Germany

Listen to a short summary of this report.     Executive Summary US Lead On Mega-Sized Firms: Is A Peak Nigh? America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? The US has been the star protagonist of global equity markets for decades. It offers investors the rare combination of a big economy and a large universe of mega-sized listed companies. In fact, the overwhelming majority of the top 20 largest firms globally by revenue today are American. But can the US maintain this degree of presence on this list over the next decade? We think that this is unlikely. For starters, a decline in the US’s footprint could be driven by the fact that there is a peculiar stagnation in the works in the middle tier of American firms. Given that this tier acts as a talent pool for big firms, a stagnation here could mean that the US spawns fewer super-sized firms. The high market share commanded by big American firms could also end up being a liability. This dominance could bait regulatory attention, thereby affecting these firms’ growth prospects. Finally, slowing GDP growth in the US, as compared to its Asian peers, will prove to be another headwind that American firms must contend with. What should strategic investors do to prepare for this tectonic shift? We recommend reducing allocations to US equities over the long run since the US’s weight in global indices will peak soon (or may have already peaked). Bottom Line: Irrespective of what the Fed does (or does not do), the US’s footprint in the global league tables of big firms by revenue will weaken over the next decade. Strategic investors can profit from this change by reducing allocations to US equities while increasing allocations to China as well as a basket of countries including Korea, Japan, Taiwan, and Germany.   Dear Client, This week, we are sending you a Special Report by Ritika Mankar, CFA, who will be writing occasional special reports for the Global Investment Strategy service on a variety of topical issues. Ritika makes the case that the US economy’s ability to spawn mega-sized companies may become increasingly compromised over the next decade. We will return to our regular publishing schedule next week. Best Regards, Peter Berezin, Chief Global Strategist US: Home To The Largest Number Of Big Listed Firms 2022 has been a turbulent year for US markets so far. But it is worth bearing in mind that the US has been the star protagonist of global equity markets for decades. This is because the US has offered investors a near-perfect trifecta constituting of: (1) A mega-sized economy; (2) A large universe of mega-sized listed companies; and (3) A track record of market outperformance. Specifically: Largest Economy: For over a century now, the US has been the largest economy in the world – a title it is expected to defend over the next few years (Chart 1). Large Listed Companies: The US’s high nominal GDP has also translated into high sales growth for its listed space. This, in turn, powered a great rise in the American equity market’s capitalization (Chart 2). In fact, the US’s market cap is so large today that it exceeds the cumulative market cap of the next four largest economies in the world, by a wide margin. So unlike Germany or China (which have large economies but small markets), the US has a large economy and is also home to some of the largest, most liquid stocks globally. Chart 1The US Will Remain The World’s Largest Economy For The Next Few Years America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? Chart 2The Listed Universe In The US Has Grown From Strength To Strength America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? Chart 3Growing Sales In The US Have Powered Its Outperformance Over The Past Decade Growing Sales In The US Have Powered Its Outperformance Over The Past Decade Growing Sales In The US Have Powered Its Outperformance Over The Past Decade Long History of Outperformance: And most importantly, the US market has a strong track record of outperformance. US markets have outperformed global benchmarks over the past decade thanks largely to the rapid sales growth seen by American firms (Chart 3). Notwithstanding the US’s star role in global markets thus far, in this report we highlight that the US’s heft will likely decline over the next decade. The Fed may or may not administer recession-inducing rate hikes in 2022. But irrespective of what the Fed does over the next 12-to-24 months, the US’s loss of influence in global equity markets appears certain because it will be driven by structural forces. Chart 4US Lead On Mega-Sized Firms: Is A Peak Nigh? America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? Firstly, while behemoths such as Apple and Amazon have been attracting record investor attention, it is worth noting that the next tier of mid-sized American companies is no longer thriving as it used to. The reason why this matters is because history suggests that the pool of mid-sized companies acts as a superset for the big companies of tomorrow. So, if this talent pool is not booming today in the US, then there is likely to be repercussions tomorrow. Secondly, the US’s largest firms will have to contend with two structural headwinds over the next decade, namely increased regulatory attention and slowing growth. To complicate matters for American firms, competitors in Asia will not have this albatross around their neck. Hence, the US may remain the largest economy of the world a few years from now but is unlikely to be home to as many big, listed companies as it is today (Chart 4). The rest of this report quantifies the strength of these forces, and then concludes with actionable investment ideas.   Trouble In The Talent Pool Chart 5The US Is Home To Nearly A Dozen Mega-Sized Firms Today America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? 2021 produced a special milestone for the American economy. This was the first year that ten listed American firms1 surpassed $200 billion in annual revenues (firms we refer to as ‘Big Shots’ from here on) (Chart 5). The US has been a global leader when it came to the size of its economy for decades, but last year it also became home to the largest number of big, listed corporations (Table 1). American Big Shots were striking both in terms of their number as well as their scale. In fact, such was their scale that the combined revenue of these ten Big Shots now exceeded the nominal GDP of major economies like India (Chart 6). Table 1The US Today Dominates The Global List Of Top 20 Firms America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? Chart 6The Revenues Of US Big Shot Firms Are Comparable To India’s Nominal GDP! America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? While the world has been captivated by the size that the US’s Big Shots have achieved (as well as the ideas of their unconventional founders), few have noticed that the talent pool for tomorrow’s Big Shots is no longer burgeoning. History suggests that most Big Shot firms tend to emerge from firms belonging to a lower revenue tier.  For instance, Amazon and Apple, which have revenues in the range of $350-to-$500 billion today, were mid-sized firms a decade ago with revenues in the vicinity of $50-to-$100 billion (Chart 7). Chart 7Most Big Shots Today Were The Mid-Sized Firms Of Yesterday America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? This is why it is worrying that all is not well in the US’s ecosystem of mid-sized firms. If we define firms with annual revenues of $50-to-$200 billion as ‘core’ firms, then their share in the total number of American firms has stagnated over the past decade (Chart 8). Even the revenue share accounted for by core firms has been fading (Chart 9). This phenomenon contrasts with the situation in China, where the mid-sized firms’ cohort has been growing over the last decade (Charts 10 and 11). Chart 8Share Of Mid-Sized Firms In The US Has Stagnated America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? Chart 9The Revenue Share Of US Mid-Sized Firms Is Also Falling America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? Chart 10Share Of Mid-Sized Firms In China Is Expanding America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? Chart 11The Revenue Share Of Chinese Mid-Sized Firms Is Rising America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? Japan’s experience also suggests that when the mid-sized firms’ ecosystem weakens, the pipeline of future potential mega-cap companies get affected. In Japan, the proportion of core firms (Chart 12), as well as their revenue share (Chart 13), has not been growing as is the case, say, in China. And this is perhaps why, despite being the third-largest economy in the world today, Japan is home to only one listed mega-sized corporation with revenues of over $200 billion (Toyota). Image Chart 13The Revenue Share Of Japanese Mid-Sized Firms Has Plateaued America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? The US May Have Hit Peak Oligopolization The fact that ten Big Shot firms (i.e., firms with annual revenues of over $200 billion) exist in the US today is remarkable. After all, the number of Big Shot firms in the US today exceeds the total number of Big Shots in the next four largest economies of the world combined (Chart 14). Chart 14The US Today Is The Global Hub For Mega-Sized Companies America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? So why will the US’s leadership in this area come under pressure going forward? One reason is that the large size of American firms could itself become a liability. Specifically: Public Backlash Against The US’s Big Shots: The ten Big Shot firms of the US today account for more than a fifth of the revenue generated by all firms that constitute the MSCI US index (Chart 15). Also, the number of Big Shot firms, as a share of total firms, is high in the US (Chart 16). Chart 15Big Shots Account For More Than A Fifth Of Revenues Generated By The US Listed Space America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? Chart 16A Large Proportion Of Firms In The US Are Very Big America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? Notably, market leaders across a range of key sectors in the US account for an unusually large chunk of the sector’s revenues. Financials, Information Technology, and Consumer Discretionary together account for about half of the US equity market index’s weight. The dominant firm in each of these three sectors (as defined by MSCI) accounts for 15%-to-25% of that sector’s revenue (Chart 17). Market power usually benefits investors. But too much market power can be a problem. The growing oligopolization of the US economy has caused public dissatisfaction over the influence of corporations in the US to hit a multi-year high (Chart 18). Over 60% of Americans want major US corporations to have less influence. It is for this reason that the record scale acquired by American firms could prove to be an issue. American mega-scaled firms’ high market shares will provide them with pricing power, but this very power will end up baiting regulatory attention and anti-trust lawsuits which, in turn, will restrict their future growth rates. The fact that the US Federal Trade Commission (FTC) today is headed by a leader who wants to return the FTC to its trust-busting origins, and made her name by writing a paper arguing for Amazon to be broken up,2 is indicative of which way the wind is blowing. Chart 17Market Leaders In The US Are Too Big America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? Chart 18Public Dissatisfaction With US Big Shot Firms Is High And Rising America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? Interestingly, the speed at which the US restricts the market power of big firms will determine how quickly the US’s mid-sized firms begin to flourish again, thereby setting the stage for the US to spawn a new generation of big firms. Besides the growing regulatory risks for the US’s big firms, three other technical factors will end up slowing the pace at which the US can generate large firms, namely: Slowing GDP Growth: Since the US is a large and mature economy, the pace of its growth is bound to slow (Chart 19). Besides the deceleration in the US’s growth rate relative to its own past, it is projected to end up being lower than that of major economies like China. Chart 19US GDP Growth Is Set To Slow America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? Big Business ≠ Big GDP Growth: While GDP growth receives a fillip when small firms grow, the high pricing power that very large firms command can end up constraining an economy’s growth rate. This is because large firms can charge monopolistic prices, thereby restraining demand. Secondly, mega-sized firms may actively invest in manipulating institutions to block upstarts,3 a dynamic that can restrict productivity growth as well. Chart 20The Revenue-To-Nominal GDP Ratio Is Already Elevated In The US America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? Approaching Revenue Saturation: A cross-country comparison suggests that the revenue-to-nominal GDP ratio in the US is high1 (Chart 20). Only Japan has a superior ratio, which is likely to be an aberration rather than the norm (owing to Japanese firms’ unique tendency to prioritize revenues over profitability). Given that the US revenue-to-nominal GDP ratio is already elevated, it is likely that even as the US’s nominal GDP keeps growing, the pace of conversion of this GDP into revenues will stay the same or may even diminish over the coming decade.   Prepare For A Brave New World “German judges…first read a description of a woman who had been caught shoplifting, then rolled a pair of dice that were loaded so every roll resulted in either a 3 or a 9. As soon as the dice came to a stop, the judges were asked whether they would sentence the woman to a term in prison greater or lesser, in months, than the number showing on the dice…On average, those who had rolled a 9 said they would sentence her to 8 months; those who rolled a 3 said they would sentence her to 5 months; the anchoring effect was 50%.” – Daniel Kahneman, Thinking, Fast and Slow (Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2011)   The US has been the largest economy in the world and has also been able to nurture some of the largest mega-scaled companies of today. Such is the might and size of these firms that it is impossible to imagine a world where American firms’ leadership could be disrupted. Moreover, it is mentally easier to extrapolate the US’s lead today into the future. It may even seem like there is no other alternative to the US since Japan’s economy has been stagnating, Europe lacks innovation, and the political environment in China is contentious. Also, it is true that the US today is the undisputed leader when it comes to qualitative factors such as the ability to attract top global talent, its education system, and its legal system. However, the case can be made that this belief (that the US’s lead on mega-sized companies will spill into the next decade) runs the risk of becoming a Kahneman-esque anchoring bias. This is because: History Suggests That Upsets Are The Norm: History suggests that the evolution of the top 20 global firms (by revenue) has been a story of upsets. For instance, Europe’s hold over this list in the 2000s was striking by all accounts (Chart 21). Back then, it would have been almost blasphemous to question Europe’s lead (Chart 22). But today firms from three Asian island-countries account for more companies on this list than all of pre-Brexit Europe put together. Chart 21In The 2000s, Europe Was The Epicenter Of Global Mega-Sized Firms America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? Chart 22How The Mighty Can, And Do, Fall America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? ​​​​​​​China’s Disadvantages < Its Competitive Advantages: Despite its political baggage, China has the most formidable capability today to displace the US’s leadership position on the league tables of top 20 global firms by revenue. This is because China has a thriving ecosystem of core firms (Chart 11) and is set to grow at a faster clip than the US over the next five years (Chart 19). Moreover, while the Chinese government’s tolerance for large tech giants could remain low, the establishment could be keen to grow firms in the industrials as well as financials space for the sake of common prosperity. EM Listed Space Can Catch Up: The listed space in the US has developed at an exceptionally fast pace relative to its peers. The gap between US nominal GDP and listed space parameters is low (Chart 20), while the gap is wider for countries like Germany, China, and several other EMs. Even in a ceteris paribus situation where nominal GDPs were to stay static, an increase in the size of the listed universe in other countries can adversely affect the US’s current footprint. So, what can investors do to prepare for this coming tectonic shift? We recommend reducing allocations to US equities since the US’s weight in global indices will peak soon. It is worth noting that this strategic investment recommendation dovetails nicely with our earlier view that strategic investors should rotate out of US stocks. Currently, about half of the 20 largest firms globally by revenue are American (Map 1). Owing to the dynamics listed above, the number of American firms in the global league of top 20 could fall from this high level to 7 or 8 over the coming decade. Given that this change is indicative of things to come, we would urge investors to reduce allocations to US equities in a global portfolio over a strategic horizon. A confluence of micro and macro factors is likely to result in the US’s weight in global indices to crest sooner rather than later. Map 1Could The Global Epicenter Of Big Firms Drift Eastwards Over The Next Decade? America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? In fact, US equities’ weight in a global index like the MSCI ACWI could have already peaked (Chart 23) and could fall by 500-to-600bps over the next decade if the last year’s trend is extrapolated into the future. As regards to sectors, health care appears to be the key industry where the US’s footprint could weaken (Table 2). Chart 23Loss Of US Influence Will Create Space For Underrepresented Markets To Grow America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? Table 2China’s Weight In Top 20 Firms Is Set To Grow America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? As the US cedes its leadership position, we expect the global epicenter of mega-sized listed corporates to drift eastwards (Map 1). Specifically: China: Currently, less than a quarter of the 20 largest firms globally by revenue are Chinese (Map 1). It is highly likely that the number of Chinese firms in the global list of top 20 firms will increase. China should be able to spawn more mega-sized companies since it already has a cache of promising large and mid-sized companies. Chinese companies will also benefit from the high growth rate of China’s domestic economy. From a sectoral perspective, financials and industrials appear to be two sectors where China’s footprint could grow the most (Table 2). Asia Ex-China: Asian countries like Korea, Taiwan, and Japan could potentially end up growing their weight in global equity indices by becoming home to more than one company that makes it to the global league tables of large companies. Besides the high GDP growth rate on offer in their domestic markets (Chart 20), firms in these countries could increase scale by feeding a stimulus-fueled industrial boom in the US. Additionally, these Asian countries have a competitive advantage when it comes to high-tech manufacturing capabilities (Chart 24). This will ensure that they will accrue any offshore opportunities that arise. Taiwan has the potential to grow its presence in the Information Technology space, given its innate competitive advantages (Chart 24) and the positive structural outlook for global semiconductor demand. In the case of India, it is worth noting that the country’s influence in the world economy will be ascendant over the next decade as its growing middle class flexes its muscles. Despite this, the probability of an Indian firm making an appearance among the largest firms of the world is low given the unusually small size of Indian companies today. Europe: Distinct from the Asian countries listed above, Germany could benefit from the industrial boom in the US given its capabilities when it comes to high-end manufacturing (Chart 24). ​​​​​​​Even as we believe that oil faces a bleak future on a structural basis, if a commodities supercycle were to take hold over the next decade, then the UK and France could improve their presence in global equity benchmarks given that Europe is home to some large firms in the energy sector. A commodities supercycle will also end up benefiting China and the US, since some large energy producers are also located in these countries. Chart 24Korea, Japan, And Germany Have An Edge In Manufacturing, While Taiwan, Japan, And China Have An Edge In Semiconductors America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? America's Lead On Mega-Sized Companies: Is A Peak Nigh? ​​​​​​​Appendix The Methodology The starting point for most country-level economic analyses tends to be a country’s nominal GDP. But as market economists we realized that some key advantages could be unlocked by focusing on ‘revenues’ generated by the listed universe of a country. These advantages include: Investment Focus: As compared to nominal GDP which ends up picking up signals about the health of the listed ‘and’ unlisted firms in any country, focusing on listed firms’ revenues allows us to home-in on the health of the listed space. This is a valuable merit since the listed space is what public equity investors can buy into. For example, India is the fifth largest economy of the world and is also one of the fastest growing economies globally. But India is also characterized by a listed space where the largest companies have revenues of only around $100 billion. This makes India less investable than countries like Taiwan or South Korea that have far smaller nominal GDPs as compared to India but are home to firms with revenue of around $200 billion. Taking note of this difference - between the size of a country’s nominal GDP and the size of investable firms in a country - is key for our clients. Focus On Cause, Not Effect: It is fashionable today in the financial press to focus on the daily changes in market capitalization of assets (and non-assets too). But it is critical to note that the market cap of a stock or the price of a security is a dependent variable. Revenue, on the other hand, is a key independent variable that influences prices. So, a focus on forecasting movement in revenues of companies in a country ten years down the line, can be a more fruitful exercise for strategic investors. Steady And Stable: Revenue generated by a firm, is also a superior measure as compared to the market capitalization of a firm because the latter can be volatile. Whilst it could be argued that earnings of a company as a variable also offer stability and influence prices, earnings suffer from one drawback which is that it is a function of revenues as well as costs. Revenues of companies on the other hand have a direct theoretical link to the nominal GDP of a country. So, to rephrase a popular adage - market cap is vanity, nominal GDP is sanity, but revenue is king. This is the reason why in this Special Report, we analyze investment opportunities through the lens of revenues generated by listed firms in some of the largest economies of the world. We do so by focusing on the constituents of MSCI Country Indices (Equity) for major world economies in 2021. ​​​​​​​ Ritika Mankar, CFA Editor/Strategist ritika.mankar@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1  Based on MSCI ACWI data for 2021. 2  Kiran Stacey, “Washington vs Big Tech: Lina Khan’s battle to transform US antitrust,” ft.com, August 2021. 3  Kathy Fogel, Randall Morck, and Bernard Yeung, “Big Business Stability And Economic Growth: Is What’s Good For General Motors Good For US?”, NBER Working Paper No. 12394, nber.org, July 2006.

Executive Summary The ECB finally exited negative interest rates last week. In exchange for higher rates, the doves received an ambitious anti-fragmentation tool, the TPI. The ECB deposit rate is likely to reach between 1% and 1.5% by the summer of 2023. The ECB’s number one problem remains the widely different neutral rates across the Eurozone’s largest economies. Our r-star estimates suggest that the German neutral rate is significantly above that of Spain, Italy, and even France. This divergence in r-star means that the TPI will be activated, but its presence alone is not enough to tame the peripheral bond markets when the ECB hikes rates. While the near-term remains fraught with risks, BTPs are increasingly attractive for long-term investors. The TPI also creates a bullish long-term backdrop for the euro. Many R-Star In The European Sky ECB Policy: One Size Doesn’t Fit All ECB Policy: One Size Doesn’t Fit All Bottom Line: Diverging neutral rates across the Eurozone’s main economies will impair the ECB’s ability to normalize interest rates over the next twelve months without also activating the new anti-fragmentation tool, the TPI. BTPs have become attractive for long-term rather than short-term investors.   Last week, the European Central Bank (ECB) increased interest rates by 50bps, the first hike in eleven years and the third time in its history that it has tightened policy by such a large increment. In exchange for this abrupt end to negative interest rates, the doves on the Governing Council (GC) extracted the creation of the Transmission Protection Instrument (TPI), a new facility designed to limit fragmentation risk on sovereign bond yields in the Eurozone. These two moves raise three key questions: Will the ECB continue to increase rates this aggressively in the coming months? Have peripheral spreads peaked? Will the threat of TPI buying be enough to put a ceiling on spreads, or will the ECB actually need to activate the program in the coming months? To answer these questions, we evaluate where r-star (the neutral real rate of interest) stands in the four largest Euro Area economies. While there is scope for the ECB to push policy rates higher, the wide differences in r-star across European nations indicate that the TPI will need to be activated to stabilize peripheral bond markets, most importantly, Italian government debt. This makes BTPs attractive for long-term investors, although near-term volatility will remain elevated as the markets test the ECB’s resolve. What Happened? Related Report  European Investment StrategyLooking Beyond Europe’s Inflation Peak In terms of interest rates, the most important conclusion from last’s week policy meeting was that forward guidance has been abandoned. The ECB is now fully data dependent, and each policy meeting will be a live one. Another rate hike is certain for the September meeting, ranging from 25bps to potentially 75bps if the ECB wishes to further “front-load” tightening. The single guiding principle will be the outlook for inflation.   ​​​​​​​ Chart 1Incoming Inflation Peak Incoming Inflation Peak Incoming Inflation Peak We do expect inflation to peak soon in the Eurozone, mostly because of the decline in the commodity impulse and slowing food inflation (Chart 1).  Additionally, the one-month impulse of our Trimmed-Mean CPI is weakening. However, as of June, headline and core inflation stand at 8.6% and 3.7%, respectively. Inflation is unlikely to slow enough by the September meeting to prompt the ECB to forecast inflation falling below its 2% target by 2024.  In this context, our base case remains that the GC will opt for a 50bps hike in September. Beyond September, we expect the ECB to revert to 25bps rate hikes and the policy rate to settle between 1% and 1.5% by the summer of 2023, which is broadly in line with the current pricing of the €STR curve (Chart 2). We are somewhat less hawkish than the market for the month of October, because we expect inflation to roll over this fall. Moreover, the European economy continues to decelerate, as highlighted by the declines in the ZEW growth expectations and the PMIs (Chart 3). This deceleration will allow the ECB to revise down its inflation outlook over time. Chart 2Appropriate Pricing Appropriate Pricing Appropriate Pricing Chart 3Growth Is Slowing Growth Is Slowing Growth Is Slowing The announcement of the TPI was the other crucial development from the last ECB meeting. The TPI was unanimously supported. In addition, its asset purchases will be unlimited, and the GC will have much discretion with respect to its implementation. These are three important features that give it ample credibility. However, the program has yet to be activated. Chart 4PEPP Reinvestment Doing Little PEPP Reinvestment Doing Little PEPP Reinvestment Doing Little We do not share the optimism of the GC members who believe that the TPI’s existence alone will narrow peripheral spreads without the ECB having to purchase a single bond. The market will have to figure out what the GC deems as “unwarranted” and “disorderly” moves, especially in a context in which the Draghi government has collapsed and Italy’s commitment to reform will be challenged exactly as interest rates begin to rise. Moreover, the flexible re-investment of PEPP redemptions has not prevented BTP/Bund spreads from widening (Chart 4). As a result, we expect the market to test the ECB’s resolve over the coming weeks, which is likely to result in volatility and wider spreads until the TPI is activated. Bottom Line: Last week’s ECB meeting was a seminal moment. The ECB not only abandoned eight years of negative rates in one go, but it also implemented an ambitious program that aims to restrict peripheral spreads, albeit with some near-term volatility. European policy rates are set to rise to between 1% and 1.5% by the summer of 2023. In Search Of A Neutral Rate During Thursday’s press conference, President Christine Lagarde refused to respond to a question about the neutral rate of interest in Europe. We have sympathy for her predicament. The ECB’s biggest problem is that there is not one neutral interest rate for the entire euro area, but nineteen individual neutral rates for each Eurozone country, with wild differences among them.1  The differences between the neutral rates across the Eurozone are the key factor limiting how far and how fast the ECB may increase rates. It is also the main reason why the ECB resorts to an alphabet soup of non-interest rate policy measures (APP, PEPP, LTRO and, now, TPI) to maintain appropriate monetary conditions across the bloc. But exactly how wide are the differences between the neutral rates? To answer this question, we expand on the methodology developed by Holston, Laubach and Williams (HLW) from the San Francisco Fed  to estimate the neutral real interest rate – or “r-star” - in Germany, France, Italy, and Spain. These are the four largest economies in the Euro Area, accounting for 70% of its GDP. Specifically, we run regressions between the real interest rates in those countries versus trend GDP growth and current account balances, which approximates the savings-investment balance. Mimicking the HLW methodology, the inflation expectations used to extract real interest rates from nominal short rates reflect an adaptative framework whereby inflation expectations are a function of the ten-year moving average core CPI. Our methodology produces estimates of r-star that range from 0% in Germany, to -0.8% in Italy, or a GDP-weighted average of -0.3% for the Eurozone (Table 1). When incorporating last week’s ECB rate hike, Europe’s real deposit rate falls to -1.2% if we use the smoothing procedure from HLW to compute inflation expectations, or -3.7% if we use current core CPI. In either case, policy remains accommodative for everyone. Table 1Many R-Star In The European Sky ECB Policy: One Size Doesn’t Fit All ECB Policy: One Size Doesn’t Fit All We also ran a second set of estimates for r-star, which includes total nonfinancial debt-to-GDP. The logic reflects the notion that adverse debt dynamics was a key force behind the 2011/12 European sovereign debt crisis, which obligated the ECB to reverse course after pushing up the repo rate twice in 2011. Moreover, heavy debt loads not only constrain the ability of various countries to withstand higher rates, but they are also linked to misallocated capital and are therefore likely to depress trend GDP growth over time compared to countries with lighter debt loads. This adjustment changes the picture considerably. While Germany’s real neutral rate of interest remains around 0%, those of Italy and Spain plunge to -1.8% and -2.4%, respectively. France has also experienced a large decline in its r-star to -2.1% in response to the heavy debt load carried by its private and public sectors. Using this method, the GDP-weighted Euro Area r-star falls to -1.4% (Table 1). So which version of the model is more accurate? We believe the most realistic estimate for r-star in each of the four countries is the simple average of both the unadjusted and the debt-adjusted r-star. This implies that the inflation-adjusted neutral rate is close 0% in Germany, -1.2% in France, -1.2% in Spain and -1.3% in Italy (Table 1). Are those results consistent with reality? A country-by-country evaluation suggests that this ranking is correct. To arrive at this judgment, we evaluated each country based on the following four dimensions: Private sector debt accumulation since 2010. If policy is particularly easy for one country, the private sector will be incentivized to take on debt at a more rapid pace than if monetary conditions were tighter. House price appreciation since 2010. Housing is the part of the economy most sensitive to monetary conditions. Larger real estate price gains will materialize in economies where monetary policy is particularly loose. Profit growth since 2010. Easy monetary policy will subsidize corporate profitability, either through faster domestic activity or a cheaper exchange rate (or both). Unemployment rate. The unemployment rate is a crude measure of slack in the economy. An easier policy setting in one country will reduce the unemployment rate compared to a country where policy rates are high relative to r-star. Germany Chart 5Loosest Monetary Conditions In Germany Loosest Monetary Conditions In Germany Loosest Monetary Conditions In Germany Germany exhibits all the evidence of monetary policy being much more accommodative for that country than the other four countries, for the following reasons: Since 2010, German private debt has been expanding much faster than the average of the four countries (Chart 5, top panel). Germany is experiencing the fastest house price appreciation (Chart 5, second panel). Germany’s profits have grown much faster (Chart 5, third panel). Germany’s unemployment rate stands at only 3%, compared to an average rate of 8% for the four nations together (Chart 5, bottom panel). France Chart 6French Monetary Conditions Are Tighter French Monetary Conditions Are Tighter French Monetary Conditions Are Tighter France is a mixed bag. Monetary policy has been easy for France, but the French economy lags Germany on three of the four aforementioned dimensions: Since 2010, French private debt is growing at the fastest pace of the four economies studied, outpacing even that of Germany (Chart 6, top panel). While French house prices have grown slightly faster than the average of the four nations, they lagged German real estate prices (Chart 6, second panel). While French profits have also bested the average of the four nations, they nonetheless trail German profits (Chart 6, third panel). France’s unemployment rate is in line with the average of the four countries under observation (Chart 6, bottom panel). Spain For most of the period following 2010, Spain has suffered from the scars of the disastrous deleveraging that was required in the wake of the sovereign debt crisis. Its trend growth collapsed, and the ECB’s common policy was never as accommodative as it was for its northern neighbors. However, in recent years, the Spanish economy seems to be catching up, a result of the impact of previous structural reforms and the improved competitiveness brought about by collapsing real unit labor costs: Chart 7Spain Still Grapples With Problems Spain Still Grapples With Problems Spain Still Grapples With Problems Since 2010, Spanish private debt has contracted by 20% compared to a 33% expansion for the European average (Chart 7, top panel). Spanish real estate prices have also lagged far behind those of the other countries put together (Chart 7, second panel). However, since 2015, Spanish house prices have begun to recover, and they are now moving at the same pace as the Euro Area average. Spanish profit growth remains weak compared to the average of the four countries studied in this report (Chart 7, third panel). The Spanish unemployment continues to tower at 13%, well above the average of the four largest Euro Area economies (Chart 7, bottom panel). Italy Italy has a similar profile to that of Spain. While its worst performance is solidly in the rear-view mirror, the recent period of easy monetary policy has allowed for some recovery. Nonetheless, Italy still lags far behind other Eurozone countries, which suggests that policy in Italy is not nearly as accommodative as in the rest of the Eurozone. Chart 8Italy Shows Little Improvements Italy Shows Little Improvements Italy Shows Little Improvements Burdened by very large nonperforming loans, the Italian banking sector has been unable to provide adequate credit to the Italian private sector, which already had a limited appetite for debt. As a result, since 2010, Italian private credit has lagged far behind the European average (Chart 8, top panel). Italian real estate prices have not recovered meaningfully from their contraction between 2011 and 2019. Consequently, Italian housing prices lag substantially behind the average of the largest Euro Area countries (Chart 8, second panel). Italian profits remain weak (Chart 8, third panel). While not as elevated as the Spanish unemployment rate, at 8%, Italy’s rate is comparable to the four-country average (Chart 8, bottom panel). Generalizations These observations about individual countries confirm that Germany’s r-star is significantly higher than those of Spain and Italy. When compared to France, the German r-star is also higher, but the gap is much narrower than that between Germany and the two southern nations. The recent ECB Euro Area Bank Lending Survey confirms that France’s r-star is well below that of Germany. French lending standards are tightening as fast as those in Italy (Chart 9). In effect, France’s heavy private sector debt load is proving to be a burden as the ECB begins to tighten policy, which implies a lower French r-star. Chart 9Lending Standard Are Tightening Most In France And Italy ECB Policy: One Size Doesn’t Fit All ECB Policy: One Size Doesn’t Fit All ​​​​​​​ Bottom Line: Among the four largest economies in the Eurozone, a modeling exercise based on the HWL approach reveals that there is a large gap in neutral real interest rates, with Germany on one side around 0%, and Italy, Spain, and even France on the other side with r-star estimates ranging between -1.2% and -1.3%. A survey of current economic activity in these four nations confirms the results from the modeling exercise. Investment Implications The main consequence of the differing r-star across the Eurozone is that the ECB will need to remain an active player in the sovereign bond market. The German, Dutch, and Baltic economies are overheating, and policy needs to be tightened. This means that the ECB will continue to hike rates over the coming months. However, it cannot raise rates much more before they become problematic in Italy, Spain, and even France. Thus, the ECB will activate the TPI in the coming months in order to ease monetary conditions in those economies relative to the stronger group by limiting policy-induced increases in bond yields. In fact, using the r-star estimates adjusted for the debt-to-GDP ratios, the ECB would need to absorb roughly 30% of the Italian total debt to bring Italy’s r-star closer to Germany’s levels. This will not happen, which means that in the foreseeable future, Italy will not be able to withstand the levels of interest rate needed to cool down the German economy. Nonetheless, the TPI can help the ECB in fine-tuning monetary conditions across the Eurozone as it hikes policy rates. For now, Italian bonds are likely to remain volatile until the TPI is activated, especially considering the political situation in Italy, where the outlook for structural reform seems compromised by political uncertainty. This volatility will result in the activation of the TPI before year-end. Once the TPI is activated, BTP/Bund spreads are likely to move back toward 100bps, the level historically consistent with the ECB’s involvement in the sovereign debt market during the APP/PEPP era. The activation of the TPI will also be a positive development for the European corporate bond market, especially investment grade bonds. In last week’s post-conference press release, the ECB revealed that the TPI will also be able to buy private issuer securities. Thus, the ECB is likely to return as a potential buyer in this market. Moreover, investment grade bonds already price in a European recession and therefore offer a large value cushion with 12-month breakeven spreads trading in their 79th historical percentile (Chart 10). We especially like European investment grade corporate bonds relative to US ones on a USD-hedged basis. Relative valuations are in favor of Europe, and the ECB is not tightening policy as much as the Fed. Related Report  European Investment StrategyTo Parity And Beyond The euro will ultimately benefit from the activation of the TPI. The narrowing of both sovereign and corporate spreads resulting from the program represents a very bullish development for EUR/USD (Chart 11), especially because the ECB will likely sterilize the bonds purchased under the program (i.e. the ECB’s balance sheet will not expand because of the TPI). The TPI will also allow the ECB to deliver higher interest rates, which further supports the euro. Nonetheless, we continue to see substantial (roughly 20%) odds of a break below parity in the near-term, especially if wider BTP-Bund spreads in the coming three months are the key catalyst behind the TPI’s activation.  Chart 10Eurozone IG Debt Is Attractive Eurozone IG Debt Is Attractive Eurozone IG Debt Is Attractive Chart 11The TPI Will Help The Euro, Eventually The TPI Will Help The Euro, Eventually The TPI Will Help The Euro, Eventually Finally, last week’s policy development is unlikely to affect the absolute performance of European stocks. European equities remain mostly impacted by the fluctuations in global stock prices and the shifting probability of a recession in Europe this winter in response to the evolving energy crisis on the continent. European equities are inexpensive, and the probability of a recession is declining as a result of the resumption of natural gas flows from Russia. Crucially, the broadening trend toward coal utilization this winter and the growing list of deals that Europe is striking to secure non-Russian gas supplies suggest the impact of Russian cutoffs this winter could be more limited than once feared. Moreover, we expect European governments to hose their economies with stimulus if a crisis does emerge, which would both limit the depth of the crisis and prompt a rapid rebound in activity once winter ends. However, the inattention of the ECB to recession risks suggests that European equities could lag US equities in the near term. Bottom Line: The differences in r-star across Europe mean that the ECB will be forced to activate the TPI before year-end in order to hike interest rates further. Practically, this means that medium- to long-term investors should overweight Italian bonds at the current level of spreads. Short-term investors should remain on the sidelines; the political situation in Italy is still dangerous, and speculators are likely to test the ECB’s resolve. This also means that the euro is attractive as a long-term play, but it still carries large left-tail risk in the near term. While investors should favor European investment-grade bonds in USD-hedged terms relative to the US, European equities are likely to continue to suffer headwinds compared to US stocks.   Mathieu Savary, Chief European Strategist Mathieu@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes   1     In fact, it will soon be 20 r-star since Croatia will join the euro on January 1, 2023.

Listen to a short summary of this report.     Executive Summary The odds of a recession in the US are lower than widely perceived. The probability of a recession is higher in Europe, although this week’s partial resumption of gas flows through the Nord Stream 1 pipeline, along with increased use of coal-fired power plants, should soften the blow. Chinese growth should rebound in the second half of the year. However, the specter of future lockdowns, the shift in global spending away from manufactured goods towards services, and the weakening property sector will continue to weigh on activity. With the Twentieth Party Congress slated for later this year, it is increasingly likely that the authorities will open up a firehose of stimulus. Fading recession risks will buoy stocks in the near term. However, a brighter economic outlook also means that the Fed, and several other central banks, may see little need to cut policy rates in 2023, as the markets are currently discounting. The end result is that government bond yields will rise from current levels, implying that stock valuations will not return to last year’s levels even if a recession is averted. After Rapidly Raising Rates, Markets Expect Some DM Central Banks To Start Easing Next Year The Downside Of A Soft Landing The Downside Of A Soft Landing Bottom Line: We recommend a modest overweight on global equities for now but would turn neutral if the S&P 500 were to rise above 4,050.   Dear Client, I am delighted to announce that Ritika Mankar, CFA, has joined the Global Investment Strategy team. Ritika will be writing occasional special reports on a variety of topical issues. Next week, she will make the case that the US economy’s ability to spawn mega-sized companies may become increasingly compromised over the next decade. Best regards, Peter Berezin, Chief Global Strategist The Case for a Soft Landing in the US Chart 1Cyclicals Underperformed Defensives As Recession Risks Intensified Cyclicals Underperformed Defensives As Recession Risks Intensified Cyclicals Underperformed Defensives As Recession Risks Intensified Over the last few months, investors have become concerned that the Fed and many other central banks will need to engineer a recession in order to bring inflation down to more comfortable levels. While these fears have abated over the past trading week, they still continue to dominate market action (Chart 1). We place the odds of a US recession at about 40%. This is arguably more optimistic than the consensus view. According to Bank of America, the majority of fund managers saw recession as likely in this month’s survey. Not surprisingly, investors consider recession to be a major risk for equities over the next 12 months (Chart 2). Chart 2Many Investors Now See Recession As Baked In The Cake The Downside Of A Soft Landing The Downside Of A Soft Landing Even if a recession does occur, we have contended that it will likely be a mild one, perhaps so mild that it will be difficult to distinguish it from a soft landing. A number of things make a soft landing in the US more probable than in the past: Labor supply has scope to increase. The labor participation rate is still 1.2 percentage points below its pre-pandemic level, two-thirds of which is due to decreased participation among workers under the age of 55 (Chart 3). The share of workers holding multiple jobs is also below its pre-pandemic level (Chart 4). The number of multiple job holders has been rising briskly lately. That is one reason why job growth in the payroll survey – which double counts workers if they hold more than one job – has been stronger than job growth in the household survey. Increased labor supply would obviate the need for the Fed to take drastic actions to curtail labor demand in its effort to restore balance to the labor market. Chart 3Labor Supply Has Scope To Rise Labor Supply Has Scope To Rise Labor Supply Has Scope To Rise Chart 4The Number Of Multiple Job Holders Is Still Below Pre-Pandemic Levels The Number Of Multiple Job Holders Is Still Below Pre-Pandemic Levels The Number Of Multiple Job Holders Is Still Below Pre-Pandemic Levels A high level of job openings creates a moat around the labor market. There are almost two times as many job openings as there are unemployed workers in the US (Chart 5). Many firms are likely to pull job openings before they cut jobs in response to a slowing economy. A high level of job openings will also allow workers who lose their jobs to find employment more quickly than usual, thus limiting the rise in so-called frictional unemployment. It is worth noting that the job openings rate has declined from a record 7.3% in March to a still-high 6.9% in May, with no change in the unemployment rate over this period. Chart 5A High Level Of Job Openings Creates A Moat Around The Labor Market A High Level Of Job Openings Creates A Moat Around The Labor Market A High Level Of Job Openings Creates A Moat Around The Labor Market A steep Phillips curve implies that only a modest increase in unemployment may be necessary to knock down inflation towards the Fed’s target. Just as was the case in the 1960s, the Phillips curve has proven to be kinked near full employment (Chart 6). Unlike in the late 1960s, however, when rising realized inflation caused long-term inflation expectations to reset higher, expectations have remained well anchored this time around (Chart 7). Chart 6The Phillips Curve Is Kinked At Very Low Levels Of Unemployment The Downside Of A Soft Landing The Downside Of A Soft Landing Chart 7Long-Term Inflation Expectations Are Well Anchored Long-Term Inflation Expectations Are Well Anchored Long-Term Inflation Expectations Are Well Anchored   The unwinding of pandemic and war-related dislocations should push down inflation. A recent study by the San Francisco Fed estimates that about half of May’s PCE inflation print was the result of supply-side disturbances (Chart 8). While the ongoing war in Ukraine and the threat of another Covid wave in China will continue to unsettle global supply chains, these problems should fade over time. Falling inflation would allow real wages to start rising again. This would bolster confidence, making a soft landing more likely (Chart 9). Chart 8Supply Factors Explain Half Of The Increase In Prices Over The Past Year The Downside Of A Soft Landing The Downside Of A Soft Landing Chart 9Positive Real Wage Growth Will Bolster Consumer Confidence Positive Real Wage Growth Will Bolster Consumer Confidence Positive Real Wage Growth Will Bolster Consumer Confidence A lack of major financial imbalances makes the US economy more resilient to economic shocks. As a share of disposable income, US household debt is 34 percentage points below its 2008 peak (Chart 10). Relative to net worth, household debt is at multi-decade lows. About two-thirds of mortgages carry a FICO score above 760 compared to only one-third during the housing bubble (Chart 11). Non-mortgage consumer credit also remains in good shape, as my colleague Doug Peta elaborated in this week’s US Investment Strategy report. While corporate debt has risen over the past decade, the ratio of corporate debt-to-assets today is still below where it was during the 1990s. Moreover, thanks to stronger corporate profitability, the interest coverage ratio is near an all-time high (Chart 12).   Chart 10AUS Household Debt Is Not Especially High Anymore (I) US Household Debt Is Not Especially High Anymore (I) US Household Debt Is Not Especially High Anymore (I) Chart 10BUS Household Debt Is Not Especially High Anymore (II) US Household Debt Is Not Especially High Anymore (II) US Household Debt Is Not Especially High Anymore (II) Chart 11FICO Scores For Residential Mortgages Have Improved Considerably Since The Pre-GFC Housing Bubble The Downside Of A Soft Landing The Downside Of A Soft Landing Chart 12Corporate Balance Sheets Are In Decent Shape Corporate Balance Sheets Are In Decent Shape Corporate Balance Sheets Are In Decent Shape Chart 13Tight Supply Limits The Downside Risks To Housing Tight Supply Limits The Downside Risks To Housing Tight Supply Limits The Downside Risks To Housing Just like the US does not suffer from major financial imbalances, it does not suffer from any major economic imbalances either. The homeowner vacancy rate is near a record low, which should put a floor under residential investment (Chart 13). Outside of investment in intellectual property, which is not especially sensitive to the business cycle, nonresidential investment is still below pre-pandemic levels and not much above where it was as a share of GDP during the Great Recession (Chart 14). Spending on consumer durable goods has retraced four-fifths of its pandemic surge, with little ill-effect on aggregate employment (Chart 15). Chart 14Outside Of IP, Nonresidential Investment Is Still Low Outside Of IP, Nonresidential Investment Is Still Low Outside Of IP, Nonresidential Investment Is Still Low Chart 15Spending On Durable Goods Has Been Normalizing Without Derailing The Economy Spending On Durable Goods Has Been Normalizing Without Derailing The Economy Spending On Durable Goods Has Been Normalizing Without Derailing The Economy Europe: A Deep Freeze Will Likely Be Avoided Chart 16Russia Can Potentially Cause Significant Economic Damage In The EU If It Closes The Taps The Downside Of A Soft Landing The Downside Of A Soft Landing The macroeconomic picture is less benign outside the US. Four years ago, German diplomats laughed off warnings that their country had become dangerously dependent on Russian energy. They are not laughing anymore. German industry, just like industry across much of Europe, is facing a major energy crunch. The IMF estimates that output losses associated with a full Russian gas shutoff over the next 12 months could amount to as much as 2.7% of GDP in the EU (Chart 16). In Central and Eastern Europe, output could shrink by 6%. Among the major economies, Germany and Italy are the most at risk. Fortunately, Europe is finally stepping up to the challenge. The highly ambitious REPowerEU plan seeks to displace two-thirds of Russian gas by the end of 2022. The plan does not include any additional energy that could be generated by increased usage of coal-fired power plants, a strategy that the European political establishment (including the German Green Party!) has only recently begun to champion. It is possible that EU leaders felt the need to generate a crisis mentality to justify the decision to burn more coal. Dire warnings about how Europe is prepared to ration gas also send a message to Russia that the EU is ready to suffer in order to thwart Putin’s despotic regime. Whether Europe actually follows through is a different story. It is worth noting that the Nord Stream 1 pipeline resumed operations this week after Germany received, over Ukrainian objections, a repaired turbine from Canada. The resumption of partial flows through the pipeline, along with increased fiscal support for households and firms, reduces the risks of a “deep freeze” recession in Europe. The unveiling of the ECB’s new Transmission Protection Instrument (TPI) this week should also help anchor sovereign credit spreads across the euro area. While the exact conditions under which the TPI will be engaged have yet to be fleshed out, we expect the terms to be fairly liberal, reflecting not only the lessons learned from last decade’s euro debt crisis, but also to serve as a powerful bulwark against Putin’s efforts to destabilize the EU economy. China: Government’s Growth Target Looks Increasingly Unrealistic Stronger growth in China would help European exporters (Chart 17). Chinese real GDP grew by just 0.4% in the second quarter from a year earlier as the economy was battered by Covid lockdowns. Activity should pick up in the second half of the year, but at this point, the government’s 5.5% growth target looks completely unachievable. The specter of future lockdowns, the shift in global spending away from manufactured goods towards services, and the weakening Chinese property sector are all weighing on the economy (Chart 18). Chart 17European Exporters Would Welcome A Stronger Chinese Economy European Exporters Would Welcome A Stronger Chinese Economy European Exporters Would Welcome A Stronger Chinese Economy The authorities will likely seek to stimulate the economy by allowing local governments to bring forward $220 billion in bond issuance that had been originally slated for 2023. The problem is that land sales – the main source of local government revenue – have collapsed. Worried about the ability of local governments to service their obligations, both retail investors and banks have shied away from buying local government debt. Chart 18A Slowing Property Market And Covid Lockdowns Have Been Weighing On The Chinese Economy A Slowing Property Market And Covid Lockdowns Have Been Weighing On The Chinese Economy A Slowing Property Market And Covid Lockdowns Have Been Weighing On The Chinese Economy Meanwhile, the inability of property developers to secure adequate financing to complete construction projects has left a growing number of home buyers in the lurch. In most cases, these properties were purchased off-the-plan. Understandably, home buyers have balked at the prospect of having to make mortgage payments on properties that they do not possess.  With the Twentieth Party Congress slated for later this year, it is increasingly likely that the authorities will open up a firehose of stimulus, including increased assistance for property developers and banks, as well as income-support measures for households. While such measures will not address China’s myriad structural problems, they will help keep the economy afloat. Equity Valuations in a Soft-Landing Scenario A few weeks ago, the consensus view was that stocks would tumble in the second half of the year as the global economy fell into recession but would then rally in 2023 as central banks began lowering rates. We argued the opposite, namely that stocks would likely rebound in the second half of the year as the economy outperformed expectations but would then face renewed pressure in 2023 as it became clear that the Fed and several other central banks had no reason to cut rates (Chart 19). Chart 19After Rapidly Raising Rates, Markets Expect Some DM Central Banks To Start Easing Next Year The Downside Of A Soft Landing The Downside Of A Soft Landing Chart 20Real Rates Have Jumped This Year Real Rates Have Jumped This Year Real Rates Have Jumped This Year In a baseline scenario where a recession is averted, we argued that the S&P 500 could rise to 4,500 (60% odds). In contrast, we noted that the S&P 500 could fall to 3,500 in a mild recession scenario (30% odds) and to 2,900 in a deep recession scenario (10% odds). It is worth stressing that even at 4,500, the S&P 500 would still be 11% lower in real terms than it was on January 4th. At the stock market’s peak in January, the 10-year TIPS yield stood at -0.91%, while the 30-year TIPS yield stood at -0.27%. Today, they stand at 0.58% and 0.93%, respectively (Chart 20). If real rates do not return to their prior lows, it is unlikely that equity valuations will return to their prior highs. This limits the upside for stocks, even in a soft-landing scenario. The sharp rally in stocks over the past week has priced out some of this recession risk, moving equity valuations closer towards what we regard as fair value. As we noted last week, we will turn neutral on equities if the S&P 500 were to rise above 4,050. As we go to press, we are only 1.3% from that level.   Peter Berezin Chief Global Strategist peterb@bcaresearch.com Follow me on         LinkedIn & Twitter Global Investment Strategy View Matrix The Downside Of A Soft Landing The Downside Of A Soft Landing Special Trade Recommendations Current MacroQuant Model Scores The Downside Of A Soft Landing The Downside Of A Soft Landing    

Executive Summary China: GeoRisk Indicator China: GeoRisk Indicator China: GeoRisk Indicator A new equilibrium between NATO, which now includes Sweden and Finland, and Russia needs to be reestablished before geopolitical risks in Europe subside. Russia aims to inflict a recession on the EU which will revive dormant geopolitical risks embedded in each country. Investors should ignore the apparent drop in China’s geopolitical risk as it could rise further until Xi Jinping consolidates power at the Party Congress this fall. Stay on the sideline on Brazilian, South African, Australian, and Canadian equities despite the commodity bull market, at least until China’s growth stabilizes. Korean risk will rise, albeit by less than Taiwanese risk. The US political cycle ensures that Biden may take further actions against adversaries in Europe, Middle East, and East Asia, putting a floor under global geopolitical risk. Tactical Recommendation Inception Date Return LONG GLOBAL AEROSPACE & DEFENSE / BROAD MARKET EQUITIES 2020-11-27 9.3% Bottom Line: Geopolitical risk will rise in the near term. Stay long gold and global defensive stocks. Feature This month we update our GeoRisk Indicators and make observations about the status of political risk for each territory, and where risks are underrated or overrated by global financial markets. Russia GeoRisk Indicator Our “Original” quantitative measure of Russian political risk – the Russian “geopolitical risk premium” shown in the dotted red line below – has fallen to new lows (Chart 1). One must keep in mind that this geopolitical premium is operating under the assumption of a “free market” but the Russian market in the past few months had been anything but free. The Russian government and central bank had been manipulating the ruble and preventing capital outflows. Hence, Russian assets and any indicator derived from it does not reflect its true risk premium, merely the resolve of its government in the geopolitical struggle. Chart 1Russia: GeoRisk Indicator Russia: GeoRisk Indicator Russia: GeoRisk Indicator While the Russia Risk Premium accurately detected the build-up in tensions before the invasion of Ukraine this year, today it gives the misleading impression that Russian geopolitical risk is low. In reality the risk level remains high due to the lack of strategic stability between Russia and the West, particularly the United States, and particularly over the question of NATO enlargement. Our “Old” Russia GeoRisk Indicator remains elevated but has slightly fallen back. This measure failed to detect the rise in risk ahead of this year’s invasion of Ukraine. We predicted the war based on non-market variables, including qualitative analysis. As a result of the failure of our indicator, we devised a “New” Russia GeoRisk Indicator after this year’s invasion, shown as the green line below. This measure provides the most accurate reading. It is pushing the upper limits, which we truncated at 4, as it did during the invasion of Georgia in 2008 and initial invasion of Ukraine in 2014. Related Report  Geopolitical StrategyThird Quarter Geopolitical Outlook: Thunder And Lightning Has Russian geopolitical risk peaked for Europe and the rest of the world? Not until a new strategic equilibrium is established between the US and Russia. That will require a ceasefire in Ukraine and a US-Russia understanding about the role of Finland and Sweden within NATO. However, Hungary is signaling that the EU should impose no further sanctions on Russia. Russia’s cutoff of natural gas exports to Europe will create economic hardship that will start driving change in European governments or policies. A full ban on Russian natural gas may not be implemented in the coming years due to lack of EU unanimity. Still, the EU cannot lift sanctions on Russia because that would enable economic recovery and hence military rehabilitation, which could enable new aggression. Also, Russia will not relinquish the territories it has taken from Ukraine even if President Putin exits the scene. No Russian leader will have the political capital to do that given the sacrifices that Russia has made. Bottom Line: Russia’s management of the ruble is distorting some of our risk indicators. Russia remains un-investable for western investors. Substantial sanction relief will not come until late in the decade, if at all. UK GeoRisk Indicator British political risk is rising, and it may surpass the peaks of the Brexit referendum period in 2016 now that Scotland is pursuing another independence referendum (Chart 2). Chart 2United Kingdom: GeoRisk Indicator United Kingdom: GeoRisk Indicator United Kingdom: GeoRisk Indicator New elections are not due until January 25, 2025 and the ruling Conservative Party has every reason to avoid an election over the whole period so that inflation can come down and the economy can recover. But an early election is possible between now and 2025. Prime Minister Boris Johnson has become a liability to his party but he is still a more compelling leader than the alternatives. If Johnson is replaced, then the change of leadership will only temporarily boost the Tories’ public approval. It will ultimately compound the party’s difficulties by dividing the party without resolving the Scottish question.  Regardless, the Tories face stiff headwinds in the coming referendum debate and election, having been in power since 2010 and having suffered a series of major shocks (Brexit, the pandemic, inflation). Bottom Line: The US dollar is not yet peaking against pound sterling, As from a global geopolitical perspective it can go further. Investors should stay cautious about the pound in the short term. But they should prefer the pound to eastern European currencies exposed to Russian instability. Germany GeoRisk Indicator German political risk spiked around the time of the 2021 election and has since subsided, including over the course of the Ukraine war (Chart 3). However, risk will rise again now that Germany has declared that it is under “economic attack” from Russia, which is cutting natural gas in retaliation to Germany’s oil embargo. Chart 3Germany: GeoRisk Indicator Germany: GeoRisk Indicator Germany: GeoRisk Indicator This spike in strategic tensions should not be underrated. Germany is entering a new paradigm in which Russian aggression has caused a break with the past policy of Ostpolitik, or economic engagement. Germany will have to devote huge new resources to energy security and national defense and will have to guard against Russia for the foreseeable future. Domestic political risk will also rise as the economy weakens and industrial activity is rationed. Germany does not face a general election until October 26, 2025. Early elections are rare but cannot be ruled out over the next few years. The ruling coalition does not have a solid foundation. It only has a 57% majority in the Bundestag and consists of an ideological mix of parties (a “traffic light” coalition of Social Democrats, Greens, and Free Democrats). Still, Germany’s confrontation with Russia will keep the coalition in power for now. Bottom Line: From a geopolitical point of view, there is not yet a basis for the dollar to peak and roll over against the euro. That is not likely until there is a ceasefire in Ukraine and/or a new NATO-Russia understanding. France GeoRisk Indicator French political risks are lingering at fairly high levels in the wake of the general election and will only partially normalize given the likelihood of European recession and continued tensions around Russia (Chart 4). Chart 4France: GeoRisk Indicator France: GeoRisk Indicator France: GeoRisk Indicator President Emmanuel Macron was re-elected, as expected, but his Renaissance party (previously En Marche) lost its majority and Macron will struggle to win over 39 deputies to gain a majority of 289 seats in the Assembly. He will, however, be able to draw from an overall right-wing ideological majority – especially the Republicans – when it comes to legislative compromises. The election produced some surprises. The right-wing, anti-establishment National Rally of Marine Le Pen, which usually performs poorly in legislative elections, won 89 seats. The left-wing alliance (NUPES) underperformed opinion polls and has not formed a unified bloc within the Assembly. Still, the left will be a powerful force as it will command 151 seats (the sum of the left-wing anti-establishment leader Jean-Luc Mélenchon’s La France Insoumise party and the Communists, Socialists, and Greens). Macron’s key reform – raising the average retirement age from 62 to 65 – will require an ad hoc majority in the Assembly. The Republicans, with 74 seats, can provide the necessary votes. But some members have already refused to side with Macron on this issue. Macron will most likely get support from the populist National Rally on immigration, including measures to make it harder to be naturalized or obtain long-term residence permits, and measures making it easier to expel migrants whose asylum applications have been refused. France will remain hawkish on immigration, but Macron will be able to rein in the populists. On energy and the environment, Macron may be able to cooperate with the Left on climate measures, but ultimately any cooperation will be constrained by the fact that Mélenchon opposes nuclear power. The Republicans and the National Rally will support Macron’s bid to shore up France’s nuclear energy sector. Popular opinion will hold up for France’s energy security in the face of Russian weaponization of natural gas. Macron and Mélenchon will clash on domestic security. Police violence has emerged as a major source of controversy since the Yellow Vest protests. Macron and the Right will protect the police establishment while the Left will favor reforms, notably the concept of “proximity police,” which would entail police officers patrolling in a small area to create stronger, more personal links between the police and the population; officers being under the control of the mayor and prefect; and ultimately most officers not carrying lethal weapons, and the ban of physically dangerous arrest techniques. Grievances over the police as well as racial inequality will likely erupt into significant social unrest in the coming years. As a second-term president without a single-party majority, Macron will increasingly focus on foreign policy. He will aim to become the premier European leader on the world stage. He will seek to revive France’s historic role as a leading diplomatic power and arbiter of Europe. He will strengthen France’s position in the EU and NATO, keep selling arms to the Middle East, and maintain a French military presence in the Sahel. Macron will favor Ukraine’s membership in the EU but also a ceasefire with Russia. He will face a difficult decision on whether to join Israeli and American military action against Iran should the latter reach nuclear breakout capacity and pursue weaponization. Bottom Line: The outperformance of French equities is stretched relative to EMU counterparts. But France will not underperform until the EU’s natural gas crisis begins to subside and a new equilibrium is established with Russia. Italy GeoRisk Indicator Italy is perhaps the weakest link in Europe both economically and strategically (Chart 5). Elections are due by June 2023 but could come earlier as the ruling coalition is showing strains. A change of government would likely compromise the EU’s attempt to maintain a unified front against Russia over the war in Ukraine. Chart 5Italy: GeoRisk Indicator Italy: GeoRisk Indicator Italy: GeoRisk Indicator Before the war Italy received 40% of its natural gas from Russia and maintained pragmatic relations with the Putin administration. Now Russia is reducing flows to Italy by 50%, forcing the country into an energy crisis at a time when expected GDP growth had already been downgraded to 2.3% this year and 1.7% in 2023. Meanwhile Italian sovereign bond spreads over German bunds have risen by 64 basis points YTD as a result of the global inflation. The national unity coalition under Prime Minister Mario Draghi came together for two purposes. First, to distribute the EU’s pandemic recovery funds across the country, which amounted to 191.5 billion euros in grants and cheap loans for Italy, 27% of the EU’s total recovery fund and 12% of Italy’s GDP. Second, to elect an establishment politician in the Italian presidency to constrain future populist governments (i.e. re-electing President Sergio Mattarella). Now about 13% of the recovery funds have been distributed in 2021, the economy is slowing, Russia is cutting off energy, and elections are looming. The coalition is no longer stable. Coalition members will jockey for better positioning and pursue their separate interests. The anti-establishment Five Star Movement has already split, with leader Luigi di Maio walking out. Five Star’s popular support has fallen to 12%. The most popular party in the country is now the right-wing, anti-establishment Brothers of Italy, who receive 23% support in polling. Matteo Salvini, leader of the League, another right-wing populist party, has seen its public support fall to 15% and will be looking for opportunities. On the whole, far-right parties command 38% of popular voting intentions, while far-left parties command 17% and centrist parties command 39%. Italy’s elections will favor anti-incumbent parties, especially if the country falls into recession. These parties will be more pragmatic toward Russia and less inclined to expand the EU’s stringent sanctions regime. Implementing a ban on Russian natural gas by 2027 will become more difficult if Italy switches. Italy will be more inclined to push for a ceasefire. A substantial move toward ceasefire will improve investor sentiment, although, again, a durable new strategic equilibrium cannot be established until the US and Russia come to an understanding regarding Finland, Sweden, and NATO enlargement. Bottom Line: Investors should steer clear of Italian government debt and equities until after the next election. Spain GeoRisk Indicator Infighting and power struggles within the People’s Party (PP) have provided temporary relief for the ruling Socialist Worker’s Party (PSOE) and Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez. However, with Alberto Nunez Feijoo elected as the new leader of PP on April 2, the People’s Party quickly recovered from its setback. It not only retook the first place in the general election polling, but also scored a landslide victory in the Andalusia regional election. Andalusia is the most populous autonomous community in Spain, contributing 17% of the seats in the lower house. The Andalusian regional election was a test run for the parties before next year’s general election. Historically, Andalusia was PSOE’s biggest stronghold, but it was ousted by the center-right People’s Party-Citizens coalition in 2018. Since then, the People’s party has consolidated their presence and popularity in Andalusia. The snap election in June, weeks after Feijoo was elected as the new national party leader, expanded PP’s seats in the regional parliament. It now has an absolute majority in the regional parliament while the Socialists suffered its worst defeat. With the sweeping victory in Andalusia, the People’s Party is well positioned for next year’s general election. In addition, the ruling Socialist Worker’s Party continues to suffer from the stagflationary economic condition. In May, Spain recorded the second highest inflation figure in more than 30 years, slightly below its March number. Furthermore, the recent deadly Melilla incident which resulted in dozens of migrants’ death, also caused some minor setbacks within Sanchez’s ruling coalition. His far-left coalition partner joined the opposition parties in condemning Sanchez for being complacent toward the Moroccan police. The pressure is on the Socialists now, and political risk will rise in the coming months, till after the election (Chart 6). Chart 6Spain: GeoRisk Indicator Spain: GeoRisk Indicator Spain: GeoRisk Indicator Bottom Line: Domestic political risk will remain elevated in this polarized country, as elections are due by December 2023 and could come sooner. Populism may return if Europe suffers a recession. Russia aims to inflict a recession on the EU which is negative for cyclical markets like Spain, but Spain benefits from Europe’s turn to liquefied natural gas and has little to fear from Russia. Investors should favor Spanish stocks relative to Italian stocks. Turkey GeoRisk Indicator Turkey faces extreme political and economic instability between now and the general election due by June 2023 (Chart 7). Chart 7Turkey: GeoRisk Indicator Turkey: GeoRisk Indicator Turkey: GeoRisk Indicator Almost any country would see the incumbent ruling party thrown from power under Turkey’s conditions. The ruling Justice and Development Party has been in charge since 2002, the country’s economy has suffered over that period, and today inflation is running at 73% while unemployment stands at 11%. However, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan is doing everything he can with his recently expanded presidential powers to stay in office. He is making amends with the Gulf Arab states and seeking their economic support. He is also warming relations with Israel, as Turkey seeks to diversify away from Russian gas and Israel/Egypt are potential suppliers. He is doubling down on military distractions across the Middle East and North Africa. And he waged a high-stakes negotiation with the West over Finnish and Swedish accession to NATO. Russian aggression poses a threat to Turkish national interests. Turkey ultimately agreed to Finnish and Swedish membership after a show of Erdoğan strong hands in negotiating with the West over their membership, to show his domestic audience that he is one of the big boys ahead of the election. A risk to this view is that Erdoğan stages military operations against Greek-controlled Cyprus. This would initiate a crisis within NATO and put Finnish and Swedish accession on hold for a longer period. Bottom Line: Investors should not attempt to bottom-feed Turkish lira or stocks and should sell any rallies ahead of the election. A decisive election that removes Erdoğan from power is the best case for Turkish assets, while a decisive Erdoğan victory is second best. Worse scenarios include indecisive outcomes, a contested or stolen election, a constitutional breakdown, or a military coup. China GeoRisk Indicator China’s geopolitical risk is falling and relative equity performance is picking up now that the government has begun easing monetary, fiscal, and regulatory policy to try to secure the economic recovery (Chart 8). Chart 8China: GeoRisk Indicator China: GeoRisk Indicator China: GeoRisk Indicator Easing regulation on Big Tech has spurred a rebound in heavily sold Chinese tech shares, while the Politburo will likely signal a pro-growth turn in policy at its July economic meeting. The worst news of the country’s draconian “Covid Zero” policy is largely priced, while positive news regarding domestic vaccines, vaccine imports, or anti-viral drugs could surprise the market. However, none of these policy signals are reliable until Xi Jinping consolidates power at the twentieth national party congress sometime between September and November (likely October). Chinese stimulus could fail to pick up as much as the market hopes and policy signals could reverse or could continue to contradict themselves. After the party congress, we expect the Xi administration to intensify its efforts to stabilize the economy. The economic work conference in December will release a pro-growth communique. The March legislative session will provide more government support for the economy if needed. However, short-term measures to stabilize growth should not be mistaken for a major reacceleration, as China will continue to struggle with debt-deflation as households and corporations deleverage and the economic model transitions to a post-manufacturing model. Bottom Line: A Santa Claus rally in the fourth quarter, and/or a 2023 rally, is likely, both for offshore and onshore equities. But long-term investors, especially westerners, should steer clear of Chinese assets. China’s reversion to autocracy and confrontation with the United States will ultimately result in tariffs and sanctions and geopolitical crises and will keep risk premiums high. Taiwan GeoRisk Indicator Taiwan’s geopolitical risk has spiked as expected due to confrontation with China. Tensions will remain high through the Taiwanese midterm election on November 26, the Chinese party congress, and the US midterm (Chart 9). But China is not ready to stage a full-scale military conflict over Taiwan yet – that risk will grow over in the later 2020s and 2030s, depending on whether the US and China provide each other with adequate security assurances. Chart 9Taiwan: GeoRisk Indicator Taiwan: GeoRisk Indicator Taiwan: GeoRisk Indicator Still, Taiwan is the epicenter of global geopolitical risk. China insists that it will be unified with the mainland eventually, by force if not persuasion. China’s potential growth is weakening so it is losing the ability to absorb Taiwan through economic attraction over time. Meanwhile the Taiwanese people do not want to be absorbed – they have developed their own identity and prefer the status quo (or independence) over unification. Taiwan does not have a mutual defense treaty with the United States and yet the US and Taiwan are trying to strengthen their economic and military bonds. This situation is both threatening to China and yet not threatening enough to force China to forswear the military option. At some point China could believe it must assert control over Taiwan before the US increases its military commitment. Meanwhile China, the US, Japan, South Korea, and Europe are all adopting policies to promote semiconductor manufacturing at home, and/or outside Taiwan, so that their industries are not over-reliant on Taiwan. That means Taiwan will lose its comparative advantage over time. Bottom Line: Structurally remain underweight Taiwanese equities. Korea GeoRisk Indicator The newly elected President Yoon reaffirmed the strong military tie between Korea and the US, when he hosted President Biden in Seoul in May. Both Presidents expressed interests in expanding cooperation into new areas like semiconductors, economic security, and stability in the Indo-Pacific region. The new administration is also finding ways to improve relations with Japan, which soured in the past few years over the issue of forced labor during the Japanese occupation of Korea. A way forward is yet to be found, but a new public-private council will be launched on July 4 to seek potential solutions before the supreme court ruling in August which could further damage bilateral ties. President Yoon’s various statements throughout the NATO summit in Madrid on wanting a better relationship with Japan and to resolve historical issues showed this administration’s willingness towards a warming of the relations between the two countries, a departure from the previous administration. On the sideline of the NATO summit, Yoon also engaged with European leaders, dealing Korean defense products, semiconductors, and nuclear technologies, with a receptive European audience eager to bolster their defense, secure supply chain, and diversify energy source. North Korea ramped up its missile tests this year as it tends to do during periods of political transitions in South Korea. It is also rumored to be preparing for another nuclear test. Provocations will continue as the North is responding to the hawkish orientation of the Yoon administration. Investors should expect a rise in geopolitical risk in the peninsular, but on a relative basis, due to its strong alliance network, Korean risk will be lower compared to Taiwan (Chart 10). Korea will benefit from a rebound in China in the near term, but in the long-term, it is a secure source of semiconductors and high-tech exports, as Greater China will be mired in long-term geopolitical instability. Chart 10Korea: GeoRisk Indicator Korea: GeoRisk Indicator Korea: GeoRisk Indicator Bottom Line: Overweight South Korean equities relative to emerging markets as a play on Chinese stimulus. Overweight Korea versus Taiwan. Australia GeoRisk Indicator Australia’s Labor Party ultimately obtained a one-seat majority in the House of Representatives following the general election in May (77 seats where 76 are needed). It does not have a majority in the Senate, where it falls 13 seats short of the 39 it needs. It will rely on the Green Party (12 seats) and a few stragglers to piece together ad hoc coalitions to pass legislation. Hence Prime Minister Anthony Albanese’s domestic agenda will be heavily constrained. Pragmatic policies to boost the economy are likely but major tax hikes and energy sector overhauls are unlikely (Chart 11). Chart 11Australia: GeoRisk Indicator Australia: GeoRisk Indicator Australia: GeoRisk Indicator Fortunately for Albanese, his government is taking power in the wake of the pandemic, inflation, and Chinese slowdown, so that there is a prospect for the macroeconomic context to improve over his term in office. This could give him a tailwind. But for now he is limited. Like President Biden in the US, Albanese can attempt to reduce tensions with China after Xi Jinping consolidates power. But also like Biden, he will not have a basis for broad and durable re-engagement, since China’s regional ambitions threaten Australian national security over the long run. Global commodity supply constraints give Australia leverage over China. Bottom Line: Stay neutral on Australian currency and equities until global and Chinese growth stabilize. Brazil GeoRisk Indicator It would take a bolt of lightning to prevent former President Lula da Silva from winning re-election in Brazil’s October 2 first round election. Lula is more in line with the median voter than sitting President Jair Bolsonaro. Bolsonaro’s term has been marred with external shocks, following on a decade of recession and malaise. Polls may tighten ahead of the election but Lula is heavily favored. While ideologically to the left, Lula is a known quantity to global investors (Chart 12). However, Bolsonaro may attempt to cling to power, straining the constitutional system and various institutions. A military coup is unlikely but incidents of insubordination cannot be ruled out. Once Lula is inaugurated, a market riot may be necessary to discipline his new administration and ensure that his policies do not stray too far into left-wing populism. Chart 12Brazil: GeoRisk Indicator Brazil: GeoRisk Indicator Brazil: GeoRisk Indicator Brazil’s macroeconomic context is less favorable than it was when Lula first ruled. During the 2000s he rode the wave of Chinese industrialization and a global commodity boom. Today China is slipping into a balance sheet recession and the next wave of industrialization has not yet taken off. Brazil’s public debt dynamics discourage a structural overweight on Brazil within emerging markets. At least Brazil is geopolitically secure – far separated from the conflicts marring Russia, East Europe, China, and East Asia. It also has a decade of bad news behind it that is already priced. Bottom Line: Stay neutral Brazilian assets until global and Chinese growth stabilize and the crisis-prone election season is over. South Africa GeoRisk Indicator South Africa’s economy continues to face major headwinds amid persistent structural issues that have yet to be adequately addressed and resolved by policy makers. The latest bout of severe energy supply cuts by the state-run energy producer, Eskom, serve as a reminder to investors that South Africa’s economy is still dealing with a major issue of generating an uninterrupted supply of electricity. Each day that electricity supply is cut to businesses and households, the local economy stalls. Among other macroeconomic issues such as high unemployment and rising inflation, low-income households which are too the median voter, are facing increasing hardships. The political backdrop is geared toward further increases in political risk going forward (Chart 13). Chart 13South Africa: GeoRisk Indicator South Africa: GeoRisk Indicator South Africa: GeoRisk Indicator Fiscal reform and austerity are underway but won’t last long enough to make a material difference in government finances. The 2024 election is not that far out and the ruling political party, the ANC, will look to quell growing economic pressures to shore up voter support and reinforce its voter base. Fiscal austerity will unwind. Meanwhile, the bull market in global metal prices stands to moderate on weakening global growth, which reduces a tailwind for the rand, South African equities relative to other emerging markets, and government coffers, reducing our reasons for slight optimism on South Africa until global growth stabilizes. Bottom Line: Shift to a neutral stance on South Africa until global and Chinese growth stabilize. Canada GeoRisk Indicator Canadian political risk has spiked since the pandemic (Chart 14). Populist politics can grow over time in Canada, especially if the property sector goes bust. However, the country is geopolitically secure and benefits from proximity to the US economy. Chart 14Canada: GeoRisk Indicator Canada: GeoRisk Indicator Canada: GeoRisk Indicator Global commodity supply constraints create opportunities for Canada as governments around the world pursue fiscal programs directed at energy security, national defense, and supply chain resilience. Bottom Line: Stay neutral Canadian currency and equities. While Canada benefits from the high oil price and robust US economy, rising interest rates pose a threat to its high-debt model, while US growth faces disappointments due to Europe’s and China’s troubles.     Matt Gertken Chief Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Yushu Ma Research Analyst yushu.ma@bcaresearch.com Jesse Anak Kuri Associate Editor jesse.kuri@bcaresearch.com Guy Russell Senior Analyst GuyR@bcaresearch.com Alice Brocheux Research Associate alice.brocheux@bcaresearch.com Strategic Themes Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Regional Geopolitical Risk Matrix Section III: Geopolitical Calendar

Executive Summary Loss Of Russian Production Will Lift Brent Loss Of Russian Production Will Lift Brent Loss Of Russian Production Will Lift Brent With German imports of Russian oil close to 10% of its total requirements – following an impressive decline from 35% pre-invasion – we expect the EU to declare an embargo on Russian oil imports this week or next. Smaller states – e.g., Hungary and Slovokia – will be granted embargo waivers; their import volumes will not affect the EU effort. Russia will be forced to shut in ~ 1.6mm b/d of production, rising to 2mm b/d next year (vs. pre-invasion levels). Demand will fall as Brent prices surpass $120/bbl by 2H22, in our revised base case. Prices above $140/bbl are likely if Russia immediately halts EU oil exports. Our revised forecast calls for Brent to average $113/bbl this year, and $122/bbl next year. WTI will trade $3/bbl lower. Per earlier threats, Russia will cut EU natgas exports following the EU embargo. Benchmark euro natgas prices will go back above €225/MWh, and trigger an EU recession. Bottom Line: An EU embargo on Russian oil imports is close. Brent crude will rally above $120/bbl by 2H22, with $140/bbl or higher likely, depending on how quickly Russia reacts to the EU oil embargo. Eurozone natgas will trade above €225/MWh again. We remain long the S&P GSCI index, the COMT ETF, and the XOP and CRAK ETFs to retain exposure to higher prices. We are getting long 1Q23 ICE Brent futures and 4Q22 TTF futures at tonight's close. Feature Related Report  Commodity & Energy StrategyDie Cast By EU: Inflation, Recession Risks Rise The stage is set for the EU to announce an embargo on Russian oil imports this week or next. Odds of an EU embargo being declared sooner rather than later increased, in our view, in the wake of Germany's success in cutting Russian oil imports by more than half in a very short period – from ~ 35% prior to Russia's invasion of Ukraine on 24 February to ~ 12% earlier this month (Chart 1). Further reductions in Russian oil imports we expect from Germany will make it easier for the EU's largest economy to walk away from Russian crude and product imports sooner rather than later.1 Other EU member states already stand with Germany on the issue of an embargo on Russian imports. Those that do not – Hungary and Slovakia, e.g. – do not import Russian oil on a scale that can meaningfully derail EU solidarity on the embargo, which means waivers for these states can be expected to keep the embargo on track. In addition, four of the Five-Eyes states – the US, UK, Australia and Canada – already have imposed embargoes on Russian oil imports. Chart 1EU Energy Import Dependency (2021) EU Energy Import Dependency (2021) EU Energy Import Dependency (2021) Russian Shut-ins Will Tighten Supply The immediate fallout of the EU embargo will be to accelerate the rate at which Russia is forced to shut in production, as increasing volumes of its oil remain stranded on the water looking for a home. We reckon 1mm b/d or so of Russian crude oil output already has been cut. This will continue to increase. Russia will be forced to shut in ~ 1.6mm b/d of crude output this year, rising to 2mm b/d next year (averages vs. pre-invasion levels), in our modelling. This takes Russian oil production down to 8.4mm b/d this year, on average, and 8.0mm b/d next year.2 As more and more Russian crude is shut in, the pipelines carrying Urals and Eastern Siberia-Pacific Ocean (ESPO) crude from the Siberian oil fields to ports will fill, along with inventory in the ports where ships are loaded for export. When storage and pipelines fill, the only alternative Russian producers will have will be to shut in crude and condensate production. While some states obviously will benefit from the increasing availability of Russian crude on offer at 30% discounts or more – e.g., India and China – there is a limit as to how much surplus Russian output they can take in. China, in particular, will not want to jeopardize long-term contracts with key suppliers – e.g., the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) – nor will India, which will limit the total volumes both are willing to take from Russia longer term. Security of supply becomes an increasingly important consideration as Russia's oil output continues a long-term decline going forward: Costs were rising prior to Russia's invasion of Ukraine from 2008 to 2019. Falling drilling efficiency and production, were accompanied by rising water cuts – i.e., the amount of water being produced drilling for oil – in Russia's largest fields, which rose to as high as 86%. Shutting production from these older fields will force hard choices as to whether these fields are ever revived.3 Demand Will Be Stressed Shortly after Russia invaded Ukraine, the country's Energy Ministry Alexander Novak warned the EU it would cut off natural gas pipeline supplies being sent to the continent, in retaliation for embargoing oil imports.4 Oil exports of close to 5mm b/d accounted for just under half of Russia's revenue from energy exports last year, with OECD Europe representing half of that amount.5 For Russia, oil exports are far more important than gas exports, which will incline it to immediately cut pipeline flows to Europe as soon as an oil embargo is announced. For the EU, natgas exports from Russia are critical to the economies of its member states (Chart 2). The EU imported ~ 155 bcm of natgas from Russia in 2021, or just over 40% of its total natgas consumption. Germany's share amounted to 45 bcm, or 45% of domestic gas use . If, as we expect, the EU is close to announcing its oil embargo on Russia, an immediate retaliation from Moscow in the form of a cutoff of pipeline exports to the EU most likely will follow. This will throw the EU into a recession, as natgas prices surge. Chart 2Losing Russia's Natgas Will Be Painful For EU Oil, Natgas Prices Set To Surge Oil, Natgas Prices Set To Surge Revised Forecast Reflects Falling Russian Output We are revising our Brent forecast and crude oil balances in line with our expectation Russian oil output will decline meaningfully. As noted above, we now expect Russian crude oil output to fall to 8.4mm b/d this year and 8.0mm b/d in 2023. This pushes non-core OPEC 2.0 production – which now includes Russia – lower, as a result (Chart 3). We moved Russia out of the core OPEC 2.0 producer group, given the production declines we expect this year and next, and into the "Other Guys" group. Our base case demand reflects a shift in OECD vs. non-OECD consumption estimates, with the OECD gaining incrementally, while EM demand (via non-OECD consumption) falls incrementally (Chart 4). Chart 3Falling Russia Output Pushes Non-Core OPEC 2.0 Output Lower Oil, Natgas Prices Set To Surge Oil, Natgas Prices Set To Surge Chart 4DM Demand Shifts Higher, EM Shifts Lower DM Demand Shifts Higher, EM Shifts Lower DM Demand Shifts Higher, EM Shifts Lower The lower EM demand growth reflects weaker China oil consumption resulting from the country's zero-COVID policy. In addition, because we expect Russia to act quickly on cutting off EU natgas exports, benchmark TTF natgas prices will move back above €225/MWh. Higher oil and natgas prices in the EU will lead to recession later this year. How quickly this shows up depends on how quickly Russia reacts to an EU oil embargo. In addition, a strong USD – bid higher by global economic uncertainty and safe-haven demand – will pushing the local-currency costs of refined products like gasoline, diesel and jet fuel higher, also will contribute to lower EM demand (Chart 5). Chart 5USD Remains Well Bid Oil, Natgas Prices Set To Surge Oil, Natgas Prices Set To Surge In our base case, we expect a tighter market on balance (Chart 6). Oil inventories remain under pressure, owing to falling as Russian output and declines in production outside core OPEC 2.0 and the US (Chart 7). We cannot rule out additional SPR releases from the US or IEA to offset tightening global inventories. Chart 6Global Balances Tighten Global Balances Tighten Global Balances Tighten Chart 7Inventories Draw As Supply Tightens Inventories Draw As Supply Tightens Inventories Draw As Supply Tightens Our forecast for Brent this year has been lifted on the back of a much stronger expectation of an EU oil embargo against Russia. This will result in 2mm b/d of Russian production being shut in by next year, which will not be fully replaced (Table 1). We are lifting our Brent forecast to $110/bbl for 2022, and $115/bbl for next year as a result (Chart 8). Chart 8Loss Of Russian Production Will Lift Brent Loss Of Russian Production Will Lift Brent Loss Of Russian Production Will Lift Brent Table 1BCA Global Oil Supply - Demand Balances (MMb/d, Base Case Balances) To Dec23 Oil, Natgas Prices Set To Surge Oil, Natgas Prices Set To Surge Investment Implications An EU embargo on Russian oil imports is close at hand, in our view. Brent crude will rally above $120/bbl by 2H22, with $140/bbl or higher possible, depending on Russia's reaction to the EU oil embargo. We expect Brent prices to average $113/bbl this year, and $122/bbl in 2023. WTI will trade $3/bbl lower on average. Eurozone natgas will trade above €225/MWh again and stay at elevated levels, likely moving higher following a Russian cutoff of natgas supplies to the continent. This will throw the EU into recession. We remain long the S&P GSCI index, the COMT ETF, and the XOP and CRAK ETFs to retain exposure to higher prices. We are getting long 1Q23 ICE Brent futures and TTF natgas futures at tonight's close. A word of caution is in order: We are assuming Russia will follow through on its threat to shut off natgas exports to the EU in the event of an embargo against importing its oil is declared. This, we believe, is Russia's red line. If the EU fails to declare an embargo, or if Russia fails to follow through on its threat to cut off gas supplies in the wake of an EU oil embargo of its exports we will have to re-assess our outlook.   Robert P. Ryan Chief Commodity & Energy Strategist rryan@bcaresearch.com Ashwin Shyam Research Analyst Commodity & Energy Strategy ashwin.shyam@bcaresearch.com Paula Struk Research Associate Commodity & Energy Strategy paula.struk@bcaresearch.com     Commodities Round-Up Energy: Bullish European natural gas inventories are building at a rapid rate, as competition from Asia – typically led by Chinese demand – remains weaker than in previous seasons. EU natgas storage stood at ~446 MWh as of May 16, 2022, the latest available reports indicate (Chart 9). The EU has weathered two extremely difficult winters in 2020-21 and 2021-22. Natgas storage levels were drawn hard to meet space heating demand, which, owing to a winter energy crisis in China at the time, forced European buyers into a competition for liquified natural gas (LNG) during the former period. Following unexpected spring-summer demand in 2021 when cold weather lingered in Europe and wind power generation fell sharply, storage owners again were hard pressed to secure LNG to rebuild storage levels going into this past winter, which caused European TTF natgas prices to soar, as demand surged (Chart 10). With the threat of a cutoff of Russian natgas hanging over the EU, there is a singular focus right now on getting storage as full as possible ahead of next winter. The EU aims to replace two-thirds of Russian gas imports before yearend. Precious Metals: Bullish The Fed has adopted a more hawkish rhetoric, as it acts more aggressively to reduce US inflation. Interest rates have increased from near-zero levels in March to 0.75%, and BCA’s US Bond strategy service expects two more 50 bps rate hikes in June and July. Post July, rate hikes will depend on the Fed’s assessment of inflation, inflation expectations and financial conditions. The Fed faces the risk of either remaining behind the inflation curve or sparking a recession in case it’s either not hawkish enough, or too hawkish. Base Metals: Bullish High power prices in Europe will continue to plague refined base metals production in the continent and keep refined metal prices buoyed. LME Europe aluminum stocks are close to 17-year lows. In China – whose metal smelters were also hit by high power prices in 2021 – aluminum smelting has revived, with the country reportedly producing a record amount of primary aluminum in April. Lockdowns, however, have reduced economic activity, demand for the metal and its domestic price. China has taken advantage of this arbitrage opportunity, sending most of its primary aluminum exports to Europe. This aluminum price spread between the two states has contributed to China’s steady rise in primary aluminum exports this year, after having exported nearly none in 2020 and 2021. Chart 9 Oil, Natgas Prices Set To Surge Oil, Natgas Prices Set To Surge Chart 10Dutch Title Transfer Facility Going Down Dutch Title Transfer Facility Going Down Dutch Title Transfer Facility Going Down     Footnotes 1     German officials have stated the country will wind down all oil imports from Russia by year end, even if the rest of the EU does not join it in an embargo.  We highly doubt Germany will act alone, given the support an embargo already has received from EU member states.  Please see Germany to Stop Russian Oil Imports Regardless of EU Sanctions, published by bloomberg.com on May 15, 2022. 2     Our expectation for shut-in volumes is lower than the IEA's, which sees Russia being forced to shut in 3mm b/d of production by 2H22.  We continue to monitor this closely via satellite and reporting services and will adjust our estimates as needed.  Obviously, if the IEA is correct oil markets will tighten even more than we expect. 3    Please see "The Future of Russian Oil Production in the Short, Medium, and Long Term," published by the Oxford Institute for Energy Studies in September 2019.  The OIES study notes production in Russia's highest-producing area – the Khanty-Mansi Autonomous (KMA) district – actually fell 15% between 2008-19, even as drilling activity surged 66%.  While output in 2018 rose due to intensified oil recovery (IOR), the OIES noted that the water cut rose sharply in 2018 as well in the KMA district. 4    Please see Russia warns of $300 oil, threatens to cut off European gas if West bans energy imports, published by cnbc.com on March 8, 2022.  The article notes Novak threatened to close the Nord Stream 1 pipeline delivering gas to Germany in retaliation for an EU oil embargo.  Almost three-quarters of Russia's natgas exports were sent to Europe prior to its invasion of Ukraine.  Natgas export revenues accounted for $62 billion of the $242 billion funding Russia's budget last year, while crude oil revenues made up $180 billion (just under 75%). 5    Please see Die Cast By EU: Inflation, Recession Risks Rise, which we published on May 5, 2022.  It is available at ces.bcaresearch.com.   Investment Views and Themes Recommendations Strategic Recommendations Trades Closed in 2022

Executive Summary German GeoRisk Indicator German GeoRisk Indicator German GeoRisk Indicator Russia and Germany have begun cutting off each other’s energy in a major escalation of strategic tensions. The odds of Finland and Sweden joining NATO have shot up. A halt to NATO enlargement, particularly on Russia’s borders, is Russia’s chief demand. Tensions will skyrocket. China’s reversion to autocracy and de facto alliance with Russia are reinforcing the historic confluence of internal and external risk, weighing on Chinese assets. Geopolitical risk is rising in South Korea and Hong Kong, rising in Spain and Italy, and flat in South Africa. France’s election will lower domestic political risk but the EU as a whole faces a higher risk premium. The Biden administration is doubling down on its defense of Ukraine, calling for $33 billion in additional aid and telling Russia that it will not dominate its neighbor. However, the Putin regime cannot afford to lose in Ukraine and will threaten to widen the conflict to intimidate and divide the West. Trade Recommendation Inception Date Return LONG GLOBAL DEFENSIVES / CYCLICALS EQUITIES 2022-01-20 14.2% Bottom Line: Stay long global defensives over cyclicals. Feature Chart 1Geopolitical Risk And Policy Uncertainty Drive Up Dollar Geopolitical Risk And Policy Uncertainty Drive Up Dollar Geopolitical Risk And Policy Uncertainty Drive Up Dollar The dollar (DXY) is breaking above the psychological threshold of 100 on the back of monetary tightening and safe-haven demand. Geopolitical risk does not always drive up the dollar – other macroeconomic factors may prevail. But in today’s situation macro and geopolitics are converging to boost the greenback (Chart 1). Global economic policy uncertainty is also rising sharply. It is highly correlated with the broader trade-weighted dollar. The latter is nowhere near 2020 peaks but could rise to that level if current trends hold. A strong dollar reflects slowing global growth and also tightens global financial conditions, with negative implications for cyclical and emerging market equities. Bottom Line: Tactically favor US equities and the US dollar to guard against greater energy shock, policy uncertainty, and risk-aversion. Energy Cutoff Points To European Recession Chart 2Escalation With Russia Weighs Further On EU Assets Escalation With Russia Weighs Further On EU Assets Escalation With Russia Weighs Further On EU Assets Russia is reducing natural gas flows to Poland and Bulgaria and threatening other countries, Germany is now embracing an oil embargo against Russia, while Finland and Sweden are considering joining NATO. These three factors are leading to a major escalation of strategic tensions on the continent that will get worse before they get better, driving up our European GeoRisk indicators and weighing on European assets (Chart 2). Russia’s ultimatum in December 2021 stressed that NATO enlargement should cease and that NATO forces and weapons should not be positioned east of the May 1997 status quo. Russia invaded Ukraine to ensure its military neutrality over the long run.1 Finland and Sweden, seeing Ukraine’s isolation amid Russian invasion, are now reviewing whether to change their historic neutrality and join NATO. Public opinion polls now show Finnish support for joining at 61% and Swedish support at 57%. The scheduling of a joint conference between the country’s leaders on May 13 looks like it could be a joint declaration of their intention to join. The US and other NATO members will have to provide mutual defense guarantees for the interim period if that is the case, lest Russia attack. The odds that Finland and Sweden remain neutral are higher than the consensus holds (given the 97% odds that they join NATO on Predictit.org). But the latest developments suggest they are moving toward applying for membership. They fear being left in the cold like Ukraine in the event of an attack. Russia’s response will be critical. If Russia deploys nuclear weapons to Kaliningrad, as former President Dmitri Medvedev warned, then Moscow will be making a menacing show but not necessarily changing the reality of Russia’s nuclear strike capabilities. That is equivalent to a pass and could mark the peak of the entire crisis. The geopolitical risk premium would begin to subside after that. Related Report  Geopolitical StrategyLe Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) However, Russia has also threatened “military-political repercussions” if the Nordics join NATO. Russia’s capabilities are manifestly limited, judging by Ukraine today and the Winter War of 1939, but a broader war cannot entirely be ruled out. Global financial markets will still need to adjust for a larger tail risk of a war in Finland/Sweden in the very near term. Most likely Russia will retaliate by cutting off Europe’s natural gas. Clearly this is the threat on the table, after the cutoff to Poland and Bulgaria and the warnings to other countries. In the near term, several companies are gratifying Russia and paying for gas in rubles. But these payments violate EU sanctions against Russia and the intention is to wean off Russian imports as soon as possible. Germany says it can reduce gas imports starting next year after inking a deal with Qatar. Hence Russia might take the initiative and start reducing the flow earlier. Bottom Line: If Europe plunges into recession as a result of an immediate natural gas cutoff, then strategic stability between Russia and the West will become less certain. The tail risk of a broader war goes up. Stay cyclically long US equities over global equities and tactically long US treasuries. Stay long defense stocks and gold. Stay Short CNY At the end of last year we argued that Beijing would double down on “Zero Covid” policy in 2022, at least until the twentieth national party congress this fall. Social restrictions serve a dual purpose of disease suppression and dissent repression. Now that the state is doubling down, what will happen next? The economy will deteriorate: imports are already contracting at a rate of 0.1% YoY. The manufacturing PMI has fallen to 48.1  and the service sector PMI to 42.0, indicating contraction. Furthermore, social unrest could emerge, as lockdowns serve as a catalyst to ignite underlying socioeconomic disparities. Hence the national party congress is less likely to go smoothly, implying that investors will catch a glimpse of political instability under the surface in China as the year progresses. The political risk premium will remain high (Chart 3). Chart 3China's Confluence Of Domestic And Foreign Risk Weighs On Stocks And Currency China's Confluence Of Domestic And Foreign Risk Weighs On Stocks And Currency China's Confluence Of Domestic And Foreign Risk Weighs On Stocks And Currency While Chairman Xi Jinping is still likely to clinch another ten years in power, it will not be auspicious amid an economic crash and any social unrest. Xi could be forced into some compromises on either Politburo personnel or policy adjustments. A notable indicator of compromise would be if he nominated a successor, though this would not provide any real long-term assurance to investors given the lack of formal mechanisms for power transfer. After the party congress we expect Xi to “let 100 flowers bloom,” meaning that he will ease fiscal, regulatory, and social policy so that today’s monetary and fiscal stimulus can work effectively. Right now monetary and fiscal easing has limited impact because private sector actors are averse to taking risk. Easing policy to boost the economy could also entail a diplomatic charm offensive to try to convince the US and EU to avoid imposing any significant sanctions on trade and investment flows, whether due to Russia or human rights violations. Such a diplomatic initiative would only succeed, if at all, in the short run. The US cannot allow a deep re-engagement with China since that would serve to strengthen the de facto Russo-Chinese strategic alliance. In other words, an eruption of instability threatens to weaken Xi’s hand and jeopardize his power retention. While it is extremely unlikely that Xi will fall from power, he could have his image of supremacy besmirched. It is likely that China will be forced to ease a range of policies, including lockdowns and regulations of key sectors, that will be marginally positive for economic growth. There may also be schemes to attract foreign investment. Bottom Line: If China expands the range of its policy easing the result could be received positively by global investors in 2023. But the short-term outlook is still negative and deteriorating due to China’s reversion to autocracy and confluence of political and geopolitical risk. Stay short CNY and neutral Chinese stocks. Stay Short KRW South Koreans went to the polls on March 9 to elect their new president for a five-year term. The two top candidates for the job were Yoon Suk-yeol and Lee Jae-myung. Yoon, a former public prosecutor, was the candidate for the People Power Party, a conservative party that can be traced back to the Saenuri and the Grand National Party, which was in power from 2007 to 2017 under President Lee Myung-bak and President Park Geun-hye. Lee, the governor of the largest province in Korea, was the candidate for the Democratic Party, the party of the incumbent President Moon Jae-in. Yoon won by a whisker, garnering 48.6% of the votes versus 47.8% for Lee. The margin of victory for Yoon is the lowest since Korea started directly electing its presidents. President-elect Yoon will be inaugurated in May. He will not have control of the National Assembly, as his party only holds 34% of the seats. The Democratic Party holds the majority, with 172 out of 300 seats. The next legislative election will be in 2024, which means that President Yoon will have to work with the opposition for a good two years before his party has a chance to pass laws on its own. President-elect Yoon was the more pro-business and fiscally restrained candidate. His nomination of Han Duck-soo as his prime minister suggests that, insofar as any domestic policy change is possible, he will be pragmatic, as Han served under two liberal administrations. Yoon’s lack of a majority and nomination of a left-leaning prime minister suggest that domestic policy will not be a source of uncertainty for investors through 2024. Foreign policy, by contrast, will be the biggest source of risk for investors. Yoon rejects the dovish “Moonshine” policy of his predecessor and favors a strong hand in dealing with North Korea. “War can be avoided only when we acquire an ability to launch pre-emptive strikes and show our willingness to use them,” he has argued. North Korea responded by expanding its nuclear doctrine and resuming tests of intercontinental ballistic missiles with the launch of the Hwasong-17 on March 24 – the first ICBM launch since 2017. In a significant upgrade of North Korea’s deterrence strategy, Kim Yo Jong, the sister of Kim Jong Un, warned on April 4 that North Korea would use nuclear weapons to “eliminate” South Korea if attacked (implying an overwhelming nuclear retaliation to any attack whatsoever). Kim Jong Un himself claimed on April 26 that North Korea’s nuclear weapons are no longer merely about deterrence but would be deployed if the country is attacked. President-elect Yoon welcomes the possibility of deploying of US strategic assets to strengthen deterrence against the North. The hawkish turn is not surprising considering that North-South relations failed to make any substantive improvements during President Moon’s five-year tenure as a pro-engagement president. South Koreans, especially Yoon’s supporters, are split on whether inter-Korean dialogue should be continued. They are becoming more interested in developing their own nuclear weapons or at the very least deploying US nuclear weapons in South Korea. Half of South Korean voters support security through alliance with the US, while a third support security through the development of independent nuclear weapons. The nuclear debate will raise tensions on the peninsula. An even bigger change in South Korea’s foreign policy is its policy towards China. President-elect Yoon has accused President Moon of succumbing to China’s economic extortion. Moon had established a policy of “three No’s,” meaning no to additional THAAD missiles in South Korea, no to hosting other US missile defense systems, and no to joining an alliance with Japan and the United States. By contrast, Yoon’s electoral promises include deploying more THAAD and joining the Quadrilateral Dialogue (US, Japan, Australia, India). Polls show that South Koreans hold a low opinion of all of their neighbors but that China has slipped slightly beneath Japan and North Korea in favorability. Even Democratic Party voters feel more negative towards China. While negative attitudes towards China are not unique to Korea, there is an important difference from other countries: the Korean youth dislike China the most, not the older generations. Negative sentiment is less tied to old wounds from the Korean war and more related to ideology and today’s grievances. Younger Koreans, growing up in a liberal democracy and proud of their economic and cultural success, have been involved in campus clashes against Chinese students over Korean support for Hong Kong democrats. Negative attitudes towards China among the youth should alarm investors, as young people provide the voting base for elections to come, and China is the largest trading partner for Korea. Korea’s foreign policy will hew to the American side, at risk to its economy (Chart 4). Chart 4South Korean Geopolitical Risk Rising Under The Radar South Korean Geopolitical Risk Rising Under The Radar South Korean Geopolitical Risk Rising Under The Radar President-elect Yoon’s policies towards North Korea and China will increase geopolitical risk in East Asia. The biggest beneficiary will be India. Both Korea and Japan need to find a substitute to Chinese markets and labor, which have become less reliable in recent years. South Korea’s newly elected president is aligned with the US and West and less friendly toward China and Russia. He faces a rampant North Korea that feels emboldened by its position of an arsenal of 40-50 deliverable nuclear weapons. The North Koreans now claim that they will respond to any military attack with nuclear force and are testing intercontinental ballistic missiles and possibly a nuclear weapon. The US currently has three aircraft carriers around Korea, despite its urgent foreign policy challenges in Europe and the Middle East. Bottom Line: Stay long JPY-KRW. South Korea’s geopolitical risk premium will remain high. But favor Korean stocks over Taiwanese stocks. Stay Neutral On Hong Kong Stocks Hong Kong’s leadership change will trigger a new bout of unrest (Chart 5). Chart 5Hong Kong: More Turbulence Ahead Hong Kong: More Turbulence Ahead Hong Kong: More Turbulence Ahead On April 4, Hong Kong’s incumbent Chief Executive, Carrie Lam, confirmed that she would not seek a second term but would step down on June 30. John Lee, the current chief secretary of Hong Kong, became the only candidate approved to run for election, which is scheduled to be held on May 8. With the backing of the pro-Beijing members in the Election Committee, Lee is expected to secure enough nominations to win the race. Lee served as security secretary from when Carrie Lam took office in 2017 until June 2021. He firmly supported the Hong Kong extradition bill in 2019 and National Security Law in 2020, which provoked historic social unrest in those years. He insisted on taking a tough security stance towards pro-democracy protests. With Lee in power, Hong Kong will face more unrest and tougher crackdowns in the coming years, which will likely bring more social instability. Lee will provoke pro-democracy activists with his policy stances and adherence to Beijing’s party line. For example, his various statements to the news media suggest a dogmatic approach to censorship and political dissent. With the adoption of the National Security Law, Hong Kong’s pro-democracy faction is already deeply disaffected. Carrie Lam was originally elected as a popular leader, with notable support from women, but her popularity fell sharply after the passage of the extradition bill and National Security Law, as well as her mishandling of the Covid-19 outbreak. Her failure to handle the clashes between the Hong Kong people and Beijing damaged public trust in government. Trust never fully recovered when it took another hit recently from the latest wave of the pandemic. Putting another pro-Beijing hardliner in power will exacerbate the trend. Hong Kong equities are vulnerable not merely because of social unrest. During the era of US-China engagement, Hong Kong benefited as the middleman and the symbol that the Communist Party could cooperate within a liberal, democratic, capitalist global order. Hence US-China power struggle removes this special status and causes Hong Kong financial assets to contract mainland Chinese geopolitical risk. As a result of the 2019-2020 crackdown, John Lee and Carrie Lam were among a list of Hong Kong officials sanctioned by the US Treasury Department and State Department in 2020. Now, after the Ukraine war, the US will be on the lookout for any Hong Kong role in helping Russia circumvent sanctions, as well as any other ways in which China might further its strategic aims by means of Hong Kong. Bottom Line: Stay neutral on Hong Kong equities. Favor France Within European Equities French political risk will fall after the presidential election, which recommits the country to geopolitical unity with the US and NATO and potentially pro-productivity structural reforms (Chart 6). France is already a geopolitically secure country so the reduction of domestic political risk should be doubly positive for French assets, though they have already outperformed. And the Russia-West conflict is fueling a risk premium regardless of France’s positive developments. Chart 6France's Domestic Political Risk Will Subside But Russian War Will Keep Geopolitical Risk Elevated France's Domestic Political Risk Will Subside But Russian War Will Keep Geopolitical Risk Elevated France's Domestic Political Risk Will Subside But Russian War Will Keep Geopolitical Risk Elevated The French election ended with a solid victory for the political establishment as we expected. President Emmanuel Macron gaining 58% of the vote to Marine Le Pen’s 42%. Macron beat his opinion polling by 4.5pp while Le Pen underperformed her polls by 4.5pp. A large number of voters abstained, at 28%, compared to 25.5% in 2017. The regional results showed a stark divergence between overseas or peripheral France (where Marine Le Pen even managed to get over half of the vote in several cases) and the core cities of France (where Macron won handily). Macron had won an outright majority in every region in 2017. Macron did best among the young and the old, while Le Pen did best among middle-aged voters. But Macron won every age group except the 50 year-olds, who want to retire early. Macron did well among business executives, managers, and retired people, but Le Pen won among the working classes, as expected. Le Pen won the lowest paid income group, while Macron’s margin of victory rises with each step up the income ladder. Macron’s performance was strong, especially considering the global context. The pandemic knocked several incumbent parties out of power (US, Germany) and required leadership changes in others (Japan, Italy). The subsequent inflation shock now threatens to cause another major political rotation in rapid succession, leaving various political leaders and parties vulnerable in the coming months and years (Australia, the UK, Spain). Only Canada and now France marked exceptions, where post-pandemic elections confirmed the country’s leader. The Ukraine war constitutes yet another shock but it helped Macron, as Le Pen had objective links and sympathies with Russian President Vladimir Putin. Macron’s timing was lucky but his message of structural reform for the sake of economic efficiency still resonates in contemporary France, where change is long overdue – at least compared with Le Pen’s proposal of doubling down on statism, protectionism, and fiscal largesse. The French middle class was never as susceptible to populism as the US, UK, and Italy because it had been better protected from the ravages of globalization. Populism is still a force to be reckoned with, especially if left-wing populists do well in the National Assembly, or if right-wing populists find a fresher face than the Le Pen dynasty. But the failure of populism in the context of pandemic, inflation, and war suggests that France’s political establishment remains well fortified by the economic structure and the electoral system. Whether Macron can sustain his structural reforms depends on legislative elections to be held on June 12-19. Early projections are positive for his party, which should keep a majority. Macron’s new mandate will help. Le Pen’s National Rally and its predecessors may perform better than in the past but that is not saying much as their presence in the National Assembly has been weak. Bottom Line: France is geopolitically secure and has seen a resounding public vote for structural reform that could improve productivity depending on legislative elections. French equities can continue to outperform their European peers over the long run. Our European Investment Strategy recommends French equities ex-consumer stocks, French small caps over large caps, and French aerospace and defense.   Favor Spanish Over Italian Stocks Chart 7Italian And Spanish Political Risk Will Rise But Favor Spanish Stocks Italian And Spanish Political Risk Will Rise But Favor Spanish Stocks Italian And Spanish Political Risk Will Rise But Favor Spanish Stocks What about Spain? It is still a “divided nation” susceptible to a rise in political risk ahead of the general election due by December 10, 2023 (Chart 7). In the past few months, a series of strategic mistakes and internal power struggles have led to a significant decline in the popularity of Spain’s largest opposition party, the People’s Party. Due to public infighting and power struggle, Pablo Casado was forced to step down as the leader of the People’s Party on February 23, as requested by 16 of the party’s 17 regional leaders. It is yet to be seen if the new party leader, Alberto Nunez Feijoo, can reboot People’s Party. The far-right VOX party will benefit from the People Party’s setback. The latter’s misstep in a regional election (Castile & Leon) gave VOX a chance to participate in a regional government for the very first time. Hence VOX’s influence will spread and it will receive greater recognition as an important political force. Meanwhile the ruling Socialist Worker’s Party (PSOE) faces anger from the public amid inflation and high energy prices. However, Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez’s decision to send offensive military weapons to Ukraine is widely supported among major parties, including even his reluctant coalition partner, Unidas Podemos. The People’s Party’s recent infighting gives temporary relief to the ruling party. The Russia-Ukraine issue caused some minor divisions within the government but they are not yet leading to any major political crisis, as nationwide pro-Ukraine sentiment is largely unified. The Andalusia regional election, which is expected this November, will be a check point for Feijoo and a pre-test for next year’s general election. Andalusia is the most populous autonomous community in Spain, consisting about 17% of the seats in the congress (the lower house). The problem for Sanchez and the Socialists is that the stagflationary backdrop will weigh on their support over time. Bottom Line: Spanish political risk is likely to spike sooner rather than later, though Spanish domestic risk it is limited in nature. Madrid faces low geopolitical risk, low energy vulnerability, and is not susceptible to trying to leave the EU or Euro Area. Favor Spanish over Italian stocks. Stay Constructive On South Africa The political and economic status quo is largely unchanged in South Africa and will remain so going into the 2024 national elections. Fiscal discipline will weaken ahead of the election, which should be negative for the rand, but the global commodity shortage and geopolitical risks in Russia and China will probably overwhelm any negative effects from South Africa’s domestic policies. Rising commodity prices have propped up the local equity market and will bring in much-needed revenue into the local economy and government coffers. But structural issues persist. Low growth outcomes amid weak productivity and high unemployment levels will remain the norm. The median voter is increasingly constrained with fewer economic opportunities on the horizon. Pressure will mount on the ruling African National Congress (ANC), fueling civil unrest and adding to overall political risk (Chart 8). Chart 8South Africa's Political Status Quo Is Tactically Positive For Equities And Currency South Africa's Political Status Quo Is Tactically Positive For Equities And Currency South Africa's Political Status Quo Is Tactically Positive For Equities And Currency Almost a year has passed since the civil unrest episode of 2021. Covid-19 lockdowns have lifted and the national state of disaster has ended, reducing social tensions. This is evident in the decline of our South Africa GeoRisk indicator from 2021 highs. While we recently argued that fiscal austerity is under way in South Africa, we also noted that fiscal policy will reverse course in time for the 2024 election. In this year’s fiscal budget, the budget deficit is projected to narrow from -6% to -4.2% over the next two years. Government has increased tax revenue collection through structural reforms that are rooting out corruption and wasteful expenditure. But the ANC will have to tap into government spending to shore up lost support come 2024. Already, the ANC have committed to maintaining a special Covid-19 social-grant payment, first introduced in 2020, for another year. This grant, along with other government support, will feature in 2024 and possibly beyond. Unemployment is at 34.3%, its highest level ever recorded. The ANC cannot leave it unchecked. The most prevalent and immediate recourse is to increase social payments and transfers. Given the increasing number of social dependents that higher unemployment creates, government spending will have to increase to address rising unemployment. President Cyril Ramaphosa is still a positive figurehead for the ANC, but the 2021 local elections showed that the ANC cannot rely on the Ramaphosa effect alone. The ANC is also dealing with intra-party fighting. Ramaphosa has yet to assert total control over the party elites, distracting the ANC from achieving its policy objectives. To correct course, Ramaphosa will have to relax fiscal discipline. To this outcome, investors should expect our GeoRisk indicator to register steady increases in political risk moving into 2024. The only reason to be mildly optimistic is that South Africa is distant from geopolitical risk and can continue to benefit from the global bull market in metals. Bottom Line: Maintain a cyclically constructive outlook on South African currency and assets. Tight global commodity markets will support this emerging market, which stands to benefit from developments in Russia and China. Investment Takeaways Stay strategically long gold on geopolitical and inflation risk, despite the dollar rally. Stay long US equities relative to global and UK equities relative to DM-ex-US. Favor global defensives over cyclicals and large caps over small caps. Stay short CNY, TWD, and KRW-JPY. Stay short CZK-GBP. Favor Mexico within emerging markets. Stay long defense and cyber security stocks. We are booking a 5% stop loss on our long Canada / short Saudi Arabia equity trade. We still expect Middle Eastern tensions to escalate and trigger a Saudi selloff.   Matt Gertken Chief Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Jesse Anak Kuri Associate Editor Jesse.Kuri@bcaresearch.com Yushu Ma Research Analyst yushu.ma@bcaresearch.com Guy Russell Senior Analyst GuyR@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1   The campaign in the south suggests that Ukraine will be partitioned, landlocked, and susceptible to blockade in the coming years. If Russia achieves its military objectives, then Ukraine will accept neutrality in a ceasefire to avoid losing more territory. If Russia fails, then it faces humiliation and its attempts to save face will become unpredictable and aggressive. Strategic Themes Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Regional Geopolitical Risk Matrix Geopolitical Calendar

Executive Summary Macron Still Favored, But Le Pen Cannot Be Ruled Out Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Macron is still favored to win the French election but Le Pen’s odds are 45%. Le Pen would halt France’s neoliberal structural reforms, paralyze EU policymaking, and help Russia’s leverage in Ukraine. But she would lack legislative support and would not fatally wound the EU or NATO. European political risk will remain high in Germany, Italy, and Spain. Favor UK equities on a relative basis. Financial markets are complacent about Russian geopolitical risk again. Steer clear of eastern European assets. Do not bottom feed in Chinese stocks. China faces social unrest. North Korean geopolitical risk is back. Australia’s election is an opportunity, not a risk. Stay bullish on Latin America. Prefer Brazil over India. Stay negative on Turkey and Pakistan.   Trade Recommendation Inception Date Return TACTICALLY LONG US 10-YEAR TREASURY 2022-04-14   Bottom Line: Go long the US 10-year Treasury on geopolitical risk and near-term peak in inflation. Feature Last year we declared that European political risk had reached a bottom and had nowhere to go but up. Great power rivalry with Russia primarily drove this view but we also argued that our structural theme of populism and nationalism would feed into it. Related Report  Geopolitical StrategyThe Geopolitical Consequences Of The Ukraine War In other words, the triumph of the center-left political establishment in the aftermath of Covid-19 would be temporary. The narrow French presidential race highlights this trend. President Emmanuel Macron is still favored but Marine Le Pen, his far-right, anti-establishment opponent, could pull off an upset victory on April 24. The one thing investors can be sure of is that France’s ability to pursue neoliberal structural reforms will be limited even if Macron wins, since he will lack the mandate he received in 2017. Our GeoRisk Indicators this month suggest that global political trends are feeding into today’s stagflationary macroeconomic context. Market Complacent About Russia Again Global financial markets are becoming complacent about European security once again. Markets have begun to price a slightly lower geopolitical risk for Russia after it withdrew military forces from around Kyiv in an open admission that it failed to overthrow the government. However, western sanctions are rising, not falling, and Russia’s retreat from Kyiv means it will need to be more aggressive in the south and east (Chart 1). Chart 1Russia: GeoRisk Indicator Russia: GeoRisk Indicator Russia: GeoRisk Indicator Russia has not achieved its core aim of a militarily neutral Ukraine – so it will escalate the military effort to achieve its aim. Any military failure in the east and south would humiliate the Putin regime and make it more unpredictable and dangerous. The West has doubled down on providing Ukraine with arms and hitting Russia with sanctions (e.g. imposing a ban on Russian coal). Germany prevented an overnight ban on Russian oil and natural gas imports but the EU is diversifying away from Russian energy rapidly. Sanctions that eat away at Russia’s export revenues will force it to take a more aggressive posture now, to achieve a favorable ceasefire before funding runs out. Sweden and Finland are reviewing whether to join NATO, with recommendations due by June. Russia will rattle sabers to underscore its red line against NATO enlargement and will continue to threaten “serious military-political repercussions” if these states try to join. We would guess they would remain neutral as a decision to join NATO could lead to a larger war. Bottom Line: Global equities will remain volatile due to a second phase of the war and potential Russian threats against Ukraine’s backers. European equities and currency, especially in emerging Europe, will suffer a persistent risk premium until a ceasefire is concluded. What If Le Pen Wins In France? By contrast with the war in Ukraine, the French election is a short-term source of political risk. A surprise Le Pen victory would shake up the European political establishment but investors should bear in mind that it would not revolutionize the continent or the world, as Le Pen’s powers would be limited. Unlike President Trump in 2017, she would not take office with her party gaining full control of the legislature. Le Pen rallied into the first round of the election on April 10, garnering 23% of the vote, up from 21% in 2017. This is not a huge increase in support but her odds of winning this time are much better than in 2017 because the country has suffered a series of material shocks to its stability. Voters are less enthusiastic about President Macron and his centrist political platform. Macron, the favorite of the political establishment, received 28% of the first-round vote, up from 24% in 2017. Thus he cannot be said to have disappointed expectations, though he is vulnerable. The euro remains weak against the dollar and unlikely to rally until Russian geopolitical risk and French political risk are decided. The market is not fully pricing French risk as things stand (Chart 2). Chart 2France: GeoRisk Indicator France: GeoRisk Indicator France: GeoRisk Indicator The first-round election results show mixed trends. The political establishment suffered but so did the right-wing parties (Table 1). The main explanation is that left-wing, anti-establishment candidate Jean-Luc Mélenchon beat expectations while the center-right Republicans collapsed. Macron is leading Le Pen by only five percentage points in the second-round opinion polling as we go to press (Chart 3). Macron has maintained this gap throughout the race so far and both candidates are very well known to voters. But Le Pen demonstrated significant momentum in the first round and momentum should never be underestimated. Table 1Results Of France’s First-Round Election Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) ​​​​​​ Chart 3French Election: Macron Maintains Lead French Election: Macron Maintains Lead French Election: Macron Maintains Lead ​​​​​​ Are the polls accurate? Anti-establishment candidates outperformed their polling by 7 percentage points in the first round. Macron, the right-wing candidates, and the pro-establishment candidates all underperformed their March and April polls (Chart 4). Hence investors should expect polls to underrate Le Pen in the second round. Chart 4French Polls Fairly Accurate Versus First-Round Results Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Given the above points, it is critical to determine which candidate will gather the most support from voters whose first preference got knocked out in the first round. The strength of anti-establishment feeling means that the incumbent is vulnerable while ideological camps may not be as predictable as usual. Mélenchon has asked his voters not to give a single vote to Le Pen but he has not endorsed Macron. About 21% of his supporters say they will vote for Le Pen. Only a little more of them said they would vote for Macron, at 27% (Chart 5). Chart 5To Whom Will Voters Drift? Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Diagram 1, courtesy of our European Investment Strategy, illustrates that Macron is favored in both scenarios but Le Pen comes within striking distance under certain conservative assumptions about vote switching. Diagram 1Extrapolating France’s First-Round Election To The Second Round Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Macron’s approval rating has improved since the pandemic. This is unlike the situation in other liberal democracies (Chart 6). Chart 6Macron Handled Pandemic Reasonably Well Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) The pandemic is fading and the economy reviving. Unemployment has fallen from 8.9% to 7.4% over the course of the pandemic. Real wage growth, at 5.8%, is higher than the 3.3% that prevailed when Macron took office in 2017 (Chart 7). Chart 7Real Wages A Boon For Macron Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) But these positives do not rule out a Le Pen surprise. The nation has suffered not one but a series of historic shocks – the pandemic, inflation, and the war in Ukraine. Inflation is rising at 5.1%, pushing the “Misery Index” (inflation plus unemployment) to 12%, higher than when Macron took office, even if lower than the EU average (Chart 8). Chart 8Misery Index The Key Threat To Macron Misery Index The Key Threat To Macron Misery Index The Key Threat To Macron   Le Pen has moderated her populist message and rebranded her party in recent years to better align with the median French voter. She claims that she will not pursue a withdrawal from the European Union or the Euro Area currency union. This puts her on the right side of the one issue that disqualified her from the presidency in the past. Yet French trust in the EU is declining markedly, which suggests that Le Pen is in step with the median voter on wanting greater French autonomy (Chart 9). Le Pen’s well-known sympathy toward Vladimir Putin and Russia is a liability in the context of Russian aggression in Ukraine. Only 35% of French people had a positive opinion of Russia back in 2019, whereas 50% had a favorable view of NATO, and the gap has likely grown as a result of the invasion (Chart 10). However, the historic bout of inflation suggests that economic policy could be the most salient issue for voters rather than foreign policy. Chart 9Le Pen Only Electable Because She Accepted Europe Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) ​​​​​ Chart 10Le Pen’s NATO Stance Not Disqualifying Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) ​​​​​ Le Pen’s economic platform is fiscally liberal and protectionist, which will appeal to voters upset over the rising cost of living and pressures of globalization. She wants to cut the income tax and value-added tax, while reversing Macron’s attempt at raising the retirement age and reforming the pension system. France’s tax rates on income, and on gasoline and diesel, are higher than the OECD average. In other words, Macron is running on painful structural reform while Le Pen is running on fiscal largesse. This is another reason to take seriously the risk of a Le Pen victory. What should investors expect if Le Pen pulls off an upset? France’s attempt at neoliberal structural reforms would grind to a halt. While Le Pen may not be able to pass domestic legislation, she would be able to halt the implementation of Macron’s reforms. Productivity and the fiscal outlook would suffer. Le Pen’s ability to change domestic policy will be limited by the National Assembly, which is due for elections from June 12-19. Her party, the National Rally (formerly the Front National), has never won more than 20% of local elections and performed poorly in the 2017 legislative vote. Investors should wait to see the results of the legislative election before drawing any conclusions about Le Pen’s ability to change domestic policy. France’s foreign policy would diverge from Europe’s. If Le Pen takes the presidency, she will put France at odds with Brussels, Berlin, and Washington, in much the same way that President Trump did. She would paralyze European policymaking. Yet Le Pen alone cannot take France out of the EU. The French public’s negative view of the EU is not the same as a majority desire to leave the bloc – and support for the euro currency stands at 69%. Le Pen does not have the support for “Frexit,” French exit from the EU. Moreover European states face immense pressures to work together in the context of global Great Power Rivalry. Independently they are small compared to the US, Russia, and China. Hence the EU will continue to consolidate as a geopolitical entity over the long run. Russia, however, would benefit from Le Pen’s presidency in the context of Ukraine ceasefire talks. EU sanctions efforts would freeze in place. Le Pen could try to take France out of NATO, though she would face extreme opposition from the military and political establishment. If she succeeded on her own executive authority, the result would be a division among NATO’s ranks in the face of Russia. This cannot be ruled out: if the US and Russia are fighting a new Cold War, then it is not unfathomable that France would revert to its Cold War posture of strategic independence. However, while France withdrew from NATO’s integrated military command from 1966-2009, it never withdrew fully from the alliance and was always still implicated in mutual defense. In today’s context, NATO’s deterrent capability would not be much diminished but Le Pen’s administration would be isolated. Russia would be unable to give any material support to France’s economy or national defense. Bottom Line: Macron is still favored for re-election but investors should upgrade Le Pen’s chances to a subjective 45%. If she wins, the euro will suffer a temporary pullback and French government bond spreads will widen over German bunds. The medium-term view on French equities and bonds will depend on her political capability, which depends on the outcome of the legislative election from June 12-19. She will likely be stymied at home and only capable of tinkering with foreign policy. But if she has legislative support, her agenda is fiscally stimulative and would produce a short-term sugar high for French corporate earnings. However, it would be negative for long-term productivity. UK, Italy, Spain: Who Else Faces Populism? Chart 11Rest Of Europe: GeoRisk Indicators Rest Of Europe: GeoRisk Indicators Rest Of Europe: GeoRisk Indicators Between Russian geopolitical risk and French political risk, other European countries are likely to see their own geopolitical risk premium rise (Chart 11). But these countries have their own domestic political dynamics that contribute to the reemergence of European political risk. Germany’s domestic political risk is relatively low but it faces continued geopolitical risk in the form of Russia tensions, China’s faltering economy, and potentially French populism (Chart 11, top panel). In Italy, the national unity coalition that took shape under Prime Minister Mario Draghi was an expedient undertaken in the face of the pandemic. As the pandemic fades, a backlash will take shape among the large group of voters who oppose the EU and Italian political establishment. The Italian establishment has distributed the EU recovery funds and secured the Italian presidency as a check on future populist governments. But it may not be able to do more than that before the next general election in June 2023, which means that populism will reemerge and increase the political risk premium in Italian assets going forward (Chart 11, second panel). Spain is still a “divided nation” susceptible to a rise in political risk ahead of the general election due by December 10, 2023. However, the conservative People’s Party, the chief opposition party, has suffered from renewed infighting, which gives temporary relief to the ruling Socialist Worker’s Party of Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez. The Russia-Ukraine issue caused some minor divisions within the government but they are not yet leading to any major political crisis, as nationwide pro-Ukraine sentiment is largely unified. The Andalusia regional election, which is expected this November, will be a check point for the People’s Party’s new leadership and a test run for next year’s general election. Andalusia is the most populous autonomous community in Spain, consisting about 17% of the seats in the congress (the lower house). The risk for Sanchez and the Socialists is that the opposition has a strong popular base and this fact combined with the stagflationary backdrop will keep political polarization high and undermine the government’s staying power (Chart 11, third panel). While Prime Minister Boris Johnson has survived the scandal over attending social events during Covid lockdowns, as we expected, nevertheless the Labour Party is starting to make a comeback that will gain momentum ahead of the 2024 general election. Labour is unlikely to embrace fiscal austerity or attempt to reverse Brexit anytime soon. Hence the UK’s inflationary backdrop will persist (Chart 11, fourth panel). Bottom Line: European political risk has bottomed and will rise in the coming months and years, although the EU and Eurozone will survive. We still favor UK equities over developed market equities (excluding the US) because they are heavily tilted toward consumer staples and energy sectors. Stay long GBP-CZK. Favor European defense stocks over tech. Prefer Spanish stocks over Italian. China: Social Unrest More Likely China’s historic confluence of internal and external risks continues – and hence it is too soon for global investors to try to bottom-feed on Chinese investable equities (Chart 12). A tactical opportunity might emerge for non-US investors in 2023 but now is not the right time to buy. Chart 12China: GeoRisk Indicator China: GeoRisk Indicator China: GeoRisk Indicator In domestic politics, the reversion to autocracy under Xi is exacerbating the economic slowdown. True, Beijing is stimulating the economy by means of its traditional monetary and fiscal tools. The latest data show that the total social financing impulse is reviving, primarily on the back of local government bonds (Chart 13). Yet overall social financing is weaker because private sector sentiment remains downbeat. The government is pursuing excessively stringent social restrictions in the face of the pandemic. Beijing is doubling down on “Covid Zero” policy by locking down massive cities such as Shanghai. The restrictions will fail to prevent the virus from spreading. They are likely to engender social unrest, which we flagged as our top “Black Swan” risk this year and is looking more likely. Lockdowns will also obstruct production and global supply chains, pushing up global goods inflation. Meanwhile the property sector continues to slump on the back of weak domestic demand, large debt levels, excess capacity, regulatory scrutiny, and negative sentiment. Consumer borrowing appetite and general animal spirits are weak in the face of the pandemic and repressive political environment (Chart 14). Chart 13China's Stimulus Has Clearly Arrived China's Stimulus Has Clearly Arrived China's Stimulus Has Clearly Arrived ​​​​​​ Chart 14Yet Chinese Animal Spirits Still Suffering Yet Chinese Animal Spirits Still Suffering Yet Chinese Animal Spirits Still Suffering ​​​​​​ Hence China will be exporting slow growth and inflation – stagflation – to the rest of the world until after the party congress. At that point President Xi will feel politically secure enough to “let 100 flowers bloom” and try to improve economic sentiment at home and abroad. This will be a temporary phenomenon (as were the original 100 flowers under Chairman Mao) but it will be notable for 2023. In foreign politics, Russia’s attack on Ukraine has accelerated the process of Russo-Chinese alliance formation. This partnership will hasten US containment strategy toward China and impose a much faster economic transition on China as it pursues self-sufficiency. The result will be a revival of US-China tensions. The implications are negative for the rest of Asia Pacific: Taiwanese geopolitical risk will continue rising for reasons we have outlined in previous reports. In addition, Taiwanese equities are finally starting to fall off from the pandemic-induced semiconductor rally (Chart 15). The US and others are also pursuing semiconductor supply security, which will reduce Taiwan’s comparative advantage. Chart 15Taiwan: GeoRisk Indicator Taiwan: GeoRisk Indicator Taiwan: GeoRisk Indicator South Korea faces paralysis and rising tensions with North Korea. The presidential election on May 9 brought the conservatives back into the Blue House. The conservative People Power Party’s candidate, Yoon Suk-yeol, eked out a narrow victory that leaves him without much political capital. His hands are also tied by the National Assembly, at least for the next two years. He will attempt to reorient South Korean foreign policy toward the US alliance and away from China. He will walk away from the “Moonshine” policy of engagement with North Korea, which yielded no fruit over the past five years. North Korea has responded by threatening a nuclear missile test, restarting intercontinental ballistic missile tests for the first time since 2017, and adopting a more aggressive nuclear deterrence policy in which any South Korean attack will ostensibly be punished by a massive nuclear strike. Tensions on the peninsula are set to rise (Chart 16). Three US aircraft carrier groups are around Japan today, despite the war in Europe (where two are placed), suggesting high threat levels. Chart 16South Korea: GeoRisk Indicator South Korea: GeoRisk Indicator South Korea: GeoRisk Indicator Australia’s elections present opportunity rather than risk. Prime Minister Scott Morrison formally scheduled them for May 21. The Australian Labor Party is leading in public opinion and will perform well. The election threatens a change of parties but not a drastic change in national policy – populist parties are weak. No major improvement in China relations should be expected. Any temporary improvement, as with the Biden administration, will be subject to reversal due to China’s long-term challenge to the liberal international order. Cyclically the Australian dollar and equities stand to benefit from the global commodity upcycle as well as relative geopolitical security due to American security guarantees (Chart 17). Chart 17Australia: GeoRisk Indicator Australia: GeoRisk Indicator Australia: GeoRisk Indicator Bottom Line: China’s reversion to autocracy will keep global sentiment negative on Chinese equities until 2023 at earliest. Stay short the renminbi and Taiwanese dollar. Favor the Japanese yen over the Korean won. Favor South Korean over Taiwanese equities. Look favorably on the Australian dollar. Turkey, South Africa, And … Canada Turkish geopolitical risk will remain elevated in the context of a rampant Russia, NATO’s revival and tensions with Russia, the threat of commerce destruction and accidents in the Black Sea region, domestic economic mismanagement, foreign military adventures, and the threat posed to the aging Erdogan regime by the political opposition in the wake of the pandemic and the lead-up to the 2023 elections (Chart 18). Chart 18Turkey: GeoRisk Indicator Turkey: GeoRisk Indicator Turkey: GeoRisk Indicator While we are tactically bullish on South African equities and currency, we expect South African political risk to rise steadily into the 2024 general election. Almost a year has passed since the civil unrest episode of 2021. Covid-19 lockdowns have been lifted and the national state of disaster has ended, which has helped quell social tensions. This is evident in the decline of our South Africa GeoRisk indicator from 2021 highs (Chart 19). While fiscal austerity is under way in South Africa, we have argued that fiscal policy will reverse course in time for the 2024 election. In this year’s fiscal budget, the budget deficit is projected to narrow from -6% to -4.2% over the next two years. Government has increased tax revenue collection through structural reforms that are rooting out corruption and wasteful expenditure. But the ANC will have to tap into government spending to shore up lost support come 2024. Thus South Africa benefits tactically from commodity prices but cyclically the currency is vulnerable. Chart 19South Africa: GeoRisk Indicator South Africa: GeoRisk Indicator South Africa: GeoRisk Indicator Canadian political risk will rise but that should not deter investors from favoring Canadian assets that are not exposed to the property bubble. Prime Minister Justin Trudeau has had a net negative approval rating since early 2021 and his government is losing political capital due to inflation, social unrest, and rising difficulties with housing affordability (Chart 20). While he does not face an election until 2025, the Conservative Party is developing more effective messaging. Chart 20Canada: GeoRisk Indicator Canada: GeoRisk Indicator Canada: GeoRisk Indicator India Will Stay Neutral But Lean Toward The West Chart 21Sino-Pak Alliance’s Geopolitical Power Is Thrice That Of India Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) US President Joe Biden has openly expressed his administration’s displeasure regarding India’s response to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. This has led many to question the strength of Indo-US relations and the direction of India’s geopolitical alignments. To complicate matters, China’s overtures towards India have turned positive lately, leading clients to ask if a realignment in Indo-China relations is nigh. To accurately assess India’s long-term geopolitical propensities, it is important to draw a distinction between ‘cyclical’ and ‘structural’ dynamics that are at play today. Such a distinction yields crystal-clear answers about India’s strategic geopolitical leanings. In specific: Indo-US Relations Will Strengthen On A Strategic Horizon: As the US’s and China’s grand strategies collide, minor and major geopolitical earthquakes are bound to take place in South Asia and the Indo-Pacific. Against this backdrop, India will strategically align with the US to strengthen its hand in the region (Chart 21). While the Russo-Ukrainian war is a major global geopolitical event, for India this is a side-show at best. True, India will retain aspects of its historic good relations with Russia. Yet countering China’s encirclement of India is a far more fundamental concern for India. Since Russia has broken with Europe, and China cannot reject Russia’s alliance, India will gradually align with the US and its allies. India And China Will End Up As A Conflicting Dyad: Strategic conflict between the two Asian powers is likely because China’s naval development and its Eurasian strategy threaten India’s national security and geopolitical imperatives, while India’s alliances are adding to China’s distrust of India. Thus any improvement in Sino-Indian diplomatic relations will be short-lived. The US will constantly provide leeway for India in its attempts to court India as a key player in the containment strategy against China. The US and its allies are the premier maritime powers and upholders of the liberal world order – India serves its national interest better by joining them rather than joining China in a risky attempt to confront the US navy and revolutionize the world order. Indo-Russian Relations Are Bound To Fade In The Long Run: India will lean towards the US over the next few years for reasons of security and economics. But India’s movement into America’s sphere of influence will be slow – and that is by design. India is testing waters with America through networks like the Quadrilateral Dialogue. It sees its historic relationship with Russia as a matter of necessity in the short run and a useful diversification strategy in the long run. True, India will maintain a trading relationship with Russia for defense goods and cheap oil. But this trade will be transactional and is not reason enough for India to join Russia and China in opposing US global leadership. While these factors will mean that Indo-Russian relations are amicable over a cyclical horizon, this relationship is bound to fade over a strategic horizon as China and Russia grow closer and the US pursues its grand strategy of countering China and Russia. Bottom Line: India may appear to be neutral about the Russo-Ukrainian war but India will shed its historical stance of neutrality and veer towards America’s sphere of influence on a strategic timeframe. India is fully aware of its strategic importance to both the American camp and the Russo-Chinese camp. It thus has the luxury of making its leanings explicit after extracting most from both sides. Long Brazil / Short India Brazil’s equity markets have been on a tear. MSCI Brazil has outperformed MSCI EM by 49% in 2022 YTD. Brazil’s markets have done well because Brazil is a commodity exporter and the war in Ukraine has little bearing on faraway Latin America. This rally will have legs although Brazil’s political risks will likely pick back up in advance of the election (Chart 22). The reduction in Brazil’s geopolitical risk so far this year has been driven mainly by the fact that the currency has bounced on the surge in commodity prices. In addition, former President Lula da Silva is the current favorite to win the 2022 presidential elections – Lula is a known quantity and not repugnant to global financial institutions (Chart 23). Chart 22Brazil's Markets Have Benefitted From Rising Commodity Prices Brazil's Markets Have Benefitted From Rising Commodity Prices Brazil's Markets Have Benefitted From Rising Commodity Prices Chart 23Brazil: Watch Out For Political Impact Of Commodity Prices Brazil: Watch Out For Political Impact Of Commodity Prices Brazil: Watch Out For Political Impact Of Commodity Prices Whilst there is no denying that the first-round effects of the Ukraine war have been positive for Brazil, there is a need to watch out for the second-round effects of the war as Latin America’s largest economy heads towards elections. Surging prices will affect two key constituencies in Brazil: consumers and farmers. Consumer price inflation in Brazil has been ascendant and adding to Brazil’s median voter’s economic miseries. Rising inflation will thus undermine President Jair Bolsonaro’s re-election prospects further. The fact that energy prices are a potent polling issue is evinced by the fact that Bolsonaro recently sacked the chief executive of Petrobras (i.e. Brazil’s largest listed company) over rising fuel costs. Furthermore, Brazil is a leading exporter of farm produce and hence also a large importer of fertilizers. Fertilizer prices have surged since the war broke out. This is problematic for Brazil since Russia and Belarus account for a lion’s share of Brazil’s fertilizer imports. Much like inflation in general, the surge in fertilizer prices will affect the elections because some of the regions that support Bolsonaro also happen to be regions whose reliance on agriculture is meaningful (Map 1). They will suffer from higher input prices. Map 1States That Supported Bolso, Could Be Affected By Fertilizer Price Surge Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Chart 24Long Brazil Financials / Short India Long Brazil Financials / Short India Long Brazil Financials / Short India Given that Bolsonaro continues to lag Lula on popularity ratings – and given the adverse effect that higher commodity prices will have on Brazil’s voters – we expect Bolsonaro to resort to fiscal populism or attacks on Brazil’s institutions in a last-ditch effort to cling to power. He could even be emboldened by the fact that Sérgio Moro, the former judge and corruption fighter, decided to pull out of the presidential race. This could provide a fillip to Bolso’s popularity. Bottom Line: Brazil currently offers a buying opportunity owing to attractive valuations and high commodity prices. But investors should stay wary of latent political risks in Brazil, which could manifest themselves as presidential elections draw closer. We urge investors to take-on only selective tactical exposure in Brazil for now. Equities appear cheap but political and macro risks abound. To play the rally yet stave off political risk, we suggest a tactical pair trade: Long Brazil Financials / Short India (Chart 24). Whilst we remain constructive on India on a strategic horizon, for the next 12 months we worry about near-term macro and geopolitical headwinds as well as India’s rich valuations. Don’t Buy Into Pakistan’s Government Change Chart 25Pakistan’s Military Is Unusually Influential Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) The newest phase in Pakistan’s endless cycle of political instability has begun. Prime Minister Imran Khan has been ousted. A new coalition government and a new prime minister, Shehbaz Sharif, have assumed power. Prime Minister Sharif’s appointment may make it appear like risks imposed by Pakistan have abated. After all, Sharif is seen as a good administrator and has signaled an interest in mending ties with India. But despite the appearance of a regime change, geopolitical risks imposed by Pakistan remain intact for three sets of reasons: Military Is Still In Charge: Pakistan’s military has been and remains the primary power center in the country (Chart 25). Former Prime Minister Khan’s rise to power was possible owing to the military’s support and he fell for the same reason. Since the military influences the civil administration as well as foreign policy, a lasting improvement in Indo-Pak relations is highly unlikely. Risk Of “Rally Round The Flag” Diversion: General elections are due in Pakistan by October 2023. Sharif is acutely aware of the stiff competition he will face at these elections. His competitors exist outside as well as inside his government. One such contender is Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari of the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), which is a key coalition partner of the new government that assumed power. Imran Khan himself is still popular and will plot to return to power. Against such a backdrop the newly elected PM is highly unlikely to pursue an improvement in Indo-Pak relations. Such a strategy will adversely affect his popularity and may also upset the military. Hence we highlight the risk of the February 2021 Indo-Pak ceasefire being violated in the run up to Pakistan’s general elections. India’s government has no reason to prevent tensions, given its own political calculations and the benefits of nationalism. Internal Social Instability Poor: Pakistan is young but the country can be likened to a social tinderbox. Many poor youths, a weak economy, and inadequate political valves to release social tensions make for an explosive combination. Pakistan remains a source of geopolitical risk for the South Asian region. Some clients have inquired as to whether the change of government in Pakistan implies closer relations with the United States. The US has less need for Pakistan now that it has withdrawn from Afghanistan. It is focused on countering Russia and China. As such the US has great need of courting India and less need of courting Pakistan. Pakistan will remain China’s ally and will struggle to retain significant US assistance. Bottom Line: We remain strategic sellers of Pakistani equities. Pakistan must contend with high internal social instability, a weak democracy, a weak economy and an unusually influential military. As long as the military remains excessively influential in Pakistan, its foreign policy stance towards India will stay hostile. Yet the military will remain influential because Pakistan exists in a permanent geopolitical competition with India. And until Pakistan’s economy improves structurally and endemically, its alliance with China will stay strong. Investment Takeaways Cyclically go long US 10-year Treasuries. Geopolitical risks are historically high and rising but complacency is returning to markets. Meanwhile inflation is nearing a cyclical peak. Favor US stocks over global. It is too soon to go long euro or European assets, especially emerging Europe. Favor UK equities over developed markets (excluding the US). Stay long GBP-CZK. Favor European defense stocks over European tech. Stay short the Chinese renminbi and Taiwanese dollar. Favor the Japanese yen over the Korean won. Favor South Korean over Taiwanese equities.   Matt Gertken Chief Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Ritika Mankar, CFA Editor/Strategist ritika.mankar@bcaresearch.com Jesse Anak Kuri Associate Editor Jesse.Kuri@bcaresearch.com Yushu Ma Research Analyst yushu.ma@bcaresearch.com Guy Russell Senior Analyst GuyR@bcaresearch.com Alice Brocheux Research Associate alice.brocheux@bcaresearch.com   Strategic Themes Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Regional Geopolitical Risk Matrix Section III: Geopolitical Calendar

Executive Summary The structural downtrend in Chinese bond yields has a lot further to go, because it is helping to let the air out gently of stratospheric valuations in the real estate sector, and thereby preventing a hard landing for the Chinese economy. In the US, flagging mortgage and housing market activity is weighing on an already slowing economy. Buy US T-bonds. The long T-bond yield is close to a peak. Switch equity exposure into long-duration sectors such as healthcare and biotech. Go overweight US homebuilders versus US insurers. The peak in bond yields will also take pressure off US homebuilder shares whose recent collapse has been the mirror-image of the surge in the 30-year mortgage rate. Fractal trading watchlist: Basic resources; Switzerland versus Germany; and USD/EUR. The Collapse In US Homebuilder Shares Is The Mirror-Image Of The Surge In The Mortgage Rate The Collapse In US Homebuilder Shares Is The Mirror-Image Of The Surge In The Mortgage Rate The Collapse In US Homebuilder Shares Is The Mirror-Image Of The Surge In The Mortgage Rate Bottom Line: The global bond yield cannot rise much further before it destabilises the $350 trillion global real estate market and thereby destabilises the global economy. Feature Quietly and largely unnoticed, Chinese long-dated bond yields have been drifting lower (Chart I-1 and Chart I-2). At a time that surging bond yields elsewhere in the world have grabbed all the attention, the largely unnoticed contrarian move in Chinese bond yields through the past year is significant because of something else that has gone largely unnoticed: Chinese real estate has become by far the largest asset-class in the world, worth $100 trillion.1 Chart I-1The Contrarian Downdrift In The Chinese 30-Year Bond Yield The Contrarian Downdrift In The Chinese 30-Year Bond Yield The Contrarian Downdrift In The Chinese 30-Year Bond Yield Chart I-2The Contrarian Downdrift In The Chinese 10-Year Bond Yield The Contrarian Downdrift In The Chinese 10-Year Bond Yield The Contrarian Downdrift In The Chinese 10-Year Bond Yield Chinese Real Estate Is Trading On A Stratospheric Valuation The $100 trillion valuation of Chinese real estate market is greater than the $90 trillion global economy, is more than twice the size of the $45 trillion US real estate market and the $45 trillion US stock market, and dwarfs the $18 trillion Chinese economy. Suffice to say, Chinese real estate’s pre-eminence as the world’s largest asset-class is mostly due to its stratospheric valuation. Prime residential rental yields in Guangzhou, Shanghai, Hangzhou, Shenzhen and Beijing have collapsed to 1.5 percent, the lowest rental yields in the world and less than half the global average of 3 percent. Versus rents therefore, Chinese real estate is now twice as expensive as in the rest of the world (Chart I-3). Chart I-3Versus Rents, Chinese Real Estate Is The Most Expensive In The World $350 Trillion Of Global Real Estate Can’t Swallow Higher Bond Yields $350 Trillion Of Global Real Estate Can’t Swallow Higher Bond Yields To corroborate this point, while the US real asset market is worth around two times US annual GDP, the Chinese real estate market is worth more than five times China’s annual GDP! The structural downtrend in Chinese bond yields has a lot further to go. Crucially, the downward drift in Chinese bond yields is alleviating some of the pressure on the extremely highly valued Chinese real estate market – as it helps to let the air out gently of the stratospheric valuations, and thereby avoid a hard landing for the Chinese economy. Hence, the structural downtrend in Chinese bond yields has a lot further to go. The Surge In US Mortgage Rates Is Taking Its Toll Meanwhile, in the rest of the world, the surge in bond yields poses a major threat to the decade long housing boom. Versus rents, US house prices are the most expensive ever – more expensive even than during the early 2000s so-called ‘housing bubble’. For the first time since 2008, the US 30-year mortgage rate is higher than the prime residential rental yield. Until recently, the historically low rental yield on US real estate was justified by an extremely low bond yield. But the recent surge in the bond yield has changed all that. For the first time since 2008, the US 30-year mortgage rate is higher than the prime residential rental yield2 (Chart I-4). Chart I-4The US 30-Year Mortgage Rate Is Now Higher Than The Prime Residential Rental Yield The US 30-Year Mortgage Rate Is Now Higher Than The Prime Residential Rental Yield The US 30-Year Mortgage Rate Is Now Higher Than The Prime Residential Rental Yield The surge in US mortgage rates is taking its toll. Since the end of January, US mortgage applications for home purchase have fallen by almost a fifth (Chart I-5), and the lower demand for home purchase mortgages is starting to weigh on home construction (Chart I-6). Building permits for new private housing units were already falling in February, but a more up-to-date sign of the pain is the 35 percent collapse in US homebuilder shares. Chart I-5US Mortgage Applications For Home Purchase Have Fallen By Almost A Fifth US Mortgage Applications For Home Purchase Have Fallen By Almost A Fifth US Mortgage Applications For Home Purchase Have Fallen By Almost A Fifth Chart I-6The Lower Demand For Home Purchase Mortgages Is Starting To Weigh On Home Construction The Lower Demand For Home Purchase Mortgages Is Starting To Weigh On Home Construction The Lower Demand For Home Purchase Mortgages Is Starting To Weigh On Home Construction $350 Trillion Of Global Real Estate Can’t Swallow Higher Bond Yields Mortgage rates drive real estate rental yields because of the arbitrage between buying versus renting a similar home. Given a fixed annual budget for housing, I must choose between how much home I can buy – which depends on the mortgage rate, versus how much home I can rent – which depends on the rental yield. The arbitrage should make me indifferent between the two options. As a simple example of this arbitrage, let’s assume my annual budget for housing is $10k, and both the mortgage rate and rental yield are 4 percent. I will be indifferent between spending the $10k on interest on a $250k mortgage loan to buy the home, or spending the $10k to rent a similar $250k home. If the mortgage rate rises to 5 percent, then the maximum loan that my $10k of interest payment will afford me falls to $200k, reducing my maximum bid to buy the home. If I am the marginal bidder, then the home price will fall to $200k, so that the $10k rent on the similar valued home will also equate to a higher rental yield of 5 percent. In practice, the simple arbitrage described above is complicated by several factors: the maximum loan-to-value that a lender will offer on the home; the different transaction costs of buying versus renting; and the fact that people prefer to buy than to rent because buying a home is an investment which also provides a consumption service – shelter, whereas renting a home only provides the consumption service. Nevertheless, these complications do not diminish the overarching connection between mortgage rates and rental yields. The lion’s share of the real estate boom has come from a massive valuation uplift, which in turn has come from structurally lower bond yields. All of which brings us to the decade long global real estate boom that has doubled the value of global real estate market to an eye-watering $350 trillion, four times the size of the $90 trillion global economy. During this unprecedented boom, global rents have risen by 40 percent, tracking world nominal GDP, as they should. This means that the lion’s share of the real estate boom has come from a massive valuation uplift, which in turn has come from structurally lower bond yields (Chart I-7).    Chart I-7The Lion's Share Of The Global Real Estate Boom Has Come From A Massive Uplift In Valuations The Lion's Share Of The Global Real Estate Boom Has Come From A Massive Uplift In Valuations The Lion's Share Of The Global Real Estate Boom Has Come From A Massive Uplift In Valuations Since the global financial crisis, there has been an excellent empirical relationship between the global long-dated bond yield (US/China average) and the global rental yield. The important takeaway is that the global bond yield cannot rise much further before it destabilises the $350 trillion global real estate market and thereby destabilises the global economy (Chart I-8). Chart I-8The Global Bond Yield Cannot Rise Much Further Before It Destabilises The $350 Trillion Global Real Estate Market The Global Bond Yield Cannot Rise Much Further Before It Destabilises The $350 Trillion Global Real Estate Market The Global Bond Yield Cannot Rise Much Further Before It Destabilises The $350 Trillion Global Real Estate Market Some Investment Conclusions The good news is that the recent rise in the global bond yield has been limited by the downdrift in Chinese bond yields. Given the massive overvaluation of Chinese real estate, the structural downtrend in Chinese bond yields has a lot further to go. Meanwhile in the US, unless bond yields back down quickly, flagging mortgage and housing market activity will weigh on an already slowing economy. If US bond yields don’t back down quickly, the feedback from consequent slowdown in the economy will ultimately bring yields down anyway. As I explained last week in Fat-Tailed Inflation Signals A Peak In Bond Yields I do expect the long T-bond yield to back down relatively quickly. The sharp drop in US core inflation to just 0.3 percent month-on-month in March signals that inflation is peaking. Hence, medium to long term investors should be buying US T-bonds, and switching equity exposure into long-duration sectors such as healthcare and biotech. Finally, a peak in bond yields will also take pressure off US homebuilder shares whose recent collapse has been the mirror-image of the surge in the 30-year mortgage rate (Chart I-9). Hence, go overweight US homebuilders versus US insurers. Chart I-9The Collapse In US Homebuilder Shares Is The Mirror-Image Of The Surge In The Mortgage Rate The Collapse In US Homebuilder Shares Is The Mirror-Image Of The Surge In The Mortgage Rate The Collapse In US Homebuilder Shares Is The Mirror-Image Of The Surge In The Mortgage Rate Fractal Trading Watchlist Given that inflation hedging investment demand has driven at least part of the strong rally in basic resources, a peak in inflation and bond yields threatens to unwind the recent outperformance of basic resources shares. This is corroborated by the extremely fragile 130-day fractal structure (Chart I-10). Accordingly, the recommended trade is to short basic resources (GNR) versus the broad market, setting the profit target and symmetrical stop-loss at 11.5 percent. This week we are also adding to our watchlist: Switzerland versus Germany; and USD/EUR. The full list of 20 investments that are experiencing or approaching turning points is available on our website: cpt.bcaresearch.com  Chart I-10The Outperformance Of Basic Resources Is Vulnerable To Reversal The Outperformance Of Basic Resources Is Vulnerable To Reversal The Outperformance Of Basic Resources Is Vulnerable To Reversal Switzerland's Outperformance Vs. Germany Could End Switzerland's Outperformance Vs. Germany Could End Switzerland's Outperformance Vs. Germany Could End The Rally In USD/EUR Could End The Rally In USD/EUR Could End The Rally In USD/EUR Could End Chart 1The Strong Trend In The 18-Month-Out US Interest Rate Future Is Fragile The Strong Trend In The 18-Month-Out US Interest Rate Future Is Fragile The Strong Trend In The 18-Month-Out US Interest Rate Future Is Fragile Chart 2The Strong Trend In The 3 Year T-Bond Is Fragile The Strong Trend In The 3 Year T-Bond Is Fragile The Strong Trend In The 3 Year T-Bond Is Fragile Chart 3AUD/KRW Is Vulnerable To Reversal AUD/KRW Is Vulnerable To Reversal AUD/KRW Is Vulnerable To Reversal Chart 4Canada Versus Japan Is Vulnerable To Reversal Canada Versus Japan Is Vulnerable To Reversal Canada Versus Japan Is Vulnerable To Reversal Chart 5Canada's TSX-60's Outperformance Might Be Over Canada's TSX-60's Outperformance Might Be Over Canada's TSX-60's Outperformance Might Be Over Chart 6US Healthcare Providers Vs. Software At Risk of Reversal US Healthcare Providers Vs. Software At Risk of Reversal US Healthcare Providers Vs. Software At Risk of Reversal Chart 7Bitcoin's 65-Day Fractal Support Is Holding For Now Bitcoin's 65-Day Fractal Support Is Holding For Now Bitcoin's 65-Day Fractal Support Is Holding For Now Chart 8A Potential Switching Point From Tobacco Into Cannabis A Potential Switching Point From Tobacco Into Cannabis A Potential Switching Point From Tobacco Into Cannabis Chart 9Biotech Is A Major Buy Biotech Is A Major Buy Biotech Is A Major Buy Chart 10CAD/SEK Reversal Has Started CAD/SEK Reversal Has Started CAD/SEK Reversal Has Started Chart 11Financials Versus Industrials To Reverse Financials Versus Industrials To Reverse Financials Versus Industrials To Reverse Chart 12Norway's Outperformance Could End Norway's Outperformance Could End Norway's Outperformance Could End Chart 13Greece's Brief Outperformance To End Greece's Brief Outperformance To End Greece's Brief Outperformance To End Chart 14BRL/NZD At A Resistance Point BRL/NZD At A Resistance Point BRL/NZD At A Resistance Point Chart 15The Outperformance Of Resources Versus Healthcare Is Vulnerable To Reversal The Outperformance Of Resources Versus Healthcare Is Vulnerable To Reversal The Outperformance Of Resources Versus Healthcare Is Vulnerable To Reversal Chart 16The Outperformance Of Resources Versus Biotech Is Vulnerable To Reversal The Outperformance Of Resources Versus Biotech Is Vulnerable To Reversal The Outperformance Of Resources Versus Biotech Is Vulnerable To Reversal Chart 17Cotton's Outperformance Is Vulnerable To Reversal Cotton's Outperformance Is Vulnerable To Reversal Cotton's Outperformance Is Vulnerable To Reversal Chart 18US Homebuilders' Underperformance Is At A Potential Turning Point US Homebuilders' Underperformance Is At A Potential Turning Point US Homebuilders' Underperformance Is At A Potential Turning Point Chart 19Fractal Trading Watch List Fractal Trading Watch List Fractal Trading Watch List Chart 20Fractal Trading Watch List Fractal Trading Watch List Fractal Trading Watch List Dhaval Joshi Chief Strategist dhaval@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 We estimate the value of Chinese real estate at the end of 2021 to be $97 trillion, comprising residential $85 trillion, commercial $6 trillion, and agricultural $6 trillion. The source is: the Savills September 2021 report ‘The total value of global real estate’, which valued the global real estate market to the end of 2020; and the February 2022 report ‘Savills Prime Residential Index: World Cities’ which allowed us to update the valuations to the end of 2021. 2 The US prime residential rental yield is the simple average of the prime residential rental yields in New York, Miami, Los Angeles and San Francisco. Source: Savills. Fractal Trading System Fractal Trades $350 Trillion Of Global Real Estate Can’t Swallow Higher Bond Yields $350 Trillion Of Global Real Estate Can’t Swallow Higher Bond Yields $350 Trillion Of Global Real Estate Can’t Swallow Higher Bond Yields $350 Trillion Of Global Real Estate Can’t Swallow Higher Bond Yields 6-Month Recommendations Structural Recommendations Closed Fractal Trades Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-1Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Euro Area Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Euro Area Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Euro Area Chart II-2Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Europe Ex Euro Area Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Europe Ex Euro Area Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Europe Ex Euro Area Chart II-3Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Asia Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Asia Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Asia Chart II-5Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Other Developed Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Other Developed Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Other Developed   Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-6Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-7Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-8Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations  

Executive Summary Our recommended model bond portfolio outperformed its custom index by a robust +48bps in Q1/2022 – an impressive performance given the significant uncertainties stemming from the Ukraine war, surging commodity prices and hawkish central banks. This outperformance came entirely from the rates side of the portfolio (+52bps) as global government bond yields surged, driven by a large underweight to US Treasuries. The credit side of the portfolio was largely unchanged versus the benchmark (-4bps). Looking ahead, we see global bond yields as being more rangebound over the next six months. A lot of rate hikes in 2022 are already discounted (most notably in the US) and global inflation is likely to decelerate in Q2 & Q3. As the global monetary tightening cycle evolves, positioning more defensively in global credit, rather than duration management, will provide the better opportunity to generate alpha in bond portfolios. GFIS Model Bond Portfolio Recommended Positioning For The Next Six Months GFIS Model Bond Portfolio Q1/2022 Review & Outlook: Trading The Consolidation Phase GFIS Model Bond Portfolio Q1/2022 Review & Outlook: Trading The Consolidation Phase Bottom Line: In our model bond portfolio, we are downgrading US investment grade corporates to underweight, and reducing high-yield exposure in the US and Europe to neutral. We are also reducing inflation-linked bond allocations in the US and euro area to underweight versus nominals. Feature The first three months were horrific for global bond markets. The Bloomberg Global Aggregate index delivered a total return of -6.2%, the second worst quarter since 1990. No sector, from government bonds to corporate debt to emerging market spread product, was immune to the pressures from soaring energy prices, war-driven uncertainty and hawkish central bankers belated responding to the worst bout of global inflation since the 1970s. Related Report  Global Fixed Income StrategyOur Model Bond Portfolio Strategy To Begin 2022: Choosing Our Battles Wisely That toxic cocktail for bond returns may lose some potency in the coming months if a de-escalation of the Ukraine tensions can be reached. However, the bigger drivers of bond market volatility – high global inflation and the monetary tightening necessary to combat it – are more likely to linger for longer than expected. Government bond yields are unlikely to fall much in this environment. Increasingly, global credit spreads, especially for corporate debt in the US, will face intensifying widening pressure as central banks rapidly dial back pandemic-era monetary accommodation, led by the US Federal Reserve. With that in mind, we present our quarterly review of the BCA Research Global Fixed Income Strategy (GFIS) model bond portfolio for the first quarter of 2022. We also present our recommended positioning for the portfolio for the next six months, as well as portfolio return expectations for our base case and alternative investment scenarios. As a reminder to existing readers (and to new clients), the model portfolio is a part of our service that complements the usual macro analysis of global fixed income markets. The portfolio is how we communicate our opinion on the relative attractiveness between government bond and spread product sectors. We do this by applying actual percentage weightings to each of our recommendations within a fully invested hypothetical bond portfolio. Q1/2022 Model Bond Portfolio Performance: Regional Allocation Drives Outperformance Chart 1Q1/2022 Performance: Big Gains From Rising Bond Yields Q1/2022 Performance: Big Gains From Rising Bond Yields Q1/2022 Performance: Big Gains From Rising Bond Yields The total return for the GFIS model portfolio (hedged into US dollars) in the third quarter was -4.6%, outperforming the custom benchmark index by +48bps (Chart 1).1 In terms of the specific breakdown between the government bond and spread product allocations in our model portfolio, the former generated +52bps of outperformance versus our custom benchmark index while the latter underperformed by -4bps. In an extremely negative quarter for fixed income both in terms of the breadth and depth of losses, our regional allocation choices helped us continue generating outperformance after we transitioned to a neutral overall portfolio duration stance in mid-February. Throughout the quarter, we maintained a significant underweight on US Treasuries in the portfolio, even after we tactically upgraded our duration tilt. We expected US government debt to still underperform that of other developed markets, even in an environment where the rise in global bond yields was due for a breather. Our rationale worked – admittedly helped by the inflationary shock of the Russian invasion of Ukraine - with the US Treasury part of our portfolio generating a whopping +63bps of outperformance (Table 1). Table 1GFIS Model Bond Portfolio Q1/2022 Overall Return Attribution GFIS Model Bond Portfolio Q1/2022 Review & Outlook: Trading The Consolidation Phase GFIS Model Bond Portfolio Q1/2022 Review & Outlook: Trading The Consolidation Phase Meanwhile, our biggest government bond overweights were in Europe, a market we expected to perform defensively in a portfolio context. We were obviously caught offside on this call as energy prices and inflation expectations in Europe surged in response to the Ukraine conflict. In total, our portfolio lost -30bps in active return terms in euro area government bonds, with the losses spread evenly between the core and periphery. We did staunch the bleeding somewhat by reducing our allocation to the periphery in the last two weeks of the quarter and using the proceeds to fund an increased allocation to European investment grade corporates. The European corporate index spread has tightened -23bps since that switch. Turning to the credit side of the portfolio, the most successful position was our underweight tilt on emerging market (EM) USD-denominated corporates (+10bps) and sovereigns (+9bps) during a catastrophic quarter for EM risky assets driven by the conflict as well as weakness in the Chinese economy. We sustained losses from our overweight on US CMBS (-11bps) which was broadly offset by gains from our underweight on US MBS (+10bps). Lastly, while we were hurt by the sell-off in euro area high-yield (-13bps), where we were overweight to start 2022, we did scale back some of that exposure towards the end of the quarter when markets started to discount the risk of a “worst case” scenario of direct NATO intervention in Ukraine. The bar charts showing the total and relative returns for each individual government bond market and spread product sector in our model portfolio are presented in Charts 2 & 3. Chart 2GFIS Model Bond Portfolio Q1/2022 Government Bond Performance Attribution GFIS Model Bond Portfolio Q1/2022 Review & Outlook: Trading The Consolidation Phase GFIS Model Bond Portfolio Q1/2022 Review & Outlook: Trading The Consolidation Phase Chart 3GFIS Model Bond Portfolio Q1/2022 Spread Product Performance Attribution By Sector GFIS Model Bond Portfolio Q1/2022 Review & Outlook: Trading The Consolidation Phase GFIS Model Bond Portfolio Q1/2022 Review & Outlook: Trading The Consolidation Phase Biggest Outperformers: Underweight US Treasuries with a maturity greater than 10 years (+23bps) Underweight UK Gilts with a maturity greater than 10 years (+14bps) Underweight US treasuries with a maturity between 3 and 5 years (+12bps) Biggest Underperformers: Overweight euro area high-yield corporates (-13bps) Overweight US CMBS (-11bps) Overweight Spanish Bonos (-5bps) Chart 4 presents the ranked benchmark index returns of the individual countries and spread product sectors in the GFIS model bond portfolio for Q1/2022. Returns are hedged into US dollars (we do not take active currency risk in this portfolio) and adjusted to reflect duration differences between each country/sector and the overall custom benchmark index for the model portfolio. We have also color coded the bars in each chart to reflect our recommended investment stance for each market during Q1 (red for underweight, dark green for overweight, gray for neutral). Chart 4Ranking The Winners & Losers From The GFIS Model Bond Portfolio Universe In Q1/2022 GFIS Model Bond Portfolio Q1/2022 Review & Outlook: Trading The Consolidation Phase GFIS Model Bond Portfolio Q1/2022 Review & Outlook: Trading The Consolidation Phase Ideally, we would look to see more green bars on the left side of the chart where market returns are highest, and more red bars on the right side of the chart were returns are lowest. That pattern largely held true in Q1/2022, especially at the tail ends of the chart. During a quarter where all the major asset classes in our portfolio lost money on a hedged and duration-matched basis, we outperformed by selectively underweighting the worst performers. Notably, we were underweight UK Gilts (-1280bps) and EM Sovereigns (-1103bps) on the extreme right side of the chart. We were also underweight US Treasuries (-531bps) which, despite being in the middle of Chart 4, contributed hugely to our portfolio outperformance due to their large market cap weighting in the benchmark index. Broadly, this means that, except for Europe and Australia, our highest conviction calls worked in our favor during the quarter. Bottom Line: Our model bond portfolio outperformed its benchmark index in the third quarter of the year by +48bps – a positive result coming largely from underweight positions in US Treasuries, UK Gilts, and EM credit. Changes To Our Model Bond Portfolio Allocations The uncertainty stemming from the Russia/Ukraine conflict led us to temporarily neutralize many of the recommended exposures in the model bond portfolio. We not only moved to neutral on overall portfolio duration, we also neutralized individual country yield curve tilts and inflation-linked bond allocations. While the situation remains fluid, the worst-case scenarios of the conflict expanding beyond the borders of Ukraine appear to have been avoided. This leads us to reconsider where to once again take active risks on the rates side of the portfolio. Chart 5Our Duration Indicator Calling For Slowing Global Yield Momentum Our Duration Indicator Calling For Slowing Global Yield Momentum Our Duration Indicator Calling For Slowing Global Yield Momentum Duration On overall portfolio duration, we are maintaining a neutral (“at benchmark”) stance in the portfolio. Our Global Duration Indicator is currently signaling that the strong upward momentum of global bond yields should fade over the next few months (Chart 5). Slowing global growth expectations – a trend that was already in place prior to the Ukraine conflict - are the major reason why our Duration Indicator has turned lower. The war-fueled surge in energy prices has helped push global bond yields higher through rising inflation breakevens, which also prompted central banks – most notably the Fed and the Bank of England (BoE)- to signal a need for a faster pace of interest rate hikes in 2022 despite softening growth momentum. Looking ahead, that strong link between oil prices and bond yields will not be broken until there is some sort of de-escalation of the Ukraine conflict, which does not appear imminent. This supports a near-term neutral overall duration stance. Yield Curve Allocations In terms of yield curve exposure, we see some opportunities to adjust allocations (Chart 6). US curves have inverted and UK curves are flirting with inversion as markets are pricing in more Fed/BoE tightening, while curves in Germany and France have bear-steepened with longer-term inflation expectations going up faster than shorter-term interest rate expectations. In the US and UK, the yield curve flattening also reflects the “front loading” of Fed/BoE rate hike expectations. Overnight index swap (OIS) curves are pricing in 190bps of rate hikes in the US, and 134bps in the UK, by the end of 2022. This is followed quickly by rate cuts discounted in H2/2023 and 2024 in both countries. We see it as more likely that both central banks will deliver fewer hikes than discounted in 2022 and but will push rates to higher levels than priced by the end of 2024. That leads us to add a mild steepening bias into our US and UK government bond allocations in the model bond portfolio. We offset that by inserting a flattening bias in the German and French yield curve allocations to keep the overall portfolio duration at 7.5 years, matching that of the custom benchmark index (Chart 7). Chart 6Curve Flattening In The US & UK Is Overdone Curve Flattening In The US & UK Is Overdone Curve Flattening In The US & UK Is Overdone ​​​​​ Chart 7Overall Portfolio Duration: Stay Neutral Overall Portfolio Duration: Stay Neutral Overall Portfolio Duration: Stay Neutral ​​​​​ Chart 8No Change To Our Country Allocations To Begin Q2/22 No Change To Our Country Allocations To Begin Q2/22 No Change To Our Country Allocations To Begin Q2/22 Country Allocations Turning to our country allocations, we see no need to make major changes right now (Chart 8). We still prefer to maintain an underweight stance on countries that are more likely to see multiple central bank rate hikes in 2022 (the US, UK, Canada) versus those that are less likely (Germany, France, Japan, Australia). We are also staying neutral on Italian and Spanish government bonds with the ECB set to taper the pace of its asset purchases in Q2. Less ECB buying raises the risk that higher yields will be required to entice private sector buyers to buy Italian and Spanish debt with a smaller central bank backstop. Inflation-Linked Bonds Our Comprehensive Breakeven Inflation (CBI) indicators assess the potential for a significant move in 10-year breakeven inflation rates, based on deviations from variables that typically correlate with breakevens like oil prices or survey-based measures of inflation expectations. At the moment, none of the CBIs for the eight countries in our model bond portfolio are below zero (Chart 9), which would be a signal that breakevens are too low and can move higher. Chart 9Inflation-Linked Bond Exposure: Reduce Europe & The US, Increase Canada GFIS Model Bond Portfolio Q1/2022 Review & Outlook: Trading The Consolidation Phase GFIS Model Bond Portfolio Q1/2022 Review & Outlook: Trading The Consolidation Phase Canada has the lowest CBI, and last week, we added a tactical trade to go long 10-year Canadian inflation breakevens. We will add that position to our model bond portfolio this week, moving the Canadian “linkers” allocation to overweight versus nominal Canadian government bonds (within an overall underweight allocation to Canada in the model bond portfolio). On the other side of our CBI rankings are countries where the CBIs are well above zero and breakevens are more stretched: Germany, Italy, France and the US. We are currently neutral inflation-linked bonds in those four countries, but strictly as a hedge against the war-fueled risks of further increases in oil prices. Now, however, 10-year breakevens have widened to levels that already factor in more expensive oil, even with oil prices struggling to break out to new highs. As a result, we are downgrading the allocation to linkers in Germany, Italy, France and the US to underweight within the model bond portfolio (Chart 10). Corporate Bonds The most meaningful changes we are making to our model bond portfolio, and in our strategic investment recommendations, are to our corporate bond allocations: We are downgrading US investment grade corporate bond exposure from neutral to underweight (2 out of 5) We are downgrading US high-yield corporate bond exposure from overweight to neutral (3 out of 5) We are also downgrading euro area high-yield exposure from overweight to neutral (3 out of 5) Credit spreads across the developed market and EM space have fully unwound the surge seen after Russia invaded Ukraine on February 24 (Chart 11). We had turned more cautious on global spread product exposure in early March because of the war-fueled shock to energy prices and investor sentiment. We viewed this as a bigger issue for European and EM credit, with Europe heavily reliant on Russian energy supplies and EM market liquidity impacted by bans on trading of Russian assets. We therefore reduced exposures to European high-yield and EM hard currency debt in the model bond portfolio. Chart 10Our Inflation-Linked Bond Country Allocations Our Inflation-Linked Bond Country Allocations Our Inflation-Linked Bond Country Allocations Now, while markets have become more sanguine about the prospects of a long war that can more directly draw in Western forces, a bigger threat to financial market stability has emerged – more aggressive tightening of global monetary policy led by the Fed. Chart 11Global Credit Spreads Have Returned To Pre-Invasion Levels Global Credit Spreads Have Returned To Pre-Invasion Levels Global Credit Spreads Have Returned To Pre-Invasion Levels ​​​​​​ Chart 12Global Monetary Backdrop Turning More Negative For Credit Global Monetary Backdrop Turning More Negative For Credit Global Monetary Backdrop Turning More Negative For Credit Already, the move away from quantitative easing by the Fed, ECB and BoE has led to a negative impulse for global credit returns (Chart 12). Excess returns for the Bloomberg Global Corporate and High-Yield indices are now essentially flat on a year-over-year basis, and the riskiest credit tiers of both indices are seeing the greater spread widening (bottom panel). Another indicator of tightening monetary policy, the flat US Treasury curve, is also signaling a poor environment for US credit market returns. Our colleagues at our sister service, BCA Research US Bond Strategy, have noted that when the 2-year/10-year US Treasury curve flattens below +25bps, the odds of US investment grade credit outperforming duration-matched Treasuries decline sharply. Dating back to 1973, the average excess return (over Treasuries) for the Bloomberg US investment grade index over the twelve months after the 2/10 curve flattens below +25bps is -0.56%. The 2/10 US Treasury curve is now inverted at -3bps, even with the Fed having only delivered a single +25bp rate hike so far in the current cycle. This is a highly unusual occurrence, as the Treasury curve typically inverts after the Fed has delivered multiple rate hikes in a tightening cycle. Bond investors are clearly “front-running” the Fed in discounting aggressive rate hikes in 2022 in response to US inflation near 8%. We think the Fed will deliver fewer hikes than markets are discounting this year, but will do more in 2023 and 2024. Yet the message from the now-inverted yield curve, and what it means for corporate bond performance, is too powerful to ignore. This underpins our decision to downgrade our recommended allocation to US investment grade to underweight. We do not, however, see a need to move the allocations for other corporate bond markets as aggressively. The credit spread widening seen so far in 2022 in the US and Europe – a trend that was already in place before the start of the Ukraine war – has restored more value to European corporate spreads compared to US equivalents. That can be seen when looking at our preferred measure of spread valuations, 12-month breakeven spreads.2 The historical percentile ranking of the 12-month breakeven spread is 63% for euro area investment grade and a much lower 23% for US investment grade (Chart 13). The absolute level of the euro area ranking justifies maintaining an overweight stance on euro area investment grade, both in absolute terms and relative to US investment grade. A smaller gap exists for high-yield, where the euro area 12-month breakeven spread percentile ranking is 50% versus 33% in the US. Those lower percentile rankings justify no higher than a neutral allocation to high-yield on either side of the Atlantic. On the surface, maintaining a higher allocation to US high-yield over US investment grade does appear counter-intuitive in an environment where the US Treasury curve is inverted and investors are growing increasingly worried that the Fed will need to engineer a major growth slowdown to cool inflation. However, that same high inflation helps to maintain a fast enough pace of nominal economic growth to limit the default risk for riskier borrowers. Moody’s estimates that the default rate for high-yield corporates will reach 3.1% in the US and 2.6% in Europe by year-end. Using those estimates, we can calculate a default-adjusted spread, or the current high-yield spread minus one-year-ahead expected default losses. That spread is currently 134bps in the US and 206bps in Europe, both well above the low end of the long-run range and closer to the long-run average (Chart 14). Those are levels that are consistent with a neutral allocation to high-yield in both regions, as current spreads offer a decent cushion in an environment of relatively low default risk. Chart 13More Attractive Spread Levels In Europe Vs. US More Attractive Spread Levels In Europe Vs. US More Attractive Spread Levels In Europe Vs. US ​​​​​​ Chart 14Low Default Risk Helps Support High-Yield Valuations Low Default Risk Helps Support High-Yield Valuations Low Default Risk Helps Support High-Yield Valuations ​​​​​​ Chart 15Persistent Headwinds To EM Credit Performance Persistent Headwinds To EM Credit Performance Persistent Headwinds To EM Credit Performance Emerging Markets Finally, we continue to see more reasons to be cautious on EM USD-denominated credit, given the lack of support from typical fundamental drivers (Chart 15). Weak Chinese growth, slowing commodity price momentum (on a year-over-year basis), and a firm US dollar are all factors that weigh on EM economic growth and the ability to service hard-currency debt. We are maintaining an underweight allocation to EM USD-denominated sovereign and corporate debt in our model bond portfolio. Indications that China is ready to introduce more fiscal and monetary stimulus, and/or if the Fed’s messaging turned less hawkish – and less US dollar bullish – would be the signals necessary for us to consider an EM upgrade. Summing It All Up The full list of our recommended portfolio allocations after making all of the above changes can be seen in Table 2. The changes leave the portfolio with the following high-level characteristics: Table 2GFIS Model Bond Portfolio Recommended Positioning For The Next Six Months GFIS Model Bond Portfolio Q1/2022 Review & Outlook: Trading The Consolidation Phase GFIS Model Bond Portfolio Q1/2022 Review & Outlook: Trading The Consolidation Phase Chart 16Overall Portfolio Allocation: Underweight Spread Product Vs Governments GFIS Model Bond Portfolio Q1/2022 Review & Outlook: Trading The Consolidation Phase GFIS Model Bond Portfolio Q1/2022 Review & Outlook: Trading The Consolidation Phase the overall duration exposure remains at-benchmark (i.e. neutral) the portfolio has now flipped to an underweight stance on the exposure of spread product to government bonds, equal to four percentage points of the portfolio (Chart 16) the tracking error of the portfolio, or its expected volatility in excess of that of the benchmark, is 80bps – a level similar to that before the changes were made and still well below our self-imposed 100bps tracking error limit (Chart 17) the portfolio now has a yield below that of the custom benchmark index, equal to 2.51% (Chart 18). Chart 17Overall Portfolio Risk: Moderate Overall Portfolio Risk: Moderate Overall Portfolio Risk: Moderate ​​​​​​ Chart 18Overall Portfolio Yield: Below-Benchmark Overall Portfolio Yield: Below-Benchmark Overall Portfolio Yield: Below-Benchmark ​​​​​​ The changes leave the portfolio much more exposed to a widening of global credit spreads than a rise in government bond yields – a desired outcome with bond yields already discounting a lot of tightening but credit spreads still at historically tight levels. Bottom Line: As the global monetary tightening cycle evolves, positioning more defensively in global credit, rather than duration management, will provide the better opportunity to generate alpha in bond portfolios. We are expressing that by cutting the exposure to corporate bonds in our model bond portfolio. Portfolio Scenario Analysis For The Next Six Months After making all the specific changes to our model portfolio weightings, which can be seen in the tables on pages 23-25, we now turn to our regular quarterly scenario analysis to determine the return expectations for the portfolio for the next six months. On the credit side of the portfolio, we use risk-factor-based regression models to forecast future yield changes for global spread product sectors as a function of four major factors - the VIX, oil prices, the US dollar and the fed funds rate (Table 3A). For the government bond side of the portfolio, we avoid using regression models and instead use a yield-beta driven framework, taking forecasts for changes in US Treasury yields and translating those in changes in non-US bond yields by applying a historical yield beta (Table 3B). Table 3AFactor Regressions Used To Estimate Spread Product Yield Changes GFIS Model Bond Portfolio Q1/2022 Review & Outlook: Trading The Consolidation Phase GFIS Model Bond Portfolio Q1/2022 Review & Outlook: Trading The Consolidation Phase Table 3BEstimated Government Bond Yield Betas To US Treasuries GFIS Model Bond Portfolio Q1/2022 Review & Outlook: Trading The Consolidation Phase GFIS Model Bond Portfolio Q1/2022 Review & Outlook: Trading The Consolidation Phase For our scenario analysis over the next six months, we use a base case scenario plus two alternate “tail risk” scenarios. In the current environment, our scenarios center around developments in the Ukraine/Russia conflict and the impacts on uncertainty and commodity-fueled inflation. Base Case There is no further escalation of the Ukraine/Russia conflict, possibly resulting in a temporary ceasefire. Oil prices pull back on a lower war risk premium, helping lower inflation expectations. Global realized inflation peaks during Q2/2022, alongside some moderation of global growth in lagged response to high energy prices. Within that slower pace of global growth, the US outperforms Europe while Chinese growth remains weak because of COVID lockdowns (although that will eventually lead to more stimulus from Chinese policymakers). The Fed delivers 100bps of rate hikes by July, starting with a 50bp increase at the May meeting, before pausing at the September meeting in response to slowing US inflation and growth. There is a mild bear flattening of the US Treasury curve, but yields remain broadly unchanged over the full six month scenario period with the Fed not hiking by more than currently discounted. The Brent oil price retreats by -10%, the US dollar modestly appreciates by 2%, the VIX stays close to current levels at 20 and the fed funds rate reaches 1.5%. Escalation Scenario The is no reduction in Ukraine war tensions, with increased Russian aggression resulting in greater NATO military involvement. The risk premium in oil prices increases, delaying the expected peak in global inflation until the second half of 2022. Inflation expectations remain elevated. Global growth weakens more than in the base case scenario because of higher energy prices, but with US growth still outperforming Europe. China’s economy remains weighed down by COVID lockdowns and an inadequate fiscal/monetary/credit policy response. The Fed is forced to be more aggressive because of high inflation expectations, delivering 150bps of hikes by September. The US Treasury curve bear-flattens, but with Treasury yields rising across the curve through wider TIPS breakevens and greater-than-expected rate hikes keeping real yields stable. The Brent oil price rises +25%, the VIX index climbs to 30, the US dollar appreciates by +5% thanks to slowing global growth and a more aggressive move by the Fed to push the funds rate to 2%. De-Escalation Scenario There is a full and lasting ceasefire between Russia and Ukraine. The war risk premium in oil prices collapses, allowing global inflation to peak in Q2 and then decline rapidly. Global growth sentiment improves because of lower energy prices and diminished worries about a wider world war. European growth outperforms US growth (relative to expectations) as European natural gas prices decline. China responds faster than expected to the latest COVID wave with more aggressive policy stimulus. Lower inflation allows the Fed to be more patient on rate hikes, delivering only 75bps of hikes by July before pausing. The Treasury curve moderately bull-steepens, although the absolute decline in nominal Treasury yields is fairly small as lower TIPS breakevens are partially offset by higher real yields (as growth sentiment improves). The Brent oil price falls -20%, the VIX index drifts down to 18, and the US dollar depreciates by -3% as global growth improves and the Fed pushes the funds rate to a less-than-expected 1.25% by July. The excess return scenarios for the model bond portfolio, using the above inputs in our simple quantitative return forecast framework, are shown in Table 4A. The US Treasury yield assumptions are shown in Table 4B. For the more visually inclined, we present charts showing the model inputs and Treasury yield projections in Chart 19 and Chart 20, respectively. Table 4AGFIS Model Bond Portfolio Scenario Analysis For The Next Six Months GFIS Model Bond Portfolio Q1/2022 Review & Outlook: Trading The Consolidation Phase GFIS Model Bond Portfolio Q1/2022 Review & Outlook: Trading The Consolidation Phase Table 4BUS Treasury Yield Assumptions For The 6-Month Forward Scenario Analysis GFIS Model Bond Portfolio Q1/2022 Review & Outlook: Trading The Consolidation Phase GFIS Model Bond Portfolio Q1/2022 Review & Outlook: Trading The Consolidation Phase Chart 19Risk Factor Assumptions For The Scenario Analysis Risk Factor Assumptions For The Scenario Analysis Risk Factor Assumptions For The Scenario Analysis ​​​​​​ Chart 20US Treasury Yield Assumptions For The Scenario Analysis US Treasury Yield Assumptions For The Scenario Analysis US Treasury Yield Assumptions For The Scenario Analysis ​​​​​​ Given our neutral overall portfolio duration stance, and the mild changes in nominal bond yields implied by our forecasts, it should not be surprising that the rates side of the portfolio is expected to not contribute any excess return in Q2 and Q3. However, Fed rate hikes – which push up yields on spread product in the forecasting regressions – result in negative credit returns in all scenarios (especially in the cases where the VIX is expected to rise). Thus, the return on the credit side of the model portfolio, where we are now underweight credit risk, will be the main driver of performance, delivering a range of excess return outcomes between +29bps and +53bps. Bottom Line: The next six months will be about locking in the significant gains in our model bond portfolio performance from rising bond yields, and transitioning to outperforming via wider credit spreads in US investment grade and EM hard currency debt.   Robert Robis, CFA Chief Fixed Income Strategist rrobis@bcaresearch.com Shakti Sharma Senior Analyst ShaktiS@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1      The GFIS model bond portfolio custom benchmark index is the Bloomberg Barclays Global Aggregate Index, but with allocations to global high-yield corporate debt replacing very high-quality spread product (i.e. AA-rated). We believe this to be more indicative of the typical internal benchmark used by global multi-sector fixed income managers. 2     12-month breakeven spreads compare the option-adjusted spread (OAS) of a credit market or sector to its duration, using Bloomberg bond index data. The breakeven spread is the amount of spread widening that must occur over a one-year horizon to make the total return of a credit instrument equal to that of duration-matched risk-free government debt. GFIS Model Bond Portfolio Recommended Positioning     Active Duration Contribution: GFIS Recommended Portfolio Vs. Custom Performance Benchmark GFIS Model Bond Portfolio Q1/2022 Review & Outlook: Trading The Consolidation Phase GFIS Model Bond Portfolio Q1/2022 Review & Outlook: Trading The Consolidation Phase The GFIS Recommended Portfolio Vs. The Custom Benchmark Index Global Fixed Income - Strategic Recommendations* Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) GFIS Model Bond Portfolio Q1/2022 Review & Outlook: Trading The Consolidation Phase GFIS Model Bond Portfolio Q1/2022 Review & Outlook: Trading The Consolidation Phase  

Executive Summary Europe Is Russia's Key Gas Customer Germany Closer To Rationing Natgas Germany Closer To Rationing Natgas Full-on rationing of natural gas by Germany took a step closer to reality, as the standoff with Russia over its insistence on being paid in roubles for gas plays out. News that Germany initiated its first step toward rationing spiked European and UK natgas prices by more than 12% on Wednesday. Higher prices for coal, oil and renewable energy will follow, as these energy sources compete at the margin with natgas in Europe. Inflation and inflation expectations will move higher if Germany ultimately rations scarce natgas supplies. We are watching to see who blinks first – Germany or Russia. The risk of aluminum-smelter shut-downs in Europe once again is elevated. Other metals-refining operations also are at risk of shutdown if rationing is invoked. Trade difficulties arising from Russia's invasion of Ukraine and related sanctions will lead to further bottlenecks on base-metal exports from Russia, as Rusal warned this week. This will further confound the energy transition. Western governments will be forced to accelerate investments and subsidies in carbon-capture technology as fossil-fuel usage and prospects revive. Bottom Line: Fast-changing EU natural gas supply-demand dynamics are impacting competing energy and base metals markets.  This is throwing up confusion around the global renewable-energy transition and extending its timetable.  Fossil fuels fortunes are being revived, as a result. We remain long commodity index exposure and the equities of oil-and-gas producers and base-metals miners.   Feature Events in the EU natural gas markets are changing rapidly in the wake of fast-changing developments in the Russia-Ukraine war.  In the wake of these changes, economic prospects for Europe and Russia are rapidly evolving – both potentially negatively over the short run. Full-on rationing of natural gas by Germany took a step closer to reality, as its standoff with Russia over payment for gas in roubles plays out.  News Germany is preparing its citizens for rationing spiked European and UK natgas prices by more than 12% Wednesday. It's not clear whether Russia or Germany are bluffing on this score.  Russia's oil and gas exports last year accounted for close to 40% of the government's budget. According to Russia's central bank, crude and product revenue last year amounted to just under $180 billion, while pipeline and LNG shipments of natgas generated close to $62 billion last year.  Europe is Russia's biggest natgas market, accounting for ~ 40% of its exports.  However, as the relative shares of revenues indicate, natgas exports are less important to Russia than crude and liquids exports.  Losing this revenue stream for a year would amount to losing ~ $25 billion of revenue, all else equal.  In the event, however, the net loss might be lower, since this would put a bid under the natgas market ex-Europe, which would offset part or most of the lost natgas sales to Europe.  If Russia is able to re-market those lost volumes, it could offset the loss of European sales. Knock-On Effects The immediate knock-on effect of this news turns out to be higher prices for oil, UK and European natgas.  This is not unexpected, as gasoil competes at the margin with natgas in space heating markets, while competition across regions also can be expected to increase.  Once again, the risk of aluminum-smelter shut-downs in Europe is elevated if rationing is imposed by Germany.  Other metals-refining operations also are at risk of shutdown if rationing is invoked.  Lastly, fertilizer production in Europe would be materially impacted, given some 70% of fertilizer costs are accounted for by natgas. In addition to these endogenous EU effects, trade difficulties arising from Russia's invasion of Ukraine and related sanctions will lead to further bottlenecks on base-metal exports from Russia, as Rusal warned this week.1 This will further confound the energy transition as the world's third-largest aluminum smelter faces sanctions – official and self-imposed – and the loss of inputs from Western suppliers, along with reduced access to capital and funding from the West. If, over time, Russia's base metals industries are degraded by the lack of access to capital and technology as oil and gas will be, the global renewable-energy transition will be slowed considerably.   We already expect Russia's oil and gas production to fall over time due to the economic isolation created by Russia's invasion of Ukraine, rendering it a diminished member of OPEC 2.0.  Russia accounts for ~ 10% of global crude oil supplies, and is the second largest producer of crude oil in the coalition.  A long-term degradation of its production profile will exacerbate the persistent imbalance between demand relative to supply globally, which continues to force oil inventories lower (Chart 1). On the metals side, Russia accounts for 6%, 5% and 4% of global primary aluminum, refined nickel and copper production.  Persistent supply deficits have left inventories in these markets – particularly nickel and copper – tight and getting tighter (Chart 2).2 Chart 1Oil Inventories Remain Tight... Oil Inventories Remain Tight... Oil Inventories Remain Tight... Chart 2… As Do Metals Inventories Germany Closer To Rationing Natgas Germany Closer To Rationing Natgas Europe's Radical Pivot In a little over a month's time, the EU has been forced to abandon once-immutable post-Cold War beliefs shared by the electorate and politicians of all stripes.  Ever-deepening commercial ties with Russia did not ensure EU energy security, nor did they obviate what arguably is any state's primary responsibility: Protecting and defending its citizens.  Because of its failed engagement policy with Russia over the post-Cold War interval, the EU is forced to scramble to restore its energy production and expand its sources of energy imports.  In addition, it is repeatedly asserting its intent to "double down" of the speed of its renewable-energy transition.  And, last but certainly not least, it is forced to rapidly rearm itself in industrial commodity markets that are in the midst of prolonged physical deficits and inventory drawdowns.3 The Russian invasion of Ukraine spurred the EU to action on both the energy and defense fronts.  It is rushing head-long into eliminating its dependence on Russia for fuel, particularly natural gas, and will pursue re-arming its member states forthwith (Chart 3).  Chart 3Weaning EU Off Russian Gas Will Prove Difficult Germany Closer To Rationing Natgas Germany Closer To Rationing Natgas On the energy front, the EU adopted a two-prong approach to cleave itself from Russian natgas: 1) Diversify its sources of natural gas, which largely will be in the form of liquified natural gas (LNG), and 2) doubling down on renewable energy generation. EU officials are aiming to replace two-thirds of their Russian gas imports by the end of this year, which is an ambitious target.  Over the next two years or so, EU officials hope to fully wean themselves from Russian natgas via a combination of infrastructure buildouts and a renewed push to increase domestic production, which was being throttled back by earlier attempts to secure increased Russian supplies, and a strong focus on renewables. EU's US LNG Deal The EU signed a deal with the US to receive an additional 15 Bcm of natural gas in 2022, and 50 Bcm annually by 2030, which is equal to ~ 30% of the EU’s 2020 Russian gas imports.  How exactly this will be done is unknown. In 2021, the EU imported 155 bcm of natgas from Russia, or more than 3x the amount being discussed with the US; 14 bcm of that was LNG.4 Just exactly what meeting of the minds was achieved between the EU and US government is totally unclear at this point.  The US is not an LNG supplier, nor can it order private companies to renege on existing contacts.  The US government likely will use its good offices to attempt to persuade Asian buyers to allow their contracted volumes to be diverted to European buyers, but that would, in all likelihood, mean they would switch to another fuel (e.g., coal) as an alternative if they take that deal.  This would, we believe, require some sort of financial incentive to induce such behavior. US liquefaction capacity is also running at near full capacity (Chart 4). While there are projects in the pipeline, in the medium-term (2 – 5 years) the lack of export capacity will act as a constraint to the amount of LNG that can be shipped to the EU. Chart 4Europe Critical To Russia's Gas Industry Germany Closer To Rationing Natgas Germany Closer To Rationing Natgas For Russia, its shipments of gas to OECD-Europe represent more than 70% of its exports (Chart 5). Arguably, Europe is just as important to Russia as Russia is to Europe.  With the EU set on a course to sever ties completely, Russia will be forced to invest in pipeline capacity to take more of its gas to China via the Power of Siberia 2 pipeline. In the short-term, US LNG exports to the EU will face headwinds since much of Central and Eastern Europe rely on piped gas from Russia. As a result, many countries within Europe are not equipped with sufficient regasification facilities and are running at near peak utilization rates (Chart 6).  Germany does not have any such capacity.  Chart 5Not Much Room For US LNG Exports To Grow… Germany Closer To Rationing Natgas Germany Closer To Rationing Natgas Chart 6…Or For Additional European LNG Imports Germany Closer To Rationing Natgas Germany Closer To Rationing Natgas LNG import facilities that have additional intake capacity in the Iberian Peninsula and Eastern Europe do not have sufficient pipeline capacity to move gas inland.  This will require additional infrastructure investment as well.  To deal with this lack of infrastructure, Germany, Italy and the Netherlands are moving quickly to procure Floating Storage and Regasification (FSRUs) to convert LNG back to its gaseous state.  While not the five-year proposition a dedicated LNG train requires to bring on line, setting up FSRUs still could be a years-long process.5 How quickly these assets can be mobilized, and the volumes they can deliver remain to be seen. Investment Implications Fast-changing EU natural gas supply-demand dynamics are impacting competing energy and base metals markets.  This is throwing up confusion around the global renewable-energy transition and extending its timetable.  Fossil fuels fortunes are being revived, as a result. At this point it is impossible to handicap the odds of a cut-off of Russian natgas to Europe, or its duration if it does occur.  Either way, competitive suppliers to Russia – particularly US shale-gas producers selling into the LNG market and the vessels that transport it – will benefit regardless of the course taken by Germany and Russia on rationing. We remain long commodity index via the S&P GSCI and COMT ETF, and the equities of oil-and-gas producers and base-metals miners via the PICK, XME and XOP ETFs.   Commodity Round-Up Energy: Bullish Oil prices were whipsawed by new reports suggesting Russia would substantially reduce its military operations in Kyiv ahead of ceasefire talks with Ukraine, only to have that speculation dashed by US officials indicating nothing had changed in the status quo to warrant such a view.  Markets restored the risk premium that fell out of prices on the unwarranted speculation, with Brent prices once again above $110/bbl this week.  At present, the fundamental oil picture remains tight.  In the run-up to a decision from OPEC 2.0's March meeting today, we continued to expect  KSA, the UAE and Kuwait to increase production by up to 1.6mm b/d this year, and another 600k b/d next year.  To date, OPEC 2.0 has fallen short by ~ 1.2mm b/d since it started returning production taken off line during the pandemic.  In return for higher output, we continue to expect the US to deepen its commitment to defending the Gulf Co-operation Council (GCC) states making up core-OPEC 2.0.  If we do not see an increase in core-OPEC 2.0 production, we will have to re-assess our fundamental outlook on KSA's, the UAE's and Kuwait's ability to increase production.  We also will have to determine whether – even if the supply is available to return to the market – these states have embraced a revenue-maximization strategy, given the fiscal breakeven price for these states now averages ~ $64/bbl.  It also is possible that heavily discounted Russian crude oil – trading more than $30/bbl below Brent (vs. the standard $2.50/bbl Urals normally commands) – convinces core-OPEC 2.0 states that oil prices are not so high for large EM buyers like India and China as to create demand destruction.  We believe the latter view likely is prevailing at present.  We continue to expect Brent to average $93/bbl this year and next (Chart 7). Base Metals: Bullish BHP Group Ltd. will invest more than $10 billion to expand metals production over the next 50 years in Chile.  The metals giant aims to stay ESG compliant, provided there is a supportive investment environment provided by the Chilean government. Resource-rich Latin American countries such as Chile and Peru have elected left-leaning governments intent on redistributing mining profits and ensuring companies comply with the ESG framework. As Chile considers raising mining royalties and redrafts its constitution, mining investment in the country has stalled. Political uncertainty in these countries has coincided with low global copper inventories (Chart 8) and high demand. Chart 7 Higher Prices Expected Higher Prices Expected Chart 8 Copper Inventories Moving Up Copper Inventories Moving Up     Robert P. Ryan Chief Commodity & Energy Strategist rryan@bcaresearch.com     Footnotes 1     Please see Aluminum Giant Rusal Flags Stark Risks Triggered by War in Ukraine published by Bloomberg on March 30, 2022. 2     Please see our Special Report entitled Commodities' Watershed Moment, published on March 10, 2022.  It is available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 3    Please see footnote 2. 4    Please see How Deep Is Europe's Dependence on Russian Oil? published by the Columbia Climate School on March 14, 2022. 5    Please see Europe battles to secure specialised ships to boost LNG imports published by ft.com 28 March 2022.  Germany appears to be most advanced in its procurement of FSRU capacity, and is close to concluding a deal that would allow it to regasify 27 bcm annually.   Investment Views and Themes Strategic Recommendations Trades Closed in 2021 Image