Estonia (2007); hacking the Ministry of Defense in the country of Georgia during a military conflict (2008); attacks on Ukrainian energy infrastructure (2015); and the hacking of the Democratic National Committee (2016). Chancellor Angela Merkel recently publicly named and shamed Russia for a cyber-attack on Germany circa 2015 (Appendix). Table II-1Russian State Actors Responsible For Many Of This Year’s Cyber Attacks Chart II-4Russian Use Of Cyber Is A Top Threat To The US Senior US officials have cited Russia as the source of the most sophisticated cyber threats to the US, both for espionage and state sponsored attacks against US national security capabilities such as energy, transportation, and telecommunications infrastructure; as well as for criminal activity such as ransom ware and identity theft. Russian use of cyber, both state sponsored and sponsoring criminal actors, has been the top threat to the US in each of the US intelligence community’s annual threat assessments for 2017, 2018, and 2019 (Chart II-4). Although the 2020 annual threat assessment was not made public in Congressional testimony, there’s little reason to suspect that Russian use of cyber would not continue to be cited as the top threat. Other nation states have state sponsored cyber capabilities which are of national security concern to the US, including China, Iran, and North Korea. These nation states are called out in the US intelligence community Annual Threat Assessments. Each of these nation states has been identified as committing intelligence and economic cyber attacks against the US and other Western nations. The recent speech by the Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation designates China as the top threat. Given the nature of the internet, the pathway of a cyber attack will likely bounce around multiple countries before reaching its intended target. As the Director notes, forensic identification of the source of a cyber attack takes time and expertise. However, there is a clear record of specifically identifying the state sponsored entity that commits attacks on US or Western government information technology and infrastructure. More likely than confusing one state sponsored cyber actor from one country to another would be the potential blending of criminal elements across national boundaries. In this case, cyber criminal elements with Russian backgrounds or connections are clearly the most capable. Cyber-crime is rising despite deterrence. The stages of cyber conflict include reconnaissance, penetration, mapping, exfiltration, and operations. The US National Security Agency has an extensive technical cyber threat framework which goes into much detail. Cyber security professionals note the ongoing actions in cyber space and the attempts by elements suspected to be linked to Russia to gain and maintain access to US networks for potential military operations, or to exfiltrate data for criminal or other purposes. Part of the frustration of cyber security experts is the lack of transparency and timely reporting of those affected by malign cyber activities. Although some cyber activities may go on for multiple months, the exfiltration of data, or the emplacement of malware may only take a few seconds. Many networks lack the ability to detect penetration and mapping. Companies with large resources devoted to cyber security may have that investment negated if they have affiliations with other companies with lax cyber security which can allow for hostile intrusions into the connected network. Chart II-5Unlike Nuclear Doctrine, Cyber Lacks A Framework To Control Escalation Unfortunately, public and open attribution for cyber attacks has lagged. As an example, although the attack on the Democratic National Committee email servers was noted in 2016, it was not until 2018 that specific Russian individuals were charged with the crime. Factors that cause lags in public and open attribution include the difficulty of tracing specific computer code through cyberspace; the disjointed nature of the internet; the lack of an easy and accepted mechanism for involvement of US intelligence agencies in providing assistance to private sector parties; and the reticence of individuals and organizations negatively affected by cyber attacks to publicly disclose their injuries. Doctrine for the use of nuclear weapons developed over a period of years in the US and the West and in the Soviet bloc. The Soviets developed a coherent doctrine for the use of nuclear weapons that was understandable to the West. Arms control agreements between nuclear powers established mechanisms for controlling escalation of tensions (Chart II-5). The Soviet doctrine was adopted by the Russians after the breakup of the Soviet Union. Russia and Western nations continue to have a common understanding of the role of nuclear weapons in military affairs that allows for discussion of escalation and de-escalation. In contrast to nuclear doctrine, there is no commonly accepted framework for cyber warfare between Russia and other nations that provides understandable signals for escalation, de-escalation, appropriate targets, or goals. This is reflected in the Russian information security doctrine of 2016 which notes “The absence of international legal norms regulating inter-State relations in the information space…” The US Director of National Intelligence also noted this lack of agreement in his annual threat assessment testimony of 2017. Chart II-6Rapid Growth Of Internet Raises Vulnerability To Harmful Actions The rapid growth of the internet, and reliance on it by government and private sectors reflects its founding as an open system, vulnerable to negative actors and actions (Chart II-6). The intermingling of hardware and software, the information infrastructure used both by individuals and states, by the private sector and by government, makes separating doctrine and practice for cyberwar from legitimate use very difficult. Since non-cyber military capabilities, both conventional, and nuclear, rely upon the use of commercial information technology infrastructure, the use of offensive cyber is subject to the problem of blowback. As the NotPetya incident of 2018 indicated, damage from malware installed on one computer can rapidly spread across networks, industries, and international boundaries. The code for StuxNet and the code released by the more recent hack of CIA cyber tools have been noted in other cases of cyber attacks. The view of the international cyber environment by Russia is very similar to views in the US and the West. The Russian national security doctrine of 2015 notes “... An entire spectrum of political, financial-economic, and informational instruments have been set in motion in the struggle for influence in the international arena. Increasingly active use is being made of special services' potential … The intensifying confrontation in the global information arena caused by some countries' aspiration to utilize informational and communication technologies to achieve their geopolitical objectives, including by manipulating public awareness and falsifying history, is exerting an increasing influence on the nature of the international situation.” Although much of the Russian information security doctrine of 2016 is concerned with noting threats to Russia’s information space, what might be called counterintelligence in other documents, there are key comments that note the suitability of using attacks in the information space as an effective means of projecting Russian power, such as “… improving information support activities to implement the State policy of the Russian Federation …” As per usual Soviet and Russian state doctrinal documents, the 2016 doctrine notes all the negative activity of other actors in this field. This practice is consistent with historical Soviet and Russian open press documents which ascribe to other states the activities in which Russia engages or plans to engage. Chart II-7Cyber Attacks Are On The Rise Unlike other forms of national security alliances, such as for intelligence, there is little public literature on cyber alliances, especially for offensive action. For example, the US and Israel have never publicly acknowledged a government alliance to emplace the StuxNet virus into the Iranian nuclear development program. Should there be offensive cyber alliances in the West, it is likely they fall along traditional intelligence and defense lines. There is no public reporting on any sort of offensive cyber alliances that involve Russia. There are public efforts at common standards for information technology security, but these efforts are foundering on citizen and government concerns over privacy, as well as commercial  proprietary advantage. It is an open question as to whether cyber alliances among friendly nations would deter would-be cyber attackers or hackers. Certainly the growth of complaints to the FBI’s Internet Crime Complaint Center would indicate that statements of deterrence and even prosecutions are failing to reduce cyber attacks (Chart II-7). Both the US national intelligence community and private sector cybersecurity companies agree Russia has a sophisticated state sponsored effort to acquire intelligence via hacking and insert favorable themes into cyberspace via the use of social media. There is also agreement that Russia state elements have a close relationship with criminal elements which can provide a plausibly deniable means of engaging in cyber warfare activities favorable to Russia, as well as engaging in activities for illegal economic advantage. For example, see this quote from the CYBEREASON Intel team: “The crossing of official state sponsored hacking with cybercriminal outfits has created a specter of Russian state hacking that is far larger than their actual program. This hybridization of tools, actors, and missions has created one of the most potent and ill-defined advanced threats that the cybersecurity community faces. It has also created the most technically advanced and bold cybercriminal community in the world. When, as a criminal, your patronage is the internal security service that is charged with tracking and arresting cybercrime, your only concern becomes staying within their defined bounds of acceptable risk and not what global norms, laws, or even domestic Russian law states.” The US Department of Justice in June 2020 noted a Russian national was sentenced to prison for malicious cyber activities. Key points of his illegal activity were the operation of websites open only to Russian speakers, and the vetting or recommendation of other criminals before allowing entry to the websites. One analysis of this situation notes the ties to Russian state security organs and personnel which likely held up the Russian national’s extradition for trial in the US. Government leaders in the US have noted the potential for major cyber attacks in the US affecting physical infrastructure and causing significant economic and social damage, including further attacks on the political election process. However, they have been reticent to state any explicit sort of retaliation. The US Cyber Command notes it is actively combatting hostile cyber actors. Therefore, the question remains open as to what level of cyber attacks would be considered serious enough to be treated as an act of war by the US. There has been public speculation of both Russian and Chinese implants of malware into the US information technology infrastructure that might be activated in the case of open hostilities. US efforts to conduct military operations against Russia or China would likely be countered by Russian or Chinese cyber operations before any physical military operations could be initiated, especially since US based forces would have to transit oceans, taking many days, when cyber operations could happen in seconds. China, Russia, and Iran will also increasingly become victims of cyber attacks. Russian “gray zone” tactics, that is, actions short of large scale conventional war, many of which involve cyber attacks, active measures, and maskirovka, are the subject of much Department of Defense planning and action. To combat such gray zone activity analysis from the RAND Corporation notes the need for a spectrum of diplomatic, informational, military, and economic actions, which would involve commercial partners and allied nations. The difficulty of coordinating such counter action is one reason the Russians continue their gray zone efforts. Russia’s unique characteristics, some of which are weaknesses compared to the US and the West, are indicative of why Russia engages in state sponsored as well as criminal cyber activities (Chart II-8). Russian scientific history, the intertwining of state and criminal elements, and continent-spanning location are factors which promote the use of cyber. Russia’s economic position vis-à-vis the US, Russia’s relative lack of military power projection capability beyond the states on its borders (the Near Abroad), except for its nuclear forces, and Russia’s declining demographic situation are negative factors which push Russia to use cyber as a cost effective means of advancing national security and economic policy (Chart II-9). Despite US and Western imposed sanctions on Russia for past misdeeds, none of the factors noted above will be changed in the near future. Therefore, those factors, and published Russian doctrine should indicate to Western governments and businesses that Russia will continue to use cyber as a means to advance Russian national security objectives, as well as a means to siphoning off wealth from the West via criminal activities. Chart II-8Russia's Relative Weakness Drives Engagement In Cyber Activities Chart II-9Deteriorating Demographics Also Drive Russia’s Cyber Activities   US preparedness for Russian cyber activity in the upcoming months should be greater given several factors. First, there is clearly awareness of a Russian cyber threat to US interests across government and in the private sector. Second, the US has established new organizations, shifted resources of money and people, and had practice defending against cyber attacks since the 2016 US election cycle. However, the US information technology infrastructure is vast and porous, making it hard to protect against every threat. Russian cyber actors, both state sponsored and criminal, are smart and persistent. Investment Takeaways Cyber security companies offer a way for investors to capitalize on major themes arising from the COVID-19 crisis and its aftermath. These themes include not only changes in worker behavior, e-commerce, corporate culture, and network security, but also our major geopolitical themes like nationalism and the retreat from globalization. Reports as we go to press that Russian hackers have targeted vaccine developers in the US, UK, and Canada underscore the point. The trend is not limited to Russia or COVID-19 vaccines. It is all too apparent from the actions of Russia and China – as well as the increasing efforts by the US and its allies to patrol their own cyber realms, IT systems, and ideological discourse – that governments view the Internet as a frontier to be conquered and fortified rather than as a free space of human exchange in which globalization can operate unfettered (Map II-1). Map II-1Governments View The Internet As A Frontier To Be Conquered Formal measures of country risk are inadequate but provide some perspective as to which countries and companies are least prepared. The International Telecommunication Union (ITU) is the United Nations body charged with monitoring information technology and communications. It ranks countries according to their commitment to cyber security and their exposure to cyber security risks (Chart II-10). Chart II-10Countries Have An Imperative To Strengthen Cyber Security We take these rankings with a grain of salt knowing that advanced countries like the US and UK rank near the top of the list, and yet are the prime targets of hackers and thus face enormous cyber security risks. What is clear is that no country is safe and every country has an economic and national security imperative to strengthen its cyber security. These indexes also suggest that several European countries are less well prepared than one would think and that emerging markets are grossly underprepared. China, Russia and Iran should not be thought of only as aggressors – they will increasingly become targets as the West seeks to counteract them. As Russia expands operations it becomes a target of cyber counter-strikes as well as economic sanctions. And as China accelerates its drive to become a high tech giant, it encourages economic decoupling from the West and retaliation for its use of cyber-theft and state-based hacking. There are two main cyber security equity indexes – the NASDAQ CTA Cybersecurity Index (NQCYBR) and NASDAQ ISE Cyber Security Index (HXR). These indexes trade in line with each other and have rallied extensively since the COVID-19 crisis (Chart II-11). Investors are aware that the surge in working from home and companies conducting operations off-site, as well as geopolitical great power struggle, have created extensive new vulnerabilities and capex requirements. On April 24, we recommended that investors go long the ISE index relative to the S&P 500 information technology sector. We are also going long the ISE index relative to the NASDAQ on a strategic horizon. Tech has been the prime beneficiary of the COVID-19 crisis while the necessary corollary of the tech companies’ continued success is the need for security of their information, property, and customers (Chart II-12). We also favor the ISE index because it has a slightly heavier cyclical component due to the fact that 13% of its companies are in the industrial sector, compared to 10% for the CTA index. The industrial side should benefit more as economies reopen and recover. Chart II-11Cyber Security Stocks Have Benefited From COVID-19 ... Chart II-12... But Not So Much Relative To Broad Tech Sector   These indexes are tracked by two ETFs. The First Trust NASDAQ Cybersecurity ETF (CIBR) tracks the NASDAQ CTA index with an emphasis on larger companies, while the ETFMG Prime Cyber Security ETF (HACK) tracks the ISE index, companies with market capitalization lower than $250 million, and a slightly lower exposure to the communications sector as opposed to IT and software. The HACK ETF has lagged the CIBR this year so far and offers an opportunity for investors to invest in data protection and up-and-coming firms. Over the past ten years cyber security has proven to be a volatile investment space with rapidly increasing competition for market share. But the secular tailwinds are powerful and a diversified exposure to the sector will be rewarding for investors positioning for the post-COVID-19 world. Elmo Wright Consulting Editor Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com   Appendix Appendix Table II-1Major Cyber-Attacks Over The Past Decade Works Cited Coats, Dan. “Statement For The Record Worldwide Threat Assessment Of The Us Intelligence Community,” May 23, 2017. Coats, Dan. “Statement For The Record Worldwide Threat Assessment Of The Us Intelligence Community,” March 6, 2018. Coats, Dan. “Annual Threat Assessment Opening Statement,” January 29, 2019. CyberReason Intel Team, “Russia And Nation-State Hacking Tactics: A Report From Cybereason Intelligence Group,” cybereason.com, June 5, 2017. Department of Justice, “Russian National Sentenced To Prison For Operating Websites Devoted To Fraud And Malicious Cyber Activities”, June 26, 2020. Department of Justice, “U.S. Charges Russian FSB Officers And Their Criminal Conspirators For Hacking Yahoo And Millions Of Email Accounts, Fsb Officers Protected, Directed, Facilitated And Paid Criminal Hackers”, March 15, 2017. Gerasimov, Vasily. “The Value Of Science In Prediction,” Military Industrial Courier, Feb 27, 2013. Federal Bureau of Investigation, “Internet Crime Complaint Center Marks 20 Years From Early Frauds to Sophisticated Schemes, IC3 Has Tracked the Evolution of Online Crime,” May 8, 2020. Fedorov, Yuriy Ye. “Arms Control In The Information Age” Symposium “Emerging Challenges In The Information Age,” 23 January 2002, Arlington, Virginia. 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