Industrials

Overweight Machinery stocks have been in a V-shaped recovery for the past 18 months retracing all of their relative losses since the 2014 highs. Our machinery EPS model is firing on all cylinders (second panel), underscoring that the earnings-led recovery has more running room, giving us comfort to act on our upgrade alert and lift the S&P construction machinery & heavy truck subindex to overweight. We think a fresh capex upcycle will fuel the next machinery stock outperformance upleg. Not only are expectations for overall capital outlays as good as they get (third panel), but there are also tentative signs that even the previously moribund mining and oil & gas complexes will be capex upcycle participants. A quick channel check also waves the green flag as industrial production remains expansionary and new orders are outpacing inventory accumulation (bottom panel). Bottom Line: We are acting on our upgrade alert and lifting the S&P construction machinery & heavy truck index to overweight. As a result of this change, we have boosted the S&P industrials sector to an above benchmark allocation. Please see yesterday's Weekly Report for more details. The ticker symbols for the stocks in this index are: BLBG: S5CSTF - CAT, PCAR, CMI. Rise Of The Machines Rise Of The Machines

Highlights Portfolio Strategy Industrials stocks are on the verge of a breakout on the back of firming earnings fundamentals. Lift to an above benchmark allocation. Reviving global end-demand is a boon to U.S. machinery equities. Act on the upgrade alert and boost the construction machinery & heavy truck sub-index to overweight. Recent Changes S&P Industrials - Upgrade to overweight. S&P Construction Machinery & Heavy Truck - Lift to overweight. Table 1Sector Performance Returns (%) Earnings Take Center Stage Earnings Take Center Stage Feature Equities gained ground last week, cheering the Trump administration's apparent headway in getting a tax bill passed. Chart 1 depicts this euphoria with small- and mid-caps breaking out to all-time highs and the broad based value line arithmetic index also vaulting into uncharted territory. Financials also jumped taking their cue from the bond market selloff as Janet Yellen reiterated that higher interest rates are in store, despite ("probably temporary") low inflation. Beneath the surface, synchronized global growth remains the dominant macro theme and on the eve of earnings season, profits will take center stage. Chart 2 plots the evolution of Q1, Q2 and Q3 2017 EPS growth forecasts using Thomson Reuters/IBES data, with the final datapoint representing actual EPS growth. Notably, forecasts have been coming down substantially only to surprise to the upside once the final numbers are in. Chart 1New Highs Abound New Highs Abound New Highs Abound Chart 2SPX OEPS Forecasts Vs Actuals Earnings Take Center Stage Earnings Take Center Stage Granted, this is the typical profile. EPS numbers tend to be "massaged" ahead of earnings season, but we are surprised by the 9 percentage point drop in Q3 EPS forecasts to a low y/y profit growth hurdle of 6%. A particularly destructive hurricane season likely played a role in this dramatic slide in growth forecasts. By comparison, in Q1 and Q2 the EPS growth forecast declines were 6 and 5 percentage points, respectively. And, on average the positive surprise EPS factor was 470bps (yellow highlight, Chart 2). If recent history is any guide, Q3 EPS will likely surprise to the upside once again. With regard to sector contribution to earnings growth in Q3, Chart 3 shows an extreme concentration in two sectors: energy and tech. These sectors comprise 70% of the growth in EPS for the current quarter. In fact, if one adds health care, industrials and financials, then the percent contribution jumps to 98%. Such high concentration is a risk. But, the recent hurricane-related increase in refining crack spreads and multi-month highs in crude oil signal that, at least, energy EPS will be robust. As a reminder we upgraded the S&P energy sector to overweight in early July.1 The sector revenue growth contribution picture is more diverse. Chart 4 shows the year-over-year sales growth sector contribution for Q3/2017. While energy and tech still dominate the revenue growth landscape, they add up to 44% of the total. Adding consumer staples, industrials and health care elevates this number to 86%, still high, but much less concentrated than the profit contribution figure. Bloomberg's soft versus hard economic data surprise index has historically been an excellent leading indicator of quarterly SPX EPS, and the current message is to expect a fresh all-time high (Chart 5). Chart 3Sector Contribution To Profit Growth Earnings Take Center Stage Earnings Take Center Stage Chart 4Sector Contribution To Revenue Growth Earnings Take Center Stage Earnings Take Center Stage Chart 5Soft Data Green Light Soft Data Green Light Soft Data Green Light Summing it all up, our sense is that the earnings-led advance in the equity market has staying power. Under such a backdrop, this week we continue to add deep cyclical exposure to our portfolio. Mighty Industrials Industrials stocks have been trading in a well-defined and narrow range since the end of the Great Recession (top panel, Chart 6). But now, conditions are ripe for a breakout in relative share prices. We recommend augmenting S&P industrials exposure to overweight. Valuations have corrected back to the neutral zone and our Technical Indicator (TI) has unwound previously overbought conditions. In fact our TI is steadily sinking, on track to hit one standard deviation below its historical mean, a level that has previously consistently coincided with playable rallies (third & fourth panels, Chart 6). On the earnings fundamental front, our newly introduced S&P industrials operating EPS model is humming (second panel, Chart 6). Rebounding commodity prices, with the aid of a softer U.S. dollar, a pickup in capital goods end-demand, and still generationally low interest rates are key profit model drivers. The industrials sector Cyclical Macro Indicator (CMI) echoes the EPS model's message. The CMI has surged recently, signaling that sell-side analysts are pessimistic on the sector's relative profit outlook (second panel, Chart 7). Chart 6EPS Model Says Buy Industrials EPS Model Says Buy Industrials EPS Model Says Buy Industrials Chart 7Domestic Demand... Domestic Demand... Domestic Demand... Forward looking indicators of industrials final demand suggest that this high operating leverage deep cyclical sector is on the cusp of flexing its muscle. Domestic capex intentions from a number of regional Fed surveys are the most upbeat in decades (second panel, Chart 8). Pent-up capex demand will likely continue to get unleashed in the coming quarters. While the Trump Administration's health care bill was unsuccessful, the odds are better that a tax bill and/or an infrastructure bill will receive warmer welcomes in Washington. Tack on bankers' willingness to extend credit, and 2018 may morph into a significant domestic capex revival year (Chart 8). The implication is that the nascent industrials profit margin expansion phase has more legs. In fact, the ISM manufacturing survey has been an excellent leading indicator of industrials margins and the current message is to expect a widening in the latter (Chart 8). On the domestic front there are even more signs that industry end-demand is on a solid footing. Non-tech industrial production and core durable goods orders are expanding at a healthy clip. Firming industrials pricing power reflects this vibrant demand backdrop. The upshot is that the path of least resistance for industrials relative profitability is higher (Chart 7). Nevertheless, this tightening demand narrative is not restricted to U.S. shores. Global capital goods demand also continues to firm. The global manufacturing PMI is at a six-year high on the back of synchronized global growth. Chinese wholesale price inflation has also recently reaccelerated likely reflecting increased end-demand (Chart 9). Emerging markets (EM) equities best capture all of this global manufacturing euphoria. Historically, EM equity performance and the relative share price ratio have been positively correlated, and the recent breakout in the former is a harbinger of fresh all-time highs in U.S. industrials relative performance (Chart 9). The greenback's sizable year-to-date depreciation will also boost U.S. industrials exporters' global market share and profits in the back half of 2017, irrespective of where the U.S. dollar drifts in the coming months. Moreover, a softening U.S. currency is commodity/industry pricing power positive, and thus a boon to revenue growth (Chart 10). Finally, over the past two decades, a falling trade-weighted U.S. dollar has been synonymous with a multiple expansion phase and vice versa. Currently, an unsustainably wide gap has opened that will likely narrow via a rerating phase (bottom panel, Chart 10). Chart 8... Capex Upcycle... ... Capex Upcycle... ... Capex Upcycle... Chart 9... Global Demand... ... Global Demand... ... Global Demand... Chart 10... And Greenback Point Point To A Rerating Phase ... And Greenback Point Point To A Rerating Phase ... And Greenback Point Point To A Rerating Phase Bottom Line: Boost the S&P industrials sector to an above benchmark allocation. We are executing this upgrade by lifting the construction machinery & heavy truck sub-index to overweight. Rise Of The Machines Machinery stocks have been in a V-shaped recovery for the past 18 months retracing all of their relative losses since the 2014 highs. Our machinery EPS model is firing on all cylinders, underscoring that the earnings-led recovery has more running room (Chart 11). This buoyant EPS growth backdrop gives us comfort to act on our upgrade alert and lift the S&P construction machinery & heavy truck sub-index to overweight.2 As a reminder, we have already been overweight the S&P industrial machinery index since early April3 and have participated in the machinery index advance. A fresh capex upcycle will likely fuel the next machinery stock outperformance upleg. Not only are expectations for overall capital outlays as good as they get (second panel, Chart 12), but there are also tentative signs that even the previously moribund mining and oil & gas complexes will be capex upcycle participants. While we are not calling for a return to the previous cycle's peak, even a modest renormalization of capital spending plans (i.e. maintenance capex alone would suffice) in these two key machinery client segments would rekindle industry sales growth (top panel, Chart 12). Chart 11EPS Recovery Is In The Early Innings EPS Recovery Is In The Early Innings EPS Recovery Is In The Early Innings Chart 12Levered To Capex Levered To Capex Levered To Capex A quick channel check also waves the green flag. Both machinery shipments and new orders are outpacing inventory accumulation (third & fourth panels, Chart 12). Moreover, backlogs are rebuilding at the quickest pace of the past five years (not shown). This suggests that client demand visibility is returning. This machinery end-demand improvement is a global phenomenon. In fact, the bottom panel of Chart 12 shows that global machinery new orders are climbing faster than domestic new order growth. Tack on the reaccelerating global credit impulse courtesy of the latest Bank for International Settlements Quarterly Review and the ingredients are in place for a global machinery export boom (third & fourth panels, Chart 13). Already anecdotally, bellwether Caterpillar's global sales-to-dealers figures suggest that the industry's relative EPS upward trajectory is sustainable (bottom panel, Chart 13). Similar to the global growth synchronization thesis, Caterpillar's regional sales breakdown confirms that all regions are expanding simultaneously led by Asia Pacific - even in the extremely volatile Latin American and laggard EMEA end-markets (Chart 14). Chart 13Global Growth Beneficiary Global Growth Beneficiary Global Growth Beneficiary Chart 14CAT Confirms Synchronized Global Growth CAT Confirms Synchronized Global Growth CAT Confirms Synchronized Global Growth Importantly, Chinese machinery demand is growing briskly. A cheapened U.S. dollar makes China imports of U.S. machinery more enticing. Beyond the currency dynamics, the dual force of Chinese fiscal spending thrust and credit impulse are also stimulating machinery final demand (Chart 15 on page 12). While Chinese excavator sales growth has likely petered out, it is still near a triple digit growth rate (Chart 15 on page 12). Komatsu's Chinese excavator sales data corroborate the official Chinese data.4 All of this impressive demand backdrop is not yet reflected in relative valuations. The relative forward P/E multiple has deflated of late and investors can initiate fresh positions at a market multiple, which is also the historical mean (Chart 16 on page 12). Chart 15Stable China Is Encouraging bca.uses_wr_2017_10_02_c15 bca.uses_wr_2017_10_02_c15 Chart 16Room For Valuation Expansion Room For Valuation Expansion Room For Valuation Expansion Bottom Line: We are acting on our upgrade alert and lifting the S&P construction machinery & heavy truck index to overweight. The ticker symbols for the stocks in this index are: BLBG: S5CSTF - CAT, PCAR, CMI. Anastasios Avgeriou, Vice President U.S. Equity Strategy & Global Alpha Sector Strategy anastasios@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see BCA U.S. Equity Strategy Weekly Report, "SPX 3,000?" dated July 10, 2017, available at uses.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see BCA U.S. Equity Strategy Daily Insight, "Building Up Steam", dated August 18, 2017, available at uses.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see BCA U.S. Equity Strategy Weekly Report, "Revenue Revival", dated April 10, 2017, available at uses.bcaresearch.com. 4 http://www.komatsu.com/CompanyInfo/ir/demand_orders/ Current Recommendations Current Trades Size And Style Views Favor small over large caps and stay neutral growth over value.

Dear Client, I had the pleasure of speaking at BCA's Annual New York conference on Monday, where I offered the following trade recommendations. This week's report is a summary of my remarks. Please note we will be publishing our Q4 Strategy Outlook and monthly tactical asset allocation recommendation table next Wednesday. Best regards, Peter Berezin, Chief Global Strategist Global Investment Strategy Highlights Go short the December 2018 fed funds futures contract. Go long global industrial stocks versus utilities. Go short 20-year JGBs relative to their 5-year counterparts. Feature Trade #1: Go Short The December 2018 Fed Funds Futures Contract The hurricanes are likely to dent activity in the third quarter, but leading economic indicators are pointing to faster growth starting in Q4. This can be seen in a variety of measures, including the Conference Board's LEI (Chart 1). U.S. financial conditions have eased sharply this year, thanks to a decline in government bond yields, narrower credit spreads, a weaker dollar, and rising equity prices. Changes in our FCI lead growth by about 6-to-9 months. If history is any guide, U.S. growth will rise to about 3% in the first half of 2018 (Chart 2). Growth could even temporarily rise above that level if Congress enacts significant unfunded tax cuts, as we expect it will. Chart 1U.S. Leading Economic Indicator Pointing Higher U.S. Leading Economic Indicator Pointing Higher U.S. Leading Economic Indicator Pointing Higher Chart 2Easier Financial Conditions Will Boost U.S. Growth Easier Financial Conditions Will Boost U.S. Growth Easier Financial Conditions Will Boost U.S. Growth Contrary to popular belief, the Phillips curve is far from dead. It has just been dormant for the better part of 30 years because the unemployment rate has hovered along the flat side of the curve. The closest the economy came to overheating was in the late 1990s, but any inflationary pressures back then were choked off by turmoil in emerging markets, a surging dollar, and collapsing commodity prices.1 If U.S. growth accelerates over the next few quarters, the unemployment rate is likely to fall to 3.5% by the end of next year - well below the Fed's end-2018 projection of 4.1%, and even below the low of 3.8% reached in 2000. At that point, the U.S. economy will find itself on the steep side of the Phillips curve (Chart 3). Chart 3U.S. Economy Has Moved Into The 'Steep' Side Of The Phillips Curve Three Tantalizing Trades Three Tantalizing Trades As Chart 4 illustrates, our wage survey indicator - a propriety measures that combines the results of 13 separate employer surveys - is pointing to faster wage growth. Rising wages should boost consumer spending. With the output gap all but extinguished, faster demand growth will lead to higher inflation. This is already being telegraphed by the ISM manufacturing index (Chart 5). Chart 4Survey Data Point To Higher Wage Growth Ahead Survey Data Point To Higher Wage Growth Ahead Survey Data Point To Higher Wage Growth Ahead Chart 5Strong ISM Signaling A Rise In Inflation Strong ISM Signaling A Rise In Inflation Strong ISM Signaling A Rise In Inflation If inflation accelerates, there is little reason why the Fed would not continue raising rates in line with the dots, which call for one more hike in December and three hikes in 2018. That's 100 basis points of hikes between now and the end of next year, considerably more than the 40 bps that the market is currently discounting. We went short the December 2018 fed funds futures contract three weeks ago. The trade has gained 20 basis points so far, but my discussion this morning suggests that it has plenty of juice left. Trade #2: Go Long Global Industrial Stocks Versus Utilities Economists are a bit like stock market analysts - they are generally too optimistic. As a result, they usually end up having to revise their growth estimates down over time. That has not been the case this year: Global growth estimates have been marching higher (Chart 6). Capital spending tends to accelerate in the mature phase of business-cycle expansions, as a growing number of firms realize that they have insufficient capacity to meet rising demand. We are starting to see that now. A variety of indicators - including capital goods orders and capex intention surveys - are pointing to further gains in business spending. This is captured in our model estimates, which project that global capex will grow at the fastest pace in six years (Chart 7). Chart 6Global Growth Estimates Accelerating Despite Stalled U.S. Growth Global Growth Estimates Accelerating Despite Stalled U.S. Growth Global Growth Estimates Accelerating Despite Stalled U.S. Growth Chart 7Global Capex On The Upswing Global Capex On The Upswing Global Capex On The Upswing A burst of capital spending should benefit global industrial stocks. Conversely, rising global yields will hurt rate-sensitive utilities (Chart 8). Industrials are no longer cheap, but relative to utilities, valuations do not seem especially stretched, implying further room for re-rating (Chart 9). Chart 8Higher Bond Yields Will Hurt Utilities Higher Bond Yields Will Hurt Utilities Higher Bond Yields Will Hurt Utilities Chart 9Relative Valuations Are Not Stretched Relative Valuations Are Not Stretched Relative Valuations Are Not Stretched Trade #3: Go Short 20-Year JGBs Relative To Their 5-Year Counterparts The deflationary mindset remains firmly entrenched in Japan. CPI swaps are pricing in inflation of only 0.5% over the next twenty years (Chart 10). Not only do investors expect the Bank of Japan to continue to miss its 2% target, they don't even think that inflation will rise from today's miserly levels. They could be in for a big surprise. Many of the structural drivers of deflation in Japan are fading. Land prices have stopped falling for the first time in 25 years, and bank balance sheets are in good shape (Chart 11). Goods prices are also rising again, thanks in part to a cheaper yen (Chart 12). Profit margins have soared, giving firms the wherewithal to pay their workers more. Chart 10Deflationary Mindset Remains Deeply Entrenched... Deflationary Mindset Remains Deeply Entrenched... Deflationary Mindset Remains Deeply Entrenched... Chart 11A...But Deflationary Pressures Are Abating ...But Deflationary Pressures Are Abating ...But Deflationary Pressures Are Abating Chart 11B ...But Deflationary Pressures Are Abating ...But Deflationary Pressures Are Abating Chart 12ACorporate Pricing Power Has Improved Corporate Pricing Power Has Improved Corporate Pricing Power Has Improved Chart 12B Corporate Pricing Power Has Improved Corporate Pricing Power Has Improved Companies have been reluctant to raise wages, but that may be starting to change. Our wage trend indicator is showing signs of life (Chart 13). As in the U.S., the Phillips curve in Japan tends to become kinked at very low levels of unemployment. Japan's unemployment rate now stands at 2.8%, almost a full percentage point below 2007 levels. As the labor market heats up, companies will have to compete more intensively for a shrinking pool of available workers. This could spark a tit-for-tat cycle where wage hikes by one company lead to hikes by others. Chart 13ATentative Signs of Wage Growth Three Tantalizing Trades Three Tantalizing Trades Chart 13B Three Tantalizing Trades Three Tantalizing Trades Chart 14Demographic Inflection Point? Demographic Inflection Point? Demographic Inflection Point? The government has been hoping for such a bidding war to break out. It will get its wish. The ratio of job openings-to-applicants has soared, and is now even higher than at the peak of the bubble in 1990 (Chart 14). Amazingly, Japan's labor market has tightened over the past few years despite tepid GDP growth and a steady influx of women into the labor force. However, now that female participation in Japan exceeds U.S. levels, this tailwind to labor supply will dissipate. Meanwhile, the retirement of aging Japanese baby boomers will accelerate. The largest number of births in Japan occurred between 1947 and 1949. These workers will reach 70 over the next two years, the age at which most Japanese retire. How should investors play this theme? Considering that inflation is still far from the Bank of Japan's 2% target, it is doubtful that the BoJ will abandon its yield curve targeting regime any time soon. But as inflation expectations begin to rise, ultra long-term yields - which are not subject to the BOJ's cap - will increase. This suggests that shorting 20-year JGBs relative to their 5-year counterparts will pay off in spades. Peter Berezin, Chief Global Strategist Global Investment Strategy peterb@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Is The Phillips Curve Dead Or Dormant?" dated September 22, 2017. Strategy & Market Trends Tactical Trades Strategic Recommendations Closed Trades

Highlights French labor reforms stack up well against German and Spanish predecessors; We remain bullish on French industrials versus German industrials; Populism is overrated in Germany - European integration may not accelerate, but it will continue; The U.K.'s position remains weak in Brexit talks ... don't expect much from sterling. Feature On recent travels across Asia Pacific, the U.K., and the U.S., Europe has rarely featured in our conversations with clients. We proclaimed European politics a "trophy red herring" in our annual Strategic Outlook.1 Following the defeat of populists in Austria, the Netherlands, Spain, and particularly France, the market now agrees with us (Chart 1). Chart 1European Political Risk Was Overstated European Political Risk Was Overstated European Political Risk Was Overstated In this report, we ask whether there is anything left to say about Europe. First, we provide an update on French structural reforms, which we predicted with enthusiasm in February.2 Second, we give a post-mortem of the German election. Third, we dissect U.K. Prime Minister Theresa May's speech in Florence. We remain positive on near-term and mid-term prospects for European assets. We have recently closed our unhedged long Euro Area equities trade for a 7.88% gain (open from January 25 to September 6). We have reopened the position on September 6 with a currency hedge given our view that there is some downside risk for the euro in the near term. We also remain long French industrials / short German industrials, with gains of 9.30% since February 3. The French Revolution Continues President Emmanuel Macron has ignored tepid union protests and signed five decrees overhauling French labor rules on September 22. While there is more to be done, Macron's swift action just five months after assuming office justifies our optimism about France earlier this year. As we posited in February, investors are surprised every decade by a developed market that defies all stereotypes and catches the markets off guard with ambitious, pro-market and pro-business structural reforms. Margaret Thatcher's laissez-faire reforms pulled Britain out of the ghastly 1970s. Sweden surprised the world in the 1990s. At the turn of the century, Germany's Social Democratic Party (SPD) defied its own "socialist" label and moved the country to the right of the economic spectrum. Finally, the past decade's reform surprise came from Spain, which undertook painful labor and pension reforms that have underpinned its impressive recovery. How do French labor reforms stack up against the German and Spanish efforts? Table 1 surveys the measures and classifies them into three categories. On unemployment benefits, Macron's effort falls short of the considerable cuts implemented as part of the Hartz reforms in Germany. However, while benefits will still be generous, France's unemployed will now be cut off if they refuse job offers that pay within 25% of the salary they previously held. On increasing labor market flexibility, we give France high marks. Reforms will simplify the termination process for economic reasons and cap damages that can be awarded to employees, in line with the Spanish experience. Macron has also managed to neuter the power of national unions by allowing firm-level collective bargaining to take precedence. France's labor bargaining reform is also a carbon copy of the Spanish effort and both are attempts to create a more German-like management-employee context. Table 1Measuring French Reforms Against German And Spanish Reforms Is There Anything Left To Say About Europe? Is There Anything Left To Say About Europe? What should investors expect as a result? Spain is instructive. While its unemployment rate remains 5.8% above the Italian rate and 7.3% above the French rate, it still fell from a high of 26.3% in 2013 to 17.1% today. Meanwhile, Italian and French unemployment rates remain stubbornly high (Chart 2). In addition, Spain's export competitiveness has had one of the sharpest recoveries in Europe since 2008, whereas Italy and France continue to languish (Chart 3). Spain accomplished this feat via a considerable reduction in labor costs relative to peers (Chart 4). Chart 2Italy, France: Unemployment Still High Italy, France: Unemployment Still High Italy, France: Unemployment Still High Chart 3Spain Regained Competitiveness Spain Regained Competitiveness Spain Regained Competitiveness Chart 4Spain Cut Labor Costs Spain Cut Labor Costs Spain Cut Labor Costs The key pillar of Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy's reforms was to create a more flexible labor market so as to restore competitiveness to the economy by aligning labor costs with productivity. Reforms, passed in February 2012, removed stringent collective bargaining agreements and replaced them with firm-level agreements. This has made it easier for firms to negotiate their own labor conditions, including reducing wages as an alternative to termination of employment. France is now on the path to do the same. True, it is difficult to establish a clear causal connection between Rajoy's structural reforms and Spain's economic performance since 2008. Nevertheless, reforms also work as a signaling mechanism, encouraging investment and unleashing animal spirits by affirming the government's commitment to a pro-business agenda. Under Rajoy's leadership, Spain has moved from 62nd in the World Bank "Ease of Doing Business" survey in 2009 to 32nd in 2017, 18 spots above Italy. Given the speed and commitment of the Macron administration, we would expect an even stronger signaling effect in France. German Hartz reforms are easier to assess because more time has passed since 2005 (when the final stage, Hartz IV, was implemented). Prior to the reforms, Germany's GDP growth rate was falling and unemployment was rising (Chart 5). At least on these two broad measures, it appears that reforms were positive. Chart 5Hartz Reforms Marked Turning Point In Germany Hartz Reforms Marked Turning Point In Germany Hartz Reforms Marked Turning Point In Germany Chart 6German Long-Term Unemployment Benefits Were Cut Down To OECD Average Is There Anything Left To Say About Europe? Is There Anything Left To Say About Europe? Germany's problem prior to the Hartz reforms was that generous unemployment benefits discouraged unemployed workers from finding employment. Long-term benefits could be as high as 53% of the terminated salary and eligible for indefinite renewal! The Hartz IV reforms specifically targeted these benefits, with the intention of forcing the unemployed to get back to work. Germany brought these benefits into line with the OECD average (Chart 6). The long-term impact of the Hartz reforms was a dramatic decline in the unemployment rate from a bottom of 9.2% in 2001 to the still falling 3.7% of today! Reforms have also seen a steady increase in wage growth, despite the conventional view saying the opposite. Wages have been steadily rising since implementation in 2005, only slowing down during the global financial crisis and the subsequent European debt crisis (Chart 7). This does not mean that labor reforms failed. The intention of the Hartz reforms was to push people back into the labor force, not necessarily suppress their wages. Chart 8 shows the effect on the hours worked in the economy, with a clear uptrend after the reform was enacted. Chart 7German Wages Recovered... German Wages Recovered... German Wages Recovered... Chart 8...While Working Hours Increased ...While Working Hours Increased ...While Working Hours Increased In line with the previous labor reform efforts in Europe, we think that investors should expect three broad developments from French labor reforms: Competitiveness: As Chart 3 suggests, Spain and Germany have had the best export performance in Europe. By allowing companies some flexibility in setting costs, these economies were able to regain export competitiveness. As a play on this theme, we are long French industrials relative to German peers. Unemployment: Forcing the unemployed back to the labor market by ending their unemployment benefits if they refuse a job offer within 25% of the previous income level should encourage workers to get back to the labor force. Confidence: Macron's labor reforms are only the beginning of a packed agenda that also includes reducing the size of the public sector, reducing the wealth tax on productive assets, and cutting corporate taxes significantly. What of the opposition to the reform effort? What if the French leadership backs down in the face of protest? First, we must ask, what protest? The labor union response has been underwhelming. In part, this is because Macron's reforms are packed with pro-union clauses. The intention is to empower union activity at the firm level in order to neuter its activity at the national level. Second, Macron's electoral victory was overwhelming, both the presidential and legislative. Yes, turnout was low. And yes, many voted for Macron just so that Marine Le Pen would not become president. But the fact remains that 85% of the seats in the National Assembly are held by pro-reform parties, including the pro-business, right-wing Les Républicains, who want even stricter reforms. Bottom Line: Our clients, colleagues, friends, and family all tell us that France will not reform. But we have seen this film before, with Germany in the 2000s and Spain in the 2010s. One day, investors will wake up and France will be more competitive. Fin. A German Election Post-Mortem The media narrative before and after the German election tells of the rise of Alternative für Deutschland (AfD), a far-right party that campaigned on an anti-EU and anti-immigration platform. Indeed, the performance of the center-right Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and center-left Social-Democratic Party (SPD), which have dominated German politics since the Second World War, was historically poor (Chart 9). Chart 9Germany's Dominant Parties Underperformed... Is There Anything Left To Say About Europe? Is There Anything Left To Say About Europe? Despite the media hysterics, there were no surprises this year. The AfD performed in line with its polls, only outperforming their long-term polling average by around 2%. Meanwhile, the historic underperformance of the CDU and SPD was also due to the solid performance of the other two establishment parties, the liberal Free Democratic Party (FDP) and the center-left Greens (Chart 10). The FDP stormed back into the Bundestag by more than doubling their performance from 2013, while the Greens maintained their roughly 9% performance. Die Linke, a left-wing party whose Euroskeptic tendencies have dissipated, also gained around 9% of the vote. From a historical perspective, the combined CDU and SPD performance was bad, but roughly in line with their 2009 election result. Chart 10... While Minor Parties Outperformed Is There Anything Left To Say About Europe? Is There Anything Left To Say About Europe? That said, there was no once-in-a-lifetime global recession this time around to excuse the poor performance of the two establishment parties. German GDP growth is set to be 2.1% in 2017 and the unemployment rate is at a historic 3.7%. Meanwhile, support for the euro is at 81% (Chart 11), which begs the question of why 12.6% voters decided to entrust AfD with their votes. Chart 11Germans Love The Euro Germans Love The Euro Germans Love The Euro The simple answer is immigration and the 2015 asylum crisis. The more complex answer is that AfD's performance was particularly strong in East Germany, where the party is now the second largest after the CDU. The same forces that fueled the Brexit referendum and the election of President Donald Trump are at work in Germany. Voters who feel left behind by the transition to a globalized, service-oriented economy have rebelled against a system that favors the educated and mobile voters. In Germany, the angst is particularly notable in the East, where economic progress has lagged that of the rest of the country. On the other hand, it is ludicrous to compare AfD to Brexit and Trump. After all, AfD received only 12% of the vote. This is in line with, or slightly trails, the performance of other right-wing parties in Europe (Chart 12). Yes, it is disturbing to see a far-right party back in the Bundestag, but it was also naïve to believe that Germany could remain a European outlier forever. In fact, like other right-wing parties in Europe, the party is beset with internal rivalries. Party chairwoman Frauke Petry, who represents the moderate wing of the party, decided to quit one day after the election.3 We would suspect that the party will struggle going forward, particularly now that the influx of asylum seekers has trickled down to insignificance (Chart 13). Chart 12German Far Right Performed In Line With Other European Anti-Establishment Parties Is There Anything Left To Say About Europe? Is There Anything Left To Say About Europe? Chart 13Refugee Crisis Is Over In Germany And Europe Refugee Crisis Is Over In Germany And Europe Refugee Crisis Is Over In Germany And Europe Going forward, Chancellor Angela Merkel will retain her hold on power. However, she will likely have to do so via a "Jamaica coalition" with the FDP and the Greens.4 Forming such a challenging coalition could take until the New Year. Particularly problematic are the positions of the FDP and the Greens on Europe. The former are mildly Euroskeptic, the latter are rabidly Europhile. Merkel's 2009-13 coalition with the FDP was similarly challenging. The FDP moved towards soft Euroskepticism after the Great Financial Crisis. It combined with CDU's Bavarian sister party - the Christian Social Union (CSU)5 - to vote against a number of European rescue efforts and institutional changes (Chart 14). Merkel had to rely on the opposition SPD, which is staunchly Europhile, to push several European reforms through the Bundestag. More broadly, both the FDP and the CSU were a brake on Merkel during this period, leading to Berlin's halting response to the Euro Area crisis. Chart 14The FDP Hampered German Rescue Efforts Amid Euro Crisis Is There Anything Left To Say About Europe? Is There Anything Left To Say About Europe? Going forward, a Jamaica coalition is investment-relevant for three reasons: First, it would likely pour cold water on recent enthusiasm about accelerated European integration spurred by the election of President Emmanuel Macron in France. But investors should not read too much into it. As Chart 11 clearly illustrates, Germans are not Euroskeptic. The Euro Area works for Germany. If there is a future crisis, Germany will react to it in an integrationist fashion, shoving aside any coalition agreements to the contrary. And if Merkel has to rely on opposition SPD votes to push through the evolving European agenda, she will do so, regardless of what is said between now and December. Second, Merkel will have to respond to the poor performance of her party. She has to give in to the right wing on illegal immigration. Investors should expect to see tighter border enforcement on Europe's external borders. More relevant to the markets, we expect mildly Euroskeptics critics in her own party, as well as in the FDP and CSU, to be satisfied by officially pushing for Jens Weidmann's presidency at the ECB. Weidmann has recently toned down his criticism of ECB policies - publically defending low interest rates - which is likely a strategy to make himself palatable as the next president. Third, it is widely being discussed that the FDP will demand the finance ministry from Merkel, replacing Wolfgang Schäuble. This would definitely complicate any future efforts to deal with Euro Area sovereign debt crises, were they to emerge. However, the FDP is making a mistake. If they take the finance portfolio, they will be signing off on bailouts in the future. That is a guarantee. Europe is full of moderately Euroskepic finance ministers who have done the same (see: Austria, Finland, and the Netherlands in particular). Finally, the election was a clear failure by Merkel to defend her brand. While she has not signaled a willingness to resign, it is highly likely that she will try to groom her successor over the next four years. The 63 year-old has been in power since 2005. At the moment, the list of potential names for CDU leadership is long, but devoid of star power (Box 1). The one quality of all the potential candidates, however, is that they are pro-Europe. Bottom Line: In the short term, markets have read German elections overly negatively. The euro reacted on the news as if the currency bloc breakup risk premium had risen. It hasn't. In fact, the election could prove to be a long-term bullish euro outcome, given that Merkel will likely have to acquiesce to Jens Weidmann's candidacy for the ECB presidency. The German Bundestag remains overwhelmingly pro-Europe. The now-in-opposition SPD is pro-integration, as are the likely new coalition members, the Greens. Die Linke has evolved from anti-capitalist, soft Euroskeptics to left-of-SPD Europhiles. While FDP remains committed to a mildly Euroskeptic line (pro-Europe, but opposed to further integration), its members will likely have to sacrifice this position in order to be in government in the long term. They won't say that they are doing that, but trust us, they are. The performance of Germany's populist right wing is largely in line with that of other European countries. As such, it signals that Germany is a "normal country," not that there is something particularly disturbing going on. Box 1 Likely Successors To German Chancellor Angela Merkel If Merkel decides to retire, who are her potential successors? Ursula von der Leyen (CDU): Leyen, who has served most recently as defense minister, is often cited as a likely replacement for Merkel. However, she is not seen favorably by most of the population: she has not won first place in her district in any of the past three general elections. She is a strong advocate of further European integration and has supported the creation of a "United States of Europe." Leyen has argued that the European refugee crisis and debt crisis are similar in that they will ultimately force Europe to integrate further. As a defense minister, she has promoted the creation of a robust EU army. She has also been a hardliner on Brexit, saying that the U.K. will not re-enter the EU in her lifetime. The markets and pro-EU elites in Europe would love Leyen, who handled U.S. President Trump's statements on Germany, Europe, Russia and NATO with notable tact. Thomas De Maizière (CDU): Maizière, who has served as minister of interior and minister of defense, is a close confidant of Chancellor Merkel. He was her chief of staff from 2005 to 2009. Like Schäuble, he is somewhat of a hawk on euro area issues (he drove a hard bargain during negotiations to set up a fiscal backstop, the European Financial Stability Fund, in 2010) and as such could become a compromise candidate between the Europhiles and Eurohawks within CDU ranks. Though he has been implicated in scandals as defense minister, he has remained popular by drawing a relatively hard line on immigration policy and internal security. Julia Klöckner (CDU): A CDU deputy chairwoman from Rhineland-Palatinate, Klöckner is a socially conservative protégé of Merkel and a hence a likely candidate to replace her. While remaining loyal to Merkel, she has taken a more right-wing stance on the immigration crisis. She is a staunch Europhile who has portrayed the Euroskeptic AfD as "dangerous, sometimes racist," though she has insisted that AfD voters are not all "Nazis" but are mostly in the middle of the political spectrum and need to be won back by the CDU. We think that she would be a very pro-market choice as she combines a popular, market-irrelevant wariness about immigration with a market-relevant centrism that favors further European integration. Hermann Gröhe (CDU): Gröhe last served as minister of health and is a former CDU secretary general. He is very close to Merkel. He is a staunch supporter of the euro and European integration. Markets would have no problem with Gröhe, although they may take some time to get to know who he is! Volker Bouffier (CDU): As Minister President of Hesse, home of Germany's financial center Frankfurt, Bouffier is in a position to capitalize on Brexit. He is a heavyweight within the CDU's leadership and a staunch Europhile. He has already declared he will run for the top state office again in 2018, though he will be 67 years old by then. The U.K.: Fall In Florence Prime Minister Theresa May tried to reset Brexit negotiations with the EU recently by giving a speech in Florence. We were told by clients and colleagues that it would be an important event, so we tuned in and listened. The speech was largely a dud. It confirmed to us the constraints on London's negotiating position as well as the challenges that Brexit poses to the British economy. May's team is struggling to navigate both. There are three things that investors should take from the speech - most which we have been emphasizing for over a year: The EU exit bill: The U.K. will pay. The one concrete point that Prime Minister May agreed with, for the first time ever, is that London will continue to pay into the current EU seven-year budget period (2014-2020). This should never have been in doubt. Britain's refusing to pay would be the equivalent of a tenant giving notice that he is ending his lease in 24 months, then refusing to pay in the interim. What May did not say is whether the U.K. would pay anything beyond its share of contribution to the EU budget. At the moment, the answer appears to be no, but we don't expect that to be the final word. Services really (really) matter: The U.K. has a competitive advantage in services. This is why May has tried to signal that she wants the broadest trade deal possible, since regular free trade agreements (FTAs) do not provide for deep integration in services. What will the U.K. give in return? May appears to want a Norway-type EU trade agreement with Canada-type liabilities. This won't fly in Brussels. The transition deal will last two years at minimum: This was never in doubt. But due to domestic political pressures, May was afraid of voicing it in public until today. Below we provide excerpts of the most relevant (or irrelevant, but comical) parts of May's speech.6 Our running commentary is in brackets. Theresa May's Florence Speech On Brexit, September 2017: A Reinterpretation By GPS It's good to be here in this great city of Florence today at a critical time in the evolution of the relationship between the United Kingdom and the European Union. It was here, more than anywhere else, that the Renaissance began - a period of history that inspired centuries of creativity and critical thought across our continent and which in many ways defined what it meant to be European. [GPS: Strong opening by May. Odd location for the speech, however. Unless she was looking to ingratiate herself with Matteo Renzi, former mayor of Florence, former prime minister of Italy, and current leader of the ruling Democratic Party]. * * * The British people have decided to leave the EU; and to be a global, free-trading nation, able to chart our own way in the world. For many, this is an exciting time, full of promise; for others it is a worrying one. I look ahead with optimism, believing that if we use this moment to change not just our relationship with Europe, but also the way we do things at home, this will be a defining moment in the history of our nation. [GPS: This is a crucial argument by proponents of Brexit, that leaving the EU is not just about leaving the bloc's oversight, but also about domestic renewal. At the heart of this view is the belief that the EU has shackled the U.K.'s potential economic output with its regulatory oversight and protectionist trade policies. For this to be true, the U.K. has to replace significance labor force growth - from the EU Labor Market - with even greater productivity growth. If the U.K. fails to do this, its potential GDP growth rate will be substantively lower in the future. We do not buy the optimism. For one, the EU has not been a drag on the U.K.'s World Bank Ease Of Doing Businness rankings, where the country ranks seventh. Second, several other EU member states are in the top 20, including Sweden, Estonia, Finland, Latvia, Germany, Ireland and Austria. Third, developed economies have been dealing with sub-standard productivity growth for over a decade, both EU members and non-members. As such, we are pretty certain that the U.K.'s potential GDP growth rate will be lower over the next decade, not higher.] And it is an exciting time for many in Europe too. The European Union is beginning a new chapter in the story of its development. Just last week, President Juncker set out his ambitions for the future of the European Union. [GPS: A nod to the reality that without the U.K. stalling its integration, Europe is now better able to build its "ever closer union." May is essentially conceding here to Charles de Gaulle's argument, articulated in the 1960s, that letting Britain into the club would ultimately be a mistake.]7 There is a vibrant debate going on about the shape of the EU's institutions and the direction of the Union in the years ahead. We don't want to stand in the way of that. [GPS: Reality check: it has literally been the foreign policy of the U.K. to "stand in the way of" of a united Europe for at least six hundred years ...] * * * Our decision to leave the European Union is in no way a repudiation of this longstanding commitment. We may be leaving the European Union, but we are not leaving Europe. Our resolve to draw on the full weight of our military, intelligence, diplomatic and development resources to lead international action, with our partners, on the issues that affect the security and prosperity of our peoples is unchanged. Our commitment to the defence - and indeed the advance - of our shared values is undimmed. Our determination to defend the stability, security and prosperity of our European neighbours and friends remains steadfast. [GPS: As we have argued repeatedly, the U.K. and EU share crucial geopolitical and economic links. As such, it is difficult to see negotiations devolving into the sort of acrimony that many have expected. May understands this and is reminding Europe of how important the U.K. role is, and will continue to be, geopolitically for Europe.] * * * The strength of feeling that the British people have about this need for control and the direct accountability of their politicians is one reason why, throughout its membership, the United Kingdom has never totally felt at home being in the European Union. [GPS: A not-so-slight dig at Europe. Basically, May is saying that U.K. voters live in a democracy. EU voters live in something else.] And perhaps because of our history and geography, the European Union never felt to us like an integral part of our national story in the way it does to so many elsewhere in Europe. [GPS: This is true and can be empirically measured (Chart 15).] Chart 15Brits Have A Strong Sense Of National Identity Brits And Only Brits Brits And Only Brits * * * For while the UK's departure from the EU is inevitably a difficult process, it is in all of our interests for our negotiations to succeed. If we were to fail, or be divided, the only beneficiaries would be those who reject our values and oppose our interests. [GPS: This is all true and very well put. But it also appears to be a line of argument designed to tug at Europe's emotional strings. Like a husband asking his wife to take it easy on him in a divorce "for the sake of the children."] So I believe we share a profound sense of responsibility to make this change work smoothly and sensibly, not just for people today but for the next generation who will inherit the world we leave them. [GPS: Literally the line about the kids followed immediately!] * * * But I know there are concerns that over time the rights of EU citizens in the UK and UK citizens overseas will diverge. I want to incorporate our agreement fully into UK law and make sure the UK courts can refer directly to it. Where there is uncertainty around underlying EU law, I want the UK courts to be able to take into account the judgments of the European Court of Justice with a view to ensuring consistent interpretation. On this basis, I hope our teams can reach firm agreement quickly. [GPS: An important concession - the first in the speech so far, and we are more than halfway through: London will apparently take into account ECJ rulings when dealing with EU citizens living in the U.K. That is a huge concession to Europe and an arrangement unlike anywhere else in the world.] * * * The United Kingdom is leaving the European Union. We will no longer be members of its single market or its customs union. For we understand that the single market's four freedoms are indivisible for our European friends. We recognise that the single market is built on a balance of rights and obligations. And we do not pretend that you can have all the benefits of membership of the single market without its obligations. [GPS: As we have said in the past, May's decision to concede this point in January was a major concession to the EU and is the reason that the negotiations are not and will not be acrimonious. If the U.K. demanded access to the Common Market without accepting the "four freedoms," it would have received an acrimonious response, given that its request would have been construed as "special treatment."] So our task is to find a new framework that allows for a close economic partnership but holds those rights and obligations in a new and different balance. But as we work out together how to do so, we do not start with a blank sheet of paper, like other external partners negotiating a free trade deal from scratch have done. In fact, we start from an unprecedented position. For we have the same rules and regulations as the EU - and our EU Withdrawal Bill will ensure they are carried over into our domestic law at the moment we leave the EU. [GPS: May is correct. The EU-U.K. trade negotiations should be relatively smooth given that the U.K. is not starting from scratch in negotiating the relationship. The Canada-EU FTA took seven years because they were starting from scratch.] So the question for us now in building a new economic partnership is not how we bring our rules and regulations closer together, but what we do when one of us wants to make changes. One way of approaching this question is to put forward a stark and unimaginative choice between two models: either something based on European Economic Area membership; or a traditional Free Trade Agreement, such as that the EU has recently negotiated with Canada. I don't believe either of these options would be best for the UK or best for the European Union. European Economic Area membership would mean the UK having to adopt at home - automatically and in their entirety - new EU rules. Rules over which, in future, we will have little influence and no vote. [GPS: We pointed out why such an arrangement would be illogical in March 2016. Essentially, the U.K. would leave the EU due to its onerous regulation and infringement on sovereignty only to accept the onerous regulation as a fait accompli with no room for British sovereignty (Diagram 1)!] Diagram 1The Central Paradox Of Brexit Is There Anything Left To Say About Europe? Is There Anything Left To Say About Europe? Such a loss of democratic control could not work for the British people. I fear it would inevitably lead to friction and then a damaging re-opening of the nature of our relationship in the near future: the very last thing that anyone on either side of the Channel wants. As for a Canadian style free trade agreement, we should recognise that this is the most advanced free trade agreement the EU has yet concluded and a breakthrough in trade between Canada and the EU. But compared with what exists between Britain and the EU today, it would nevertheless represent such a restriction on our mutual market access that it would benefit neither of our economies. [GPS: This is, by far, the most critical part of May's speech. She is essentially saying that a Canadian FTA deal would benefit the EU more than it benefits the U.K., a point we have made for nearly two years now. This is true. The U.K. needs access to the EU services market, where British exporters have a comparative advantage. Were they to secure an FTA deal with the EU instead, they would be giving Europe a massive advantage, given the bloc's comparative advantage in tradable goods (Chart 16). However, this takes us back to Diagram 1. What kind of a relationship does May expect to get from the EU when she is unwilling to accept any of the liabilities inherent in such a deep trade deal? That is precisely what the Common Market is for.] Chart 16Brexit Hinders U.K.'s Comparative Advantage Brexit Hinders U.K.'s Comparative Advantage Brexit Hinders U.K.'s Comparative Advantage Bottom Line: Prime Minister May's Florence speech has shown the limits of the U.K.'s negotiating position. May set a friendly tone with Europe, but she has nothing to bargain with. Much of the speech reiterated British commitment to Europe's security and its capacity to defend the continent from external threats. In exchange, May argues, the U.K. ought to receive the deepest and most expansive access to the EU Common Market without any of the liabilities that go with it. In particular, she wants access to the EU's services market, where U.K. exporters have a comparative advantage. The problem with the tradeoff between U.K. geopolitical benefits and EU economic benefits is that it suggests that London has an alternative to being a geopolitical ally to Europe! As if it could suddenly shift its geopolitical, military, and diplomatic focus elsewhere. Berlin, Brussels, and Paris will call London's bluff. The U.K. is not in North America, it is in Europe. As such, Europe's problems are the U.K.'s problems, and the U.K. must defend against them even if it receives little in return. We expect the U.K. to succumb to the reality that the EU holds most of the cards in the negotiations. The U.K. will have a lower potential GDP growth rate after Brexit. But before Brexit is solidified, we expect considerable domestic political upheaval. In the short term, there is some upside for the pound. In the long term, it is a sell. Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Chief Geopolitical Strategist marko@bcaresearch.com Jesse Anak Kuri, Research Analyst jesse.kuri@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Strategic Outlook, "Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now," dated December 14, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy and Foreign Exchange Strategy Special Report, "The French Revolution," dated February 3, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 3 Although she has herself played a role in kicking out the original, even more moderate, founders of the party. 4 The CDU, FDP, and Greens coalition is dubbed the "Jamaica coalition" because of their traditional colors - black, yellow, and green - which combine to make the colors of the Jamaican flag. 5 The CSU does not directly compete against the CDU on the federal level. It only fields candidates in Bavaria, where the CDU does not compete. 6 For the full transcript, please see "Theresa May's Florence speech on Brexit, full text," The Spectator, September 22, 2017, available at blogs.spectator.co.uk. 7 In turn, this will allow the EU to build up its power, develop a navy, and finally conquer the British Isles with a new armada somewhere around 2066! Geopolitical Calendar

The dominant theme this week in U.S. Equity Strategy has been the acceleration in global trade. South Korea, the archetypal global trade bellwether, saw its exports grow by 16% in the first seven months this year with a 31% increase in the first three weeks of September. Such growth reinforces our thesis that we are in the early stages of a global capex resurgence. Global industrial machinery is heavily levered to changes in DM capital goods orders; the recent modest shift to growth in the latter has driven a surge in highly cyclical global machine orders (second panel). Paired with strong domestic demand (third panel) and an export-accommodative currency, U.S. industrial machinery manufacturers should be particularly well positioned to see earnings growth outpace the rest of the S&P 500. The market has been somewhat less sanguine than both us and the sell-side community; earnings estimates have been outpacing the index, resulting in a fall in valuation multiples year-to-date. Validation of those estimates seems likely to be the key catalyst for the index; stay overweight industrial machinery. The ticker symbols for the stocks in this index are: BLBG: S5INDM - ITW, IR, SWK, PH, FTV, DOV, PNR, XYL, SNA, FLS. Accelerating Global Manufacturing Means More Machines Accelerating Global Manufacturing Means More Machines

We raised the S&P air freight & logistics group to overweight earlier this year based principally on the index being a chief beneficiary should green shoots in global trade proliferate. Since then, global export expectations have shot higher and global ton miles have staged the best recovery since the GFC (second panel). Anecdotally on its earnings call this week, FedEx called this year the "best year for global trade in years". Despite the overwhelmingly positive backdrop, the air freight & logistics index has barely budged. The result is that valuation multiples have collapsed to a fifteen year low (bottom panel). We continue to think the positive earnings momentum in this index can be ignored for only so long; the air freight & logistics group should see a long-overdue rerating. We reiterate our high-conviction overweight recommendation. The ticker symbols for the stocks in this index are: BLBG: S5AIRF - UPS, FDX, CHRW, EXPD. Air Freight Traffic; Slipping The Surly Bonds Of Earth Air Freight Traffic; Slipping The Surly Bonds Of Earth

Highlights We estimate total Belt & Road Initiative (BRI) investment will rise from US$120 billion this year to about US$170 billion in 2020. The size of BRI investments is about 47 times smaller than China's annual gross fixed capital formation (GFCF). Therefore, a slump in domestic capital spending in China will fully offset the increase in demand for industrial goods and commodities as a result of BRI projects. Pakistan, Kazakhstan and Ghana will benefit the most among major frontier markets from BRI. Investors should consider buying these bourses in sell-off. On a positive note, BRI leads to improved global capital allocation, allows China to export its excess construction and heavy industry capacity, and boosts recipient countries' demand for Chinese exports. Feature China's 'Belt and Road' Initiative (BRI) is on an accelerating path (Chart I-1), with total investment expected to rise from US$120 billion to about US$170 billion over the next three years. Chart I-1Accelerating BRI Investment From China bca.ems_sr_2017_09_13_s1_c1 bca.ems_sr_2017_09_13_s1_c1 The BRI has been one of the central government's main priorities since late 2013. The primary objectives of the BRI are: To export China's excess capacity in heavy industries and construction to other countries - i.e., build infrastructure in other countries; To expand the country's international influence via a grand plan of funding investments into the 69 countries along the Belt and the Road (B&R) (Chart I-2); To build transportation and communication networks as well as energy supply to facilitate trade and provide China access to other regions, especially Europe and Africa; To facilitate the internationalization of the RMB; To speed up the development of China's poor (and sometimes restive) central and western regions, namely by turning them into economic hubs between coastal China and the BRI countries in the rest of Asia; To boost China's strategic position in central, south, and southeast Asia through security linkages arising from BRI cooperation, as well as from assets (like ports) that could provide military as well as commercial uses in the long run. From a cyclical investment perspective, the pertinent questions for investors are: How big is the current scale of BRI investment, and where is the funding coming from? Will rising BRI investment be able to offset the negative impact from a potential slowdown in Chinese capex spending? Which frontier markets will benefit most from Chinese BRI investment? Chart I-2The Belt And Road Program China's Belt And Road Initiative: Can It Offset A Mainland Slowdown? China's Belt And Road Initiative: Can It Offset A Mainland Slowdown? China's BRI: Scale And Funding Scale China has been implementing its strategic BRI since 2013. To date it has invested in 69 B&R countries through two major approaches: infrastructure project contracts and outward direct investment (ODI). The first approach - investment through projects - is the main mechanism of BRI implementation. BRI projects center on infrastructure development in recipient countries, encompassing construction of transportation (railways, highways, subways, and bridges), energy (power plants and pipelines) and telecommunication infrastructure. The cumulative size of the signed contracts with B&R countries over the past three years is US$383 billion, of which US$182 billion of projects are already completed. However, the value of newly signed contracts in a year does not equal the actual project investment occurred in that year, as generally these contracts will take several years to be implemented and completed. Table I-1 shows our projection of Chinese BRI project investment over the years of 2017-2020, which will reach US$168 billion in 2020. This projection is based on two assumptions: an average three-year investing and implementation period for BRI projects from the date of signing the contract to the commercial operation date (COD) of the project, and an average annual growth rate of 10% for the total value of the annual newly signed contracts over the next three years. Table I-1Projection Of Chinese BRI Project Investment Over The Years 2017-2020 China's Belt And Road Initiative: Can It Offset A Mainland Slowdown? China's Belt And Road Initiative: Can It Offset A Mainland Slowdown? The basis for the first assumption is that the majority of the completed BRI projects were by and large finished within three years, and most of the existing and future BRI projects are also expected to be completed within a three-year period.1 The second assumption of the 10% future growth rate is reasonable, given the 13.5% average annual growth rate for the past two years, but from a low base. These large-scale infrastructure projects were led mainly by Chinese state-owned enterprises (SOEs), and often in the form of BOTs (Build-Operate Transfers), Design-Build-Operate (DBOs), BOOT (Build-Own-Operate-Transfers), BOO (Build-Own-Operate) and other types of Public-Private Partnerships (PPPs). After a Chinese SOE successfully wins a bid on an infrastructure project in a hosting country, the company will typically seek financing from a Chinese source to fund the project, and then execute construction of the project. After the completion of the project, depending on the terms pre-specified in the contract, the company will operate the project for a number of years, which will generate revenues as returns for the company. The second approach - investing into the recipient countries through ODI - is insignificant, with an amount of US$14.5 billion last year. This was only 12% of BRI project investment, and only 8.5% of China's total ODI. Chinese ODI has so far been mainly focused on tertiary industries, particularly in developed countries that can educate China in technology, management, innovation and branding. Besides, most of the Chinese ODI has been in the form of cross-border M&A purchases by Chinese firms, with only a small portion of the ODI targeted at green-field projects, which do not lead to an increase in demand for commodities and capital goods. Therefore, in this report we will only focus on the analysis of project investment as a proxy of Chinese BRI investment, as opposed to ODI. The focal point of this analysis is to gauge the demand outlook for commodities and capital goods originating from BRI. The Sources Of Chinese Funding The projected US$120 billion to US$170 billion BRI investment every year seems affordable for China. This is small in comparison to about US$3-3.5 trillion of new money origination, or about US$3 trillion of bank and shadow-bank credit (excluding borrowing by central and local governments) annually in the past two years. The financing sources for China's BRI investment include China's two policy banks (China Development Bank and the Export-Import Bank of China), two newly established funding sources (Silk Road Fund and Asia Infrastructure Investment Bank), Chinese commercial banks, and other financial institutions/funds. Table I-2 shows our estimate of the breakdown of BRI funding in 2016. Table I-2BRI Funding Sources In 2016 China's Belt And Road Initiative: Can It Offset A Mainland Slowdown? China's Belt And Road Initiative: Can It Offset A Mainland Slowdown? China Development Bank (CDB): As the country's largest development bank, the CDB has total assets of US$2.1 trillion, translating into more than US$350 billion of potential BRI projects over the next 10 years, which could well result in US$35 billion in funding annually from the CDB. The Export-Import Bank of China (EXIM): The EXIM holds an outstanding balance of over 1,000 BRI projects, and has also set up a special lending scheme worth US$19.5 billion over the next three years. This will increase EXIM's BRI lending from last year's US$5 billion to at least US$6.5 billion per year. Silk Road Fund (SRF): The Chinese government launched the SRF in late 2014 with initial funding of US$40 billion to directly support the BRI mission. This year, Chinese President Xi Jinping pledged a funding boost to the SRF with an extra 100 billion yuan (US$15 billion). Therefore, SRF funding to BRI projects over the next three years will be higher than the US$6 billion recorded last year. The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB): The AIIB was established in October 2014 and started lending in January 2016. It only invested US$1.7 billion in loans for nine BRI projects last year. The BRI funding from the AIIB is set to accelerate as the number of member countries has significantly expanded from an original 57 to 80 currently. Chinese commercial banks: Chinese domestic commercial banks, the largest source of BRI funding, have been driving BRI investment momentum. Chinese commercial banks currently fund about 62% of BRI investment and the main financiers are Bank of China (BoC) and Industrial & Commercial Bank of China (ICBC). After lending about US$60 billion over the past two years, the BOC plans to provide US$40 billion this year. The ICBC has 412 BRI projects in its pipeline, involving a total investment of US$337 billion over the next 10 years, which will likely result in an annual US$34 billion in BRI investment. The China Construction Bank (CCB) also has over 180 BRI projects in its pipeline, worth a total investment of US$90 billion over the next five to 10 years. Only three commercial banks will likely fund US$80 billion of BRI projects over the next three years. A few more words about the currency used in BRI funding. The U.S. dollar and Chinese RMB will be the two main currencies employed in BRI funding. Chinese companies can get loans denominated either in RMBs or in USDs from domestic commercial banks/policy banks/special funds/multilateral international banks to buy machinery and equipment (ME) from China. For some PPP projects that involve non-Chinese companies or governments (i.e. those of recipient countries), the local presence can use either USD loans or their central bank's Chinese RMB reserves from the currency swap deal made with China's central bank. China has long looked to recycle its large current account surpluses by pursuing investments in hard assets (land, commodities, infrastructure, etc.) across the world, to mitigate its structural habit of building up large foreign exchange reserves that are mostly invested in low-interest-bearing American government securities. Risky but profitable BRI infrastructure projects are a continuation of this trend. China had so far signed bilateral currency swap agreements worth an aggregate of more than 1 trillion yuan (US$150 billion) with 22 countries or regions along the B&R. The establishment of cross-border RMB payment, clearing and settlement has been gaining momentum, and the use of RMB has been expanding gradually in global trade and investment, notwithstanding inevitable setbacks. Bottom Line: We estimate total BRI investment with Chinese financing will rise from US$120 billion this year to about US$170 billion in 2020, and Chinese financial institutions will be capable of funding it. Can BRI Offset A Slowdown In China's Capex? From a global investors' perspective, a pertinent question around the BRI program is whether the BRI-funded capital spending can offset the potential slowdown in China's domestic investment expenditure. This is essential to gauge the demand outlook for industrial commodities and capital goods worldwide. Our short answer is not likely. Table I-3 reveals that in 2016, gross fixed capital formation (GFCF) in China was estimated by the National Bureau of Statistics to be at RMB 32 trillion, or $4.8 trillion. Table I-3China's GFCF* Vs. China's BRI Investment Expenditures China's Belt And Road Initiative: Can It Offset A Mainland Slowdown? China's Belt And Road Initiative: Can It Offset A Mainland Slowdown? Meantime, China-funded BRI investment expenditure amounted to US$102 billion in 2016. In a nutshell, last year GFCF in China was about 47 times larger than BRI investment expenditures. The question is how much of a drop in mainland GFCF would need to take place to offset the projected BRI investment. The latter will likely amount to US$139 billion in 2018, US$153 billion in 2019 and US$168 billion in 2020. Provided estimated sizes of Chinese GFCF in 2017 are RMB 33.5 trillion (US$4.9 trillion), it would take only 0.4% contraction in GFCF in 2018, 0.3% in 2019 and 2020 to completely offset the rise in BRI-related investment expenditure (Table 3). Chart I-3Record Low Credit Growth... bca.ems_sr_2017_09_13_s1_c3 bca.ems_sr_2017_09_13_s1_c3 We derive these results by comparing the expected absolute change in BRI capital spending expenditures with the size of China's GFCF. The expected increases in BRI in 2018, 2019 and 2020 are US$20 billion, US$14 billion and US$15 billion. Given the starting point of GFCF in 2017 was US$4.9 trillion, it will take only about 0.4% of decline in $4.9 trillion to offset the $20 billion rise in BRI. In the same way, we estimated that it would take only an annual 0.3% contraction in nominal GFCF in China to completely offset the rise in BRI capital spending in both 2019 and 2020. To be sure, we are not certain that the GFCF will contract in each of the next three years. Yet, odds of such shrinkage in one of these years are substantial. As always, investors face uncertainty, and they need to make assessments. Is an annual 0.4% decline in China's GFCF likely in 2018? In our opinion, it is quite likely, based on our money and credit growth, as illustrated in Chart I-3. Importantly, interest rates in China continue to drift higher. A higher cost of borrowing and regulatory tightening on banks and shadow banking will lead to a meaningful deterioration in China's credit origination. The latter will weigh on investment expenditures. The basis is that the overwhelming portion of GFCF is funded by credit to public and private debtors, and aggregate credit growth has already relapsed. Chart I-4 and Chart I-5 demonstrate that money and credit impulses lead several high-frequency economic variables that tend to correlate with capital expenditure cycles. Chart I-4Negative Money Credit Impulses Point To... ...Negative Money Credit Impulses Point To... ...Negative Money Credit Impulses Point To... Chart I-5...Slowing Capital Expenditure ...Slowing Capital Expenditure ...Slowing Capital Expenditure Therefore, we conclude that meaningful weakness in the GFCF is quite likely in 2018, and that it will spill out to 2019 if the government does not counteract it with major stimulus. By and large, odds are that a slump in domestic capital spending in China offset the rise in BRI-related capital expenditures. BCA's Emerging Markets Strategy service has written substantively on motives surrounding China's capital spending and how it is set to slow, and we will not cover these topics. Some reasons why investment spending is bound to slow include: considerable credit excesses/high indebtedness of companies; misallocation of capital and resultant weak cash flow position of companies; non-performing assets on banks' and other creditors' balance sheets and their weak liquidity position. To be sure, investors often ask whether or not material weakness in mainland growth will lead the authorities to stimulate. Odds are they will. Yet, before the slowdown becomes visible in economic numbers, financial markets will likely sell-off. In brief, policymakers are currently tightening and will be late to reverse their policies. Finally, should one compare the entire GFCF, or only part of it? There is a dearth of data to analyze various types of capital spending. In a nutshell, Chart I-6 reveals that installation accounts for roughly 70% of investment, while purchases of equipment account for the remaining 18%. Therefore, we guess the composition of BRI projects will be similar to structure of investment spending in China, and hence it makes sense to use overall GFCF as a comparative benchmark. In addition, the GFCF data is a better measure for Chinese capital spending over Chinese fixed asset investment (FAI) data, as the FAI number includes land values, which have risen significantly over the years and already account for about half of the FAI (Chart I-7). Chart I-6Chinese Fixed Investment Structure Chinese Fixed Investment Structure Chinese Fixed Investment Structure Chart I-7GFCF Is A Better Measure Than FAI GFCF Is A Better Measure Than FAI GFCF Is A Better Measure Than FAI Bottom Line: While it is hard to forecast and time exact dynamics over the next several years, odds are that the next 12-24 months will turn out to be a period of a slump in China's capital spending. This will more than offset the increase in demand for industrial goods and commodities as a result of BRI projects. Implication For Frontier Markets The BRI, which currently covers 69 countries, will keep expanding its coverage for the foreseeable future. Insofar as it is a way for China to create new markets for its exports, Beijing has no reason to exclude any country. In practice, however, certain countries will receive greater dedication, for the simple reason that their development fits into China's political, military and strategic interests as well as economic interests. As most of the investments are infrastructure-focused, aiming to improve transportation, energy and telecommunication connectivity as well as special economic zones, the recipient countries, especially underdeveloped frontier markets, will benefit considerably from China's BRI. Table I-4 shows that Pakistan, Kazakhstan and Ghana will benefit the most among major frontier markets, as the planned BRI investment in those countries amounts to a significant amount of their GDP. Chart I-8 also shows that, in terms of current account deficit coverage by the Chinese BRI funding, the three countries that stand to benefit most are also Pakistan, Kazakhstan and Ghana. Table I-1The B&R Countries That Benefit From ##br##China's BRI Investment (Ranged From High-To-Low) China's Belt And Road Initiative: Can It Offset A Mainland Slowdown? China's Belt And Road Initiative: Can It Offset A Mainland Slowdown? Chart I-8Chinese BRI Funding's Impact On ##br##External Account Of B&R Countries China's Belt And Road Initiative: Can It Offset A Mainland Slowdown? China's Belt And Road Initiative: Can It Offset A Mainland Slowdown? Of these, clearly Pakistan and Kazakhstan have the advantage of attracting China's strategic as well as economic interest: Kazakhstan offers China greater access into Central Asia and broader Eurasia; Pakistan is a large-population market that offers a means of accessing the Indian Ocean without the geopolitical complications of Southeast and East Asia. These states also neighbor China's restive Xinjiang, where Beijing hopes economic development can discourage separatist and terrorist activities. Pakistan Pakistan is a key prospect for China's exports in of itself, and in the long run offers a maritime waystation and an energy transit hub separate from China's other supply lines. For China, it is a critical alternative to Myanmar and the Malacca Strait. In April 2015, China announced a remarkable US$46.4 billion CPEC (China-Pakistan Economic Corridor) investment plan in Pakistan, equal to 16.4% of Pakistani GDP. It is expected to be implemented over five years. In particular, the planned US$33.2 billion energy investment will increase Pakistan's existing power capacity by 70% from 2017 to 2023. On the whole, China's CPEC plan will be significantly positive to economic development in Pakistan in the long run, but in the near term it is still not enough to boost the nation's competitiveness (Chart I-9A, top panel). Chart I-9AOur Calls Have Been Correct Top 3 Frontier Markets Benefiting Most From Chinese BRI Investment Top 3 Frontier Markets Benefiting Most From Chinese BRI Investment Chart I-9BTop 3 Frontier Markets Benefiting Most ##br##From Chinese BRI Investment Our Calls Have Been Correct Our Calls Have Been Correct Also, as about 40% of the investment has already been invested over the previous two years, odds are that China's CPEC investment will go slower and smaller this year and over the next few years. BCA's Frontier Markets Strategy service's recent tactical bearish call on Pakistani stocks has been correct, with a 25% decline in the MSCI Pakistan Index in U.S. dollar terms since our recommendation in March (Chart I-9B, top panel).2 We remain tactically cautious for now. Kazakhstan Kazakhstan is a key transit corridor for Chinese goods to enter Europe and the Middle East. In June 2017, Chinese and Kazakh enterprises and financial institutions signed at least 24 deals worth more than US$8 billion. China's BRI investment in Kazakhstan facilitated the country's accelerated economic growth (Chart I-9A, middle panel). BCA's Frontier Markets Strategy service reiterates its positive view on Kazakhstan equities because of a recuperating economy, considerable fiscal stimulus and rising Chinese BRI investment (Chart I-9B, middle panel).3 Ghana Ghana is not strategic for China (it is a minor supplier of oil). Instead, it illustrates the fact that BRI is not always relevant to China's strategic or geopolitical interests. Sometimes it is simply about China's need to invest its surplus U.S. liquidity into hard assets around the world. Of course, Ghana itself will benefit considerably from the committed US$19 billion BRI investment, which was announced only a few months ago. This is a huge amount for the country, equaling 45% of Ghana's 2016 GDP. This massive fresh investment will boost Ghana's economic growth in both the near and long term (Chart I-9A, bottom panel). BCA's Frontier Markets Strategy service upgraded its stance on the Ghanaian equity market from negative to neutral in absolute terms at the end of July, and we also recommended overweighting the bourse relative to the broader MSCI EM universe (Chart I-9B, bottom panel).4 Our positive view on Ghana remains unchanged for now and we are looking to establish a long position in the absolute terms in this bourse amid a potential EM-wide sell-off. Other Macro Ramifications Industrial goods and commodities/materials are vulnerable. BRI will not change the fact that a potential relapse in capital spending in China will lead to diminishing growth in commodities demand. If there is a massive slowdown in property market like China experienced in 2015, which is very likely due to lingering excesses, Chinese commodity and industrial goods demand could even contract (Chart I-10). Notably, mainland's imports of base metals have been flat since 2010, and imports of capital goods shank in 2015 even though GDP and GFCF growth were positive (Chart I-11). The point is that there could be another cyclical contraction in Chinese imports of commodities and industrial goods, even if headline GDP and GFCF do not contract. Chart I-10Chinese Capital Goods Imports Could Contract Again bca.ems_sr_2017_09_13_s1_c10 bca.ems_sr_2017_09_13_s1_c10 Chart I-11Imports Of Metals Could Slow Further Imports Of Metals Could Slow Further Imports Of Metals Could Slow Further As China accounts for 50% of global demand of industrial metals and it imports about US$ 589 billion of industrial goods and materials annually, either decelerating growth or outright demand contraction will be negative news for global commodities markets and industrial goods producers. China's Exports Have A Brighter Outlook China's machinery and equipment (ME) exports account for 47% of total exports, and 9% of its GDP (Table I-5). The BRI investment will boost Chinese ME exports directly through large infrastructure projects. Table I-5Structure Of Chinese Exports (2016) China's Belt And Road Initiative: Can It Offset A Mainland Slowdown? China's Belt And Road Initiative: Can It Offset A Mainland Slowdown? Meantime, robust income growth in the recipient countries will boost their demand for household goods (Chart I-12). China has a very strong competitive advantage in white and consumer goods production, especially in low-price segments that are popular in developing economies. Therefore, not only is China exporting its excess construction and heavy industry capacity, but the BRI is also boosting recipient countries' demand for Chinese household and other goods exports. Adding up dozens of countries like Ghana can result in a meaningful augmentation in China's customer base. Notably, Chinese total exports have exhibited signs of improvement as Chinese ME exports and exports to the major B&R countries have contributed to a rising share of total Chinese exports since 2015 (Chart I-13). Chart I-12BRI Will Lift Chinese Exports Of ##br##Capital And Consumer Goods BRI Will Lift Chinese Exports Of Capital And Consumer Goods BRI Will Lift Chinese Exports Of Capital And Consumer Goods Chart I-13Signs Of Improvement In Chinese Exports ##br##Due To Rising BRI Investment Signs Of Improvement In Chinese Exports Due To Rising BRI Investment Signs Of Improvement In Chinese Exports Due To Rising BRI Investment BRI Leads To Improved Global Capital Allocation BRI is one of a very few global initiatives that improves the quality of global capital allocation. Therefore, it is bullish for global growth from a structural perspective. By shifting capital spending from a country that has already invested a lot in the past 20 years (China) to the ones that have been massively underinvested, BRI boosts the marginal productivity of capital. One billion dollars invested in the underinvested recipient countries will generate more benefits than the same amount invested in China. Risks To BRI Projects Notable deterioration in the health of Chinese banks may meaningfully curtail BRI funding, as Chinese non-policy banks will likely need to provide 60% of BRI projects' funding. Political stability/changes in destination countries: As most infrastructure projects have been authorized by the top government and need their cooperation, any changes in the recipient countries' governments or regimes may slow down or deter BRI projects. China already has a checkered past with developing countries where it has invested heavily. This is because of its employment of Chinese instead of local labor, its pursuit of flagship projects seen as benefiting elites rather than commoners, its allegedly corrupt ties with ruling parties, and perceived exploitation of natural resources to the neglect of the home nation. As China's involvement grows, local politics will be more difficult to manage, requiring China to suffer occasional losses due to political reversals or to defend its assets through aggressive economic sanctions, or even expeditionary force. For now, as there are no clear signs that any these risks are imminent, we remain positive on the further implementation of China's BRI program. Ellen JingYuan He, Editor/Strategist ellenj@bcaresearch.com Arthur Budaghyan, Senior Vice President Emerging Markets Strategy arthurb@bcaresearch.com 1 China has long been known to use three-year periods - as distinct from its better known "five year plans" - for major domestic initiatives. In 2016, the National Development and Reform Commission re-emphasized three-year planning periods for "continuous, rolling" implementation. 2 Please see BCA's Frontier Markets Strategy Special Report "Pakistani Stocks: A Top Is At Hand", published March 13, 2017. Available at fms.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see BCA's Frontier Markets Strategy Special Report "Kazakhstan: A Touch Less Dependent On Oil Prices", published March 28, 2017. Available at fms.bcaresearch.com. 4 Please see BCA's Frontier Markets Strategy Special Report "Ghana: Sailing On Chinese Winds", published July 31, 2017. Available at fms.bcaresearch.com.

Underweight For most of this decade, U.S. airline pricing power and the price of jet fuel have moved in lockstep (second panel) i.e.: airlines have been able to pass through their primary input cost. However, this relationship has broken down since the end of 2016 as the industry has been locked in a price war between low cost carriers and the largely-restructured legacy airlines. The result has been a coincident fall in operating margins (bottom panel). The disruption to U.S. refining capacity and distribution of refined products from Hurricane Harvey seems likely to keep the price of jet fuel elevated and exacerbate the decline in near-term operating margins. Until recently, investors have shrugged off tumbling margins with expanding valuation multiples (bottom panel), though that appears to have turned early this summer; the S&P500 airlines index has been in freefall since. With higher costs a certainty in Q3, no relief from aggressive pricing and the longevity of higher jet fuel prices an unknown, it still doesn't pay to be long airlines. Stay underweight. The ticker symbols for the stocks in this index are: BLBG: S5AIRL: LUV, ALK, AAL, UAL, DAL. Mayday! Mayday!

When we upgraded the S&P industrial machinery group to overweight, we held back the S&P construction machinery & heavy trucks sibling to a neutral weighting. Our reasoning was threefold: heavy truck sales were very weak, the outlook for agriculture and food prices was shaky and the resource industry was not in a mood to deploy capital into expansion. That rationale has shifted somewhat. First, heavy truck sales have turned a corner and have pushed positively for the first time in two years (second panel). Still, in advance of a surge in orders, manufacturers boosted production earlier this year, likely offsetting a portion of the calendar 2017 earnings expansion. Second, food prices (to which the industry is highly correlated) have rebounded to some extent this year, arresting the general downtrend of the past five years (third panel). This is a sign for optimism, though whether the uptick becomes a trend remains unknown. Lastly, Caterpillar's machine sales to dealers to all regions have finally pulled out of their multiyear contraction (fourth panel), signaling a commodity production rebound. However, the resilience of this rebound is questionable with the recent Chinese fiscal and monetary tightening and a leadership change coming in the fall. Importantly, valuation multiples have fallen well off their peaks (bottom panel) as earnings estimates have surged, while the market has remained skeptical. We side with the market and remain on the sidelines, until some earnings growth validation materializes. Nevertheless, we acknowledge the mild positive macro backdrop shift and the S&P construction machinery & heavy trucks index is now on upgrade alert. Stay tuned. The ticker symbols for the stocks in this index are: BLBG: S5CSTF - CAT, PCAR, CMI. Building Up Steam Building Up Steam

The gap between the BCA Defense and BCA Aerospace indexes has widened considerably as their respective outlooks have diverged. Aerospace orders have fallen by more than half from their peak in 2013, while defense orders appear to be gaining steam. The domestic outlook for defense remains bright. The Trump administration requested an increase of nearly 10% for the 2018 DoD budget. Further, the House authorized a spending level well in excess of what the President asked for with wide bipartisan support, indicating strong political weight behind expanding defense budgets. The international picture too seems promising; exports are booming as global austerity is receding (bottom panel). Anecdotally, the last several months have seen a number of multi-billion dollar international orders which should pad backlogs for several years. Net, an earnings driven rally seems still in the early stages. Stay overweight. The ticker symbols for the stocks in the BCA Defense index are: LMT, GD, RTN, NOC, LLL. Defense Stocks Have Surged; Is The Next Up Leg Coming? Defense Stocks Have Surged; Is The Next Up Leg Coming? Defense Stocks Have Surged; Is The Next Up Leg Coming?