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Executive Summary EU Embargoes Russian Oil Energy Cutoff Continues (GeoRisk Update) Energy Cutoff Continues (GeoRisk Update) The EU imposed an embargo on 90% of Russian oil imports, which will provoke retaliation. Russia will squeeze Europe’s economy ahead of critical negotiations over the coming 6-12 months. Russian gains on the battlefield in Ukraine point to a ceasefire later, but not yet – and Russia will need to retaliate against NATO enlargement. The Middle East and North Africa face instability and oil disruptions due to US-Iran tensions and Russian interference. China’s autocratic shift is occurring amid an economic slowdown and pandemic. Social unrest and internal tensions will flare. China will export uncertainty and stagflation.  Inflation is causing disparate effects in South Asia – instability in Pakistan and Sri Lanka, and fiscal populism in India.   Asset Initiation Date Return Long Brazilian Financials / Indian Equities (Closed) Feb 10/22 22.5%  Bottom Line: Markets still face three geopolitical hurdles: Russian retaliation; Middle Eastern instability; Chinese uncertainty. Feature Global equities bounced back 6.1% from their trough on May 12 as investors cheered hints of weakening inflation and questioned the bearish consensus. BCA’s Global Investment Strategy correctly called the equity bounce. However, as BCA’s Geopolitical Strategy service, we see several sources of additional bad news. Throughout the Ukraine conflict we have highlighted two fundamental factors to ascertain regarding the ongoing macroeconomic impact: Will the war cut off the Russia-EU energy trade? Will the war broaden beyond Ukraine? Chart 1Russian-Exposed Assets Will Suffer More Russian-Exposed Assets Will Suffer More Russian-Exposed Assets Will Suffer More In this report we update our views on these two critical questions. The takeaway is that the geopolitical outlook is still flashing red. The US dollar will remain strong and currencies exposed to Russia and geopolitical risk will remain weak (Chart 1). In addition, China’s politics will continue to produce uncertainty and negative surprises this year. Taken together, investors should remain defensive for now but be ready to turn positive when the market clears the hurdles we identify. The fate of the business cycle hangs in the balance.  Energy Ties Eroding … Russia Will Retaliate Over Oil Embargo Chart 2AEU Embargoes Russian Oil Energy Cutoff Continues (GeoRisk Update) Energy Cutoff Continues (GeoRisk Update) Europe is diversifying from Russian oil and natural gas. The European Union adopted a partial oil embargo on Russia that will cut oil imports by 90% by the end of 2022. It also removed Sberbank from the SWIFT banking communications network and slapped sanctions on companies that insure shipments of Russian crude. The sanctions will cut off all of Europe’s seaborne oil imports from Russia as well as major pipeline imports, except the Southern Druzhba pipeline. The EU made an exception for landlocked eastern European countries heavily dependent on Russian pipeline imports – namely Hungary, Slovakia, the Czech Republic, and Bulgaria (Chart 2A).  Focus on the big picture. Germany changed its national policy to reduce Russian energy dependency for the sake of national security. From Chancellors Willy Brandt to Angela Merkel, Germany pursued energy cooperation and economic engagement as a means of lowering the risk of war with Russia. Ostpolitik worked in the Cold War, so when Russia seized Crimea in 2014, Merkel built the Nord Stream 2 pipeline. But Merkel’s policy failed to persuade Russia that economic cooperation is better than military confrontation – rather it emboldened President Putin, who viewed Europe as divided and corruptible. Chart 2BRussia Squeezes EU’s Natural Gas Energy Cutoff Continues (GeoRisk Update) Energy Cutoff Continues (GeoRisk Update) Russia’s regime is insecure and feels threatened by the US and NATO. Russia believed that if it invaded Ukraine, the Europeans would maintain energy relations for the sake of preserving overall strategic stability. Instead Germany and other European states began to view Russia as irrational and aggressive and hence a threat to their long-term security. They imposed a coal ban, now an oil ban the end of this year, and a natural gas ban by the end of 2027, all formalized under the recently announced RePowerEU program. Russia retaliated by declaring it would reduce natural gas exports to the Netherlands and probably Denmark, after having already cut off Finland, Poland, and Bulgaria (Chart 2B). As a pretext Russia points to its arbitrary March demand that states pay for gas in rubles rather than in currencies written in contracts. This ruble payment scheme is being enforced on a country-by-country basis against those Russia deems “unfriendly,” i.e. those that join NATO, adopt new sanctions, provide massive assistance to Ukraine, or are otherwise adverse. Chart 3Russia Actively Cutting Gas Flows Russia Actively Cutting Gas Flows Russia Actively Cutting Gas Flows Russia and Ukraine are already reducing natural gas exports through the Ukraine and Turkstream pipelines while the Yamal pipeline has been empty since May – and it is only a matter of time before flows begin to fall in the Nord Stream 1 pipeline to Germany (Chart 3). German government and industry are preparing to ration natural gas (to prioritize household needs) and revive 15 coal plants if necessary. Europe is attempting to rebuild stockpiles for the coming winter, when Russian willingness and capability to squeeze natural gas flows will reach a peak. The big picture is demonstrated by game theory in Diagram 1. The optimal situation for both Russia and the EU is to maintain energy exports for as long as possible, so that Russia has revenues to wage its war and Europe avoids a recession while transitioning away from Russian supplies (bottom right quadrant, each side receives four points). The problem is that this solution is not an equilibrium because either side can suffer a sudden shock if the other side betrays the tacit agreement and stops buying or selling (bottom left and top right quadrants). Diagram 1EU-Russia Standoff: What Does Game Theory Say? Energy Cutoff Continues (GeoRisk Update) Energy Cutoff Continues (GeoRisk Update) The equilibrium – the decision sets in which both Russia and the EU are guaranteed to lose the least – is a situation in which both states reduce energy trade immediately. Europe needs to cut off the revenues that fuel the Russian war machine while Russia needs to punish and deter Europe now while it still has massive energy leverage (top left quadrant, circled). Once Europe diversifies away, Russia loses its leverage. If Europe does not diversify immediately, Russia can punish it severely by cutting off energy before it is prepared.   Russian energy weaponization is especially useful ahead of any ceasefire talks in Ukraine. Russia aims for Ukrainian military neutrality and a permanently weakened Ukrainian state. To that end it is seizing territory for the Luhansk and Donetsk People’s Republics, seizing the southern coastline and strategic buffer around Crimea, and controlling the mouth of the Dnieper river so that Ukraine is forever hobbled (Map 1). Once it achieves these aims it will want to settle a ceasefire that legitimizes its conquests. But Ukraine will wish to continue the fight. Map 1Russian Invasion Of Ukraine, 2022 Energy Cutoff Continues (GeoRisk Update) Energy Cutoff Continues (GeoRisk Update) Russia will need leverage over Europe to convince the EU to lean on Ukraine to agree to a ceasefire. Something similar occurred in 2014-15 when Russia collaborated with Germany and France to foist the Minsk Protocols onto Ukraine. If Russia keeps energy flowing to EU, the EU not only gets a smooth energy transition away from Russia but also gets to keep assisting Ukraine’s military effort. Whereas if Russia imposes pain on the EU ahead of ceasefire talks, the EU has greater interest in settling a ceasefire. Finally, given Russia’s difficulties on the battlefield, its loss of European patronage, and potential NATO enlargement on its borders, Moscow is highly likely to open a “new front” in its conflict with the West. Josef Stalin, for example, encouraged Kim Il Sung to invade South Korea in 1950. Today Russia’s options lie in the Middle East and North Africa – the regions where Europe turns for energy alternatives. Not only Libya and Algeria – which are both inherently fertile ground for Russia to sow instability –  but also Iran and the broader Middle East, where a tenuous geopolitical balance is already eroding due to a lack of strategic understanding between the US and Iran. Russia’s capabilities are limited but it likely retains enough influence to ignite existing powder kegs in these areas.   Bottom Line: Investors still face a few hurdles from the Ukraine war. First, the EU’s expanding energy embargo and Russian retaliation. Second, instability in the Middle East and North Africa. Hence energy price pressures will remain elevated in the short term and kill more demand, thus pushing the EU and the rest of the world toward stagflation or even recession. War Contained To Ukraine So Far … But Russia To Retaliate Over NATO Enlargement At present Russia is waging a full-scale assault on eastern and southern Ukraine, where about half of Donetsk awaits a decision (Map 2). If Russia emerges victorious over Donetsk in the summer or fall then it can declare victory and start negotiating a ceasefire. This timeline assumes that its economic circumstances are sufficiently straitened to prevent a campaign to the Moldovan border.1   Map 2Russia May Declare Victory If It Conquers The Rest Of Donetsk Energy Cutoff Continues (GeoRisk Update) Energy Cutoff Continues (GeoRisk Update) There are still ways for the Ukraine war to spill over into neighboring areas. For example, the Black Sea is effectively a Russian lake at the moment, which prevents Ukrainian grain from reaching global markets where food prices are soaring. Eventually the western maritime powers will need to attempt to restore freedom of navigation. However, Russia is imposing a blockade on Ukraine, has more at stake there than other powers, and can take greater risks. The US and its allies will continue to provide Ukraine with targeting information against Russian ships but this assistance could eventually provoke a larger naval conflict. Separately, the US has agreed to provide Ukraine with the M142 High Mobility Artillery Rocket System (HIMARS), which could lead to attacks on Russian territory that would prompt a ferocious Russian reaction. Even assuming that the Ukraine war remains contained, Russia’s strategic conflict with the US and the West will remain unresolved and Moscow will be eager to save face. Russian retaliation will occur not only on account of European energy diversification but also on account of NATO enlargement. Finland and Sweden are attempting to join NATO and as such the West is directly repudiating the Putin regime’s chief strategic demand for 22 years. Finland shares an 830 mile border with Russia, adding insult to injury. The result will be another round of larger military tensions that go beyond Ukraine and prolong this year’s geopolitical risk and uncertainty. Russia’s initial response to Finland’s and Sweden’s joint application to NATO was to dismiss the threat they pose while drawing a new red line. Rather than forbidding NATO enlargement, Russia now demands that no NATO forces be deployed to these two states. This demand, which Putin and other officials expressed, may or may not amount to a genuine Russian policy change. Russia’s initial responses should be taken with a grain of salt because Turkey is temporarily blocking Finland’s and Sweden’s applications, so Russia has no need to respond to NATO enlargement yet. But the true test will come when and if the West satisfies Turkey’s grievances and Turkey moves to admit the new members. If enlargement becomes inevitable, Russia will respond. Russia will feel that its national security is fundamentally jeopardized by Sweden overturning two centuries of neutrality and Finland reversing the policy of “Finlandization” that went so far in preventing conflict during the Cold War. Chart 4Military Balances Stacking Up Against Russia Energy Cutoff Continues (GeoRisk Update) Energy Cutoff Continues (GeoRisk Update) Russia’s military options are limited. Russia has little ability to expand the war and fight on multiple fronts judging by the army’s recent performance in Ukraine and the Red Army’s performance in the Winter War of 1939. This point can be illustrated by taking the military balance of Russia and its most immediate adversaries, which add up to about half of Russian military strength even apart from NATO (Chart 4). Russian armed forces already demonstrated some pragmatism in April by withdrawing from Kyiv and focusing on more achievable war aims. Unless President Putin turns utterly reckless and the Russian state fails to restrain him, Russia will opt for defensive measures and strategic deterrence rather than a military offensive in the Baltics. Hence Russia’s military response will come in the form of threats rather than outright belligerence. However, these threats will probably include military and nuclear actions that will raise alarm bells across Europe and the United States. President Dmitri Medvedev has already warned of the permanent deployment of nuclear missiles in the Kaliningrad exclave.2 This statement points to only the most symbolic option of a range of options that will increase deterrence and elevate the fear of war. Otherwise Russia’s retaliation will consist of squeezing global energy supply, as discussed above, including by opening a new front in the Middle East and North Africa. Instability should be expected as a way of constraining Europe and distracting America. Higher energy prices may or may not convince the EU to negotiate better terms with Russia but they will sow divisions within and among the allies. Ultimately Russia is highly unlikely to sacrifice its credibility by failing to retaliate for the combination of energy embargo and NATO enlargement on its borders. Since its military options are becoming constrained (at least its rational ones), its economic and asymmetrical options will grow in importance. The result will be additional energy supply constraints. Bottom Line: Even assuming that the war does not spread beyond Ukraine – likely but not certain – global financial markets face at least one more period of military escalation with Russia. This will likely include significant energy cutoffs and saber-rattling – even nuclear threats – over NATO enlargement.   China’s Political Situation Has Not Normalized China continues to suffer from a historic confluence of internal and external political risk that will cause negative surprises for investors. Temporary improvements in government policy or investor sentiment – centered on a relaxation of “Zero Covid” lockdowns in major cities and a more dovish regulatory tone against the tech giants – will likely be frustrated, at least until after a more dovish government stance can be confirmed in the wake of the twentieth national party congress in October or November this year. At that event, Chinese President Xi Jinping is likely to clinch another ten years in power and complete the transformation of China’s governance from single-party rule to single-person rule. This reversion to autocracy will generate additional market-negative developments this year. It has already embedded a permanently higher risk premium in Chinese financial assets because it increases the odds of policy mistakes, international aggression, and ultimately succession crisis. The most successful Asian states chose to democratize and expand free markets and capitalism when they reached a similar point of economic development and faced the associated sociopolitical challenges. But China is choosing the opposite path for the sake of national security. Investors have seen the decay of Russia’s economy under Putin’s autocracy and would be remiss not to upgrade the odds of similarly negative outcomes in China over the long run as a result of Xi’s autocracy, despite the many differences between the two countries. China’s situation is more difficult than that of the democratic Asian states because of its reviving strategic rivalry with the United States. US Secretary of State Antony Blinken recently unveiled President Biden’s comprehensive China policy. He affirmed that the administration views China as the US’s top strategic competitor over the long run, despite the heightened confrontation with Russia.3 The Biden administration has not eased the Trump administration’s tariffs or punitive measures on China. It is unlikely to do so during a midterm election year when protectionist dynamics prevail – especially given that the Xi administration will be in the process of reestablishing autocracy, and possibly repressing social unrest, at the very moment Americans go to the polls. Re-engagement with China is also prohibited because China is strengthening its strategic bonds with Russia. President Biden has repeatedly implied that the US would defend Taiwan in any conflict with China. These statements are presented as gaffes or mistakes but they are in fact in keeping with historical US military actions threatening counter-attack during the three historic Taiwan Strait crises. The White House quickly walks back these comments to reassure China that the US does not support Taiwanese independence or intend to trigger a war with China. The result is that the US is using Biden’s gaffe-prone personality to reemphasize the hard edge (rather than the soft edge) of the US’s policy of “strategic ambiguity” on Taiwan. US policy is still ambiguous but ambiguity includes the possibility that a president might order military action to defend Taiwan. US attempts to increase deterrence and avoid a Ukraine scenario are threatening for China, which will view the US as altering the status quo and penalizing China for Russia’s actions. Beijing resumed overflights of Taiwan’s air defense identification zone in the wake of Biden’s remarks as well as the decision of the US to send Senator Tammy Duckworth to Taiwan to discuss deeper economic and defense ties. Consider the positioning of US aircraft carrier strike groups as an indicator of the high level of strategic tensions. On January 18, 2022, as Russia amassed military forces on the Ukrainian border – and the US and NATO rejected its strategic demands – the US had only one publicly acknowledged  aircraft carrier in the Mediterranean (the USS Harry Truman) whereas it had at least five US carriers in East Asia. On February 24, the day of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the US had at least four of these carriers in Asia. Even today the US has at least four carriers in the Pacific compared to at least two in Europe – one of which, notably, is in the Baltics to deter Russia from attacking Finland and Sweden (Map 3). The US is warning China not to take advantage of the Ukraine war by staging a surprise attack on Taiwan. Map 3Amid Ukraine War, US Deters China From Attacking Taiwan Energy Cutoff Continues (GeoRisk Update) Energy Cutoff Continues (GeoRisk Update) Of course, strategic tensions are perennial, whereas what investors are most concerned about is whether China can secure its economic recovery. The latest data are still disappointing. Credit growth continues to falter as the private sector struggles with a deteriorating demographic and macroeconomic outlook (Chart 5). The credit impulse has entered positive territory, when local government bonds are included, reflecting government stimulus efforts. But it is still negative when excluding local governments. And even the positive measure is unimpressive, having ticked back down in April (Chart 6). Chart 5Credit Growth Falters Amid Economic Transition Credit Growth Falters Amid Economic Transition Credit Growth Falters Amid Economic Transition Chart 6Silver Lining: Credit Impulse Less Negative Silver Lining: Credit Impulse Less Negative Silver Lining: Credit Impulse Less Negative Bottom Line: Further monetary and fiscal easing will come in China, a source of good news for global investors next year if coupled with a broader policy shift in favor of business, but the effects will be mixed this year due to Covid policy and domestic politics. Taken together with a European energy crunch and Middle Eastern oil supply disruptions, China’s stimulus is not a catalyst for a sustainable global equity market rally this year. South Asia: Inflation Hammers Sri Lanka And Pakistan Since 2020 we have argued that the global pandemic would result in a new wave of supply pressures and global social unrest. High inflation is blazing a trail of destruction in emerging markets, notably in South Asia, where per capita incomes are low and political institutions often fragile. Chart 7South Asia: Surging Inflation Energy Cutoff Continues (GeoRisk Update) Energy Cutoff Continues (GeoRisk Update) Sri Lanka has been worst affected (Chart 7). Inflation surged to an eye-watering 34% in April  and is expected to rise further. Surging inflation has affected Sri Lanka disproportionately because its macroeconomic and political fundamentals were weak to begin with. The tourism-dependent Sri Lankan economy suffered a body blow from terrorist attacks in 2019 and the pandemic in 2020-21. Then 2022 saw a power struggle between Sri Lanka’s President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and members of the national assembly including Prime Minister (PM) Mahinda Rajapaksa. The crisis hit a crescendo when the country defaulted on external debt obligations last month. These events weigh on Sri Lanka’s ability to transition from a long civil war (1983-2009) to a path of sustained economic development. While the political crisis has seemingly stabilized following the appointment of new Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, we remain bearish on a strategic time horizon. This is mainly because the new PM is unlikely to bring about structural solutions for Sri Lanka’s broken economy. Moreover, Sri Lanka holds more than $50 billion of foreign debt, or 62% of GDP. Another country that has been dealing with political instability alongside high inflation in South Asia is Pakistan, where inflation hit a three-year high in April (see Chart 7 above). The latest twist in Pakistan’s never-ending cycle of political uncertainty comes from the ousted Prime Minister Imran Khan. The former PM, who commands an unusual popular support group due to his fame as a cricketer prior to entering politics, is demanding fresh elections and otherwise threatening to hold mass protests. Pakistan’s new coalition government and Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, who came to power amid parliamentary intrigues, are refusing elections and ultimatums. From a structural perspective Pakistan is characterized by a weak economy and an unusually influential military. Now it faces high inflation and rising food prices – indeed it is one of the countries that is most dangerously exposed to the Russia-Ukraine war as it depends on these two for over 70% of its grain imports. Bottom Line: MSCI Sri Lanka has underperformed the MSCI EM index by 58.3% this year to date. Pakistan has underperformed the same index by 41.6% over the same period. Against this backdrop, we remain strategic sellers of both bourses. Instability in these countries is also one  of the factors behind our strategic assessment of India as a country with a growing domestic policy consensus. South Asia: India’s Fiscal Populism And Geopolitics Inflation is less rampant in India, although still troublesome. Consumer prices nearly jumped to an 8-year high in April (see Chart 7). With a loaded state election calendar due over the next 12-18 months, the jump in inflation naturally triggered a series of mitigating policy responses. Ban On Wheat Exports: India produces 14% of the world’s wheat and 11% of grains, and exports 5% and 7%, respectively. India’s exports could make a large profit in the context of global shortages. But Prime Minister Narendra Modi is entering into the political end of the business cycle, with key state elections due that will have an impact on the ruling party’s political standing two years before the next federal election. He fears political vulnerability if exports continue amid price pressures at home. The emphasis on food security is typical but also bespeaks a lack of commitment to economic reform. Chart 8India's Real Interest Rates Fall India's Real Interest Rates Fall India's Real Interest Rates Fall Surprise Rate Hikes: The Reserve Bank of India (RBI) increased the policy repo rate by 40 basis points at an unscheduled meeting on May 4, thereby implementing its first rate hike since August 2018. With real rates in India lower than those in China or Brazil (Chart 8), the RBI will be forced to expedite its planned rate hikes through 2022. Tax Cuts On Fuel: India’s central government also announced steep cuts in excise duty on fuel. This is another populist measure that reduces political pressures but fails to encourage the private sector to adjust.  These measures will help rein in inflation but the rate hikes will weigh on economic growth while the tax cuts will add to India’s fiscal deficit. Indeed, India is resorting to fiscal populism with key state elections looming. Geopolitical risk is less of a concern for India – indeed the Ukraine war has strengthened its bargaining position. In the short run, India benefits from the ability to buy arms and especially cheap oil from Russia while the EU imposes an embargo. But over the long run its economy and security can be strengthened by greater interest from the US and its allies, recently highlighted by the fourth meeting of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) and the launch of the US’s Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF). These initiatives are modest but they highlight the US’s need to replace China with India and ASEAN over time, a trend that no US administration can reverse now because of the emerging Russo-Chinese strategic alliance. At the same time, the Quad underscores India’s maritime interests and hence the security benefits India can gain from aligning its economy and navy with the other democracies. Bottom Line: Fiscal populism in the context of high commodity prices is negative for Indian equities. However, our views on Russia, the Middle East, and China all point to a sharper short-term spike in commodity prices that ultimately drives the world economy deeper into stagflation or recession. Therefore we are booking a 22.5% profit on our tactical decision to go long Brazilian financials relative to Indian equities.   Matt Gertken Chief Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com   Ritika Mankar, CFA Editor/Strategist ritika.mankar@bcaresearch.com   Chart 9Russia: GeoRisk Indicator Russia: GeoRisk Indicator Russia: GeoRisk Indicator Chart 10Other Measures Of Russian Geopolitical Risk Other Measures Of Russian Geopolitical Risk Other Measures Of Russian Geopolitical Risk Chart 11China: GeoRisk Indicator China: GeoRisk Indicator China: GeoRisk Indicator Chart 12United Kingdom: GeoRisk Indicator United Kingdom: GeoRisk Indicator United Kingdom: GeoRisk Indicator Chart 13Germany: GeoRisk Indicator Germany: GeoRisk Indicator Germany: GeoRisk Indicator Chart 14France: GeoRisk Indicator France: GeoRisk Indicator France: GeoRisk Indicator Chart 15Italy: GeoRisk Indicator Italy: GeoRisk Indicator Italy: GeoRisk Indicator Chart 16Canada: GeoRisk Indicator Canada: GeoRisk Indicator Canada: GeoRisk Indicator Chart 17Spain: GeoRisk Indicator Spain: GeoRisk Indicator Spain: GeoRisk Indicator Chart 18Australia: GeoRisk Indicator Australia: GeoRisk Indicator Australia: GeoRisk Indicator Chart 19Taiwan: GeoRisk Indicator Taiwan: GeoRisk Indicator Taiwan: GeoRisk Indicator Chart 20Korea: GeoRisk Indicator Korea: GeoRisk Indicator Korea: GeoRisk Indicator Chart 21Turkey: GeoRisk Indicator Turkey: GeoRisk Indicator Turkey: GeoRisk Indicator Chart 22South Africa: GeoRisk Indicator South Africa: GeoRisk Indicator South Africa: GeoRisk Indicator Chart 23Brazil: GeoRisk Indicator Brazil: GeoRisk Indicator Brazil: GeoRisk Indicator   Footnotes 1     Recent diplomatic flaps between core European leaders and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky reflect Ukraine’s fear that Europe will negotiate a “separate peace” with Russia, i.e. accept Russian territorial conquests in exchange for economic relief. 2     Dmitri Medvedev explicitly states ‘there can be no more talk of any nuclear-free status for the Baltic - the balance must be restored’ in warning Finland and Sweden joining NATO. Medvedev is suggesting that nuclear weapons will be placed in this area where Russia has its Kaliningrad exclave sandwiched between Poland and Lithuania. Guy Faulconbridge, ‘Russia warns of nuclear, hypersonic deployment if Sweden and Finland join NATO’, April 14, 2022, Reuters. 3    See Antony J Blinken, Secretary of State, ‘The Administration’s Approach to the People’s Republic of China’, The George Washington University, Washington D.C., May 26, 2022, state.gov. Additionally, see President Joe Biden’s remarks on China and getting involved military to defend Taiwan in a joint press conference with Japan’s Prime Minister Kishida Fumio. ‘Remarks by President Biden and Prime Minister Kishida Fumio of Japan in Joint Press Conference’, Akasaka Palace, Tokyo, Japan, May 23, 2022, whitehouse.gov.   Strategic Themes Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Regional Geopolitical Risk Matrix Section III: Geopolitical Calendar

Executive Summary Chart 1Quant Model Prediction Vs. Past Outcomes Introducing The US Political Strategy Quantitative House Election Model Introducing The US Political Strategy Quantitative House Election Model Complementing the US Political Strategy Quantitative Presidential And Senate Election Models, we introduce our Quantitative House Of Representatives Election Model. Our House election model measures the expected change in seats that will be won or lost by the incumbent party (Democratic Party) in the midterm election. The model predicts that Democrats will lose 21 seats, giving up control of the House and resulting in political gridlock from 2023 to 2025 even if the Democrats somehow hold onto the Senate. The “Blue Sweep” policy setting is effectively over. In a last ditch effort, Democrats will look to pass a budget reconciliation bill before the election. Post-midterm, financial markets will see gridlock as a marginal positive in 2023, as long as inflation levels off. In the very near term, however, US equities still face formidable hurdles that should warrant investors taking a defensive position. ​​​ Asset Initiation Date Return Long DXY (Dollar Index) 2022-02-23 6.1% Bottom Line: Stay tactically defensive until US election risk subsides and global macro risks stabilize.     The 2020 US election was hotly contested and future elections, like the upcoming 2022 midterm election, will be closely watched by investors. BCA’s US Political Strategy has introduced two quantitative models over the past year that aim to predict both the Presidential election in 2024 and the Senate election in 2022.  In this report we introduce our House election model, so that we now provide readers with a quantitative model-based estimate for all three major US elections. With the 2022 midterms scheduled for November 8, our House model provides valuable insight into control of Congress in 2023-24. In the 2020 election the Democrats held onto the House while winning the Senate and the White House – the so-called “Blue Sweep.” But the Democrats lost 13 House seats while the GOP gained 14, leaving a mere five-seat margin for President Biden today (221 versus 208 seats today, with six vacancies). In 2022, markets expect Republicans to take control of the House and Senate given the well-established pattern that the president’s party performs badly in midterm elections.1 Our House model agrees, and points to the Democrats losing 21 seats later this year. The Model And Variables Our House model uses a simpler modelling approach than our Presidential and Senate models. Unlike those two models, we do not predict any state level outcomes, nor do we assign a probability to any predictions. For starters, House elections do not occur at the state level but rather at the level of congressional districts. Secondly, we are primarily interested in the overall control of the House rather than individual elections. Therefore our model predicts the number of seats the incumbent party will lose or gain (seat swing), and hence its control of the House.  Our model is based off a simple linear regression. Uniquely, in our suite of three models, our House model does not include any economic variables. Rather, the model is based off three independent political variables that explain our dependent variable. Due to data constraints on one of our independent variables, our sample size is limited to 20 observable House elections, from 1982-2020. Our model is defined as: Change In House Seatsi= β0+β1Var1i+β2Var2i+β3Var3i+εi Change In House Seats. This is the dependent variable in the model and what we aim to predict. A negative change means the incumbent party will lose seats while a positive change means the incumbent party will win seats. Congressional approval (Var1). This variable measures the public’s approval rating on “how congress is doing its job.” We take the average net approval rating (approval less disapproval) in an election year. A positive net rating supports the incumbent party in gaining seats while a negative rating does the opposite.  Generic congressional ballot (Var2). The generic congressional ballot asks people which party they are likely to vote for in Congress in a given election. We take the average net support rate in an election year (that being whichever party leads the other in congressional ballot polling). The larger the president’s party’s deficit on the generic ballot rate, the more House seats it tends to lose. Defending House seats (Var3). The last independent variable is inspired by work from Sabato’s Crystal Ball.2 This measures the number of House seats defended by the incumbent president’s party in an election year. The more seats to defend, the more seats tend to be lost. One variable we omitted is presidential approval. Readers might find this surprising as presidential job approval ratings have tended to correlate reasonably well with House seats gained and lost in midterm elections. Our reason for excluding this variable is that three explanatory variables explain a high degree of variation in the dependent variable. Combined, our three variables explain more than 80% of the variation in the dependent variable. This is more than satisfactory from a statistical standpoint and keeps the model simplistic in nature. Democrats To Lose The House As it stands, our election model predicts that Democrats will lose control of the House in 2022 (Table 1). The Democrats are predicted to lose 21 seats. This prediction is based off current values of our independent variables as calculated and shown below. For the number of defending House seats, we allocate two of three vacant seats to the Democrats to defend.3 This adds up to 224 seats. Table 1Quant Model Predicts A Democrat Loss Introducing The US Political Strategy Quantitative House Election Model Introducing The US Political Strategy Quantitative House Election Model For this report, we are only concerned with election outcomes pertaining to midterm elections. In this regard, our model’s prediction is in line with historical outcomes for the president’s party (Chart 1). That is, the president’s party almost always loses House seats in a midterm election. While our model does not provide any probability measure for the predicted outcome, it is in line with market expectations that Democrats will lose the House later in the year. Currently, market implied odds for the Democrats to retain the House are just 16%, as opposed to 87% for Republicans to gain control (Chart 2). Most other private forecasts for the House also point to Democrats losing control.4  Chart 1Quant Model Prediction Vs. Past Outcomes Introducing The US Political Strategy Quantitative House Election Model Introducing The US Political Strategy Quantitative House Election Model Chart 2Republicans Overwhelmingly Favored To Take The House Introducing The US Political Strategy Quantitative House Election Model Introducing The US Political Strategy Quantitative House Election Model Back Testing Our Model Chart 3In-Sample Back Testing Results Introducing The US Political Strategy Quantitative House Election Model Introducing The US Political Strategy Quantitative House Election Model Our House model performs well during in-sample back testing. For in-sample testing, we test our model over our entire sample period (1982-2020) but show results for midterm election outcomes only. Our model correctly predicted the direction of seat change (positive or negative) for 80% of outcomes, missing the direction of seat swing for just the 1998 and 2002 midterm elections (Chart 3). The latter two elections are the only two in the post-WWII period in which the president’s party gained seats and this was due to exceptional circumstances (i.e. the Dotcom Bubble and the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks). During this same test, when our model correctly predicted the directional change in seat swing, it only over-predicted the change once (in 1986), highlighting a more conservative forecast over time. In 2022, given the stagflationary economic backdrop and President Biden’s weak approval rating, the voting public may very well punish the Democrats harder in November than our model expects. Chart 4Out-Sample Back Testing Results Introducing The US Political Strategy Quantitative House Election Model Introducing The US Political Strategy Quantitative House Election Model During out-sample back testing, we look at a sample period of 2002-2018, comprising of just five midterm elections. Our model correctly predicts the direction of seat swing in 80% of the midterm elections, just like our in-sample testing showed (Chart 4). 2002 is again a standout election where our model incorrectly predicted the direction of seat swing. Closing In On Election Day The midterm election is approximately five months away. Our Senate model predicts the Democrats will lose control of the Senate. Our House model suggests Democrats will lose the lower chamber too. This view is in line with the consensus across markets, forecasters, and historical outcomes. Given the poor showing by Democrats in the 2020 House election, this House prediction will be hard to change. The Senate race could still see some surprises, such as via the Supreme Court. But all in all the “Blue Sweep” of 2020 is already over. The headwinds against the president’s party have gained even more momentum in the context of high inflation, falling consumer confidence, and low real wages. These factors were not measured in our model, but they do form a basis for voting intentions in elections. Coupled with President Biden’s low approval ratings, in general and in specific policy areas like the economy, the Democratic party will need to pull off  a political “Hail Mary” to retain the Senate, let alone the House, later this year. Investment Takeaways President Biden and the Democrats may look to the 1934, 1962, 1998, and 2002 elections for proof that the ruling party can perform well in the midterms. But 1998 was a period of nearly unprecedented peace and prosperity, while 2002 came in the wake of a historic attack on the homeland. The 1934 election reinforced a crisis-era government and as such could serve as a model for Biden, but today’s situation is not as dire as the Great Depression. The 1962 analogy is perhaps the best, since Biden, like President Kennedy during the Cuban Missile Crisis, could conceivably benefit from an escalating showdown with Russia this fall. But Kennedy’s Democrats still lost a net of four seats in the House that year – and Kennedy’s approval rating was above 60% while Biden’s is barely 40%. COVID-19 was an unprecedented shock that continues to play out across the economic and political environment in the US. But while the Republicans suffered from the pandemic itself, the Democrats now own the stagflationary aftermath. Democratic enthusiasm should revive a bit from now until the election, but it would take a massive shock to reverse the general trend. There is a strong correlation between opinion polling in the beginning of the year and the midterm election results. Facing a shellacking, Democrats will make one last-ditch effort to pass a budget reconciliation bill before the election. Given the energy crisis in Europe, there is potential for Biden’s renewable energy subsidies to be repackaged into a general “energy security” bill that drops the former hostility to fossil fuels. This could be matched with limited tax changes, including the 15% minimum corporate tax rate that Biden negotiated with other countries. Otherwise US fiscal policy will virtually freeze even if the Senate stays in Democratic hands. Taxes will no longer be able to rise from 2023 but spending will not be subject to cuts. Heading into 2024, gridlock will be reinforced by our presidential quant election model’s slightly higher odds of Democrats retaining the White House, which we think are underestimated at present. Hence Biden is lined up to retain veto power even if Democrats squander the House and Senate in 2022, as long as his administration avoids a recession. Financial markets will see gridlock as a marginal positive in 2023, as long as inflation levels off. In the very near term, however, US equities still face formidable hurdles that will keep us on the sidelines. Global growth is wobbly. Global supply chains remain constrained, affecting growth outcomes and adding to elevated price levels. China’s zero-covid policy and the absence of a credible plan for US-China tariff reduction and economic re-engagement continue to weigh on sentiment. Fed rate hikes are still generating uncertainty. The Middle East is unstable and likely to bring additional energy supply disruptions. Lastly, the Russia-Ukraine war has yet to come to a ceasefire and Russia is likely to reduce energy supplies to Europe in retaliation for Germany’s energy ban and NATO enlargement. With this backdrop in mind, we remain tactically defensive. We see the potential for improvement after the US election brings a reduction in policy uncertainty – as long as geopolitical risks and inflation also stabilize.   Guy Russell Senior Analyst GuyR@bcaresearch.com   Statistical Appendix Some clients may be curious to read through our model’s estimated regression coefficients as well as conditional forecasts given certain levels of our independent variables. These are discussed herein: Regression Coefficients As mentioned earlier, our model is estimated exclusively by political variables. The beta coefficients for the three explanatory variables are shown below alongside their t-statistics and p-values. All three of these variables tested statistically significant at 5% and 10% levels. The regression’s R-squared value is 0.8183, meaning that the explanatory variables help explain 81.83% of the variation in the dependent variable (Table A1). Clients can recreate the model’s prediction by multiplying the current level of each variable as it stands today by that variable’s respective beta coefficient and adding the constant at the end of the equation. Be sure to follow the methodology explained earlier in the text if such an exercise is of interest. Also, conditional forecasts can be created by holding certain parameters constant should clients want to better understand what differing levels of the three explanatory variables may imply for the change in House seats. Table A1Regression Coefficients Introducing The US Political Strategy Quantitative House Election Model Introducing The US Political Strategy Quantitative House Election Model Conditional Forecasts We will create simple conditional forecasts for two explanatory variables. Let’s start with the net congressional approval variable. Forecasts will be generated with data intervals calculated over the course of President Biden’s first term in office so far. The lowest net congressional approval rating was -67 ppt and the highest was -25 ppt. We will use 10 ppt intervals between -20 ppt an -70 ppt. Shading indicates the current level for the variable input. Table A2Conditional Forecasts Introducing The US Political Strategy Quantitative House Election Model Introducing The US Political Strategy Quantitative House Election Model In Table A2, we hold our other explanatory variables constant at their prevailing levels while we assume differing levels for the net congressional approval variable. We will apply this method to conditional forecasts using the net generic congressional ballot. Table A2 shows us that a more negative net congressional approval rate suggests the president’s party will lose more House seats. Of course, the Democrats cannot lose a fraction of a seat (only whole seats), but this conditional forecast illustrates the point of the variable’s impact on the overall outcome. Table A3Conditional Forecasts Introducing The US Political Strategy Quantitative House Election Model Introducing The US Political Strategy Quantitative House Election Model Changing to the net generic congressional ballot, our conditional forecast for values ranging from -2 ppt to + 5 ppt are shown in Table A3. This range shows the high and low of the net generic congressional ballot through President Biden’s first term in office. Shading indicates the current level for the variable input. Like before, the results in Table A3 shows us that a more negative net generic congressional ballot suggests the president’s party will lose more House seats. Again, the Democrats cannot lose a fraction of a seat. But the results in Table A3 show that changes in House seats are more sensitive to changes in the net generic congressional ballot variable compared to the net congressional approval variable. This is due to two reasons: The net generic congressional ballot variable is a strong predictor of House election outcomes. It’s larger beta value indicates it’s high degree of sensitivity for the dependent variable, implying that it is the most important variable in our model, and that changes to it have the largest impact on the modelled outcome, that is predicted changes in House seats.   Footnotes 1     See The American Presidency Project. "Seats in Congress Gained/Lost by the President's Party in Mid-Term Elections," October 29, 2018. presidency.ucsb.edu 2     See Kyle Kondik, “The Kinds of Seats that Flip in Midterms,” Sabato’s Crystal Ball, May 11, 2022, UVA Center For Politics, centerforpolitics.org. 3    For our 2022 prediction, we allocate vacant House seats evenly between Democrats and Republicans. For example, if there are six vacant seats, each party will be allocated three seats to defend on top of the House seats that they already occupy. If there are an odd number of vacant seats, for example three, each party will receive one seat added to their count, then the incumbent party will receive the remaining seat. 4    See fivethirtyeight.com, 270towin.com and racetowh.com, among others. Strategic View Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Table A2Political Risk Matrix Introducing The US Political Strategy Quantitative House Election Model Introducing The US Political Strategy Quantitative House Election Model Table A3US Political Capital Index Introducing The US Political Strategy Quantitative House Election Model Introducing The US Political Strategy Quantitative House Election Model Chart A1Presidential Election Model Introducing The US Political Strategy Quantitative House Election Model Introducing The US Political Strategy Quantitative House Election Model Chart A2Senate Election Model Introducing The US Political Strategy Quantitative House Election Model Introducing The US Political Strategy Quantitative House Election Model Table A4APolitical Capital: White House And Congress Introducing The US Political Strategy Quantitative House Election Model Introducing The US Political Strategy Quantitative House Election Model Table A4BPolitical Capital: Household And Business Sentiment Introducing The US Political Strategy Quantitative House Election Model Introducing The US Political Strategy Quantitative House Election Model ​​​​​​​ Table A4CPolitical Capital: The Economy And Markets Introducing The US Political Strategy Quantitative House Election Model Introducing The US Political Strategy Quantitative House Election Model ​​​​​​​

Executive Summary Indian Voter’s Economic Miseries Are Ascendant Indian Voter's Economic Miseries Are Ascendant Indian Voter's Economic Miseries Are Ascendant India has a strong strategic geopolitical position but is likely to face turbulence in the short term. This is because India remains expensive, and investors worry if the record political stability shown by India since 2014 can last. We highlight that the ruling Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) may lose some seats in the near term. India’s most populous states could witness a few cases of social conflict as economic miseries grow. India may also temporarily resort to a degree of fiscal populism. But the BJP will be able to hold power for a third consecutive term in 2024, that too with a simple majority. The burst of fiscal populism will be temporary. Moreover, the next tier of India’s most populous states are well-positioned to drive India’s growth story in the long run. We urge investors to tactically short India / long Brazil financials given that India may see some turbulence in the short run. Strategic investors should consider long India tech / short China tech. Trade Recommendation Inception Date Return SHORT INDIA / LONG BRAZIL FINANCIALS 2022-02-10 12.5% Bottom Line: The ruling political party in India may face some political setbacks in the short term. It could even resort to fiscal populism. But the ruling party in a base case, should be able to retain power for a third term in 2024. On a tactical timeframe we advise caution on India but remain constructive on a strategic horizon. Feature The woods are lovely, dark and deep, But I have promises to keep, And miles to go before I sleep, And miles to go before I sleep. – Robert Frost, Stopping By Woods On A Snowy Evening (New Hampshire, 1923)   The protagonist in this famous poem is overwhelmed by the beauty of the wintry woods, but then must stay vigilant about the here and now. The situation that confronts an investor into India today, is surprisingly similar. India has a strong strategic geopolitical position, a position that has strengthened following the Ukraine war. However, Indian markets might face turbulence in the short term. This is because India remains expensive and its ability to keep promises (about high degrees of political stability or about its fiscal discipline) could be tested on a tactical time horizon. In specific, investors with exposure to India worry about three politico-economic challenges: The Anti-Incumbency Challenge Related Report  Geopolitical StrategyIndia's Politics: Know When To Hold 'Em, Know When To Fold 'Em 13 September 2013 is a key date in India’s modern history. On this day the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) announced Narendra Modi as BJP’s prime ministerial (PM) candidate just a few months ahead of the 2014 general elections. From 13 September 2013 till date, MSCI India has incidentally outperformed MSCI EM by a resounding 94.8%. In 2013, markets celebrated the rise of the Modi-led BJP government since such a dispensation was new, and it promised to deliver structural reform. But now when general elections will be held in 2024, the BJP must deal with a middling report card on reforms and a two-term anti-incumbency to boot. Given this clients worry if 2024 could see India go back to an era of coalition governments? The Fiscal Challenge India under BJP has displayed impressive degrees of fiscal discipline. With rising inflation now adding to Indian voters’ miseries and with a loaded state election calendar due in 2023, investors ask if India’s notable streak of fiscal fortitude can last? The Demographics Challenge As China’s weak demographic future becomes clearer, India’s youthful demographics keep attracting paeans. This is partially responsible for the fact that India has traded at a five-year average premium of 54.5% to China on forward price to earnings. With increasing reports of communal violence and inflation-related protests breaking out in India, investors also worry about India’s so-called demographic dividend and how best to play the game? In a foundational GPS Special Report published in 2018 we had made the point that, “Predicting political outcomes is difficult, but to generate geopolitical alpha investors should focus on ‘beating the spread’ not predicting the match winner”. At a time when there is much uncertainty about India’s immediate future, we highlight three key base case predictions with respect to India. By highlighting these key predictions, we hope investors can position themselves for generating geopolitical alpha. We conclude the report with actionable investment recommendations. India’s High Political Stability, Likely To Stay In 2024 Chart 1Bhartiya Janata Party’s (BJP) Win In India In 2014 Was Historic Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... The Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) stormed into power in 2014. Its assumption of power under PM Modi’s leadership was historic. This is because this was the first time since 1984 that a single political party had managed to secure a simple majority on its own steam (Chart 1). The rise of BJP in this resurrected avatar marked a structural break from the past, in three distinct ways: End To Instability Of Nineties: The rise of BJP 2.0 in 2014 marked an end to the political instability seen in the nineties when governments struggled to complete their full five-year terms. This is a problem that India’s South Asian neighbors like Sri Lanka and Pakistan are yet to overcome. End Of Coalition Politics Of Early 2000s: BJP’s rise in 2014 also marked an end to the coalition politics of the early 2000s. While three coalition governments in India managed to complete their five-year terms from 1999-2014, the reform agenda over this period was often held at ransom by smaller coalition partners. India’s ability to break away from coalition governments back in 2014 was commendable given that several developing countries as well as developed countries still have coalition governments at the helm. Regime Continuity: The BJP’s rise in 2014 and their re-election in 2019 meant that the same political party was able to hold power in India (that too with a simple majority) for a decade. Other EMs have not seen this quality of continuity over the last few years.  Owing to this streak of unprecedented political stability that India has been able to offer since 2014, India has attracted a high premium relative to democratic EM peers (Chart 2). But with India’s general elections due in 2024, investors into India are keen to know if India will continue to attract this high political stability premium. This worry is justified for two sets of reasons: (1)    The last time any government in India was able to pull off three consecutive full five-year terms, was way back in the sixties. There is no recent precedent to BJP’s pursuit for a third consecutive term in India. (2)   The most recent election held in India’s largest state i.e., Uttar Pradesh saw the BJP retain power but saw its seat count fall by 18%. This, investors worry could be an indicator of BJP losing traction in the politically critical region of northern India. Reading the tea leaves left behind after all recent elections suggests that India is most likely to see a single political party maintain a simple majority for a third consecutive term in 2024. BJP’s footprint northern in India will be dented owing to anti-incumbency. But despite this, the BJP should be able to maintain a simple majority at the national level in 2024. This is because the BJP appears to be working on deploying a crucial strategy i.e., to offset declines in north India with gains elsewhere. India’s northern states account for 45% of India’s population. Whilst the BJP’s rise in 2014 was pivoted on this geography, its ability to retain power beyond a decade will be dependent on its ability to offset losses in India’s sprawling north with gains in other large states. Interestingly, the BJP’s predecessor i.e., the Congress party had to deal with the reciprocal of this problem. The Congress party stayed in power for a decade (from 2004-14) owing to support from southern and western Indian states. But then the Congress party’s reign could not last beyond a decade because it failed to break into northern India (Chart 3); at a time when it was losing popularity in India’s west and south. Chart 2India Has Been Trading At A Premium To EM Democracies India Has Been Trading At A Premium To EM Democracies India Has Been Trading At A Premium To EM Democracies ​​​​​​ Chart 3Congress Party-Led UPA Alliance Could Not Break Into North India Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... ​​​​​​ The fact that the BJP is now working to straddle both i.e. (1) its traditional base in the north and west as well as (2) new geographies in the east and south is evident from the recent election results: 2019 General Elections: Even as BJP’s seat count in the north Indian states of Uttar Pradesh and Bihar fell in 2019 (Chart 3) it managed to offset this decline by increasing presence in India’s east (in states like West Bengal and Orissa) and in India’s south (in states like Karnataka and Telangana). Consequently, the share of BJP’s seats accounted for by major states outside north India notably increased in 2019 from 2014 (Chart 4). Recent State Elections: The BJP has evidently been able to offset losses in its core northern base (in states like Uttar Pradesh), by increasing its presence in India’s east (in states like West Bengal and Bihar) (Chart 5). Chart 4BJP Is Growing Its Influence Outside North India Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... ​​​​​​ Chart 5BJP Is Offsetting Losses In North With Gains In East Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... ​​​​​​ Chart 6In a Base Case, BJP Should Cross The Halfway Mark At 2024 General Elections Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... In fact, it is critical to note that state elections are due in Gujarat in December 2022, where the BJP is highly likely to lose seat share as it faces a five-term anti-incumbency. Given that Gujarat as a region too is part of BJP’s core voter base, BJP’s seat losses in Gujarat could trigger a wave of selling on India’s bourses. If this leads India’s expensive valuations to be driven down, then this could present a buying opportunity because as long as the BJP keeps compensating for losses in traditional constituencies with inroads into newer realms (like say Karnataka where state elections are due in May 2023 or in Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh where elections are due in end-2023); BJP’s standalone seat count in 2024 is highly likely to cross the half-way mark (Chart 6). To conclude, we re-iterate our constructive outlook on India on a strategic horizon, in view of the high probability of regime continuity lasting in this EM beyond a decade. In a worst-case scenario, we expect a BJP-led coalition to assume power in India in 2024 but this coalition too will be stable and should need the support of a maximum of two regional parties. Bottom Line: The BJP will lose seat share in parts of north and west India but should be able to retain power in 2024 by offsetting these losses with gains in India’s east and south. Most recent election results confirm that the BJP is working meticulously to make this formula work. If BJP’s political losses in its traditional constituencies triggers a market correction, then this should be used as a buying opportunity by strategic investors. Fiscal Risks In India Are Not Dead; They Will Surface, Before Receding Again In 1952 when India’s first national assembly was formed, left-leaning parties were the mainstay of India’s national politics. Back then a left-of-center party i.e., the Congress Party was in power with +70% seats in the national assembly. Then, the leftist Communist Party of India (CPI) was the second largest political party. As the decades went by left-leaning policies kept losing importance in India but the left-of-center national parties influenced Indian politics in a big way right up until 2014. Cut to 2014, the rise of the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) meant that the mainstay of Indian politics now became right-of-center politics. Left-leaning parties became too insignificant to matter at the national level with the Congress Party and the Communist Party of India (M) now cumulatively accounting for only about 11% seats in the national assembly. India’s political pendulum swinging to the right was accompanied by another key development i.e., India’s fiscal management became more prudent (Chart 7). Doles and transfer payments were restrained, and efforts were also made to shore-up tax revenues. But does the BJP-led transition to right-of-center politics mean that left-of-center politics in India are dead, as are the associated risks of fiscal populism? The Indian bond market seems to think so. India’s 10-year bond yield is up only 85 bps since 1 Jan 2020 to date, which is lower than a 106 bps increase seen in the US or 573 bps increase seen in a large emerging market like Brazil. Notwithstanding the superior fiscal discipline maintained by BJP-led governments so far, it is worth asking if this streak of fiscal resilience can last over the next two years? We highlight that even as the right-of-center BJP will remain a force to reckon with, we expect the BJP’s fiscal policy to temporarily swerve to the left owing to three sets of reasons: Miseries Breed Populism: It is true that recent BJP-led governments have maintained superior fiscal discipline (Chart 7). However high levels of inflation are known to feed populist tendencies of governments globally. India will be no exception to this trend because economic miseries of India’s median voter have worsened over the last six months (Chart 8). Chart 7BJP Led Governments Have Maintained Tighter Fiscal Deficits In India Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... ​​​​​​ Chart 8Economic Miseries Of India's Median Voter Have Been Worsening Economic Miseries Of India's Median Voter Have Been Worsening Economic Miseries Of India's Median Voter Have Been Worsening ​​​​​​ Chart 9Government Spends Tend To Pick Up In The Run-Up To General Elections Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Political Cycle: History also suggests that there is a cyclical element to fiscal laxity in India. Populism as a theme tends to become more defined in the two years leading to a general election (Chart 9). This cyclicality in fiscal expansion could also be driven by the fact that India tends to have a loaded state election calendar in the year just before a general election. Competition: As the BJP’s reign matures, it will increasingly face competition from regional parties (Chart 10). Given that most major regional political parties in India operate on the segment between the center and the left of political spectrum (Chart 10), BJP may see sense in metamorphosizing its fiscal policy into one which is closer to the left, albeit temporarily. Chart 10Regional Parties Like SP And AAP Could Grow Their National Footprint Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Chart 11India’s Debt Levels Are High And Rising Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... It is worth noting that as compared to major EMs, India’s debt levels are high today (Chart 11). Against this backdrop an expansion of India’s fiscal deficit could result in turbulence in Indian markets. Bottom Line: The BJP is highly likely to temporarily switch to an expansive fiscal policy stance in the run up to the 2024 general elections. This shift will be driven by the need to retain power in the face of rising miseries of its median voter and to overcome competition from influential regional players. Most Populous Regions, May Not Necessarily Be Drivers Of India’s Growth The ‘demographic dividend’ narrative is often used to justify a bullish stance on India. But such a narrative oversimplifies India’s investment case and may even yield poor investment outcomes. India’s demographics power its consumption engine, but the same demographics can also be a liability sometimes. This is because while India is young, its populace is also poor and large. The combination of a massive population (that creates pressure on limited resources) and nascent institutions (that are yet to ensure a fair use of resources) is at the heart of corruption in India. For instance, the coming to light of the 2G-spectrum scam a decade ago on 16 November 2010 saw Indian markets correct by 6% over the next ten days. Hence ‘corruption’ is one of the ways in which India’s demographics can end-up being a drag on India’s investment returns. Chart 12Six Indian States Account For India’s Political Nucleus Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... With China’s population likely to have peaked last year, India’s population which is likely to peak in the 2040s - keeps attracting investor interest. In this report we peel the onion around India’s demographics in a way that allows investors to make the most of its demographics, whilst avoiding pitfalls associated with the same. We highlight that paradoxically; India’s most populous states may not be the main drivers of India’s growth over the next decade. On the other hand, investing in the ‘next eight’ most populous states, could present a superior opportunity to profit from India’s demographics. Six Indian states account for more than half of India’s population (Chart 12) and each of these states are larger than Germany or Turkey in terms of population (Map 1). Despite being populous, these states could emerge as flashpoints of social conflict over the next decade. This is because it is possible that these states’ economic growth fails to be brisk enough to meet aspirations of its vast populace. Early signs of this phenomenon are evident from the fact that these states’ share in India’s population has been rising, but their share in national income has fallen (Chart 13). Today these six states account for more than half of India’s population but generate less than half of its national GDP (Chart 14). Map 1India’s Most Populous States, May Not Necessarily Lead On Growth Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Chart 13Most Populous States Of India, Are Not Necessarily Leading On Growth Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... ​​​​​​ Chart 14Next Eight Largest States Of India Are Economically Dynamic Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... ​​​​​​ Despite accounting for the lion’s share of India’s population, these six states’ growth potential could be compromised by: Economic Weakness: Primary sectors account for an unusually large share of the local economies of the most populous states today (Chart 15). Social Complexity: Most of the populous states are also characterized by greater social complexity as compared to other Indian states (Chart 16). In other words, their populations are young but are also poor and more heterogenous, which in turn exposes these states to a higher risk of social conflict. Chart 15Primary Activities Account For A Large Chunk Of Populous States’ GDP Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... ​​​​​​ Chart 16The Risk Of Social Conflict Is Higher, In The More Populous States Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... ​​​​​​ ​​​Leverage: The debt to GDP ratio of the more populous states often tends to be higher too (Chart 17).​​​​​​​ Now contrary to the situation in India’s most populous states, India’s ‘next eight’ largest states (by population) could emerge as hubs of economic dynamism (Map 1). This is because: Faster Growth: These states' share in national GDP is growing faster than the pace at which their share in India’s population is growing (Chart 13). As of today, the next eight states account for less than a third of India’s population but more than a third of India’s national income (Chart 14). Fewer Constraints: The next eight most populous states have more modern economic structures (Chart 15), lower risk of social conflict (Chart 16) and mildly superior public finances (Chart 17). Last but not the least, the ‘next eight’ states are poised favorably from a political perspective as well. This is because the Bhartiya Janta Party (i.e., BJP) has a weak footprint in these states (Chart 18) and will be keen to offer supportive economic policies to win over their median voter. Chart 17More Populous States, Also Can Be More Leveraged Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... ​​​​​​ Chart 18Next Eight Most Populous States Likely To Attract More Political Attention Going Forward Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... ​​​​​​ Bottom Line: While the demographic dividend that India enjoys is real, its benefits will not be spread uniformly across India’s geographies. For instance, some of the most populous states of India could lag on the growth front. To profit from India’s demographics and yet mitigate risks associated with the same, we urge investors to build portfolios that maximize exposure to the second tier of populous states in India. Investment Conclusion The Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP) in India appears set to emerge as the first party in India’s modern history to retain power beyond a decade with a simple majority. But to pull off this rare feat, it will have to metamorphosize and may exhibit some changes such as: Develop a focus on regions that are outside its core constituency, in a bid to offset anti-incumbency in its core constituencies. Sharpen its policy focus on the next tier of populous states, given that some of these states have greater growth potential and given that the BJP’s footprint in the second tier of populous states has room to grow. Adopt an expansive fiscal policy in the run up to the 2024 elections, to combat the rising economic miseries of India’s median voter. To play these dynamics, we urge clients to consider the following trades: Strategic Trades For clients with a holding period mandate of more than 12 months, we urge such investors to go strategically long Indian tech / short Chinese tech (Chart 19). The trade allows investors to play the unique and high degrees of political stability that India will offer on a strategic horizon. Chart 19Strategic Trade: Long Indian Tech / Short Chinese Tech Strategic Trade: Long Indian Tech / Short Chinese Tech Strategic Trade: Long Indian Tech / Short Chinese Tech ​​​​​​ Chart 20Tactical Trade: Short India / Long Brazilian Financials Tactical Trade: Short India / Long Brazilian Financials Tactical Trade: Short India / Long Brazilian Financials ​​​​​​ Moreover, it is notable the Indian tech industry’s key bases are concentrated in Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh and Telangana. All three states fall within the next tier of populous states of India. Thus, this trade allows investors to maximize exposure to both an economically vibrant region and sector of India. Tactical Trades For investors with a holding period mandate of less than 12 months, a trade that can be activated to profit from India’s short-term geopolitical risks is to short India / long Brazilian Financials (Chart 20). This allows investors to profit from the cyclical risks that will affect India (1) as commodity prices stay high and (2) as rising economic miseries fan fiscal risks.​​​​​​​   Ritika Mankar, CFA Editor/Strategist ritika.mankar@bcaresearch.com   Strategic Themes Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Regional Geopolitical Risk Matrix

Executive Summary Favor ASEAN And The Philippines Favor ASEAN And The Philippines Favor ASEAN And The Philippines Southeast Asia is suffering from fading macro and geopolitical tailwinds but there are still investment opportunities on a relative basis. The peace dividend, globalization dividend, and demographic dividend are all eroding and will continue to erode, though there are relative winners and losers. The Philippines and Thailand are most secure; the Philippines and Indonesia are least dependent on trade; and the Philippines and Vietnam have the highest potential GDP growth. Geopolitical risk premiums have risen for Russia, Eastern Europe, China, and will rise for the Middle East. This leaves ASEAN states as relatively attractive emerging markets. Trade Recommendation Inception Date Return LONG PHILIPPINES / EM EQUITIES 2022-05-12   LONG ASEAN / ACW EQUITIES 2022-05-12   Bottom Line: ASEAN’s geopolitical outlook is less ugly than many other emerging markets. Cyclically, go long ASEAN versus global equities and long Philippine equities versus EM. Feature Chart 1Hypo-Globalization A Headwind For Trading States Hypo-Globalization A Headwind For Trading States Hypo-Globalization A Headwind For Trading States The Philippines elected its second “strongman” leader in a row on May 9, provoking the usual round of editorials about the death of liberalism. Investors know well by now that such political narratives do as much to occlude economic reality as to clarify it. Still, there is a fundamental need to understand the changing global political order since it will ultimately impact the investment landscape. If the global order stabilizes – e.g. US-Russia and US-China relations normalize – then trade and investment may recover from recent shocks. A new era of “Re-Globalization” could ensue. Asia Pacific would be a prime beneficiary as it is full of trading economies (Chart 1). Related Report  Geopolitical StrategySecond Quarter Outlook 2022: When It Rains, It Pours By contrast, if Great Power Rivalry escalates further, then trade and investment will suffer, the current paradigm of Hypo-Globalization will continue, and East Asia’s frozen conflicts from 1945-52 will thaw and heat up. Asian states will have to shift focus from trade to security and their economies will suffer relative to previous expectations. How will Southeast Asia fare in this context? Will it fall victim to great power conflict, like Eastern Europe? Or will it keep a balance between the great powers and extract maximum benefits? Three Dividends Three dividends have underpinned Southeast Asia’s growth and prosperity in recent decades: 1.  Peace Dividend – A relative lack of war and inter-state conflict. 2.  Globalization Dividend – Advantageous maritime geography and access to major economies. 3.  Demographic Dividend – Young demographics and strong potential GDP growth. All three of these dividends are eroding, so the macro and geopolitical investment case for ASEAN has weakened relative to twenty years ago. Nevertheless in a world where Russia, China, and the Gulf Arab markets face a higher and persistent geopolitical risk premium, ASEAN still offers attractive investment opportunities, particularly if the most geopolitically insecure countries are avoided. Peace Dividend Favors The Philippines And Thailand Since the end of the US and Chinese wars with Vietnam, military conflicts in Southeast Asia have been low intensity. Lack of inter-state conflict encouraged economic prosperity and security complacency. The five major Southeast Asian nations saw military spending decline since the 1990s and only Vietnam spends more than 2% of GDP (Chart 2). Chart 2Peace Brought Prosperity Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines Unfortunately that is about to change. China has large import dependencies, an insufficient tradition of sea power, and feels hemmed in by its geography and the US alliance system. Beijing’s solution is to build and modernize its navy and prepare for potential conflict with the US, particularly over Taiwan. The result is rising tension across East Asia, including in Southeast Asia and the South China Sea. The ASEAN states fear China will walk over them, China fears they will league with the US against China, and the US tries to get them to do exactly that. Hence ASEAN’s defense spending has not kept up with its geopolitical importance and will have to rise going forward. Consider the following: Vietnam risks conflict with China. Vietnam has the most capable and experienced naval force within ASEAN due to its sporadic conflicts with China. Its equipment is supplied mainly by Russia, pitting it squarely against China’s Soviet or Soviet-inspired equipment. But Russia-China ties are tightening, especially after Russia’s divorce with Europe. While Vietnam will not reject Russia, it is increasingly partnering with the United States. The pandemic added to the Vietnamese public’s distrust of China, which is ancient but has ramped up in recent years due to clashes in the South China Sea. While Vietnam officially maintains that it will never host the US military, it is tacitly bonding with the US as a hedge against China. Yet Vietnam does not have a mutual defense treaty with the US, so it is vulnerable to Chinese military aggression over time. Indonesia distances itself from China. Rising security tensions are also forcing Indonesia to change its strategy toward China. Indonesia lacks experience in naval warfare and is not a claimant in the territorial disputes in the South China Sea. It is reluctant to take sides due to its traditionally non-aligned diplomatic status, its military culture of prioritizing internal stability (which is hard to maintain across thousands of islands), and China’s investment in its economy. However, China is encroaching on Indonesia’s exclusive economic zone and Indonesia has signaled its displeasure through diplomatic snubs and high-profile infrastructure contracts. Indonesia is trying to bulk up its naval and air capabilities, including via arms purchases from the West. Malaysia distances itself from China. Malaysia and the Philippines have the weakest naval forces and both face pressure from China’s navy and coast guard due to maritime-territorial disputes. But while the Philippines gets help from the US and its allies and partners, Malaysia has no such allies. Traditionally it was non-aligned. Instead it utilizes economic statecraft, as it has often done against more powerful countries. It recently paused Chinese economic projects in the country to conduct reviews and chose Ericsson over Huawei to build the 5G network. Ongoing maritime and energy disputes will motivate defense spending. The Philippines preserves alliance with United States. Outgoing President Rodrigo Duterte tried but failed to strengthen ties with China and Russia. Beijing continued to swarm the Philippines’ economic zone with ships and threaten its control of neighboring rocks and reefs. Ultimately Duterte renewed his country’s Visiting Forces Agreement with the US in July 2021. The newly elected President “Bong Bong” Marcos is even less likely to try to pivot away from the US. Instead the Philippines will work with the US to try to deter China. Thailand preserves alliance with United States. Thailand is the most insulated from the South China Sea disputes and often acts as mediator between China and other ASEAN states. However, Thailand is also a formal US defense ally and assisted with logistics during the Korean and Vietnamese wars. While US military aid was suspended after the 2014 military coup, non-military aid from the US continued. The State Department certified Thailand’s return to democracy in 2019, relations were normalized, and the annual Cobra Gold exercise resumed in 2020. The US’s hasty normalization shows Thailand’s importance to its regional strategy. On their own, the ASEAN states cannot counter China – they are simply outgunned (Chart 3). Hence their grand strategy of balancing Chinese trade relations with American security relations. Chart 3Outgunned By China Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines Chart 4Opinion Shifts Against China Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines In recent decades, with the US divided and distracted, they sought to entice China through commercial deals, in hopes that it would reduce its encroachments on the high seas. This strategy failed, as China’s expansion of economic and military influence in the region is driven by China’s own imperatives. Beijing’s lack of transparency about Covid-19 also sowed distrust. As a result, public opinion became more critical of China and defensive of national sovereignty (Chart 4). Southeast Asia will continue trading with China but changing public opinion, the US-China clash, and tensions in the South China Sea will inject greater geopolitical risk into this once peaceful and prosperous region. Military weakness will also lead the ASEAN states to welcome the US, EU, Japan, and Australia into the region as economic and security hedges against China. This trend risks inflaming regional tensions in the short run – and China may not be deterred over the long run, since its encroachments in the region are driven by its own needs and insecurities. Decades of under-investment in defense will result in ASEAN rearmament, which will weigh on fiscal balances and potentially economic competitiveness. Investors should not take the past three decades of peace for granted. Bottom Line: Vietnam (like Taiwan) is in a geopolitical predicament where it could provoke China’s wrath and yet lacks an American security guarantee. The Philippines and Thailand benefit from American security guarantees. Indonesia and Malaysia benefit from distance from China. All of these states will attempt to balance US and China relations – but in the future that means devoting more resources to national security, which will weigh on fiscal budgets and take away funds from human capital development. Waning Globalization Dividend Favors Indonesia And The Philippines All the ASEAN states rely heavily on both the US and China for export markets. This reliance grew as trade recovered in the wake of the global pandemic (Chart 5). Now global trade is slowing down cyclically, while US-China power struggle will weigh on the structural globalization process, penalizing the most trade-dependent ASEAN states relative to their less trade-dependent neighbors. So far US-China economic divorce is redistributing US-China trade in a way that is positive for Southeast Asia. China is rerouting exports through Vietnam, for example, while the US is shifting supply chains to other Asian states (Chart 6). The US will accelerate down this path because it cannot afford substantively to reengage with China’s economy for fear of strengthening the Russo-Chinese bloc. Chart 5Trade Rebounded But Hypo-Globalization Will Force Domestic Reliance Trade Rebounded But Hypo-Globalization Will Force Domestic Reliance Trade Rebounded But Hypo-Globalization Will Force Domestic Reliance ​​​​​ Chart 6ASEAN’s Exports To US Surge Ahead Of China’s ASEAN's Exports To US Surge Ahead Of China's ASEAN's Exports To US Surge Ahead Of China's Hence the US will become more reliant on Southeast Asian exporters. Whatever the US stops buying from China will have to be sourced from other countries, so countries that export a similar basket of goods will benefit from the switch. Comparing the types of goods that China and ASEAN export to the US, Thailand is the closest substitute for China, whereas Malaysia is the farthest (Chart 7). That is not to say that Malaysia will suffer from US-China divorce. It is already ahead of China in exporting high-tech goods to the US, which is the very reason its export profile is so different. In 2020, 58% of Malaysia’s exports to the US are high-tech versus 35% for China’s. At the same time, Southeast Asian exports to China may not grow as fast as expected – cyclically China’s economy may accelerate on the back of current stimulus efforts, but structurally China is pursuing self-sufficiency and import substitution via a range of industrial policies (“Made in China 2025,” “dual circulation,” etc). These policies aim to make Chinese industrials competitive with European, US, Japanese, and Korean industrials. But they will also make China more competitive with medium-tech and fledging high-tech exports from Southeast Asia. Thus while China will keep importing low value products and commodities, such as unrefined ores, from Southeast Asia, imports of high-tech products will be limited due to China’s preference for indigenous producers. US export controls will also interfere with ASEAN’s ability to export high-tech goods to China. (In order to retain their US trade, in the face of Chinese import substitution, ASEAN states will have to comply with US export controls at least partially.) Even the low-to-medium tech goods that China currently imports from Southeast Asia may not grow as fast in the coming years as they have in the past. The ten provinces in China with the lowest GDP per capita exported a total of $129 billion to the world in 2020, whereas China’s imports from the top five ASEAN states amounted to $154 billion USD in 2020 (Chart 8). If Beijing insists on creating a domestic market for its poor provinces’ exports, then Southeast Asian exports to China will suffer. China might do this not only for strategic sufficiency but also to avoid US and western sanctions, which could be imposed for labor, environmental, human rights, or strategic reasons. Chart 7The US Sees Thailand And Vietnam As Substitutes For China Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines ​​​​​​ Chart 8China Threatens ASEAN With Import Substitution Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines ​​​​​​ Chart 9Trade Rebound Increased Exposure To US, China Trade Rebound Increased Exposure To US, China Trade Rebound Increased Exposure To US, China China, unlike the US during the 1990s and 2000s, cannot afford to open up its doors and become a ravenous consumer and importer of all Asia’s goods. This would be a way to buy influence in the region, as the US has done in Latin America. But China still has significant domestic development left to do. This development must be done for the sake of jobs and income – otherwise the Communist Party will face sociopolitical upheaval. Malaysia, Vietnam, and Thailand are the most vulnerable to China’s dual circulation strategy because of their sizeable exports to China, which stand at 12%, 15% and 7.6% of GDP respectively (Chart 9). Even though the Southeast Asian states have formed into a common market, and have joined major new trade blocs such as the CPTPP and RCEP, they will not see unfettered liberalization within these agreements – and they will not be drawn exclusively into China’s orbit. Instead they will face a China that wishes to expand export market share while substituting away from imports. The US and India, which are not part of these new trade blocs, will still increase their trade with ASEAN, as they will seek to substitute ASEAN for China, and ASEAN will be forced to substitute them for China. Thus globalization will weaken into regionalization and will not provide as positive of a force for Southeast Asia as it did over the 1980s-2000s. Going forward, the new paradigm of Hypo-Globalization will weigh on trade-dependent countries like Malaysia, Vietnam, and Thailand relative to their neighbors. Within this cohort, Malaysia and the Philippines will benefit from selling high-tech goods to the US, while Thailand and Vietnam will benefit from selling low- and mid-tech goods. China will remain a huge and critical market for ASEAN states but its autarkic policies will drive them to pursue other markets. Those with large and growing domestic markets, like Indonesia and the Philippines, will weather hypo-globalization better than their neighbors. Vietnam, Malaysia, and Thailand are all extremely dependent on foreign trade and hence vulnerable if international trade linkages weaken. Bottom Line: Global trade is likely to slow on a cyclical basis. Structurally, Hypo-Globalization is the new paradigm and will remove a tailwind that super-charged Southeast Asian development over the past several decades. Indonesia and the Philippines stand to suffer least and benefit most. Potential Growth Dividend Favors The Philippines And Vietnam Countries that can generate endogenous growth will perform the best under hypo-globalization. Indonesia, the Philippines, and Vietnam have the largest populations within ASEAN. But we must also take into account population growth, which contributes directly to potential GDP growth. A domestic market grows through population growth and/or income growth. For example, China benefitted from its growing population but now must switch to income generation as its population growth is stagnating. In Southeast Asia, the Philippines, Malaysia, and Indonesia have the highest population growth, while Thailand has the lowest. Thai population growth is even weak compared to China. The total fertility rate reinforces this trend – it is highest in Philippines but lowest in Thailand (Chart 10). A population that is too young or too old needs significant support that diverts resources away from the most productive age group. Philippines and Indonesia have the lowest median age, while Thailand has the highest. The youth of Indonesia and Philippines will come of age in the next decade, augmenting labor force and potential GDP growth. By contrast, Vietnam and especially Thailand, like China, will be weighed down by a shrinking labor force in the coming decade (Chart 11). Chart 10Fertility Rates Robust In ASEAN Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines ​​​​​​ Chart 11Falling Support Ratio Weighs On Thailand, Vietnam Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines ​​​​​​ Hence Indonesia and Philippines will prosper while Thailand, and to some extent Vietnam, lack the ability to diversify away from trade through domestic market growth. Malaysia sits in the middle: it is trade dependent and has the smallest population, but it has a young and growing population, and its labor force is still growing. Yet falling population growth is not a disaster if productivity and income growth are high. Productivity trends often contrast with population trends: Indonesia had the weakest productivity growth despite having a large, young, and growing population, while Vietnam had the strongest growth, despite a population slowdown. In fact Vietnam has the strongest productivity growth in Southeast Asia, at a 5-year, pre-pandemic average of 6.3%, followed by the Philippines (Chart 12A). By comparison China’s productivity growth averaged between 3%-6.6%, depending on the data source. Chart 12AProductivity And Potential GDP Productivity And Potential GDP Productivity And Potential GDP ​​​​​​ Chart 12BProductivity And Potential GDP Productivity And Potential GDP Productivity And Potential GDP ​​​​​​ Chart 13Capital Formation Favors Philippines Capital Formation Favors Philippines Capital Formation Favors Philippines Productivity growth adds to labor force growth to form potential GDP. In 2019, Philippines had the highest potential GDP growth at 6.9%, followed by the Vietnam at 6.8%, Indonesia at 5.6%, Malaysia at 3.9% and Thailand at 2.3%. In comparison China’s potential GDP growth was 3.6%-5.9%, again depending on data. Thailand is undoubtedly the weakest from both a population and productivity standpoint, while the Philippines has strength in both (Chart 12B). Countries invest in their economies to increase productivity. In 2019, Vietnam recorded the highest growth in grossed fixed capital formation at around 10.6%, followed by Indonesia at 6.9%, Philippines at 6.3%, and Thailand at 2.2%. Gross fixed capital formation has rebounded from the contractions countries suffered during the pandemic lockdowns in 2020 (Chart 13). Bottom Line: The Philippines has strong potential GDP growth, but Indonesia is not far behind as it invests in its economy. Vietnam has the highest investment and productivity growth, but its demographic dividend is waning. Malaysia is slightly better than Thailand because it has a growing population, but it has stopped investing and it is as trade dependent as Thailand. Thailand is weak on all accounts: it is trade dependent, has a shrinking population, and has a low potential GDP growth. Investment Takeaways Bringing it all together, ASEAN is witnessing the erosion of key dividends (peace, globalization, and demographics). Yet it offers attractive investment opportunities on a relative basis, given the permanent step up in geopolitical risk premiums for other major emerging markets like Russia, eastern Europe, China, and (soon) the Gulf Arab states (Charts 14A & 14B). Indeed the long under-performance of ASEAN stocks as a bloc, relative to global stocks, has recently reversed. As investors recognize China’s historic confluence of internal and external risks, they increasingly turn to ASEAN despite its flaws. Chart 14AASEAN Will Continue To Outperform China ASEAN Will Continue To Outperform China ASEAN Will Continue To Outperform China The US and China will use rewards and punishments to try to win over ASEAN states as strategic and economic partners. Those that have a US security guarantee, or are most distant from potential conflict, will see a lower geopolitical risk premium. Chart 14BASEAN Will Continue To Outperform China ASEAN Will Continue To Outperform China ASEAN Will Continue To Outperform China ​​​​​​ Chart 15Favor The Philippines Favor The Philippines Favor The Philippines The Philippines is the most attractive Southeast Asian market based on our criteria: it has an American security guarantee, domestic-oriented growth, and high productivity. Populism in the Philippines has come with productivity improvements and yet has not overthrown the US alliance. Philippine equities can outperform their emerging market peers (Chart 15). Indonesia is the second most attractive – it does not have direct territorial disputes with China, maintains defense ties with the West, is not excessively trade reliant, and keeps up decent productivity growth. It is vulnerable to nationalism and populism but its democracy is effective overall and the regime has maintained general political stability after near-dissolution in 1998. Thailand is geopolitically secure but lacking in potential growth. Vietnam has high potential growth but is geopolitically insecure over the long run. Investors should only pursue tactical investments in these markets. We maintain our long-term favorable view of Malaysia, although it is trade dependent and productivity has weakened. In future reports we will examine ASEAN markets in greater depth and with closer consideration of their domestic political risks.   Jesse Anak Kuri Associate Editor Jesse.Kuri@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken Chief Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com   Strategic Themes Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Regional Geopolitical Risk Matrix

Executive Summary Biden’s Support Among Women The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections Investors should assume that the Supreme Court will overturn Roe v. Wade even though the odds are probably overrated. A mere modification of Roe will not have any significant macro impact. Overturning Roe will increase US political risk and policy uncertainty in the short term, as midterm election politics will go nuclear. Democrats could mitigate their midterm losses and potentially keep de facto control of the Senate. However, inflation and the economy will probably have a bigger impact on voters, so congressional gridlock remains the likeliest midterm result. Fiscal policy will freeze from 2023-25, which is marginally positive for equities in an inflationary or stagflationary environment. Illegalizing abortion in roughly half of the US states would increase the birth rate but the overall effect would likely be marginal as it would be mitigated by various factors. Recommendation  Initiation Date Return Tactically go long US 10-year Treasuries relative to duration-matched TIPS. 2022-05-11   Bottom Line: Tactically stay cautious and defensive. Go long US 10-year Treasury versus TIPS.   Chart 1Policy Uncertainty Remains Elevated Policy Uncertainty Remains Elevated Policy Uncertainty Remains Elevated The S&P 500 is down 17% year-to-date while the NASDAQ is down 27%. Our Global Investment Strategy is turning bullish on equities after the recent selloff, bringing its tactical view in line with its cyclical view. Have financial markets priced the bad news? Is a sustainable rally at hand?  We maintain our tactically cautious posture for now but we are cognizant of the potential for a market bounce or even a more sustained rally. We are staying long the US dollar and long defensive sectors relative to cyclicals until we see a clear path for de-escalation in global and US policy uncertainty (Chart 1).   Geopolitical risks are still high and rising, with immediate concerns centering on EU-Russia energy cutoff and NATO enlargement. While China is stimulating its economy, its efforts so far are mixed – import volumes are growing at 2.7% annualized rate. Related Report  US Political StrategyStill At Peak Polarization The US remains politically divided – which results in a more contentious election at home and a more aggressive foreign policy  abroad. Our “Peak Polarization” theme is becoming relevant again in the form of populist pressure on the Supreme Court. The controversy over abortion is likely to drive US political risk and policy uncertainty higher this year and sustain election-year risk-aversion among investors. Overturning Roe Adds To Election Uncertainty The latest controversy over abortion could affect US policy primarily by affecting the midterm elections on November 8. The outcome either way is congressional gridlock, which is marginally positive in an inflationary environment since it freezes fiscal expansion. But the election will keep policy uncertainty high through November.    First let us look at the controversy itself. An unprecedented leak of a draft Supreme Court opinion by Justice Samuel Alito suggests that a five-seat Supreme Court majority has taken shape to overturn the 1973 case Roe v. Wade, which effectively legalized abortion for all states.1 Chief Justice John Roberts confirmed the authenticity of the draft. The final decision in the current case, Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, is due in June or July. Investors should interpret social controversies, if at all, from the perspective of power politics rather than getting wrapped up in endless ideological debates. The fact is that a conservative majority on the court is capable of overturning Roe (Diagram 1). Therefore investors should plan on it being overturned. This is true even though the odds are probably overstated relative to a mere modification of Roe. Diagram 1Conservative Majority Implies Roe V. Wade Will Be Overturned The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections The legality of abortion stems from a 7-2 Supreme Court ruling in 1973, which means that an opposite ruling in 2022 can revoke that precedent. The high court has overturned longstanding precedents in the past. If Roe is overturned, abortion will remain legal in about 25 states. The parameters of its legality will shift to the legislative branch and political process, i.e. the US Congress and state congresses. An estimated 31 million women of child-bearing age live in states that might ban abortion if Roe is overturned.    The decision could still change: It was only a draft opinion that leaked, which shows that the final decision could still change. The court has narrowed the scope of Roe v. Wade before without overturning it entirely, such as in the 1989 Webster v. Reproductive Health Services case and the 1992 Planned Parenthood v. Casey ruling, which relied on stare decisis, i.e. upholding precedent.   The court is not forced to uphold the draft opinion merely because public pressure is rising. While the court’s credibility will suffer if it caves to public opinion, it will also suffer if it diverges too far from public opinion. The reality is that the public remains divided after 49 years (49% pro-choice, 47% pro-life according to Gallup in 2021). This is unlike other major social controversies where the Supreme Court decision settled the debate in public opinion.2 However, Chief Justice Roberts will not cast the deciding vote. Roberts has tried to avoid the appearance of a partisan court and has sided with liberal-leaning justices on notable occasions.3 Regardless, the conservatives hold a 5-4 conservative majority without Roberts. Bottom Line: Investors should assume Roe will be overturned even if the odds are overstated. US social unrest and political instability will revive this year, driving up election uncertainty and hence overall policy uncertainty.  Major Court Rulings Do Not Help Presidents If Roe is overturned then it will mobilize women, Democrats, and independents to go to the voting booth in the midterm elections. About 59% of independents (even a third of Republicans) support abortion as a right, so states and districts that are leaning in favor of Republicans this year will grow more competitive.4Odds that Republicans will win both chambers of Congress (currently 74% on Predictit.org) will be reduced. Having said that, the president’s job approval rating and partisan popular support are the most important factors in determining midterm election results. Controversial Supreme Court decisions do not have a predictable relationship with these variables. Looking at six of the most controversial decisions since World War II, the president’s net approval rating has not reliably responded to whether his ideological camp benefitted from a major court decision:     Brown vs Board of Education, May 1954: The court ruled unanimously to desegregate the nation’s schools. President Eisenhower had appointed Chief Justice Earl Warren, supported desegregation, and saw his approval rating rise in the summer (Chart 2A, first panel). But there had been a recession in 1953-54 and Republicans lost 18 seats in the House and two seats in the Senate. A favorable court case did not help the president’s party in the midterm, while a recession hurt it.  Engel vs Vitale, June 1962: The court ruled 7-1 against prayer in schools. President Kennedy supported the court’s ruling. The court case was overwhelmed by the Cuban Missile Crisis that fall. His approval rating recovered (Chart 2A, second panel). Democrats lost only four House seats and gained four Senate seats, one of the best midterm elections for the president’s party. A favorable court case did not help the president’s party in the midterm, though a foreign policy crisis did.   Loving vs Virginia, June 1967: The court ruled unanimously to allow interracial marriage. President Johnson supported civil rights and appointed the first black Chief Justice Thurgood Marshall to the court the same summer. His approval rating rose afterwards but then fell (Chart 2A, third panel). Johnson did not contend for the presidency in 1968 and Democrats lost it. A favorable court case did not help the president’s party in the presidential elections a year later. US vs Nixon, July 1974: The court ruled unanimously that President Nixon must hand over audio tapes and other evidence to a federal district court. Nixon resigned 15 days later and his approval rating collapsed (though Vice President Gerald Ford’s spiked upon taking office) (Chart 2A, fourth panel). Unsurprisingly Republicans suffered a shellacking in the midterm, losing 49 seats in the House and four seats in the Senate. An unfavorable court case hurt the president’s party in the midterm, though the president was the respondent in the case, which makes it uniquely negative for his party.  Chart 2APresidential Net Approval And Key Supreme Court Decisions The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections ​​​​​ Chart 2BPresidential Net Approval And Key Supreme Court Decisions The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections ​​​​​ ​​​​​Planned Parenthood vs Casey, June 1992: The court ruled 5-4 to uphold Roe v. Wade and require that states not put an “undue burden” on women seeking abortion. President Bush’s approval rating suffered from the 1990-91 recession (Chart 2B, first panel). Democrats won the presidential election in November. An unfavorable court case did not help the president’s party in the presidential election later that year.  NFIB vs Sebelius, June 2012: The court ruled 5-4 that Congress could use its taxing and spending powers to impose an “individual mandate” requiring individuals to buy health insurance. President Obama’s signature legislation, the Affordable Care Act, thus survived. Obama’s popularity recovered in time for him to be re-elected that year (Chart 2B, second panel). A favorable court case did not hurt the president’s party in the presidential election later that year, though the president’s legacy was uniquely implicated. Obergefell vs Hodges, June 2015: The court ruled 5-4 that the Fourteenth Amendment requires the recognition of same-sex marriage. The economy weakened that year and President Obama’s net approval ultimately fell ahead of the 2016 election (Chart 2B, third panel). A favorable court case did not help the president’s party in the presidential election the following year. Chart 3Generic Congressional Ballot And Key Supreme Court Decisions The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections In short, the president’s party tends to suffer in midterm elections even if a major Supreme Court decision reinforces his policy (1954, 1962). Favorable court rulings may help in immediate presidential elections (2012) while unfavorable court rulings may hurt in an immediate presidential election (1992). The implication for the Democrats in 2022 is that the court’s ruling will not exert a decisive impact on the election. An unfavorable ruling will help but maybe not by much given the stagflationary economic context. Biden’s disapproval rating on the economy is 57% as we go to press. Nor is there a clear relationship between major court decisions and the generic congressional ballot, which measures popular support for the two parties. Democrats kept their lead when Nixon lost a major court case; they lost their lead when Obama won major court cases (Chart 3). Most likely, Roe’s demise would favor Democrats relative to Republicans in the generic ballot, but it may not be decisive amid a weak economy – and Democrats would have to take a commanding lead to overwhelm the traditional midterm disadvantage for the president’s party.  Bottom Line: The most controversial court cases only directly help or hurt the president’s party if it is uniquely implicated, as in 1974 and 2012. Otherwise a favorable court case will not help much, while an unfavorable case could help or hurt. In today’s context, if Roe is overturned it will help the Democrats, but history suggests the health of the economy will outweigh social wedge issues. The Senate Hangs In The Balance Leaving aside history, President Biden’s approval among women will rise if the court overturns Roe, as he will campaign aggressively as the champion of women’s issues. But the latest polling suggests that Republican women may also be energized by the abortion controversy, again suggesting the impact may not be decisive (Chart 4). Historically the critical feature of midterm elections is low voter turnout, skewed toward voters in the political opposition who want to impose a check on the president’s party. Midterm voters also tend to be more educated, more elderly, and more ethnically white. The bar to changing this traditional pattern is very high. But anything that energizes a broader electorate could mitigate the president’s party’s losses. Hence if Roe is overturned, Democratic mobilization and turnout will increase and their midterm performance will improve on the margin.  However, Democratic enthusiasm would improve from a very low level relative to Republican enthusiasm (Chart 5). Again, the opposition’s motivation and the poor economy will be hard for Democrats to overcome. And if the Supreme Court merely modifies Roe v. Wade, the boost to enthusiasm will be small.  Chart 4Biden’s Support Among Women The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections ​​​​​ Chart 5Partisan Enthusiasm Gap In 2022 The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections ​​​​​​ Chart 6Swing States: Majority Supports Abortion (Barely) The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections Taking all these points together, if Roe is overturned, Republicans will still be favored in the House of Representatives but will face a tougher battle in the Senate: Our quantitative Senate election model flags Nevada, Arizona, Pennsylvania, North Carolina, and Georgia as the critical swing states in this year’s Senate election (Appendix). Arizona and Pennsylvania are the toss-up states where the probability of Democratic victory is just over 45%. A look at public support for abortion’s legality “in all or most cases” shows that support is (just) over 50% in the key states, though it is under 50% in Georgia  (Chart 6, top panel). Moreover when it comes to voters over the age of 65 – who are more likely to vote in a midterm election – support for abortion is less robust. It is barely over 50% in Arizona and right at 50% in North Carolina. It is under 50% in Pennsylvania and just over 40% in Georgia (Chart 6, second panel). In other words, only if Roe is overturned will the younger cohort of voters in favor of abortion come into play. Support for abortion is also closer to 50/50 in swing states when looking only at white voters (Chart 6, third panel). Again, if Roe is overturned then minority voter turnout may increase but probably not if it is merely curtailed. If Democrats hang onto Arizona and Georgia, they will retain de facto majority control of the Senate. It is possible that they could even gain a seat, say in Pennsylvania. But minority support for abortion in Georgia shows how hard this will be to do. What action can the Democrat-led Congress take on this issue prior to the midterm? Not much. It is highly unlikely that Democrats will be able to pack the Supreme Court, i.e. add new justices to tip the majority in their favor. They will fall short of the 51 votes needed to overrule the Senate filibuster for that purpose. Senator Joe Manchin of West Virginia has ruled it out (and in his state a majority opposes abortion). While a few Republican swing senators could vote for a federal bill to legalize abortion, they would risk losing their seats if they agreed to stack the court in favor of Democrats. Democrats could pass a federal law legalizing abortion but the Senate would have to override the filibuster, which means Republicans could do the same to illegalize abortion when they control the Senate as early as next year. Democrats could replace Manchin with a Republican swing senator. Lisa Murkowski of Alaska would probably have the support of a majority of Alaskans but she would lose her conservative voter base in the August 16 primary election and the general election. Senator Susan Collins of Maine would be more likely to defect from Republican ranks, as she is not up for election in 2022 and Maine shows strong support for abortion. Kyrsten Sinema of Arizona has ruled out overriding the filibuster but she does not face re-election this year and could make an exception on abortion given majority support in Arizona. In that case Collins (and Vice President Harris) would deliver Democrats the decisive vote. However, to gain Collins’s vote, Democrats would have to produce a simple bill that does not contain any poison pills – which is not the case at present. Thus a new federal law is possible but not likely before the election. If it occurred, then Republicans would be more motivated in the midterm elections and the odds of a Republican sweep would rise again. Thus overriding the fililbuster could backfire on Democrats immediately. Bottom Line: If the Supreme Court overturns Roe, Republicans will still be favored to win the House of Representatives, ensuring that Congress becomes gridlocked. The Senate, however, could remain in Democratic hands if Roe is overturned and women voters are fully mobilized. Does Abortion Have A Macro Impact? A divided Congress would generate more uncertainty and market volatility in 2023-24 relative to the scenario in which Republicans win all of Congress and are thus forced to pass laws and compromise with President Biden in 2023-24. President Biden will be less likely to compromise if Democrats retain the Senate, while Republicans will be more obstructionist and willing to engineer crises such as over the federal debt limit, which expires in early 2023. Either way the macro policy implication is that fiscal policy will freeze after Congress’s lame duck session at the end of this year until at least 2025. Chart 7US Fertility Rate And Labor Force Growth Since 1950 US Fertility Rate And Labor Force Growth Since 1950 US Fertility Rate And Labor Force Growth Since 1950 Investors will be able to count on a static fiscal outlook and will not have to worry about an additional spending splurge adding to inflationary pressures. As such, in late 2022 and early 2023, gridlock and a post-election reduction in uncertainty will be marginally positive for equities.    What is the longer-term macroeconomic implication if Roe is overturned? A marginal increase in the birth rate of some states is possible. The slowdown in US fertility and birth rates accelerated in the early 1970s resulting from broad socioeconomic change and the federal legalization of abortion. Almost all societies see fertility rates fall with higher incomes and education. US birth rates peaked in the late 1950s and early 1960s for all ages of women. Birth and fertility rates briefly started to rise again before hitting a local peak in 1970, while labor force growth peaked in 1978 (Chart 7). These peaks can be attributed to several factors including abortion. Eleven states had loosened restrictions on abortion by 1970, including New York and California. According to the most authoritative academic study of the subject, states that legalized abortion prior to Roe saw a 4% drop in fertility relative to states that maintained restrictions, while the overall drop in births as measured between states that had access and distant states that did not was 11%.5  The implication is that, if Roe is overturned, the birth rate will increase at least marginally in states that impose substantial restrictions. About 31 million women of child-bearing age live in states that could entirely ban abortion, which is 48% of all US women in this age group. A roughly 4% increase in fertility among this large of a group would be substantial. However, abortions will still be legally available in neighboring states, and studies suggest that travel across states will have a significant impact, implying less of a fertility increase than might be expected.6    US births and fertility continue to decline even as abortion rates fall sharply. Pregnancy rates for women under age 25 have collapsed since 1990 while they have been flat-to-down for women over 25. Since the Great Recession, the US birth rate has broken down from the fairly stable trend of around 70 births per 1,000 women aged 15-44 and fallen to around 58 births per 1,000 women. Covid-19 caused a further drop in fertility. Yet abortion rates have fallen from a peak of 30 per 1,000 child-bearing-aged women in 1980 to about one-third that level today (Chart 8). Both abortion rates and birth rates have collapsed for teenagers and they have fallen for other cohorts. In other words, illegalizing abortion will not affect the overall trend of falling fertility.7  Chart 8Births And Abortions In Downtrend The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections There are a range of other macroeconomic effects that could follow from Roe being overturned, such as reduced female higher education and labor force participation in states that ban abortion outright, though these would also be marginal. Bottom Line: Overturning Roe would amplify political risk and policy uncertainty but gridlock will freeze fiscal policy in 2023-25, which is marginally positive in an inflationary environment. There would likely be a small increase in birth rates in states that restrict abortion but abortion rates have long been falling, while total fertility is falling for other reasons.    Investment Takeaways Investors should stay defensive in the near term, at least until US relations with Russia reach some kind of precarious equilibrium. That cannot happen in the context of NATO enlargement and EU-Russia energy cutoff. The US midterm election is another source of political risk and policy uncertainty both at home and abroad. The Biden administration’s reactive foreign policy threatens a larger confrontation with Russia and as such presents a headwind to global equities. Meanwhile US policy uncertainty, already rising due to monetary and fiscal policy normalization, will increase as a result of the abortion controversy. Overturning Roe would reinforce our “Peak Polarization” thesis, which holds that today’s historic peak in political polarization will remain elevated in the short run but subside over the long run. If the court overrules Roe, polarization will spike but then states will choose their own abortion laws over the long run, reducing activism and extremism on both sides. Of course, if Democrats break the filibuster to legalize abortion, and Republicans do the same to illegalize it, polarization will skyrocket and our expectation that polarization will subside will be delayed for years. Investors should expect shocking and negative surprise events in US politics ahead of the midterms. The country remains a sociopolitical powder keg and abortion and other controversies will add sparks. There have already been protests at the homes of Supreme Court justices Amy Coney Barret and Brett Kavanaugh, which highlights the security risk to their persons. An anti-abortion group’s headquarters was burned down in Wisconsin.8 More broadly, incidents of domestic terrorism from either ideological extreme are likely as long as polarization remains near peak levels. Tactically go long US Treasuries relative to TIPS. Long-dated Treasuries are at fair value according to our US Bond Strategy, while inflation is reaching a near-term peak. Matt Gertken Senior Vice President Chief US Political Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1     Josh Gerstein and Alexander Ward, “Supreme Court has voted to overturn abortion rights, draft opinion shows,” Politico, May 2-3, 2022, politico.com. 2     See Bill Schneider, “Despite everything, Americans’ opinion on abortion hasn’t changed in 50 years,” The Hill, December 12, 2021, thehill.com. 3    Nobody knows what Roberts will decide: he famously changed his deciding vote on President Obama’s Affordable Care Act the night before the final ruling. But in this case Roberts could side with the conservatives, if he knows they will retain their majority anyway, so as to deliver a stronger 6-3 majority and hence avoid the danger to the court of a decision that is seen as narrowly partisan. Left-leaning voters would still see it as a partisan ruling but the focus of national discussion would shift to the legislative branch more rapidly if the court ruling were more decisive. 4    See Kyle Kondik, Larry Schack, and Mick McWilliams, “How Abortion Might Motivate or Persuade Voters in the Midterms,” Sabato’s Crystal Ball, May 5, 2022, centerforpolitics.org. 5    See Phillip Levine et al, “Roe V. Wade and American Fertility,” American Journal of Public Health 89:1 (1999), 199-203. Available at ajph.aphapublications.org. These findings are consistent with historical studies showing that abortion restrictions led to a 4%-12% increase in births in nineteenth-century America. See Johanna Lahey, “Birthing A Nation: The Effect of Fertility Control Access on the 19th Century Demographic Transition,” National Bureau of Economic Research, Working Paper 18717, January 2013, nber.org.   6    See Phillip Levine, “The Impact of Roe v. Wade on American Fertility (UPDATED),” Econofact, May 17, 2021, econofact.org, and the same author in footnote 4 above. 7     See Isaac Maddow-Zimet and Kathryn Kost, “Pregnancies, Births and Abortions in the United States, 1973–2017: National and State Trends by Age,” Guttmacher Institute, March 2021, guttmacher.org. See also Amanda Barroso, “With a potential ‘baby bust’ on the horizon, key facts about fertility in the U.S. before the pandemic,” May 7, 2021, and Anna Brown, “Growing share of childless adults in U.S. don’t expect to ever have children,” November 19, 2021, Pew Research, pewresearch.com. 8    See Betsy Woodruff Swan, “Law enforcement officials brace for potential violence around SCOTUS draft opinion,” Politico, May 5, 2022, politico.com. For the Wisconsin incident, see Stephanie Fryer, “Madison police chief responds to arson investigation on city's north side,” City of Madison, May 8, 2022, cityofmadison.com. Strategic View Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months)   Table A2Political Risk Matrix The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections Table A3US Political Capital Index The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections Chart A1Presidential Election Model The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections Chart A2Senate Election Model The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections Table A4APolitical Capital: White House And Congress The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections Table A4BPolitical Capital: Household And Business Sentiment The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections Table A4CPolitical Capital: The Economy And Markets The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections The Supreme Court And Midterm Elections  

Executive Summary The US Still Dominates Economic Output The US Still Dominates Economic Output The US Still Dominates Economic Output While the Ukraine war has been positive for the greenback, there is a slow tectonic shift away from the dollar as China rethinks holding concentrated foreign currency reserves. In the near term, the dollar faces positive macro variables and still-rising geopolitical tensions. Longer term, as global trade slows and countries gravitate into regional trading blocs, the dollar will need to fall to narrow the US trade deficit. By the same token, the Chinese RMB could weaken in the near term but will stabilize longer term. China will promote its currency across Asia. Currency volatility will take a step-function higher in this new paradigm. Winners will be the currencies of small open economies, especially in resource-rich nations. Trade Recommendation Inception Date Return LONG GOLD 2019-12-06 27.7% Bottom Line: Cyclical forces continue to underpin the dollar, such as rising US interest rates, a slowdown in global growth, and a safe haven premium from still-high geopolitical tensions. That said, the dollar is overbought, expensive, and vulnerable to reserve diversification over the longer term. While tactical long positions make sense, strategic investors should not chase the dollar higher. Feature Currency market action this week focused on two key central bank meetings: the Federal Reserve and the Bank of England. The Fed raised rates by 50 basis points while the BoE raised by 25 points, yet the market expectation differs. In the US, markets imply that the Fed can keep real interest positive while engineering a soft landing in the economy. In the UK (and Euro Area), markets see more acute stagflationary risks and assign a higher probability to a policy error. This situation, together with rising geopolitical risk, has put a bid under the dollar. Related Report  Commodity & Energy StrategyDie Cast By EU: Inflation, Recession Risks Rise Brewing in the background is the prospect that the Ukraine war and US sanctions on Russia could have longer-term consequences on the dollar. Specifically, Russia and China are now locked into a geopolitical partnership to undermine US geopolitical dominance, including the dollar’s supremacy. While this discussion will inevitably come with some speculation about what will happen in the future, what does the evidence say so far? More importantly, what are some profitable investment opportunities that could arise from any shift? The Russo-Chinese Rebellion Chart 1The US Needs To Externally Finance Defense Spending The US Needs To Externally Finance Defense Spending The US Needs To Externally Finance Defense Spending From Russia’s and China’s point of view, the United States threatens to establish global hegemony. The US possesses the world’s largest economy and most sophisticated military. It has largely maintained its preponderance in these spheres despite the rise of China, the resurgence of Russia, and the formation of the European Union as a geopolitical entity (Chart 1). If the US succeeds in its current endeavor of crippling Russia’s economy and surrounding it with NATO military allies, the world will be even more imbalanced in terms of power, while China will be isolated and insecure. To illustrate this point, NATO’s military spending is much higher than that of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), which is not nearly as developed a military alliance (Chart 2). Hence Russia and China believe they must take action to counter the US and establish a global balance of power. When Presidents Vladimir Putin and Xi Jinping met on February 4 to declare that their strategic partnership will suffer “no limits,” which means no military limits, they declared a new multipolar era and warned against US domination under the guise of liberalism. If China allows Putin to fail in his conflict with the West, the Russian regime will eventually undergo a major leadership and policy change and China will become isolated. Whereas if China accepts Russia’s current strategic overture, China will be fortified. Russia can be immensely supportive of China’s Eurasian strategy to bypass US maritime dominance and improve supply security (Chart 3). Chart 2NATO Vs SCO: US Threat Of Dominance FX Consequences Of The US-Russia Conflict FX Consequences Of The US-Russia Conflict The consequence of this Russo-Chinese alliance will be to transact in a currency that falls outside sanctions by the US. This will be no easy feat. The US dollar still monopolizes the world’s monetary system, even though the US is likely to lose economic clout over time.  Chart 3China Cannot Reject Russia FX Consequences Of The US-Russia Conflict FX Consequences Of The US-Russia Conflict ​​​​​ De-Dollarization And A Brewing USD Crisis? Fact Versus Fiction A reserve currency must serve the three basic functions of money on a global scale – providing a store of value, unit of account, and accepted medium of exchange. This status gives the dominant reserve currency an “exorbitant privilege,” a range of advantages including the ability to run persistent current account deficits and impose devastating sanctions on geopolitical rivals. Since the turn of the century, the US has struggled to maintain domestic political stability and has failed to deter challenges to its global leadership posed by Russia, China, and lesser powers. Lacking public support for foreign military adventures after Iraq and Afghanistan, Washington turned to economic sanctions to try to influence the behavior of other states. The results have been mixed in terms of geopolitics but cumulatively they have been neutral or positive for the trade-weighted dollar. The US adopted harsh sanctions against North Korea in 2005, Iran in 2010, Russia in 2012, Venezuela in 2015, and China in 2018. The primary trend in the dollar was never altered (Chart 4). Chart 4A Chronicle Of Sanctions And The Dollar A Chronicle Of Sanctions And The Dollar A Chronicle Of Sanctions And The Dollar Yet sweeping sanctions against Russia and China are qualitatively different from other sanctions– as they are among the world’s great powers. The extraordinary sanctions on Russia in 2022 – including cutting off its access to US dollar reserves – have proven deeply unsettling for China and other nations that fear they might someday end up on the wrong side of the US’s foreign policy. Russia’s own experience proves that diversification away from the dollar is likely to occur. From a peak of 47% in 2007, Russia reduced its dollar-denominated foreign exchange reserves to 16%. It cut its Treasury holdings from a peak of over 35% of international reserves to less than 1% today. Meanwhile Russia increased its gold holdings from 2% in 2008 to 20% (Chart 5). The Russians accelerated their diversification away from the dollar after invading Ukraine in 2014 to reduce the impact of sanctions. However, the world is familiar with Russian economic isolation. The West embargoed the USSR throughout the Cold War from 1949-1991. The dollar rose to prominence during this period, so it is not intuitive that Russia’s latest withdrawal from the global economy will enable other countries to abandon the dollar when they have failed in the past due to lack of alternatives. What is clear is that there is no clean or easy exit today from a dollar-denominated financial system. But there are a few lessons from Russia: The ruble has recouped all the losses since the implementation of sanctions. It runs a large current account surplus and has stemmed capital outflows. Another factor has been a sharp reduction in its dependence on the dollar. This will cushion the inflationary impact of US sanctions. Going forward, Russia will be much more insulated from the US dollar but at a terrible cost to potential economic growth (Chart 6). A dearth of US dollar capex into Russia will cripple productivity growth. The lesson for other US rivals will be to take economic stability into account when engaging in geopolitical rivalry.  Chart 5Russia Was Able To Dump Treasurys... Russia Was Able To Dump Treasurys... Russia Was Able To Dump Treasurys... The dollar has been unfazed by the Russian debacle. The victims have been other reserve currencies such as the euro, British pound, and Japanese yen, which are engulfed in an energy crisis from Russia’s actions.  Chart 6...But The Economic Impact Will Remain Severe ...But The Economic Impact Will Remain Severe ...But The Economic Impact Will Remain Severe ​​​​​​ The key question that matters for investors will be what China will do. As one of the largest holders of US Treasurys, a destabilizing exit would have dramatic currency market impacts and could backfire on China. The trick will be to continue exiting this system without precipitating domestic instability. What Will China Do? China has learned two critical lessons from the Russo-Ukrainian conflict, with regard to raising the appeal of the RMB. First, the economic impact of US sanctions can still be devastating even when you have diversified out of dollars. Second, access to commodities is ever more important. As such, any strategy China chooses will need to mitigate these risks. China started diversifying away from the dollar in 2011 and today holds $1.05 trillion in US Treasurys. A little less than half of its foreign exchange reserves are denominated in dollars (Chart 7). This has been a gradual diversification that has not upended the current monetary regime. More importantly, China’s diversification accounts for the bulk of the shift by non-allies away from treasuries. Their share of foreign-held treasuries has fallen from 41% in 2009 to 23% today (Chart 8). Chart 7China Has Lowered USD Reserve Holdings China Has Lowered USD Reserve Holdings China Has Lowered USD Reserve Holdings ​​​​​​ Chart 8US Allies Still Willing To Hold USDs... US Allies Still Willing To Hold USDs... US Allies Still Willing To Hold USDs... ​​​​​​ China’s diversification has helped drive down the overall foreign share of US government debt holdings (excluding domestic central banks) from close to 50% in the middle of the last decade to 36% today (Chart 9). It has also weighed on the dollar. China can and will speed up its diversification from the dollar in the wake of the Ukraine war. While Americans will say that China only need fear such sanctions if it attacks Taiwan or other countries, China will not rest assured. Beijing must respond to US capability, not the Biden Administration’s stated intentions. A new Republican administration could arise as soon as January 2025 and take the offensive against China. The US and China are already engaged in great power rivalry and Beijing cannot afford to substitute hope for strategy. China ran a $224 billion current account surplus in 2021, so part of its strategy could be to reduce the pool of savings that need to be recycled every year into global assets. Since 2007 China has sent large amounts of outward direct investment into the world to acquire real assets and natural resources. The Xi administration tried to bring coherence to this outward investment by prioritizing different countries and investments adhere to China’s economic and strategic aims. The Belt and Road Initiative is the symbol of this process (Chart 10). Going forward, China will continue this process. It will also recycle more of its savings at home by increasing investment in critical industries such as energy security, semiconductors, and defense. Chart 9...But A Slow Diversification From US Debt Persists FX Consequences Of The US-Russia Conflict FX Consequences Of The US-Russia Conflict The key priorities will remain a Eurasian strategy of circumventing the US navy. Building natural gas pipelines and other infrastructure to link up with Russia is an obvious area of emphasis, although it will involve tough negotiations with Moscow. China will also prioritize Central Asia, the Middle East, South Asia, and mainland Southeast Asia as areas where its influence can grow with limited intervention by the US and its allies (Chart 11). Chart 10The Belt And Road Initiative In Progress The Belt And Road Initiative In Progress The Belt And Road Initiative In Progress ​​​​​​   Chart 11China Outward Investment Will Need To Be Strategic FX Consequences Of The US-Russia Conflict FX Consequences Of The US-Russia Conflict Chart 12The RMB Could Dominate Intra-Regional Asean Trade FX Consequences Of The US-Russia Conflict FX Consequences Of The US-Russia Conflict As China invests more at home and in other countries, financing and invoicing deals in the renminbi will grow. While the dollar is the transactional currency globally, it is far less relevant when considering local trading blocs. The euro dominates intra-European trade, suggesting China can try to expand RMB invoicing for intra-Asian trade (Chart 12). Even then, however, the yuan faces serious obstacles from China’s inability or unwillingness to extend security guarantees to its partners, failure shift the economic model to consumerism, persistent currency controls, closed capital account, and geopolitical competition with the United States. Investors should pay close attention to shifts occurring at the margin. The number of bilateral swap lines offered to foreign central banks by the People’s Bank of China has grown (Chart 13), with a total amount of around 4 trillion yuan. This allows the PBoC to use its massive foreign exchange reserves, worth about US$3.2 trillion, to back yuan liabilities. As China continues to grow and increases the share of RMB trade within its sphere of influence, the yuan will rise as an invoicing currency (Chart 14). This could take years, even decades, but a shift is already underway. Chart 13The People's Bank Of Asia? FX Consequences Of The US-Russia Conflict FX Consequences Of The US-Russia Conflict ​​​​​​ Chart 14China Is Growing In Economic Importance China Is Growing In Economic Importance China Is Growing In Economic Importance ​​​​​​ In the near term, any US sanctions on China will hurt the RMB. Combined with hypo-globalization, China’s zero-Covid policy, narrowing interest rate differentials, and flight from Chinese assets, it is too soon to be positive on the RMB in the context of US-China confrontation (Chart 15). Longer term, China’s ability to ascend the reserve currency ladder will require a more radical change in Chinese policy to move the dollar. Chart 15CNY And US Sanctions CNY And US Sanctions CNY And US Sanctions Where Does The Euro Fit In? The biggest competitor to the US dollar is the euro, which took the largest chunk out of the US’s share of the global currency reserve basket in recent decades (Chart 16). Yet the EU could suffer a long-term loss of security, productivity, and stability from Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and the ensuing energy cutoff with Russia. Chart 16The Dollar Remains A Reserve Currency The Dollar Remains A Reserve Currency The Dollar Remains A Reserve Currency The EU will have to spend more on energy security and national defense. This will lead to an increase in debt securities that other countries could buy, which offers a way for countries to diversify from the dollar. However, Europe does not provide China or Russia with protection from US sanctions. The EU is allied with the US, it imposed sanctions on Russia along with the US, and like the US is pursuing extra-territorial law enforcement with its sanctions. When the US withdrew from the 2015 Iran nuclear deal, the EU disagreed technically, but in practice it enforced the sanctions anyway. The euro is hardly a safer reserve currency than sterling or the yen for countries looking to quarrel with the United States. The fact is that all of these allied states are likely to cooperate together in the event that any other state attempts to revise the global order as Russia has done. Not necessarily because they are democracies and share similar values but because they derive their national security from the US and its alliance system. The takeaway is that the euro will become a buying opportunity if and when the security environment stabilizes. Then diversification into the euro will occur. But it will not become a landslide that unseats the dollar, since the euro will still have a higher geopolitical risk premium. Investment Takeaways The historical evidence suggests that US sanctions have not weighed on the dollar. In the case of the Russo-Ukrainian conflict, it has been positive for the greenback. That said, there is a slow tectonic shift from the dollar, as each economic powerhouse evaluates the merits of holding concentrated foreign currency reserves. In the near term, the dollar will continue to be driven by traditional economic variables – global growth, real interest rate differentials, and the resilience of the US economy. That remains a positive. Geopolitical tensions reinforce the dollar’s current rally. Longer term, as globalization deteriorates and countries gravitate into regional trading blocs, the dollar will need to adjust lower to narrow the US trade deficit. By the same token, the RMB could weaken in the near term but will need to stabilize longer term, if Beijing wants it to be considered an anchor and store of value for other Asian currencies. Chart 17Silver Demand Could Explode Higher As Currency Volatility Rises Silver Demand Could Explode Higher As Currency Volatility Rises Silver Demand Could Explode Higher As Currency Volatility Rises The key takeaway is that currency volatility will take a step-function higher in this new paradigm. The winners could be the currencies of small open economies, especially in resource-rich nations. A world in which economic powers increasingly pursue national interests is likely to be inflationary. These powers will deplete the external pool of global savings, as current account balances wind down in favor of national and strategic interests. They will also likely encourage the demand for anti-fiat assets as currency volatility takes a step-function higher. Gold is likely to do well is this environment, but silver could be on the cusp of an explosion higher. The metal has found some measure of support around $22-23 per ounce even as manufacturing bottlenecks have hammered industrial demand. Long-only investors should hold both gold and silver, but a short gold/silver position makes sense both economically and from a valuation standpoint (Chart 17). Geopolitical Housekeeping: We are closing our Long FTSE 100 / Short DM-ex-US Equities trade for a gain of 19.5%. We still favor this trade cyclically and will look to reinstate it at a future date. We are also booking gains on our short TWD-USD trade for a return of 5.8% — though we remain short Taiwanese equities and continue to expect a fourth Taiwan Strait geopolitical crisis.   Chester Ntonifor Foreign Exchange Strategist chestern@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken Chief Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Strategic Themes Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Regional Geopolitical Risk Matrix

Executive Summary German GeoRisk Indicator German GeoRisk Indicator German GeoRisk Indicator Russia and Germany have begun cutting off each other’s energy in a major escalation of strategic tensions. The odds of Finland and Sweden joining NATO have shot up. A halt to NATO enlargement, particularly on Russia’s borders, is Russia’s chief demand. Tensions will skyrocket. China’s reversion to autocracy and de facto alliance with Russia are reinforcing the historic confluence of internal and external risk, weighing on Chinese assets. Geopolitical risk is rising in South Korea and Hong Kong, rising in Spain and Italy, and flat in South Africa. France’s election will lower domestic political risk but the EU as a whole faces a higher risk premium. The Biden administration is doubling down on its defense of Ukraine, calling for $33 billion in additional aid and telling Russia that it will not dominate its neighbor. However, the Putin regime cannot afford to lose in Ukraine and will threaten to widen the conflict to intimidate and divide the West. Trade Recommendation Inception Date Return LONG GLOBAL DEFENSIVES / CYCLICALS EQUITIES 2022-01-20 14.2% Bottom Line: Stay long global defensives over cyclicals. Feature Chart 1Geopolitical Risk And Policy Uncertainty Drive Up Dollar Geopolitical Risk And Policy Uncertainty Drive Up Dollar Geopolitical Risk And Policy Uncertainty Drive Up Dollar The dollar (DXY) is breaking above the psychological threshold of 100 on the back of monetary tightening and safe-haven demand. Geopolitical risk does not always drive up the dollar – other macroeconomic factors may prevail. But in today’s situation macro and geopolitics are converging to boost the greenback (Chart 1). Global economic policy uncertainty is also rising sharply. It is highly correlated with the broader trade-weighted dollar. The latter is nowhere near 2020 peaks but could rise to that level if current trends hold. A strong dollar reflects slowing global growth and also tightens global financial conditions, with negative implications for cyclical and emerging market equities. Bottom Line: Tactically favor US equities and the US dollar to guard against greater energy shock, policy uncertainty, and risk-aversion. Energy Cutoff Points To European Recession Chart 2Escalation With Russia Weighs Further On EU Assets Escalation With Russia Weighs Further On EU Assets Escalation With Russia Weighs Further On EU Assets Russia is reducing natural gas flows to Poland and Bulgaria and threatening other countries, Germany is now embracing an oil embargo against Russia, while Finland and Sweden are considering joining NATO. These three factors are leading to a major escalation of strategic tensions on the continent that will get worse before they get better, driving up our European GeoRisk indicators and weighing on European assets (Chart 2). Russia’s ultimatum in December 2021 stressed that NATO enlargement should cease and that NATO forces and weapons should not be positioned east of the May 1997 status quo. Russia invaded Ukraine to ensure its military neutrality over the long run.1 Finland and Sweden, seeing Ukraine’s isolation amid Russian invasion, are now reviewing whether to change their historic neutrality and join NATO. Public opinion polls now show Finnish support for joining at 61% and Swedish support at 57%. The scheduling of a joint conference between the country’s leaders on May 13 looks like it could be a joint declaration of their intention to join. The US and other NATO members will have to provide mutual defense guarantees for the interim period if that is the case, lest Russia attack. The odds that Finland and Sweden remain neutral are higher than the consensus holds (given the 97% odds that they join NATO on Predictit.org). But the latest developments suggest they are moving toward applying for membership. They fear being left in the cold like Ukraine in the event of an attack. Russia’s response will be critical. If Russia deploys nuclear weapons to Kaliningrad, as former President Dmitri Medvedev warned, then Moscow will be making a menacing show but not necessarily changing the reality of Russia’s nuclear strike capabilities. That is equivalent to a pass and could mark the peak of the entire crisis. The geopolitical risk premium would begin to subside after that. Related Report  Geopolitical StrategyLe Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) However, Russia has also threatened “military-political repercussions” if the Nordics join NATO. Russia’s capabilities are manifestly limited, judging by Ukraine today and the Winter War of 1939, but a broader war cannot entirely be ruled out. Global financial markets will still need to adjust for a larger tail risk of a war in Finland/Sweden in the very near term. Most likely Russia will retaliate by cutting off Europe’s natural gas. Clearly this is the threat on the table, after the cutoff to Poland and Bulgaria and the warnings to other countries. In the near term, several companies are gratifying Russia and paying for gas in rubles. But these payments violate EU sanctions against Russia and the intention is to wean off Russian imports as soon as possible. Germany says it can reduce gas imports starting next year after inking a deal with Qatar. Hence Russia might take the initiative and start reducing the flow earlier. Bottom Line: If Europe plunges into recession as a result of an immediate natural gas cutoff, then strategic stability between Russia and the West will become less certain. The tail risk of a broader war goes up. Stay cyclically long US equities over global equities and tactically long US treasuries. Stay long defense stocks and gold. Stay Short CNY At the end of last year we argued that Beijing would double down on “Zero Covid” policy in 2022, at least until the twentieth national party congress this fall. Social restrictions serve a dual purpose of disease suppression and dissent repression. Now that the state is doubling down, what will happen next? The economy will deteriorate: imports are already contracting at a rate of 0.1% YoY. The manufacturing PMI has fallen to 48.1  and the service sector PMI to 42.0, indicating contraction. Furthermore, social unrest could emerge, as lockdowns serve as a catalyst to ignite underlying socioeconomic disparities. Hence the national party congress is less likely to go smoothly, implying that investors will catch a glimpse of political instability under the surface in China as the year progresses. The political risk premium will remain high (Chart 3). Chart 3China's Confluence Of Domestic And Foreign Risk Weighs On Stocks And Currency China's Confluence Of Domestic And Foreign Risk Weighs On Stocks And Currency China's Confluence Of Domestic And Foreign Risk Weighs On Stocks And Currency While Chairman Xi Jinping is still likely to clinch another ten years in power, it will not be auspicious amid an economic crash and any social unrest. Xi could be forced into some compromises on either Politburo personnel or policy adjustments. A notable indicator of compromise would be if he nominated a successor, though this would not provide any real long-term assurance to investors given the lack of formal mechanisms for power transfer. After the party congress we expect Xi to “let 100 flowers bloom,” meaning that he will ease fiscal, regulatory, and social policy so that today’s monetary and fiscal stimulus can work effectively. Right now monetary and fiscal easing has limited impact because private sector actors are averse to taking risk. Easing policy to boost the economy could also entail a diplomatic charm offensive to try to convince the US and EU to avoid imposing any significant sanctions on trade and investment flows, whether due to Russia or human rights violations. Such a diplomatic initiative would only succeed, if at all, in the short run. The US cannot allow a deep re-engagement with China since that would serve to strengthen the de facto Russo-Chinese strategic alliance. In other words, an eruption of instability threatens to weaken Xi’s hand and jeopardize his power retention. While it is extremely unlikely that Xi will fall from power, he could have his image of supremacy besmirched. It is likely that China will be forced to ease a range of policies, including lockdowns and regulations of key sectors, that will be marginally positive for economic growth. There may also be schemes to attract foreign investment. Bottom Line: If China expands the range of its policy easing the result could be received positively by global investors in 2023. But the short-term outlook is still negative and deteriorating due to China’s reversion to autocracy and confluence of political and geopolitical risk. Stay short CNY and neutral Chinese stocks. Stay Short KRW South Koreans went to the polls on March 9 to elect their new president for a five-year term. The two top candidates for the job were Yoon Suk-yeol and Lee Jae-myung. Yoon, a former public prosecutor, was the candidate for the People Power Party, a conservative party that can be traced back to the Saenuri and the Grand National Party, which was in power from 2007 to 2017 under President Lee Myung-bak and President Park Geun-hye. Lee, the governor of the largest province in Korea, was the candidate for the Democratic Party, the party of the incumbent President Moon Jae-in. Yoon won by a whisker, garnering 48.6% of the votes versus 47.8% for Lee. The margin of victory for Yoon is the lowest since Korea started directly electing its presidents. President-elect Yoon will be inaugurated in May. He will not have control of the National Assembly, as his party only holds 34% of the seats. The Democratic Party holds the majority, with 172 out of 300 seats. The next legislative election will be in 2024, which means that President Yoon will have to work with the opposition for a good two years before his party has a chance to pass laws on its own. President-elect Yoon was the more pro-business and fiscally restrained candidate. His nomination of Han Duck-soo as his prime minister suggests that, insofar as any domestic policy change is possible, he will be pragmatic, as Han served under two liberal administrations. Yoon’s lack of a majority and nomination of a left-leaning prime minister suggest that domestic policy will not be a source of uncertainty for investors through 2024. Foreign policy, by contrast, will be the biggest source of risk for investors. Yoon rejects the dovish “Moonshine” policy of his predecessor and favors a strong hand in dealing with North Korea. “War can be avoided only when we acquire an ability to launch pre-emptive strikes and show our willingness to use them,” he has argued. North Korea responded by expanding its nuclear doctrine and resuming tests of intercontinental ballistic missiles with the launch of the Hwasong-17 on March 24 – the first ICBM launch since 2017. In a significant upgrade of North Korea’s deterrence strategy, Kim Yo Jong, the sister of Kim Jong Un, warned on April 4 that North Korea would use nuclear weapons to “eliminate” South Korea if attacked (implying an overwhelming nuclear retaliation to any attack whatsoever). Kim Jong Un himself claimed on April 26 that North Korea’s nuclear weapons are no longer merely about deterrence but would be deployed if the country is attacked. President-elect Yoon welcomes the possibility of deploying of US strategic assets to strengthen deterrence against the North. The hawkish turn is not surprising considering that North-South relations failed to make any substantive improvements during President Moon’s five-year tenure as a pro-engagement president. South Koreans, especially Yoon’s supporters, are split on whether inter-Korean dialogue should be continued. They are becoming more interested in developing their own nuclear weapons or at the very least deploying US nuclear weapons in South Korea. Half of South Korean voters support security through alliance with the US, while a third support security through the development of independent nuclear weapons. The nuclear debate will raise tensions on the peninsula. An even bigger change in South Korea’s foreign policy is its policy towards China. President-elect Yoon has accused President Moon of succumbing to China’s economic extortion. Moon had established a policy of “three No’s,” meaning no to additional THAAD missiles in South Korea, no to hosting other US missile defense systems, and no to joining an alliance with Japan and the United States. By contrast, Yoon’s electoral promises include deploying more THAAD and joining the Quadrilateral Dialogue (US, Japan, Australia, India). Polls show that South Koreans hold a low opinion of all of their neighbors but that China has slipped slightly beneath Japan and North Korea in favorability. Even Democratic Party voters feel more negative towards China. While negative attitudes towards China are not unique to Korea, there is an important difference from other countries: the Korean youth dislike China the most, not the older generations. Negative sentiment is less tied to old wounds from the Korean war and more related to ideology and today’s grievances. Younger Koreans, growing up in a liberal democracy and proud of their economic and cultural success, have been involved in campus clashes against Chinese students over Korean support for Hong Kong democrats. Negative attitudes towards China among the youth should alarm investors, as young people provide the voting base for elections to come, and China is the largest trading partner for Korea. Korea’s foreign policy will hew to the American side, at risk to its economy (Chart 4). Chart 4South Korean Geopolitical Risk Rising Under The Radar South Korean Geopolitical Risk Rising Under The Radar South Korean Geopolitical Risk Rising Under The Radar President-elect Yoon’s policies towards North Korea and China will increase geopolitical risk in East Asia. The biggest beneficiary will be India. Both Korea and Japan need to find a substitute to Chinese markets and labor, which have become less reliable in recent years. South Korea’s newly elected president is aligned with the US and West and less friendly toward China and Russia. He faces a rampant North Korea that feels emboldened by its position of an arsenal of 40-50 deliverable nuclear weapons. The North Koreans now claim that they will respond to any military attack with nuclear force and are testing intercontinental ballistic missiles and possibly a nuclear weapon. The US currently has three aircraft carriers around Korea, despite its urgent foreign policy challenges in Europe and the Middle East. Bottom Line: Stay long JPY-KRW. South Korea’s geopolitical risk premium will remain high. But favor Korean stocks over Taiwanese stocks. Stay Neutral On Hong Kong Stocks Hong Kong’s leadership change will trigger a new bout of unrest (Chart 5). Chart 5Hong Kong: More Turbulence Ahead Hong Kong: More Turbulence Ahead Hong Kong: More Turbulence Ahead On April 4, Hong Kong’s incumbent Chief Executive, Carrie Lam, confirmed that she would not seek a second term but would step down on June 30. John Lee, the current chief secretary of Hong Kong, became the only candidate approved to run for election, which is scheduled to be held on May 8. With the backing of the pro-Beijing members in the Election Committee, Lee is expected to secure enough nominations to win the race. Lee served as security secretary from when Carrie Lam took office in 2017 until June 2021. He firmly supported the Hong Kong extradition bill in 2019 and National Security Law in 2020, which provoked historic social unrest in those years. He insisted on taking a tough security stance towards pro-democracy protests. With Lee in power, Hong Kong will face more unrest and tougher crackdowns in the coming years, which will likely bring more social instability. Lee will provoke pro-democracy activists with his policy stances and adherence to Beijing’s party line. For example, his various statements to the news media suggest a dogmatic approach to censorship and political dissent. With the adoption of the National Security Law, Hong Kong’s pro-democracy faction is already deeply disaffected. Carrie Lam was originally elected as a popular leader, with notable support from women, but her popularity fell sharply after the passage of the extradition bill and National Security Law, as well as her mishandling of the Covid-19 outbreak. Her failure to handle the clashes between the Hong Kong people and Beijing damaged public trust in government. Trust never fully recovered when it took another hit recently from the latest wave of the pandemic. Putting another pro-Beijing hardliner in power will exacerbate the trend. Hong Kong equities are vulnerable not merely because of social unrest. During the era of US-China engagement, Hong Kong benefited as the middleman and the symbol that the Communist Party could cooperate within a liberal, democratic, capitalist global order. Hence US-China power struggle removes this special status and causes Hong Kong financial assets to contract mainland Chinese geopolitical risk. As a result of the 2019-2020 crackdown, John Lee and Carrie Lam were among a list of Hong Kong officials sanctioned by the US Treasury Department and State Department in 2020. Now, after the Ukraine war, the US will be on the lookout for any Hong Kong role in helping Russia circumvent sanctions, as well as any other ways in which China might further its strategic aims by means of Hong Kong. Bottom Line: Stay neutral on Hong Kong equities. Favor France Within European Equities French political risk will fall after the presidential election, which recommits the country to geopolitical unity with the US and NATO and potentially pro-productivity structural reforms (Chart 6). France is already a geopolitically secure country so the reduction of domestic political risk should be doubly positive for French assets, though they have already outperformed. And the Russia-West conflict is fueling a risk premium regardless of France’s positive developments. Chart 6France's Domestic Political Risk Will Subside But Russian War Will Keep Geopolitical Risk Elevated France's Domestic Political Risk Will Subside But Russian War Will Keep Geopolitical Risk Elevated France's Domestic Political Risk Will Subside But Russian War Will Keep Geopolitical Risk Elevated The French election ended with a solid victory for the political establishment as we expected. President Emmanuel Macron gaining 58% of the vote to Marine Le Pen’s 42%. Macron beat his opinion polling by 4.5pp while Le Pen underperformed her polls by 4.5pp. A large number of voters abstained, at 28%, compared to 25.5% in 2017. The regional results showed a stark divergence between overseas or peripheral France (where Marine Le Pen even managed to get over half of the vote in several cases) and the core cities of France (where Macron won handily). Macron had won an outright majority in every region in 2017. Macron did best among the young and the old, while Le Pen did best among middle-aged voters. But Macron won every age group except the 50 year-olds, who want to retire early. Macron did well among business executives, managers, and retired people, but Le Pen won among the working classes, as expected. Le Pen won the lowest paid income group, while Macron’s margin of victory rises with each step up the income ladder. Macron’s performance was strong, especially considering the global context. The pandemic knocked several incumbent parties out of power (US, Germany) and required leadership changes in others (Japan, Italy). The subsequent inflation shock now threatens to cause another major political rotation in rapid succession, leaving various political leaders and parties vulnerable in the coming months and years (Australia, the UK, Spain). Only Canada and now France marked exceptions, where post-pandemic elections confirmed the country’s leader. The Ukraine war constitutes yet another shock but it helped Macron, as Le Pen had objective links and sympathies with Russian President Vladimir Putin. Macron’s timing was lucky but his message of structural reform for the sake of economic efficiency still resonates in contemporary France, where change is long overdue – at least compared with Le Pen’s proposal of doubling down on statism, protectionism, and fiscal largesse. The French middle class was never as susceptible to populism as the US, UK, and Italy because it had been better protected from the ravages of globalization. Populism is still a force to be reckoned with, especially if left-wing populists do well in the National Assembly, or if right-wing populists find a fresher face than the Le Pen dynasty. But the failure of populism in the context of pandemic, inflation, and war suggests that France’s political establishment remains well fortified by the economic structure and the electoral system. Whether Macron can sustain his structural reforms depends on legislative elections to be held on June 12-19. Early projections are positive for his party, which should keep a majority. Macron’s new mandate will help. Le Pen’s National Rally and its predecessors may perform better than in the past but that is not saying much as their presence in the National Assembly has been weak. Bottom Line: France is geopolitically secure and has seen a resounding public vote for structural reform that could improve productivity depending on legislative elections. French equities can continue to outperform their European peers over the long run. Our European Investment Strategy recommends French equities ex-consumer stocks, French small caps over large caps, and French aerospace and defense.   Favor Spanish Over Italian Stocks Chart 7Italian And Spanish Political Risk Will Rise But Favor Spanish Stocks Italian And Spanish Political Risk Will Rise But Favor Spanish Stocks Italian And Spanish Political Risk Will Rise But Favor Spanish Stocks What about Spain? It is still a “divided nation” susceptible to a rise in political risk ahead of the general election due by December 10, 2023 (Chart 7). In the past few months, a series of strategic mistakes and internal power struggles have led to a significant decline in the popularity of Spain’s largest opposition party, the People’s Party. Due to public infighting and power struggle, Pablo Casado was forced to step down as the leader of the People’s Party on February 23, as requested by 16 of the party’s 17 regional leaders. It is yet to be seen if the new party leader, Alberto Nunez Feijoo, can reboot People’s Party. The far-right VOX party will benefit from the People Party’s setback. The latter’s misstep in a regional election (Castile & Leon) gave VOX a chance to participate in a regional government for the very first time. Hence VOX’s influence will spread and it will receive greater recognition as an important political force. Meanwhile the ruling Socialist Worker’s Party (PSOE) faces anger from the public amid inflation and high energy prices. However, Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez’s decision to send offensive military weapons to Ukraine is widely supported among major parties, including even his reluctant coalition partner, Unidas Podemos. The People’s Party’s recent infighting gives temporary relief to the ruling party. The Russia-Ukraine issue caused some minor divisions within the government but they are not yet leading to any major political crisis, as nationwide pro-Ukraine sentiment is largely unified. The Andalusia regional election, which is expected this November, will be a check point for Feijoo and a pre-test for next year’s general election. Andalusia is the most populous autonomous community in Spain, consisting about 17% of the seats in the congress (the lower house). The problem for Sanchez and the Socialists is that the stagflationary backdrop will weigh on their support over time. Bottom Line: Spanish political risk is likely to spike sooner rather than later, though Spanish domestic risk it is limited in nature. Madrid faces low geopolitical risk, low energy vulnerability, and is not susceptible to trying to leave the EU or Euro Area. Favor Spanish over Italian stocks. Stay Constructive On South Africa The political and economic status quo is largely unchanged in South Africa and will remain so going into the 2024 national elections. Fiscal discipline will weaken ahead of the election, which should be negative for the rand, but the global commodity shortage and geopolitical risks in Russia and China will probably overwhelm any negative effects from South Africa’s domestic policies. Rising commodity prices have propped up the local equity market and will bring in much-needed revenue into the local economy and government coffers. But structural issues persist. Low growth outcomes amid weak productivity and high unemployment levels will remain the norm. The median voter is increasingly constrained with fewer economic opportunities on the horizon. Pressure will mount on the ruling African National Congress (ANC), fueling civil unrest and adding to overall political risk (Chart 8). Chart 8South Africa's Political Status Quo Is Tactically Positive For Equities And Currency South Africa's Political Status Quo Is Tactically Positive For Equities And Currency South Africa's Political Status Quo Is Tactically Positive For Equities And Currency Almost a year has passed since the civil unrest episode of 2021. Covid-19 lockdowns have lifted and the national state of disaster has ended, reducing social tensions. This is evident in the decline of our South Africa GeoRisk indicator from 2021 highs. While we recently argued that fiscal austerity is under way in South Africa, we also noted that fiscal policy will reverse course in time for the 2024 election. In this year’s fiscal budget, the budget deficit is projected to narrow from -6% to -4.2% over the next two years. Government has increased tax revenue collection through structural reforms that are rooting out corruption and wasteful expenditure. But the ANC will have to tap into government spending to shore up lost support come 2024. Already, the ANC have committed to maintaining a special Covid-19 social-grant payment, first introduced in 2020, for another year. This grant, along with other government support, will feature in 2024 and possibly beyond. Unemployment is at 34.3%, its highest level ever recorded. The ANC cannot leave it unchecked. The most prevalent and immediate recourse is to increase social payments and transfers. Given the increasing number of social dependents that higher unemployment creates, government spending will have to increase to address rising unemployment. President Cyril Ramaphosa is still a positive figurehead for the ANC, but the 2021 local elections showed that the ANC cannot rely on the Ramaphosa effect alone. The ANC is also dealing with intra-party fighting. Ramaphosa has yet to assert total control over the party elites, distracting the ANC from achieving its policy objectives. To correct course, Ramaphosa will have to relax fiscal discipline. To this outcome, investors should expect our GeoRisk indicator to register steady increases in political risk moving into 2024. The only reason to be mildly optimistic is that South Africa is distant from geopolitical risk and can continue to benefit from the global bull market in metals. Bottom Line: Maintain a cyclically constructive outlook on South African currency and assets. Tight global commodity markets will support this emerging market, which stands to benefit from developments in Russia and China. Investment Takeaways Stay strategically long gold on geopolitical and inflation risk, despite the dollar rally. Stay long US equities relative to global and UK equities relative to DM-ex-US. Favor global defensives over cyclicals and large caps over small caps. Stay short CNY, TWD, and KRW-JPY. Stay short CZK-GBP. Favor Mexico within emerging markets. Stay long defense and cyber security stocks. We are booking a 5% stop loss on our long Canada / short Saudi Arabia equity trade. We still expect Middle Eastern tensions to escalate and trigger a Saudi selloff.   Matt Gertken Chief Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Jesse Anak Kuri Associate Editor Jesse.Kuri@bcaresearch.com Yushu Ma Research Analyst yushu.ma@bcaresearch.com Guy Russell Senior Analyst GuyR@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1   The campaign in the south suggests that Ukraine will be partitioned, landlocked, and susceptible to blockade in the coming years. If Russia achieves its military objectives, then Ukraine will accept neutrality in a ceasefire to avoid losing more territory. If Russia fails, then it faces humiliation and its attempts to save face will become unpredictable and aggressive. Strategic Themes Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Regional Geopolitical Risk Matrix Geopolitical Calendar

Listen to a short summary of this report.     Dear Client, In lieu of our weekly report next week, I will be hosting a webcast on Tuesday with my colleague Mathieu Savary, Chief European Strategist, on the implications of stagflation on European assets and global FX markets. I look forward to answering any questions you might have. Kind regards, Chester Executive Summary The Yen And Interest Rates The Yen And Interest Rates The Yen And Interest Rates The Japanese yen is in liquidation. The historical evidence suggests waiting for an exhaustion in selling pressure, before placing fresh bets. This exhaustion is likely to occur once global bond yields stabilize (Feature chart), and energy price inflation abates. A move lower in these two key variables would catalyze an explosive rebound in the yen, on the back of very cheap valuations and a large net short speculative position. The Bank of Japan will not meaningfully pivot soon. The reason is that downside risks to the Japanese economy supersede the risk of an inflation overshoot. What Japan needs is stronger fiscal spending, that would offset deficient domestic demand. That said, Japan is also one of the best candidates for generating non-inflationary growth, a bullish backdrop for the currency. Our 2022 target for the yen is 110. Our sense is that most of the downside risks are well understood by markets, while upside surprises are much underappreciated. RECOMMENDATIONS INCEPTION LEVEL inception date RETURN Short chf/JPY 135 2022-04-21 - Bottom Line: The yen has undershot. According to our in-house PPP models, the Japanese currency is undervalued by 35%. Historically, an investor buying the yen at such undervalued levels has made 6% per year over the subsequent 5 years. Feature The yen’s move in recent weeks has been explosive. Since early March, the yen has collapsed by 11%, pushing USD/JPY from around 115 to a nudge below 130. Over the last year, the yen is down 16%. In retrospect, a chart formation since 1990 suggests this is a classic liquidation phase that is unlikely to reverse until fundamentals shift. The two key drivers of yen weakness have been higher global yields, and elevated energy prices. Chart 1 shows that the yen has been perfectly tracking the US 10-year Treasury yield. Yield curve control (YCC) is leading to a capitulation of both domestic and foreign investors, fleeing from Japanese bonds towards external bond markets. Looking out the curve, investors do not expect the Bank of Japan to lift rates higher than 50 bps until 2028 (Chart 2). Chart 1The Yen And Interest Rates The Yen And Interest Rates The Yen And Interest Rates Chart 2The BoJ Is Expected To Stay Dovish The BoJ Is Expected To Stay Dovish The BoJ Is Expected To Stay Dovish Meanwhile, higher energy costs are also putting selling pressure on the yen as merchants sell JPY to pay for more expensive imports in US dollars.    Is Selling Pressure Exhausted? Chart 3A Technical Profile Of The Japanese Yen A Technical Profile Of The Japanese Yen A Technical Profile Of The Japanese Yen The key question for investors is whether the carnage in the yen is in an apocalyptic phase. The answer depends on the time horizon. Daily traders, reconciling positions every few hours, should continue shorting the yen. Exhaustion in selling pressure is likely to manifest itself through a few technical patterns, most notably, a consolidation phase. Chart 3 suggests that reversals in the yen have tended to pass through a period of indigestion, allowing investors enough time to play on a reversal. We are not there yet.  That said, for longer-term investors, being contrarian could pay off handsomely. The 1-year drawdown in the yen is within the scope of historical capitulation phases (Chart 4). Since JPY became freely floating, selloffs have been around 15%-20% especially during major events (the Asian financial crisis or the manufacturing recession the last decade, for example). The last major selloff was around Abenomics in 2012, a pivotal event. Chart 4The Yen Drawdown Has Matched Previous Capitulation Phases The Yen Drawdown Has Matched Previous Capitulation Phases The Yen Drawdown Has Matched Previous Capitulation Phases Speculators are also very short JPY and sentiment is quite depressed. This is bullish from a contrarian perspective. Low rates in Japan have led to the proliferation of carry trades. While these are likely to persist, the bulk of investors have already jumped on this bandwagon. A stabilization and/or reversal in US Treasury yields could flush out stale shorts in the yen (Chart 5). If, as we expect, the greenback does weaken in the second half of this year, that will also support the yen. Chart 5Sentiment On The Yen Is Very Depressed Sentiment On The Yen Is Very Depressed Sentiment On The Yen Is Very Depressed Japan’s Economic Outlook The yen tends to appreciate when the Japanese economy is exiting a recession (Chart 6). Part of the reason why the yen has been so weak is because economic growth in Japan has been anemic. While the external sector has been benefiting from a global trade boom, the domestic sector has been under siege from the pandemic, until recently. Chart 6The Yen Tends To Rebound When The Japanese Economy Recovers The Yen Tends To Rebound When The Japanese Economy Recovers The Yen Tends To Rebound When The Japanese Economy Recovers It is notable that while goods spending has been picking up around the world, the personal consumption component of GDP in Japan remains 5% below the pre-pandemic trend. Shinkansen passenger volumes are still down 42% this year after an even bigger collapse last year. Inbound tourists, a meaningful source of demand, has collapsed from about 25% of the overall Japanese population before the pandemic to zero today. These dire statistics are likely to reverse. The manufacturing PMI is ticking higher. The number of daily new COVID-19 cases has dramatically rolled over. This will be a welcome fillip to much subdued consumer and business sentiment. 2% Inflation = Mission Impossible? The BoJ is likely to get its wish of 2% inflation in the coming months. However, it will prove fleeting. The overarching theme for Japan is an aging and declining population which has put a lid on consumer prices (Chart 7). This will support real interest rates. Inflation does not tend to accelerate on the island until the output gap is fully closed. That has yet to occur. Meanwhile, the political push to cut mobile phone prices has been a drag on CPI. Mobile phone charges alone have cut around 1.2%-1.5% from the core core measure of Japanese inflation, according to the BoJ. This has been a structural trend. As a result, long-term inflation expectations in Japan remain anchored near 1%, even though the rest of the world is seeing a price boom (Chart 8). The revealed preference is for low/stable prices. Chart 7Demographics Are Weighing On Japanese##br##Inflation Demographics Are Weighing On Japanese Inflation Demographics Are Weighing On Japanese Inflation Chart 8Long-Term Inflation Expectations In Japan Are Rising, But Muted Long-Term Inflation Expectations In Japan Are Rising, But Muted Long-Term Inflation Expectations In Japan Are Rising, But Muted Clearly, the Bank of Japan would like this to change, as it aims for a persistent 2% inflation target. That said, it will be unable to adjust monetary settings aggressively. The BoJ already owns over 50% of Japanese government bonds, and that has made the market very illiquid. As a result, ownership as a share of GDP is nearing attrition (Chart 9). Related Report  Foreign Exchange StrategyThe Yen In 2022 Arguably, the BoJ could widen the target band for yield curve control, while lowering short rates further below zero, but that is unlikely to do much for inflation expectations. It could also expand its 0% bank loan scheme beyond renewable industries, and/or small/medium-sized firms, but the problem in Japan is a lack of demand. The currency remains the sole policy lever for the BoJ. Unfortunately, for a small, open economy, the BoJ has less control over the currency. The Ministry of Finance last intervened to support the currency in 1998 (Chart 10). That helped the yen temporarily, but global factors dictated its longer-term trend. Intervention this time around will not assuage the whale of carry traders. Chart 9The BoJ Has Not Been Aggressively Buying Government Bonds The BoJ Has Not Been Aggressively Buying Government Bonds The BoJ Has Not Been Aggressively Buying Government Bonds Chart 10The MoF Could Soon ##br##Intervene The MoF Could Soon Intervene The MoF Could Soon Intervene A falling yen would allow some pass-through inflation, but this is unlikely to be sticky. The yen needs to fall 10% every year to generate 1% inflation in Japan (Chart 11). Meanwhile, a policy based on depreciating your currency could lead to a crisis of confidence, especially vis-à-vis Japanese trade partners. Our model for core core inflation suggests that all the weakness in the currency will only boost this print to 0.5% in the coming months (Chart 12). Chart 11Currency Weakness Will Only Temporarily Help Boost Inflation Currency Weakness Will Only Temporarily Help Boost Inflation Currency Weakness Will Only Temporarily Help Boost Inflation Chart 12Core CPI Will Not Meaningfully ##br##Recover Core CPI Will Not Meaningfully Recover Core CPI Will Not Meaningfully Recover What Japan needs is more fiscal spending. For a low-growth economy, with ultra-loose monetary settings, the fiscal multiplier tends to be much larger. Putting it all together, real rates are unlikely to fall very much in Japan. This is very positive for the yen in a world with deeply negative real rates. As demand recovers, and the Japanese economy generates non-inflationary growth, the currency should find a solid footing. Why Valuation Matters Chart 13The Yen Is Very Cheap The Yen Is Very Cheap The Yen Is Very Cheap Japan is running a big trade deficit on the back of high energy prices. A cheap currency at least increases Japan’s competitiveness. This is particularly the case since the boom in external demand has been a much welcome cushion for Japanese growth. According to our PPP models, the Japanese yen is the cheapest G10 currency, undervalued by around 35% (Chart 13). Why valuations matter is because an investor who buys the yen today can expect to make 6% a year over the next half decade, based on the historical correlation between valuation and subsequent currency returns (Chart 14). This will especially be the case if Japanese inflation keeps lagging inflation in the US. As we argued at the beginning of this report, US yields will need to stabilize before long yen positions make sense on a tactical basis (Chart 15). Chart 14Valuation Matters For The Japanese Yen Valuation Matters For The Japanese Yen Valuation Matters For The Japanese Yen Chart 15Global Yields Need To Stabilize For The Yen To Bounce Global Yields Need To Stabilize For The Yen To Bounce Global Yields Need To Stabilize For The Yen To Bounce The Yen As A Safe Haven The yen still appears to have the best correlation with a rising VIX (Chart 16). In a world of slowing global growth and the potential for equity market turbulence, this bodes well for long yen positions. That said, the carry on this position will be unbearable especially if the Federal Reserve continues to sound hawkish. The better play on potential yen strength is a short CHF/JPY position. Historically, these currencies have tended to move together. However, more recently, the CHF has risen substantially versus the JPY, suggesting some mean reversion is due (Chart 17). Chart 16The Yen Remains A Good Hedge The Yen Remains A Good Hedge The Yen Remains A Good Hedge Chart 17Go Short CHF/JPY Go Short CHF/JPY Go Short CHF/JPY Strategically, we were stopped out of our short USD/JPY position at 128, initiated at 124. Our 2022 target for the yen is 110. Our sense is that most of the downside risks are well understood by markets, while upside surprises are much underappreciated. Tactically, we will wait for the consolidation phase we outlined earlier in this report, before initiating fresh positions.   Chester Ntonifor Foreign Exchange Strategist chestern@bcaresearch.com Trades & Forecasts Strategic View Cyclical Holdings (6-18 months) Tactical Holdings (0-6 months) Limit Orders Forecast Summary

Executive Summary The Declining Value Of An Old Friendship Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? India may buy cheap oil from Russia, but oil alone cannot expand this partnership. India needs to maintain a balance of power against China and Pakistan. With Russia’s heft set to decline, India will be compelled to explore a configuration with America. India will slowly yet surely move into America’s sphere of influence. Strong geopolitical as well as economic incentives exist for both sides to develop partnership. The US’s grand strategy will continue to collide with that of Russia and China. China will increasingly align with Russia and is doomed to stay entangled in a strategic conflict with India. With India a promising emerging market set to cleave to America, we reiterate our strategic buy call on India. Tactically however we are bearish on India. We also recommend investors go strategically long Indian tech / short Chinese tech. This pair trade is likely to keep rising on a secular basis. Trade Recommendation Inception Date Return LONG INDIAN TECH / CHINESE TECH EQUITIES 2022-04-21   Bottom Line: For reasons of geopolitics as well as macroeconomics, we maintain our constructive view on India and our negative view on China on a strategic time frame. On a tactical timeframe, we remain sellers of India given cyclical political and macro risks. Feature Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has forced all players at the global geopolitical table to show their hand. The one major player at the table who is yet to show her cards is India. Which side India choses matters. Its geopolitical rise is one of the many reasons we live in a brave new multipolar world. India will gain influence in the global economy as a large buyer of oil and guns and as a user of tech platforms and capital. Related Report  Geopolitical StrategyFrom Nixon-Mao To Putin-Xi The situation is complicated by mixed signals. India has played a geopolitically neutral or “non-aligned” role for most of its time since independence in 1947. Those who believe India will stay neutral point to the fact that India has continued buying oil from Russia and has abstained from voting on both anti-Russia and anti-Ukrainian resolutions at the United Nations. Those who predict that India will side with Russia have trouble explaining how India will get along with China, which committed to a “no limits” strategic partnership with Russia prior to the invasion. Those who speculate that India will align with the US have trouble explaining India’s persistent ties with Russia and the Biden administration’s threat of punishment for those who help Russia circumvent US sanctions. In this report we argue that the Indo-Russian friendship is destined to fade over a long-term, strategic horizon. The reason is simple: Russia’s geopolitical power is fading and hence it can no longer help India meet its regional security goals. The growing Russia-China alignment will only alienate India further. Hence, we expect the relationship between India and Russia to be reduced to a transactional status – mainly trade in oil and guns over the next few years, while strategic realities will drive India to tighten relations with the US and its Asian allies. Three geopolitical forces will break down the camaraderie between India and Russia, namely: (1) A collision in the grand strategies of America with that of both China and Russia, (2) India’s need to align with the US to underwrite its own regional security, and (3) China’s rising distrust of India as India aligns with the US and its allies. In fact, we expect China and India to stay embroiled in a strategic conflict over the next few years. Any thaw in their relations will be temporary at best. The rest of this report explains and quantifies these forces. We conclude with actionable investment conclusions. Let’s dive straight in. US Versus China-Russia: A Grand Strategy Collision “For the enemy is the communist system itself – implacable, insatiable, unceasing in its drive for world domination … For this is not a struggle for supremacy of arms alone – it is also a struggle for supremacy between two conflicting ideologies: freedom under God versus ruthless, Godless tyranny. “ – John F. Kennedy, Remarks at Mormon Tabernacle, Utah (September 1960) Chart 1China’s Is An Export-Powered Economic Heavyweight Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? It’s been six decades since these words were spoken and today the quotation is more relevant than at any time since the Cold War ended in 1991. The excerpt captures how the Biden administration has positioned itself with respect to Russia and China, only replacing “communist” with “autocratic” in Russia’s case. The Ukraine war helps America advance its grand strategy with respect to Russia. The Ukraine war is steadily draining Russia’s already limited economic might. Western sanctions aim to weaken Russia further. Russia’s military capabilities are now in greater doubt than before, so that its only remaining geopolitical strengths are nuclear weapons and, significantly, its leverage as an energy supplier. With Russia weakened, yet capable of reinforcing China, America will focus more intensely on China over the coming years and the breakdown in US-China relations will only accelerate. China is a genuine economic competitor to the United States (Chart 1). Its strategic rise worries America. To make matters worse, America poses a unique threat to China. China relies heavily on energy imports (Chart 2) from the Middle East (Chart 3). This is a source of great vulnerability as China’s fuel imports must traverse seas that America controls (Map 1). During peace time, and periods of robust US-China strategic engagement, this vulnerability is not an issue. But China is acutely aware that America has the capability to choke China’s energy access at will in the event of hostilities, just as it did to Japan in World War II. Russia has managed to wage war in Ukraine, against US wishes, since it is a net energy supplier to Europe and the global economy. Chart 2China And India Rely On Imports For Energy Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? ​​​​​ Chart 3India And China Both Depend On Middle East For Oil Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? ​​​​​​ Map 1US Military Footprint In Middle East Threatens China … Yet US Presence In South Asia Is Weak Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Atop China’s fuel-supply related insecurities, America has begun a strategic pivot to Asia in recent years. For instance, America has pulled troops out of Iraq and Afghanistan, declared a trade war on China, and strengthening strategic alliances and partnerships with regional geopolitical powers like India and Australia (Table 1). The US has retained its alliance with the Philippines despite an adverse government there, while South Korea has just elected a pro-American president again. With Japan, South Korea and Australia aligned militarily with the US, China’s naval power pales in comparison (Chart 4). Table 1America’s Influence In Asia Is Rising Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Chart 4China’s Naval Power Pales Versus US Allies In Asia Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Now China cannot watch America refurbish its grand strategy in Asia silently. Given China’s need for supply security, geopolitical independence, and regional influence, Beijing will double down on building its influence in Asia and in the eastern hemisphere. Against this backdrop of US-China competition, military conflict becomes increasingly likely, especially in the form of “proxy wars” involving China’s neighbors but conceivably even in the form of US-China naval warfare. China’s plans to modernize and enhance its economic prowess will add to America’s worries (Chart 5). A bipartisan consensus of American lawmakers is focused on reviving America’s economic strength but simultaneously limiting China’s benefit by restricting Chinese imports and American high-tech exports (Chart 6). Since Beijing cannot afford to base its national strategy on the hope of lingering American engagement, US-China trade relations will weaken regardless of which party controls the White House. Chart 5China’s Growing Might Worries America Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? ​​​​​​ Chart 6US Growth Does Not Equal Growth In Imports From China Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? ​​​​​​ The consensus in global financial media (which we never bought) held that the Biden administration would reduce tensions with China – but the détente never occurred and the remaining window for détente is limited by the uncertainty of the 2024 election. The US is currently occupied with Russia but threatening to impose secondary sanctions on China if it provides military assistance or circumvents sanctions. The Russo-Ukrainian war has led to an energy price shock that hurts an industrial economy like China’s. For the rest of this year China’s leaders will be consumed with managing the energy shock, a nationwide Covid-19 outbreak, and the important political reshuffle this fall. Only in 2023 will Beijing have room for maneuver when it comes to the US. But the US cannot return to engagement, which strengthens China’s economy, while China cannot open up to the US economy and become more exposed to future US sanctions. Bottom Line: A grand strategy collision between the US and China is certain. US dominance of sea routes that China uses for energy imports necessarily intimidates China. America’s pivot to Asia threatens China’s regional influence. This will prompt China to restrict American advances in strategic geographies —and not only the Taiwan Strait but also, as we will see, in South Asia. US-India Strategic Alignment: Only A Matter Of Time “If they [nation states] wish to survive, they must be willing to go to war to preserve a balance against the growing hegemonic power of the period.” – Nicholas J. Spykman, America's Strategy in World Politics (Harcourt, Brace and Co, 1942) For reasons of strategy, China will continue to build its influence in South Asia. South Asia offers prospects of sea access to the Indian Ocean, namely via Pakistan. This factor could ease China’s fuel supply insecurities. Also, penetrating northern India helps China set up a noose around India’s neck, thus neutralizing a potential enemy and US ally. In short China will pursue a two-pronged strategy of Eurasian development and naval expansion, both of which threaten India. Against this backdrop, India needs US support to counter Pakistan to its west, China’s latest intrusions into its eastern flank (Map 2), and China’s maritime challenge. India has historically spent generously on defense, but its military might pales in comparison to that of China. Even partial support from America would help India make some progress toward a balance of power in South Asia (Chart 7). Map 2China’s Newfound Interest In India’s Eastern Flank Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Chart 7America Can Provide Military Heft To India Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? ​​​​​​ Chart 8US Is A Key Trading Partner For India Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? ​​​​​​ There’s another reason why US alignment makes sense for India. Much like China, India is highly import-dependent for its fuel needs (Chart 2). Given India’s high reliance on the Middle East for energy, India stands to benefit from America’s solid military footprint in this region (Map 1). The US too has a motive in exploring this alliance. India can provide a strategic foothold on the Eurasian rimland. America will value this new access route to Eurasia because America knows that its military footprint in South Asia is surprisingly weak – a weakness it needs to address against the backdrop of China’s increasing influence in the region (Map 1). Meaningful economic interests also underpin the US-India relationship. India and the US appear like sparring partners from time to time. The US may raise issues of human rights violations in India and the two may bicker over trade. However there exist strong economic incentives for the two countries to keep their differences under check and develop a long-term strategic partnership. The US is a major user of India’s software services and buys nearly a fifth of India’s merchandise exports. The trading relationship that India shares with the US is far more developed than India’s trading relationship with China and Russia (Chart 8). Capital is a factor of production that India desperately needs to finance its high growth. America and its allies are also major suppliers of capital to India (Chart 9). India is averse to granting China the political influence that would go along with major capital infusions and direct investments. Chart 9US And Its Allies Are Major Suppliers Of Capital To India Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? ​​​​​​ Chart 10India Offers US Firms Access To High Growth Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? ​​​​​​ Chart 11India Is A Key Market For American Big Tech Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? India on its part is a large marketplace which offers high growth prospects (Chart 10) and remains open and accessible to American corporations (unlike say Russia or China). The growth element is something that American firms will value more over time, as the American economy is mature and has a lower potential growth rate. Most importantly if the US imposes sanctions on India, then two key business lobbies are sure to mitigate the damage. In specific: Since India is a key potential market for American tech firms (Chart 11), Big Tech will always desire amicable Indo-US relations. Since India is the third largest buyer of defense goods globally, American defense suppliers will have similar intentions. In both cases, US policy planners will support these industries’ lobbying efforts due to the grand strategic considerations outlined above. Bottom Line: India will slowly yet surely move into America’s sphere of influence. Notwithstanding persistent differences, the Indo-US relationship will strengthen over a strategic timeframe. Strong geopolitical motives as well as notable economic incentives exist for both sides to develop this alignment. Indo-Russian Alignment: Destined To Fade The Indo-Russian friendship can be traced back to the second half of the 20th century. The fulcrum was the fact that Russia was a formidable land-based power and provided an offset against threats from China and Pakistan (Chart 12). The finest hour of this friendship perhaps came in 1971 when Russia sided with India in its war with Pakistan. India’s citizens hold an unusually favorable opinion of Russia (Chart 13). Chart 12The Declining Value Of An Old Friendship Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? ​​​​​​ Chart 13Indians Hold A Favorable Opinion Of Russians Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? ​​​​​​ Despite this rich past, the Indo-Russia friendship is doomed to fade over a strategic timeframe. Even if  Russia’s share in Indian oil rises from current low levels of 2%, this glue alone cannot hold the Indo-Russian relationship together for one key reason: Russia’s geopolitical might has been waning and Russia can no longer help India establish a balance of power against China and Pakistan (Table 2). In fact, since 2006, the Russo-Indian partnership has been commanding lower geopolitical power than that of China (Chart 12). Table 2Russia’s Military Heft Is Of Limited Use To India Today Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Managing regional security is a key strategic concern for India. As Russia’s geopolitical power wanes so will India’s utility of Russia as an effective guarantor of India’s security. Russia’s war in Ukraine is ominous in this regard, as Russian armed forces were forced to retreat from Kyiv, while the country’s already bleak economic prospects have worsened under western sanctions. The solidification of the China-Russia axis will alienate India further (Chart 14). China is essential to Russia’s economy now while Moscow is essential to China’s Eurasian strategy of bypassing American naval dominance to reduce its supply insecurity. Russia holds the keys to Central Asia, from a military-security point of view, and hence also to the Middle East. Furthermore, limited economic bonds exist to prevent India and Russia from falling out. Russia accounts for a smidgen of India’s trade (Chart 8). India is Russia’s largest arms client (accounting for +20% of its arms sales) but this reliance could also decline over time: The Indian government has been pursuing a range of policies to increase the indigenous production of arms. This is a strategic goal that would also reinforce India’s economic need for more effective manufacturing capabilities. Russia’s own defense franchise had been coming under pressure, even before the Ukraine war (Chart 15). On the contrary, Western arms manufacturers’ franchise has been steadily growing. Chart 14China-Russia Axis Will Alienate India Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? ​​​​​ Chart 15The Rise & Rise Of Western Arms Manufacturers Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? ​​​​​​ While the US may look the other way in the short term when India buys arms from Russia, over a period of time the US is bound to pull India away by using a combination of sticks (mild sanctions) and carrots (heavy discounts). Two aforementioned external factors will also work against the Indo-Russia relationship namely (1) The Russo-Chinese alignment and its clash with US grand strategy and (2) The coming-to-life of a US-India strategic alignment. Bottom Line: India’s need for cheap oil will preserve basic Indo-Russian relations for some time. But oil alone cannot drive a deeper strategic alignment. Regional security concerns are paramount for India. Russia’s geopolitical decline will force India to explore an alignment with America, which will offer India security in the Indian Ocean and Persian Gulf in the face of China’s emergence in this region. Is A Realignment In Indo-China Relations Possible? But why should India not join the other Asian giants to balance against America’s threat of global dominance? Would such a bloc not secure India’s interests? And what if the US imposes harsh sanctions for India’s continued trade with Russia and strategic neutrality? Or what if a future US administration grows restless and attempts to force India to choose sides sooner rather than later? Even if the US offends India, it will only lead to a temporary improvement in India’s ties with the China-Russia alliance. This is because America stands to lose if India cleaves towards the Sino-Russian alliance and would thus quickly correct its policy. In specific: Security Interests: America will risk losing all influence in South Asia if India were to cleave towards China. India provides a key foothold for America to control China’s regional ascendance especially given that the US has now withdrawn from Afghanistan and its bilateral relations with Pakistan are weak. Business Interests: India’s movement into the China-Russia sphere of influence can have adverse business implications for American corporations and US allies, given that the US is abandoning the Chinese market over time, while India is a large and fast-growing consumer of American tech exports and services. India could emerge as a major buyer of American defense goods and will import more and more energy provided by the US and its partners in the Persian Gulf. These business groups will lobby for the withdrawal of US sanctions on India given India’s long-term potential. Meanwhile any improvement in Indo-Chinese relations will have a limited basis. In specific: Ascendant Nationalism In China And India: China’s declining potential GDP is motivating a rise in nationalism and an assertive foreign policy. Meanwhile India’s inability to create plentiful jobs for a young and growing population is also fuelling a wave of nationalism. A historic turn toward Sino-Indian economic engagement would require the domestic political ability to embrace and promote each other’s well-being. Pakistan Factor: India’s eastern neighbor Pakistan is controlled by its military. The military’s raison d'être is enforced by maintaining an aggressive stance towards India, while pursuing economic development through whatever other means are available. As long as Pakistan’s military stays influential its stance towards India will be hostile. And as long as Pakistan’s economy remains weak (Chart 16), its reliance on China will remain meaningful (Chart 17). Chart 16Pakistan: High Military Influence, Low Economic Vigor Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? ​​​​​​ Chart 17China & Pakistan: Iron Brothers? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? ​​​​​​ Chart 18Indians View China And Pakistan Negatively Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis?   China also benefits from its alliance with Pakistan because it provides an alternative entry point into India and access to the Indian Ocean. Fundamental Distrust: For reasons of history, Indians harbor a negative opinion of both Pakistan and China (Chart 18). This factor reinforces the first point that any Indian administration will see limited political dividends from developing a long-term alignment with China or with Pakistan. Bottom Line: If any Indo-Chinese détente materializes owing to harsh US sanctions, which we do not expect, the result will be temporary. America has limited incentives to push India towards the Sino-Russian camp. More importantly, China and India will stay entangled in a strategic conflict for reasons of both history and geography. Investment Conclusions Chart 19Sell India Tactically But Buy India On A Strategic Horizon Sell India Tactically But Buy India On A Strategic Horizon Sell India Tactically But Buy India On A Strategic Horizon The historic Indo-Russia relationship will weaken over the next few years as India and Russia explore new alignments with USA and China respectively. The relationship may not collapse entirely but has limited basis to grow given Russia’s declining geopolitical clout. Indo-American economic interests are set to deepen not just for reasons of security. India may consider looking for alternatives to Russian arms in the American defense industry while American Big Tech will be keen to grow their footprint in India. With India set to cleave to America, a country whose geopolitical power remains unparalleled today, we reiterate our constructive long-term investment view on India (Chart 19). However, tactically we remain worried about near-term geopolitical and macro headwinds that India must confront. China will strengthen relations with Russia over the next few years. It needs Russia’s help to execute its Eurasian strategy and to diversify its sources of fuel supply, over the long run. Given that the US and its allies will be engaged in a conflict with China over a strategic horizon, we reiterate our strategic sell call on China. Tactically we are neutral on Chinese stocks, given that they have already sold off sharply in accordance with our views over the past two years. In view of both these calls, we urge clients with a holding period mandate of more than 12 months to reduce exposure to Chinese assets and increase exposure to Indian assets. We also recommend investors go strategically long Indian tech / short Chinese tech. This pair trade is likely to keep rising on a secular basis.   Ritika Mankar, CFA Editor/Strategist ritika.mankar@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken Chief Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Strategic Themes Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Regional Geopolitical Risk Matrix

Executive Summary Semi Shipments-To-Inventory Ratios Are Falling In Korea And Taiwan Semi Shipments-To-Inventory Ratios Are Falling In Korea And Taiwan Semi Shipments-To-Inventory Ratios Are Falling In Korea And Taiwan Global semiconductor stock prices are vulnerable to the downside over the next three to six months. The global semiconductor industry has entered a cyclical slump. Demand for semis faces headwinds this year. The pandemic boom in goods (ex-auto) consumption in developed economies is likely over. Plus, households’ disposable income in these economies is contracting in real terms. In China, ongoing lockdowns are depressing household income, which will limit their discretionary spending. Nevertheless, the structural outlook for global semiconductor demand remains constructive. We are waiting for a better entry point.      Bottom Line: There is more downside in global semiconductor share prices as well as Taiwanese and Korean tech stocks. We will be looking to recommend buying semiconductor stocks when a more material deceleration in semi companies’ revenue and profits are priced in. Feature Chart 1Semi Stocks Have Been Selling off Despite Strong Revenues Semi Stocks Have Been Selling off Despite Strong Revenues Semi Stocks Have Been Selling off Despite Strong Revenues A small divergence between global semiconductor sales and semi stock prices has opened up (Chart 1). Although global semiconductor sales have been super strong, global semiconductor stock prices peaked in late December and have since declined by 23%. We believe the global semiconductor industry is entering into a cyclical slump. The demand for PCs/tablets/game consoles/electronic gadgets as well as commercial computers and servers – and with them semiconductor sales/shipments – had surged in the last two years.  Behind this boom was the significant increase in online activities stemming from pandemic-related lockdowns. However, these one-off factors have largely run their course. Global semiconductor demand growth currently faces headwinds and is set to slow meaningfully in H2 this year. We expect more downside in global semiconductor stock prices over the next three to six months. The five previous cyclical downturns in the global semiconductor sector resulted in share price declines that were greater than the current 23% drawdown (Table 1). Also, in four of these five cycles, the duration of the peak-to-trough period exceeded the current 3.5 months of decline from the December peak. Nevertheless, the structural outlook for global semiconductor demand remains constructive due to the increasing adoption of the 5G network, electric vehicles, data centers and IoTs. We are waiting for a better entry point later this year. Table 1Key Statistics Of Five Cyclical Downturns In Global Semiconductor Market Global Semi Stocks: More Downside Global Semi Stocks: More Downside Near-Term Demand Headwinds Chart 2Global Semis Sales Have Diverged From Global Manufacturing Cycle Global Semis Sales Have Diverged From Global Manufacturing Cycle Global Semis Sales Have Diverged From Global Manufacturing Cycle There has been a remarkable divergence between world semi sales and the global business cycle (Chart 2). The US ISM manufacturing new order-to-inventory ratio, a barometer of the global business cycle, dropped below 1, signaling a slowdown in US manufacturing in the coming months (Chart 2, top panel). Critically, the volume of China’s semiconductor imports started to contract recently and the growth of Chinese imports from Taiwan also plunged (Chart 3). China is the world’s largest semiconductor consumer, accounting for 35% of global semiconductor demand. The slowdown in the country’s chip demand does not bode well for the global semiconductor market. We expect the growth of semiconductor sales in all regions to decelerate considerably this year (Chart 4). Chart 3China's Semis Import Volumes Are Contracting China's Semis Import Volumes Are Contracting China's Semis Import Volumes Are Contracting Chart 4Semiconductor Sales Value Growth Across Regions Semiconductor Sales Value Growth Across Regions Semiconductor Sales Value Growth Across Regions   First, the one-off boost to demand for goods in general, and electronic devices in particular, due to global pandemic lockdowns has largely run its course. Chart 5The Pandemic Boom In PC Sales Is Largely Over The Pandemic Boom In PC Sales Is Largely Over The Pandemic Boom In PC Sales Is Largely Over Traditional PCs and tablets: Demand for traditional PCs1 and tablets surged in the past two years. This was due to the significant increase in online activities, such as working from home, business, education, e-commerce, gaming and entertainment. According to the International Data Corporation (IDC), after two consecutive years of strong growth, global traditional PC and tablet shipments experienced a 5% contraction in volume terms in 1Q2022. In addition, computer production in China – the world’s largest computer producer and exporter – also showed a significant growth deceleration (Chart 5). These data indicate that the pandemic boom in PC sales is largely over. Server demand: Another major contributor to the boom in semi demand was from the server sector. The surge in online activities resulted in greater demand for cloud services and remote work applications, both of which require computer servers to run on. However, demand growth for the server sector is also set to decelerate slightly. According to TrendForce Research, global server shipment growth will slow from over 5% year-on-year in 2021 to 4-5% this year. The global server sector and the traditional PC/tablet sectors together account for about 22% of global chip demand, based on the data from the IDC. Second, automobiles and consumer electronic goods (e.g., smartphones and home appliances), – which together account for about 42% of global semiconductor demand – will weaken this year. Both ongoing lockdowns in China and the surge in commodity prices due to the Russia-Ukraine war will exacerbate inflationary pressures and create major headwinds to household disposable income in real terms and discretionary spending around the world. Hence, global consumers will remain cautious in their spending on discretionary goods. For example, China’s household marginal propensity to consume proxy dropped to a 15-year low (Chart 6, top panel). This will translate to constrained household spending this year, leading to weaker sales in consumer electronic goods and automobiles (Chart 6, middle and bottom panel). Similarly, US real household consumption of goods ex-autos is likely to experience a mean reversion this year (Chart 7, top panel). After having bought the sheer number of goods (ex-autos) in the last two years, US consumers are likely to shift their spending towards services. Chart 6China: Consumer Spending Will Continue Disappointing China: Consumer Spending Will Continue Disappointing China: Consumer Spending Will Continue Disappointing ​​​​​​ Chart 7Beware of A Mean-Reversion In US Real Household Consumption Of Goods ex-Autos Beware of A Mean-Reversion In US Real Household Consumption Of Goods ex-Autos Beware of A Mean-Reversion In US Real Household Consumption Of Goods ex-Autos   Plus, very high headline inflation is eroding US consumers' purchasing power (Chart 7, bottom panel). The relapse in DM goods demand will hinder the global semiconductor industry. There are already some signs of a slowdown in consumer demand. Apple was reported to have reduced its orders for its recently released iPhone SE by 20% and cut orders for AirPods by about 10 million units due to weaker-than-expected demand.2 Notably, global smartphone sales have been – and will remain – stagnant due to their longer replacement cycle.3 Chart 8Semi Shipments-To-Inventory Ratios Are Falling In Korea And Taiwan Semi Shipments-To-Inventory Ratios Are Falling In Korea And Taiwan Semi Shipments-To-Inventory Ratios Are Falling In Korea And Taiwan Third, inventory stockpiling also contributed to last year’s strong semiconductor sales. The length and intensity of the chip shortage which started in H2 2020 caused a broad range of customers – including the manufacturers of smartphones and other consumer electronics – to order more than they need. This inventory stockpiling caused forward inventory days for customers of semi producers to increase by 28% from last quarter to 50 days, which is near peak inventory levels experienced in the last cycle. Businesses will likely start drawing down their stockpiles, rather than increasing their semiconductors orders this year. This will also reduce semiconductor demand on the margin. The semiconductor shipments-to-inventory ratios from Korea and Taiwan have been falling, corroborating the cyclical downturn in the Asian semi industry (Chart 8). Bottom Line: We believe the global semiconductor sector has entered a cyclical slump. The sector’s sales are facing plenty of headwinds, and its growth will decelerate considerably this year. What About The Supply Shortage? The semiconductor industry has been known for its cyclicality. Periods of shortage have been followed by periods of oversupply. The latter led to declining prices, revenues, and profits for semi producers. Hence, massive expansion plans announced by the major players have indeed raised fears that the supply shortage will turn into a supply glut down the road. The global semiconductor shortage in place since late 2020 has been eased to some extent and is set to diminish considerably later this year and next year. Both a moderation in demand growth and an increase in new capacity will likely mitigate the supply tightness meaningfully. It takes about 18-24 months on average to build a new semiconductor fabrication plan. According to estimates from the Semiconductor Industry Association (SIA), the global semiconductor industry added 4 million wafers per month of manufacturing capacity between January 2020 and January 2022. 75% of this new manufacturing capacity had already come on-line as of October 2021. IC Insights also reported global installed wafer capacity increased 6.7% in 2020 and 8.6% in 2021. It also projected the capacity expansion to be 8.7% in 2022. In comparison, the annual growth rate in global installed wafer capacity was only 3.2% in 2019. Last June, industry organization SEMI estimated that construction on close to 30 new fabs will start by the end of 2022.4 Mainland China and Taiwan added the greatest number of new fabrication plants, followed by the Americas. In addition the world’s top three chip makers (TSMC, Intel and Samsung) all raised their capex plans significantly for this year (Box 1). On the whole, according to IC Insights, worldwide semiconductor capex will likely jump by 24% in 2022 to a new all-time high of $190.4 billion, up 86% from just three years earlier in 2019. BOX 1 Top 3 Chip Makers: Massive Capex Expansion Ahead TSMC doubled capex from nearly US$15bn in 2019 to US$30bn in 2021 and set aside US$40-44bn for 2022, a 33%-47% boost year-on-year. In mid-2021, Samsung’s chip manufacturing unit increased its capex plans until 2030 from US$115bn (about US$12.8 bn annually) to US$151bn (about US$16.8 bn annually), a 31% increase year-on-year. Intel increased its capex from US$14.5 billion in 2020 to $18-19 billion in 2021. This number jumped to US$25-28 billion for 2022, a 39-47% lift year-on-year. In general, massive capex at a collective level will be negative for share prices of semi producers. Announcements of capex expansion, which increase an individual company’s production capacity, could be perceived as a positive for that company. Yet, rapid capacity expansion is typically negative for the overall sector as it often leads to lower prices and profitability down the road. Chart 9Aggressive Collective Capex Ultimately Hurts Semis Stocks Aggressive Collective Capex Ultimately Hurts Semis Stocks Aggressive Collective Capex Ultimately Hurts Semis Stocks Given that the collective capex for the global semiconductor sector has expanded substantially, the odds of an oversupplied semiconductor market have increased. This shift will likely weigh on semiconductor stock prices (Chart 9). Bottom Line: The global semiconductor supply-demand balance is likely improving (demand is slowing and supply is rising). Massive capital spending plans will inevitably raise concerns about an eventual supply glut in the global semiconductor industry. This will weigh on global semiconductor share prices in the coming months. Taiwanese And Korean Semi Stocks Odds are that Taiwanese and Korean semi stock prices will continue falling in absolute terms. Interestingly, since early 2021 TSMC and Samsung share prices have exhibited different price patterns vis-a-vis the global semiconductor stock indexes (Chart 10). TSMC had double tops in the past 15 months and has dropped 30% in USD terms from its January peak despite posting substantial revenue growth (Chart 11, top panel). Chart 10TSMC And Samsung Stock Prices: Do Not Catch A Falling Knife TSMC And Samsung Stock Prices: Do Not Catch A Falling Knife TSMC And Samsung Stock Prices: Do Not Catch A Falling Knife Chart 11Semi Stocks in Asia: Share Prices Lead Corporate Revenues Semi Stocks in Asia: Share Prices Lead Corporate Revenues Semi Stocks in Asia: Share Prices Lead Corporate Revenues Share prices of Korean DRAM producers (Samsung and Hynix) are down over 30% in USD terms from their early 2021 peak, frontrunning the decline in our DRAM revenue proxy (Chart 11, bottom panel). In addition, even though Samsung released better-than-expected business performance for the first quarter last Thursday, it still failed to attract buyers. Both cases –TSMC and Samsung –signal that robust revenue/earnings are no longer enough to trigger a rally in semiconductor share prices. This suggests that the market is forward-looking and foresees a poor outlook. Chart 12Taiwan's New Orders-To-Client Inventories Ratio Suggests The Downturn Is Not Yet Over Taiwan's New Orders-To-Client Inventories Ratio Suggests The Downturn Is Not Yet Over Taiwan's New Orders-To-Client Inventories Ratio Suggests The Downturn Is Not Yet Over A slowdown in demand will lead to a deceleration in both companies’ revenue growth and profits. For TSMC, the smartphone sector still accounts for 44% of the company’s revenue. Hence, a risk is that global smartphone sales contract this year due to longer replacement cycles5 and constrained household spending as inflation curbs their purchasing power. In such a case, TSMC’s sales growth will disappoint, and the stock will likely drop toward $80 (Chart 10 on page 9). Taiwan’s new orders-to-client inventories ratio for semiconductors points to lower semi stocks in this bourse (Chart 12). For Samsung, signs of a slowdown in demand are already emerging in memory chips, reflecting slower sales, primarily of PCs. Moreover, TrendForce expects average overall DRAM pricing to drop by approximately 0-5% in 2Q22 due to marginally higher inventories and weakening demand. Equity Valuations And Investment Conclusions Chart 13Multiples Of Global Semis Stocks Are Still Elevated Multiples Of Global Semis Stocks Are Still Elevated Multiples Of Global Semis Stocks Are Still Elevated The global semiconductor stock index in USD terms has declined by 23% from its recent peak. The still-elevated multiples of semiconductor stocks suggest that there is more downside ahead in absolute terms (Chart 13).  One of the reasons that semi stocks have fallen could be their de-rating amid rising US bond yields. Having rallied tremendously in the past 10 years, global semis had become one of the most expensive industry groups worldwide. As a result, higher US bond yields are causing multiple compression for global semis (Chart 14). The closest comparison for the current episode is probably the 2016-2018 boom-bust cycle (Chart 15). During this period, the massive stimulus in China and the adoption of 4G smartphones/tablets had pushed up semiconductor share prices. In 2018, after the one-off adoption/replacement cycle ran out of steam, semi stocks dropped by nearly 30% amid slowing demand and rising global bond yields. By comparison, the one-off surge in global semi demand in 2020-2021 was much larger than the one in 2016-2018. Also, global semi stocks have rallied by much more and have become more expensive now compared with the 2016-18 episode. We expect a mean reversion in demand to lead to a slightly larger decline in global semi stocks than in 2018. This means that there is still about 15-20% more downside from the current level. As to allocation to semi stocks within an EM equity portfolio, we recommend maintaining a neutral allocation to Taiwan and reiterate an overweight stance on the KOSPI. These are relative calls, i.e., against the EM benchmark. We remain negative on their absolute performance. Chart 14Higher US Bond Yields = Multiple Compression For Global Semis Stocks Higher US Bond Yields = Multiple Compression For Global Semis Stocks Higher US Bond Yields = Multiple Compression For Global Semis Stocks Chart 15A Comparison With The 2016-2018 Semi Rally And Selloff A Comparison With The 2016-2018 Semi Rally And Selloff A Comparison With The 2016-2018 Semi Rally And Selloff Given that Korean stocks in general, and Samsung in particular, have already underperformed, further downside in their relative performance will be limited. As to the Taiwanese overall equity index and TSMC, share prices remain elevated relative to the EM benchmark. Finally, the structural outlook for global semiconductor demand remains constructive. We are waiting for a better entry point. We will be looking to recommend buying semiconductor stocks after a more material deceleration in semi companies’ revenue and profits gets priced in. Ellen JingYuan He Associate Vice President ellenj@bcaresearch.com Arthur Budaghyan Chief Emerging Markets Strategist arthurb@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1    Traditional PCs are comprised of desktops, notebooks and workstations. 2     https://asia.nikkei.com/Spotlight/Supply-Chain/TSMC-says-demand-for-sma… 3     https://www.wsj.com/articles/good-chip-results-wont-be-good-enough-1164… 4     https://asia.nikkei.com/Spotlight/Supply-Chain/Chipmakers-nightmare-Wil… 5     https://www.cnet.com/tech/mobile/getting-a-new-iphone-every-2-years-is-…