Inflation

Highlights As commodity inflation subsides, so will broader inflation. As broader inflation subsides, so will inflation expectations – because inflation expectations just follow realised inflation. Overweight US T-bonds versus TIPS. Overweight UK gilts versus index-linked gilts. Within equities, sell the reflation trades: specifically, go underweight basic materials and industrials. Underweight commodity currencies, such as the Canadian dollar, South African rand, and Norwegian krone. Fractal trade shortlist: ZAR/USD, HUF/USD, AMC Entertainment. Feature Chart of the WeekThe Inflation Bubble Will Burst The Inflation Bubble Will Burst The Inflation Bubble Will Burst In the past few weeks, most commodity prices have undergone healthy corrections. Relative to recent peaks, the lumber price has plunged by 30 percent, while wheat, iron ore, and DRAM (semiconductor) prices are almost 15 percent lower. The price of copper, together with other industrial metals, is also down, albeit by a more modest 5 percent (Chart I-2). Chart I-2Most Commodity Prices Have Corrected Most Commodity Prices Have Corrected Most Commodity Prices Have Corrected Oil is the only major commodity that has not corrected (yet), but even here, the 1-year inflation rate has plummeted. This is highly significant, as the oil inflation rate feeds straight into the headline CPI inflation rate. Hence, we can say with reasonable conviction that the inflation bubble will soon burst (Chart I-1). What drove the spike in inflation? The answer is that as industries reconfigured for the end of lockdowns, supply bottlenecks in some commodities and services led to understandable surges in their prices. These price surges unleashed fears about inflation, causing investors to pile into inflation hedges. This drove up commodity prices further and more broadly… which added to the inflation fears…which added more fuel to the mania in inflation expectations. And so, the indiscriminate rally in commodities continued. The indiscriminate rally in commodity prices is ending. But supply bottlenecks eventually ease, at which point the price spike corrects – in some cases violently – and the indiscriminate rally in commodity prices ends. This is what we are witnessing now. As commodity inflation subsides, so will broader inflation. And as inflation subsides, so will inflation expectations – because inflation expectations just follow realised inflation. The Markets Are Lousy At Predicting Inflation We now come to a profound question. Why do inflation expectations just follow realised inflation? (Chart I-3) After all, the chances are low that inflation in the future will be the same as it was in the past (Chart I-4). Chart I-3Inflation Expectations Just Follow Realised Inflation Inflation Expectations Just Follow Realised Inflation Inflation Expectations Just Follow Realised Inflation Chart I-4AThe Markets Are Lousy At Predicting Inflation The Markets Are Lousy At Predicting Inflation The Markets Are Lousy At Predicting Inflation Chart I-4BThe Markets Are Lousy At Predicting Inflation The Markets Are Lousy At Predicting Inflation The Markets Are Lousy At Predicting Inflation The answer comes from our insensitivity to changes in low inflation rates. We cannot perceive changes in the broad inflation rate between -1 and 3 percent, a range we just perceive as ‘price stability’. For example, if a loaf of bread costs £1.50 today, most people cannot perceive the difference between it costing £1.44 two years ago (2 percent inflation) or £1.47 pence (1 percent inflation). Quality improvements compound the perception difficulty. If the loaf used to cost £1.47 pence but the ingredients and nutritional quality are 5 percent better today, then the quality-adjusted price has gone down. The inflation rate is -1 percent! Inflation rates within a low range just feel the same to us, so it is impossible to fine-tune our inflation expectations. As inflation rates within a low range just feel the same to us, it is impossible to fine-tune our inflation expectations. Therefore, when asked to quantify our inflation expectation, we just anchor on the latest realised number. Which explains why inflation expectations just follow realised inflation. Unfortunately, central banks persist in thinking of inflation as a linear phenomenon which they can nail to one decimal place, as if the decimal point means something! But, to repeat, we cannot perceive much difference between low rates of inflation. The entire range of low inflation just feels like price stability. Therefore, within this range, our behaviour stays unchanged. And if our behaviour is unchanged, what is the transmission mechanism to fine-tune inflation within the -1 to 3 percent range? In fact, inflation is a non-linear phenomenon, with two phases: price stability and price instability. Hence, policymakers can undoubtedly take an economy from price stability into price instability – and often do, as witnessed recently in Argentina, Venezuela, and Turkey (Chart I-5). Chart I-5The Choice Is Price Stability Or Price Instability The Choice Is Price Stability Or Price Instability The Choice Is Price Stability Or Price Instability But if a major developed economy tried to take the road to price instability, the ensuing collapse in asset prices would unleash a massive deflationary impulse, as we explained in The Road To Inflation Ends At Deflation. Time To Sell The Reflation Trades Our insensitivity to small changes in low inflation rates contrasts with our very finely-tuned sensation of changes in low nominal interest rates. For example, if your UK floating mortgage rate was tied to the Bank of England policy rate, and the Bank hiked the policy rate to 0.25 percent, your monthly mortgage payment would double. Which would really hurt!1  Contrast this with an alternative situation in which the UK inflation rate fell by 0.25 percent from, say, 0.1 percent to -0.15 percent. In this case, the real interest rate would double. Yet you would barely notice it. Proving again that changes in low inflation rates are imperceptible. All of this has important implications for how we should interpret real interest rates. An ex-post (historical) real interest rates is reliable because it is the true historical nominal interest less the true historical inflation rate. However, an ex-ante (expected) real interest rate is unreliable because it is the true prospective nominal interest less the predicted inflation rate. The problem is that the predicted inflation rate will almost certainly turn out to be wrong. Inflation expectations are too high. In short, if commodity inflation is rolling over, then inflation expectations are too high. The upshot is that the ex-ante real interest rate, as priced by Treasury Inflation Protected Securities (TIPS) and UK index-linked gilt yields is too low – at least, relative to nominal yields. Which leads to the following investment conclusions: 1. Overweight US T-bonds versus TIPS. 2. Overweight UK gilts versus index-linked gilts. 3. Within equities, it is time to sell the reflation trades: specifically, go underweight basic materials and industrials – which are just a proxy for inflation expectations (Chart I-6). Chart I-6Basic Materials And Industrials Are Just Tracking Inflation Expectations CAD/USD Is Just Tracking Inflation Expectations CAD/USD Is Just Tracking Inflation Expectations 4. Underweight commodity currencies, such as the Canadian dollar, South African rand, and Norwegian krone. In fact, CAD/USD is just a very tight play on inflation expectations. Nothing more, nothing less (Chart I-7). Moreover, the fragile fractal structures for CAD/USD and ZAR/USD confirm that both commodity currencies are vulnerable to correction (Chart I-8). Chart I-7CAD/USD Is Just Tracking Inflation Expectations Basic Materials And Industrials Are Just Tracking Inflation Expectations Basic Materials And Industrials Are Just Tracking Inflation Expectations Chart I-8ZAR/USD Is Vulnerable To Correction ZAR/USD Is Vulnerable To Correction ZAR/USD Is Vulnerable To Correction 5. In addition, HUF/USD is also vulnerable to correction given that a sharper rise in Hungarian inflation expectations have already driven up the currency cross (Chart I-9). A recommended trade is to short HUF/USD, setting the profit target and symmetrical stop-loss at 3 percent. Chart I-9HUF/USD Is Vulnerable To Correction HUF/USD Is Vulnerable To Correction HUF/USD Is Vulnerable To Correction Fractal Analysis Of ‘Meme’ Stocks Finally, several clients have asked if the use of fractal analysis can be extended from indexes and asset-classes to individual stocks. The answer is an emphatic yes. Fractal analysis works by identifying when the time horizons of investors setting the investment’s price has become dangerously skewed to short-term horizons. At this point, as longer-term value investors are missing from the price setting process, the price becomes unmoored from the longer-term valuation anchor. Eventually though, when the longer-term investors re-enter the price setting process, the price snaps back towards the valuation anchor. This makes fractal analysis particularly suitable for identifying when ‘meme’ stock rallies – fuelled by aggressive trend-following – are most susceptible to correct. Right now, the recent 700 percent rally in the meme stock, AMC Entertainment, is at such a point of vulnerability (Chart I-10). Chart I-10AMC Entertainment's Aggressive Rally Is At A Point Of Vulnerability AMC Entertainment's Aggressive Rally Is At A Point Of Vulnerability AMC Entertainment's Aggressive Rally Is At A Point Of Vulnerability On this basis, a recommended trade is to short AMC, setting the profit target and symmetrical stop-loss at 100 percent.   Dhaval Joshi Chief Strategist dhaval@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 In this illustrative example, we assume that the mortgage rate equals the base rate plus 0.1 percent. Hence, if the base rate rose from 0.1 percent to 0.25 percent, the mortgage rate would rise from 0.2 percent to 0.35 percent, a near doubling. Fractal Trading System Fractal Trades 6-Month Recommendations Structural Recommendations Closed Fractal Trades Closed Trades Asset Performance Equity Market Performance   Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-1Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields ##br##- Euro Area Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Euro Area Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Euro Area Chart II-2Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields ##br##- Europe Ex Euro Area Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Europe Ex Euro Area Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Europe Ex Euro Area Chart II-3Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields ##br##- Asia Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Asia Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Asia Chart II-4Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields ##br##- Other Developed Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Other Developed Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Other Developed   Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-5Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-6Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-7Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-8Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations  

Highlights House prices are rising rapidly across the developed markets, in response to the extraordinary monetary and fiscal policy stimulus implemented to fight the pandemic. Evidence points to the house price surge being driven by monetary policy that has left real interest rates far below equilibrium levels. Supply factors are a secondary cause of the house price boom. Financial stability risks stemming from rising house prices are less acute than the pre-2008 experience, as overall household leverage has grown more slowly during the pandemic and global banks are better capitalized. Rapidly rising house prices are forcing some central banks to turn less accommodative earlier than expected. The recent hawkish turns by the Bank of Canada and Reserve Bank of New Zealand may be canaries in the coal mine for other central banks – perhaps even the Fed – if house prices and household leverage start rising together. Feature The COVID-19 pandemic led to the sharpest economic recession since World War II, alongside an enormous rise in unemployment. Consensus expectations call for the output gap to be closed (or mostly closed) in most advanced economies by the end of this year, but it remains an open question how quickly these economies will be able to return to full employment amid potentially permanent shifts in demand for office space and goods sold at physical, “brick and mortar” retail locations. Despite this sizeable and swift economic shock, house price appreciation accelerated last year in the developed world. Chart II-1 highlights that US house prices rose at an 18% annualized pace in the second half of 2020, whereas they accelerated at a high-single digit pace in developed markets ex-US (on a GDP-weighted basis). This, in conjunction with a sharp rise in the household sector credit-to-GDP ratio (Chart II-2), has unnerved some investors while raising questions about the implications for monetary policy. Chart II-1House Prices Are Surging Around The World House Prices Are Surging Around The World House Prices Are Surging Around The World Chart II-2Rising Fears About Deteriorating Household Balance Sheets Rising Fears About Deteriorating Household Balance Sheets Rising Fears About Deteriorating Household Balance Sheets Before we discuss the investment implications of the global housing boom, however, we must first accurately determine the reasons why it is happening. The Work-From-Home Effect: Less Than Meets The Eye When analyzing the surprising behavior of the housing market last year, the working-from-home effect brought upon by the pandemic emerges as an obvious factor potentially explaining house price gains. Last year, following recommended or mandatory stay-at-home orders from governments, most office-based businesses rapidly shifted to work-from-home arrangements as an emergency response. However, in the month or two following the beginning of stay-at-home orders, several national US surveys found many office workers preferred the flexibility afforded by work-from-home arrangements. Many employers, correspondingly, found that the productivity of their employees did not suffer while working from home, or that it even improved. Several prominent corporations in the US have subsequently made some work-from-home options permanent, or even allowed employees to work from offices in a different city than they did prior to the pandemic. Newfound work-from-home options have undoubtedly created new demand for housing, and thus explained the surge in house prices seen over the past year in the minds of some investors. However, in our view, evidence from the US, the UK, and France suggests that the work-from-home effect better explains differences in price gains across housing types and within large metropolitan areas, rather than aggregate or national-level changes in house prices. Chart II-3 provides some quantification of the impact of work-from-home policies by plotting US resident migration patterns by city. This data has been compiled by CBRE, and the impact of COVID is shown as the change in net move-ins from 2019 to 2020 per 1000 people. This helps control for the underlying migration pattern that existed in US cities prior to the pandemic. Chart II-3Work From Home Policies Have Impacted Migration Trends… June 2021 June 2021 The chart highlights that the negative migration impact from COVID has been mostly concentrated in New York City and the three most populous cities on the West Coast (by metro area): Los Angeles, San Francisco, and Seattle. And yet, Chart II-4 highlights that house price inflation in these four cities has accelerated to a double-digit pace, only modestly below the national average. Chart II-4...But Cities With Outward Migration Still Have Very Strong House Price Gains ...But Cities With Outward Migration Still Have Very Strong House Price Gains ...But Cities With Outward Migration Still Have Very Strong House Price Gains The house price indexes shown in Chart II-4 represent aggregate, metro area trends, and clearly some regions within these metro areas have experienced house price deceleration or outright deflation versus gains in areas outside the urban core. But Chart II-5 highlights that house prices have declined in Manhattan basically in line with the change in net move-ins as a share of the population, underscoring that double-digit metro area-wide house price gains appear to be vastly disproportionate to changes in net migration. Similarly, Chart II-6 highlights that rents decelerated in the US over the past year but remained in positive territory and grew at a 3.5% annualized rate from February to April. Chart II-5In Manhattan, House Prices Have Tracked Net Migration June 2021 June 2021 Chart II-6Rent Costs Have Decelerated, But Have Not Contracted Rent Costs Have Decelerated, But Have Not Contracted Rent Costs Have Decelerated, But Have Not Contracted Evidence from Paris and London also suggests that a work-from-home effect is insufficient to explain broad house price gains. Panel 1 of Chart II-7 highlights that house prices in France have accelerated significantly, but that apartment prices have decelerated only fractionally in lockstep. Panel 2 shows that the acceleration in house prices does reflect a work-from-home effect, as prices have risen faster in inner Parisian suburbs. Panel 3, however, highlights that Parisian apartment prices, the dominant property type in the urban core, have decelerated modestly. Chart II-8 highlights that house price gains have not even decelerated in greater London; they have been merely been modestly outstripped by gains in Outer South East (outside of the Outer Metropolitan Area). Chart II-7In France, Parisian Apartment Prices Are Simply Lagging, Not Falling In France, Parisian Apartment Prices Are Simply Lagging, Not Falling In France, Parisian Apartment Prices Are Simply Lagging, Not Falling Chart II-8In The UK, Greater London Property Prices Are Accelerating In The UK, Greater London Property Prices Are Accelerating In The UK, Greater London Property Prices Are Accelerating     The Policy Effect: The Fundamental Driver Of The Housing Market Despite the broader location flexibility that work-from-home policies now provide to potential homeowners, it seems inconceivable that the housing market would have responded in the manner that it has over the past year given the size of the economic shock brought on by the pandemic without significant support from policy. Above-the-line fiscal measures to the pandemic have totaled in the double-digits in advanced economies (Chart II-9), and monetary policy has contributed to easier financial conditions via rate cuts, asset purchases, and sizeable programs to support financial market liquidity. Chart II-9There Has Been A Massive Fiscal Policy Response To The Crisis June 2021 June 2021 In fact, Charts II-10-II-13 present compelling evidence that fiscal and monetary policy have been the core drivers of significant house price gains over the past year. Charts II-10 and II-11 plot the above-the-line fiscal response of advanced economies against the year-over-year growth rate in house prices as well as its acceleration (the change in the year-over-year growth rate). The charts show a clearly positive relationship, with a stronger link between the pandemic fiscal response and the acceleration in house prices. Chart II-10Differences In Last Year’s Fiscal Response… June 2021 June 2021 Chart II-11…Help Explain Differences In House Price Gains June 2021 June 2021 Chart II-12Pre-Pandemic Differences In The Monetary Policy Stance… June 2021 June 2021 Chart II-13…Do An Even Better Job Of Explaining 2020 House Price Gains June 2021 June 2021   Charts II-12 and II-13 highlight the even stronger link between house prices and the pre-pandemic monetary policy stance in advanced economies, defined as the difference between each country’s 2-year government bond yield and its Taylor Rule-implied policy interest rate as of Q4 2019. We construct each country’s Taylor Rule using the original specification, with core consumer price inflation, a 2% inflation target, and real potential GDP growth as the definition of the real equilibrium interest rate. The charts make it clear that easy monetary policy strongly explains house price gains in 2020, particularly the year-over-year percent change rather than its acceleration. This makes sense, given that monetary policy was already quite easy in many countries at the onset of the pandemic – meaning that changes were less pronounced than they would have been had interest rates been higher. The explanation that emerges from Charts II-10-II-13 is that historic fiscal easing, combined with an easy starting point for monetary policy – that became even easier last year – enabled demand from work-from-home policies to manifest during an extremely severe recession. We agree that work-from-home policies have shifted the geographic preferences of some home buyers and likely provided a new source of net demand from renters in urban cores purchasing homes in outlying areas. But we strongly doubt that the net effect of work-from-home policies in the midst of an extreme shock to economic activity would have caused the rise in house prices that we have observed, certainly not to this level, without major support from policy. This underscores that policy, and not the work-from-home effect, has and will likely remain the core driver of the global housing market. The Supply Effect: Mostly A Red Herring Chart II-14Countries Fall Into Two Groups In Terms Of The Relative Trend In Real Residential Investment Countries Fall Into Two Groups In Terms Of The Relative Trend In Real Residential Investment Countries Fall Into Two Groups In Terms Of The Relative Trend In Real Residential Investment One perennial question that emerges when analyzing the housing market, particularly in markets with outsized house price gains, is the impact of constrained supply. It is frequently argued that constrained supply is squeezing prices higher in many markets, and that the appropriate policy solution to extreme house price gains is to enable widespread housing construction – not to raise interest rates. We do not rule out the potential impact of constrained supply in certain cities or regional housing markets, and we have highlighted in previous research that a positive relationship does exist between population density in urban regions and median house price-to-income ratios.1 But as a broad explanation for supercharged house price gains, the supply argument appears to fall flat. Chart II-14 presents the most standardized measure of cross-country housing supply available for several advanced economies, the trend in real residential investment relative to real GDP over time. These series are all rebased to 100 as of 1997, prior to the 2002-2007 US housing market boom. The chart makes it clear that advanced economies generally fall into two groups based on this metric: those that have seen declines in real residential investment relative to GDP, especially after the global financial crisis (panel 1), and those that have experienced either an uptrend in housing construction relative to output or have seen a flat trend (panel 2). If scarce housing supply was the core driver of outsized house price gains, then we would expect to see stronger gains in the countries shown in panel 1 and smaller gains in the countries shown in panel 2. In fact, mostly the opposite is true: Charts II-15 and II-16 highlight that the relationship between the level of these indexes today relative to their 1997 or 2005 levels is positively related to the magnitude of house price gains last year, suggesting that housing market supply has generally been responding to demand over the past decade. The US and possibly New Zealand stand as possible exceptions to the trend, suggesting that relatively scarce supply may be boosting prices even further in these markets beyond what fiscal and monetary policy would suggest. Chart II-15Countries That Have Seen A Stronger Pace Of Residential Investment… June 2021 June 2021 Chart II-16…Have Experienced Stronger House Price Gains June 2021 June 2021   Chart II-17Is This Not Enough Supply, Or Too Much Demand? June 2021 June 2021 As a final point about the inclination of investors to gravitate towards supply-side arguments related to the housing market, Chart II-17 presents a simple thought experiment. The chart shows a simple housing supply-demand curve diagram, in a scenario where the demand curve for housing has shifted out more than the supply curve has (thus raising house prices). Is this a scenario in which supply is too tight? Or is it a case in which demand is too strong? In our view, the tight supply answer is reasonable in circumstances where the increase in demand is normal or otherwise sustainable. But Charts II-10-II-13 clearly showed that housing demand is being boosted by easy policy, which in the case of some countries has occurred for years: interest rates have remained well below levels that macroeconomic theory would traditionally consider to be in equilibrium, and this has occurred alongside significant household sector leveraging (Chart II-18). As such, in our view, investors should be more inclined to view the global housing market as generally being driven by demand-side rather than supply-side factors. This Is Not 2007/08 … Yet We highlighted in Chart II-2 above that the household sector debt-to-GDP ratio increased sharply last year, which has raised some questions about debt sustainability among investors. For the most part, the rise in this ratio actually reflects denominator effects (namely a sharp contraction in nominal GDP) rather than a huge surge in household debt. Chart II-19 shows BIS data for the annual growth in total household debt in developed economies was roughly stable last year, at least until Q3 (the most recent datapoint available from the BIS). Chart II-18Low Interest Rates Have Fueled Household Leveraging Low Interest Rtaes Have Fueled Household Leveraging Low Interest Rtaes Have Fueled Household Leveraging Chart II-19Total Credit Growth Has Been Stable, But Mortgage Credit Growth Is Accelerating Total Credit Growth Has Been Stable, But Mortgage Credit Growth Is Accelerating Total Credit Growth Has Been Stable, But Mortgage Credit Growth Is Accelerating Chart II-20US Mortgage Growth Is Picking Up, As Repayments Slow Consumer Credit Growth US Mortgage Growth Is Picking Up, As Repayments Slow Consumer Credit Growth US Mortgage Growth Is Picking Up, As Repayments Slow Consumer Credit Growth But Chart II-19 shows the recent trend in total household debt, which masks diverging mortgage and non-mortgage debt trends. In the US, euro area, Canada, and Sweden, household mortgage debt has accelerated to varying degrees, underscoring that households have likely paid down non-mortgage debt with some of the savings that they have accumulated from a significant reduction in spending on services. Chart II-20 shows this effect directly in the case of the US; mortgage debt growth accelerated by roughly 1.5 percentage points in the second half of the year, whereas consumer credit growth (made up of student loans, auto loans, credit cards, and other revolving credit) decelerated significantly. This aligns with data showing that US households have used some of their savings windfall to pay down their credit card balances. This changing mix within household debt - less higher-interest-rate consumer credit, more lower-interest-rate collateralized mortgage debt – could, on the margin, help mitigate financial stability risks from the housing boom by moderating overall debt service burdens. The starting point for the latter matters, though, in accurately assessing the risks from rising house prices and increased mortgage debt, particularly in countries where household debt levels are already high. According to data from the BIS, the US already has one of the lowest household debt service ratios (7.6%) among the developed economies (Chart II-21).2 This compares favorably to the double-digit debt service ratios in the “higher-risk” countries like Canada (12.6%), Sweden (12.1%) and Norway (16.2%). On top of that, US commercial banks have become far more prudent with mortgage loan underwriting standards since the 2008 financial crisis. The New York Fed’s Household Debt and Credit report shows that an increasing majority of mortgage lending made by US banks since the 2008 crisis has been to those with very high FICO credit scores (Chart II-22). This is in sharp contrast to the steady lending to “subprime” borrowers with poor credit scores that preceded the 2008 financial crisis. The median FICO score for new mortgage originations as of Q1 2021 was 788, compared to 707 in Q4 2006 at the peak of the mid-2000s US housing boom. Chart II-21Diverging Trends In Global Household Debt Servicing Costs Diverging Trends In Global Household Debt Servicing Costs Diverging Trends In Global Household Debt Servicing Costs Chart II-22US Banks Have Become More Prudent With Mortgage Lending US Banks Have Become More Prudent With Mortgage Lending US Banks Have Become More Prudent With Mortgage Lending   US bank balance sheets are also now less directly exposed to a fall in housing values. Residential loans now represent only 10% of the assets on US bank balance sheets, compared to 20% at the peak of the last housing bubble (Chart II-23). This puts the US in the “lower-risk” group of countries in Europe, the UK and Japan where mortgages are less than 20% of bank balance sheets. This compares favorably to the “higher risk” group of countries where residential loans are a far larger share of bank assets (Chart II-24), like Canada (32%), New Zealand (49%), Sweden (45%) and Australia (40%). Chart II-23Banks Have Limited Direct Exposure To Housing Here Banks Have Limited Direct Exposure To Housing Here Banks Have Limited Direct Exposure To Housing Here Chart II-24Banks Are Far More Exposed To Housing Here Banks Are Far More Exposed To Housing Here Banks Are Far More Exposed To Housing Here   Like nature, however, the financial ecosystem abhors a vacuum. “Non-bank” mortgage lenders have filled the void from traditional US banks reducing their lending to lower-quality borrowers, and they now represent around two-thirds of all US mortgage origination, a big leap from the 20% origination share in 2007. Non-bank lenders have also taken on growing shares of new mortgage origination in other countries like the UK, Canada and Australia. Chart II-25Global Banks Can Withstand A Housing Shock June 2021 June 2021 Non-bank lenders do not take deposits and typically fund themselves via shorter-term borrowings, which raises the potential for future instability if credit markets seize up. These lenders also, on average, service mortgages with a higher probability of default, so they are exposed to greater credit losses when house prices decline. However, the risk of a full-blown 2008-style commercial banking crisis, with individual depositors’ funds at risk from a bank failure, are reduced with a greater share of riskier mortgage lending conducted by non-bank entities. This is especially true with global commercial banks far better capitalized today, with double-digit Tier 1 capital ratios (Chart II-25), thanks to regulatory changes made after the Global Financial Crisis. Net-net, we conclude that the overall financial stability implications of the current surge in house prices in the developed economies are relatively modest on average. The acceleration in mortgage growth has occurred alongside reductions in non-mortgage growth, at a time when banks are better able to withstand a shock from any sustained future downturn in house prices. However, if house prices continue to accelerate and new homebuyers are forced to take on ever increasing amounts of mortgage debt, financial stability issues could intensify in some countries. Services spending will recover in a vaccinated post-COVID world, as economies reopen and consumer confidence improves, which will likely end the trend of falling non-residential consumer debt offsetting rising mortgage debt in countries like the US and Canada. Overall levels of household debt could begin to rise again relative to incomes, building up future financial stability risks when central banks begin to normalize pandemic-related monetary policies – a process that has already started in some countries because of the housing boom. The Monetary Policy Implications Of Surging House Prices Rapidly appreciating house prices are becoming an area of concern for policymakers in countries like Canada and New Zealand, where the affordability of housing is becoming a political, as well as an economic, issue. In the case of New Zealand, the government has actually altered the remit of the Reserve Bank of New Zealand (RBNZ) to more explicitly factor in the impact of monetary policy on housing costs. The Bank of Canada announced in April that it would taper its pace of government debt purchases and signaled that its decision was based, at least in small part, on signs of speculative behavior in Canada’s housing market. Macroprudential measures like limiting loan-to-value ratios of new mortgage loans are a policy option that governments in those countries have already implemented to try and cool off housing demand. Yet while such measures can help alleviate demand-supply mismatches in certain cities and regions, the efficacy of such measures in sustainably slowing the ascent of house prices on a national scale is unclear. In the April 2021 IMF Global Financial Stability Report, researchers estimated that, for a broad group of countries, the implementation of a new macro-prudential measure designed to cool loan demand reduced national household debt/GDP ratios by a mere one percentage point, on average, over a period encompassing four years.3 If macroprudential measures are that ineffective in sustainably reducing demand for mortgage loans, then the burden of slowing house price appreciation will have to fall on the more blunt instruments of monetary policy. Importantly, surging house price inflation is not likely to give a boost to realized inflation measures – an important issue given the current backdrop of rapidly rising realized inflation rates in many countries. Housing costs do represent a significant portion of consumer price indices in many developed countries, ranging from 19% in New Zealand to 33% in the US (Chart II-26), with the euro area being the outlier with housing having a mere 2% weighting in the headline inflation index. Chart II-26A Limited Impact On Actual Inflation From Housing June 2021 June 2021 Yet those so-called “housing” categories overwhelmingly measure only housing rental costs and not actual house prices. This is an important distinction because rents – which are often imputed measures like in the US and not even actual rental costs - are rising at a far slower pace than actual house prices in most countries, so the housing contribution to realized inflation is relatively modest. So the good news is that booming house prices will not worsen the acceleration of realized global inflation that has concerned investors and policymakers in 2021. Yet that does not mean that central bankers will not be forced to tighten policy to cool off red-hot housing demand that is clearly being fueled by persistently negative real interest rates. In Chart II-27 and Chart II-28, we show both nominal and real policy interest rates for the “lower risk” and “higher risk” country groupings that we described earlier. The real policy rates are nominal policy rates versus realized headline CPI inflation. The dotted lines in the charts represent the future path of rates discounted by markets. Specifically, the projection for nominal rates is taken from overnight index swap (OIS) forward curves, while the projection for real rates is calculated by subtracting the discounted path of inflation expectations extracted from CPI swap forwards. Chart II-27Markets Discounting Negative Real Rates For The Next Decade Markets Discounting Negative Real Rates For The Next Decade Markets Discounting Negative Real Rates For The Next Decade Chart II-28Negative Real Rates Are Unsustainable During A Housing Bubble Negative Real Rates Are Unsustainable During A Housing Bubble Negative Real Rates Are Unsustainable During A Housing Bubble   There are two key takeaways from these charts: Real policy interest rates are at or very close to the most deeply negative levels seen since the 2008 financial crisis. Markets are discounting that real rates will be at or below 0% for most of the next decade. Admittedly, there is room for debate over what the equilibrium level of real interest rates (a.k.a. “r-star”) should be in the coming years. However, we deem it a major stretch to believe that real rates need to be persistently low or negative for the next ten years to support even trend growth across the developed economies. In our view, the current boom in housing demand and mortgage borrowing provides clear evidence that negative real rates are below equilibrium and, thus, are stimulating credit demand. Thus, the only way for a central bank to cool off housing demand will be to raise both nominal and, more importantly, real interest rates. Canada and New Zealand will be the “canaries in the coal mine” among developed market central banks for such a move. According to the latest Bank of Canada Financial Stability Review, nearly 22% of Canadian mortgages are highly levered, with a loan-to-value ratio greater than 450%, a greater share of such mortgages than during the 2016/17 housing boom (Chart II-29). Canadian house prices have risen to such an extent that home prices in major cities like Toronto, Vancouver and Montreal are among the most expensive in North America.4  Stunningly, a recent Bloomberg Nanos opinion poll revealed that nearly 50% of Canadians would support Bank of Canada rate hikes to cool off the red-hot housing market (Chart II-30). The central bank will be unable to resist the pressure to use monetary policy to slam on the brakes of the housing market – investors should expect more tapering and, eventually, rate hikes from the Bank of Canada over at least the next couple of years. Chart II-29Canadians Are Leveraging Up To Buy Expensive Homes Canadians Are Leveraging Up To Buy Expensive Homes Canadians Are Leveraging Up To Buy Expensive Homes Chart II-3050% Of Canadians Want A Rate Hike To Cool Housing June 2021 June 2021   In New Zealand, worsening housing affordability has reached a point where a 20% down payment on the median national house price is equal to 223% of median disposable income (Chart II-31). This is forcing more first-time home buyers to take on levels of mortgage debt that the RBNZ deems highly risky (top panel). Like the Bank of Canada, the RBNZ will prove to be one of the most hawkish central banks in the developed world over the next couple of years as the central bank follows their newly-revised remit to try and cool off housing demand in New Zealand. Who is next? Housing values, measured by the ratio of median national house prices to median national household incomes, are rising in the US and UK but are still below the peaks of the mid-2000s housing bubble (Chart II-32). Meanwhile, housing is becoming more expensive across the euro area, but not in a consistent manner, with valuations in Germany and Spain having increased far more than in France or Italy. Housing valuations have actually improved in Australia over the past couple of years on a price-to-income basis. The most likely candidates for a housing-related hawkish turn are in Scandinavia, with housing valuations in Sweden and Norway closing in on Canada/New Zealand levels. Chart II-31New Zealand Housing Is Wildly Unaffordable New Zealand Housing Is Wildly Unaffordable New Zealand Housing Is Wildly Unaffordable Chart II-32Global House Price/Income Ratios Are Trending Higher Global House Price/Income Ratios Are Trending Higher Global House Price/Income Ratios Are Trending Higher   Investment Conclusions The current acceleration in global house prices is an inevitable outcome of the extraordinary monetary and fiscal easing implemented during the pandemic. Higher realized inflation is pushing real rates deeper into negative territory in many countries, fueling the demand for housing. Central banks in countries with more stretched housing valuations will be forced to turn more hawkish sooner than expected, leading to tapering and, eventually, rate hikes to cool housing demand. This has negative implications for government bond markets in countries where housing is more expensive and real yields remain too low, like Canada, New Zealand and Sweden (Chart II-33). Investors should limit exposure to government bonds in those markets over the next 6-12 months. Chart II-33Negative Real Yields & Expensive Housing Valuations – An Unsustainable Mix June 2021 June 2021 Bond markets in countries where house prices are not rising rapidly enough to force policymakers to turn more hawkish more quickly – like core Europe, Australia and even Japan - are likely to be relative outperformers. The US and UK are “cuspy” bond markets, as housing valuations are becoming more expensive in those two countries but the Fed and Bank of England are not facing the same domestic political pressure to use monetary policy tools to fight the growing unaffordability of housing. That could change, though, if overall household leverage begins to rise alongside house price inflation as the US and UK economies emerge from the pandemic. Current pricing in OIS curves shows that markets expect the RBNZ and Bank of Canada to begin hiking rates in May 2022 and September 2022, respectively (Table II-1). This is well ahead of expectations for “liftoff” from other developed markets central banks, including the Fed in April 2023. The cumulative amount of rate hikes following liftoff to the end of 2024 is highest in Canada, New Zealand, the US and Australia. Those are also countries with currencies that are trading at or above the purchasing power parity levels derived from our currency strategists’ valuation models. This highlights the difficult choice that central bankers facing housing bubbles must confront, as the rate hikes that will help cool off housing demand will lead to currency appreciation that could impact other parts of their economies like exports and manufacturing. Table II-1Hawkish Central Banks Must Live With Currency Strength June 2021 June 2021 Tracking the second-round economic consequences of eventual monetary policy actions to control excessive house price inflation, particularly in “higher risk” countries, is likely to be the subject of future Bank Credit Analyst / Global Fixed Income Strategy reports. Jonathan LaBerge, CFA Vice President The Bank Credit Analyst Robert Robis, CFA Chief Fixed Income Strategist Footnotes 1 Please see Global Investment Strategy "Canada: A (Probably) Happy Moment In An Otherwise Sad Story," dated July 14, 2017, available at gis.bcaresearch.com 2 Importantly, the BIS debt service ratios include the payment of both principal and interest, thus making it a true measure of debt service costs that includes repayment of borrowed funds – a critical issue in countries with high loan-to-value ratios for home mortgages. 3 Please see page 46 of Chapter 2 of the April 2021 IMF Global Financial Stability Report, which can be found here: https://www.imf.org/en/Publications/GFSR/Issues/2021/04/06/global-finan… 4 “Vancouver, Toronto and Hamilton are the least affordable cities in North America: report”, CBC News, May 20, 2021

Highlights Domestic and foreign supply-side constraints are now exerting a significant effect on the US economy. Consumer prices may increase at a faster pace than we initially expected over the coming 3-4 months, but supply-side constraints are likely to wane later this year and thus do genuinely appear to be transitory. The idea that even a temporary period of high inflation could persist over the longer term has legitimate grounding in macro theory, and is explicitly recognized in the Fed’s inflation framework. But it would necessitate a very large increase in inflation expectations, which have yet to rise to abnormal levels. The baseline for inflation has shifted back closer to the Fed’s target, but deviations above or below target over the coming 12-18 months are likely to be driven by demand-side rather than supply-side factors. The Fed’s checklist for liftoff now entirely depends on employment, and there are compelling arguments in favor of outsized jobs growth in the second half of the year that would move forward the timing of the first rate hike. But the reality for investors is that there is tremendous uncertainty concerning the magnitude of these job gains, given the likelihood of some lasting changes to consumer behavior following the pandemic. Visibility about the employment consequences of these changes will remain very low until investors receive more information about likely urban office footprint and downtown commuter presence, the speed at which international travel will return, and to what degree any pandemic control measures remain in place in the second half of the year. For now, investors should remain cyclically overweight stocks versus bonds, short duration, and invested in other procyclical positions, with an eye to reassess the monetary policy and growth outlook in the late summer / early fall. Feature Chart I-1Investors Have Focused On The April Jobs And Inflation Data Investors Have Focused On The April Jobs And Inflation Data Investors Have Focused On The April Jobs And Inflation Data Investors’ attention in May was focused squarely on two, ostensibly contradictory US data surprises: an extremely disappointing April jobs report, and a surge in consumer prices (Chart I-1). Abstracting from the typically lagging nature of consumer prices, a weak labor market is typically disinflationary / deflationary, not inflationary. But this is only to be expected in a typical environment where demand-side factors are predominantly driving the jobs market and the pricing decisions of firms, and the April data has made it clear that domestic and foreign supply-side constraints are now exerting a significant effect on the US economy, more forcefully than we initially thought. This warrants a further analysis of our prior view that supply-side effects would have a moderate effect on activity and prices this year, which we present below. A Deep Dive Into April’s Employment And Inflation Data Chart I-2 shows the difference between the April monthly gain in US jobs by industry compared with those of March. Almost all US industries saw a slower pace of jobs gains in April than March, but the slowdown was particularly acute in the professional & business services, transportation & warehousing, education & health services, construction, and manufacturing industries. By contrast, leisure & hospitality, the industry with the largest employment gap relative to pre-pandemic levels, saw a faster pace of April job gains relative to March. Chart I-2Breaking Down Disappointing April Payroll Gains June 2021 June 2021 In our view, several facts from the April jobs report characterize the labor market as being in a transition towards a post-pandemic state, but also legitimately impacted by labor supply constraints at the low-skilled and blue-collar levels: Within professional & business services, almost all of the slowdown in monthly job gains occurred within temporary help services. Temp help services is a cyclical employment category over the longer-term, but over short periods of time it can also be negatively correlated with gains in full-time positions. April saw a large decline in the number of employed persons at work part time, suggesting that the slowdown in temp help may reflect a shift back to full-time work. Within transportation & warehousing, the slowdown in jobs was entirely attributed to the couriers and messengers subsector, which includes delivery services. In combination with the acceleration in jobs in the leisure & hospitality sector, this likely reflects a shift away from home food delivery towards in-person restaurant orders and the use of aggressive hiring tactics by restaurant owners (including advertisements of cash bonuses following 90 days of completed work, paid vacations, health insurance, and other perks). The slowdown in jobs growth in the construction & manufacturing industries is likely due to two, separate supply constraints: the negative impact of higher input costs such as lumber, semiconductors, and other raw materials, as well as the disincentivizing effects of supplementary unemployment benefits that appears to be limiting the willingness of lower-wage workers to return to work. Chart I-3April's Rise In Core CPI Was Extreme, Even After Removing Some Outliers April's Rise In Core CPI Was Extreme, Even After Removing Some Outliers April's Rise In Core CPI Was Extreme, Even After Removing Some Outliers On the inflation front, Chart I-3 highlights that the April surge in core consumer prices did not just occur because of year-over-year base effects, but because of significant month-over-month increases in prices. Outsized gains in used car prices driven by the impact of the semiconductor shortage on new car production, as well as surging airline fares, did significantly contribute to April’s month-over-month gain, but the dotted line in the chart highlights that the monthly change would still have been extreme relative to history even if these components had increased instead at a 2% annual rate. Taken together, the April employment and inflation data, in conjunction with surveys of US firms as well as the trend in commodity prices, suggest that the labor market and consumer prices are being affected by four separate but related factors: An underlying demand effect, driven by extremely stimulative fiscal & monetary policy as well as economic reopening; A domestic labor shortage Coordination failures and bottlenecks impacting the production of key supply chain components and resource inputs Coordination failures and bottlenecks impacting the logistics of international trade Strong domestic aggregate demand is not likely to wane over the coming 6-12 months, which has been the basis for our view that inflation would rise to modestly above-target levels this year. Given this new evidence of their prominence and impact, it does seem likely that the remaining three supply-side factors will persist for a few more months, suggesting that core inflation may remain quite elevated over the near term. But several points underscore why it remains difficult to accept a view that supply-side factors will remain an important driver of employment and consumer price trends on a 1-year time horizon. Chart I-4Home Schooling Is Impacting The Labor Market June 2021 June 2021 First, domestic labor shortages are occurring in the context of a gap of 8.2 million jobs relative to pre-pandemic levels, underscoring that substantial barriers to returning to work exist. The three most cited barriers are an unwillingness to return to employment for health reasons, an unwillingness to return to work because of supplementary unemployment insurance benefits that are in excess of regular income, and an inability to return to work due to childcare requirements. For example, Chart I-4 highlights that the labor force participation rate has declined the most for women with young children, whose children in many cases are being schooled online rather that in person. But all three of these factors are clearly linked to the pandemic, and are likely to be greatly reduced (or eliminated) in the fall once schools have reopened and income support has ended. Federal supplementary UI benefits are set to expire by labor day, and several US states have already opted out of the program – with benefits set to end in June or July.1 Second, global producers of important commodity inputs (such as lumber) significantly cut production last year under the expectation that the pandemic would greatly reduce spending, only to be whipsawed by a surge in demand stemming from a combination of working from home effects and a massive policy response. Chart I-5 highlights that US industrial production of wood products fell to -10% on a year-over-year basis last April, but that it has subsequently rebounded to a new high. Unlike other supply chain inputs, global semiconductor sales did not decline last April (in the face of enormous PC, tablet, and server/data center demand), but Chart I-6 highlights that DRAM prices, lumber prices, and prices of raw industrial goods may be peaking or have already peaked. Chart I-5Lumber Prices Are Soaring, In Part, Because Supply Was Cut Last Year Lumber Prices Are Soaring, In Part, Because Supply Was Cut Last Year Lumber Prices Are Soaring, In Part, Because Supply Was Cut Last Year Chart I-6Costs of Key Inputs May Be Peaking (Or Have Peaked) Costs of Key Inputs May Be Peaking (Or Have Peaked) Costs of Key Inputs May Be Peaking (Or Have Peaked) Chart I-7Logistical Issues, Which Will Be Resolved, Are Driving Shipping Costs Logistical Issues, Which Will Be Resolved, Are Driving Shipping Costs Logistical Issues, Which Will Be Resolved, Are Driving Shipping Costs Third, while some market participants have attributed the enormous rise in global shipping costs entirely to the underlying demand effect that we noted above, Chart I-7 highlights that this is clearly not the case. The chart shows that the surge in loaded inbound container trade to the Los Angeles and Long Beach ports, to its strongest level since the inception of the data in the mid 1990s, could potentially explain a 75-100% year-over-year rise in shipping costs – less than half of the 250% surge that has occurred over the past 12 months. This strongly points to logistical issues such as the incorrect positioning of cargo containers amid pandemic-related port congestion (and other disruptions such as the temporary grounding of the Ever Given in the Suez canal) as the dominant driver of global shipping costs, which have likely pushed up US non-oil import prices by more than what would normally be implied by the decline in the US dollar (Chart I-8). Global shipping costs have yet to peak, but we expect that these logistical problems will likely be resolved sometime in Q3, or potentially over the summer. This view is underpinned by the fact that the number of global container ships arriving on time rose in March, the first month-over-month increase since June of last year.2 Chart I-8Rising Transport Costs Have Pushed Up US Import Prices Rising Transport Costs Have Pushed Up US Import Prices Rising Transport Costs Have Pushed Up US Import Prices For investors, the key conclusion of this review is that while consumer prices may increase at a faster pace than we initially expected over the coming 3-4 months, supply-side factors are clearly driving outsized gains, and have likely or definite end points before the end of the year. As such, despite the surprising magnitude of these supply-side factors, they do genuinely appear to be transitory. The “Transitory” Debate Most investors would agree that 3-4 months of outsized consumer price increases would not be, in and of themselves, economically significant or investment relevant. But the question of whether even a temporary period of high inflation could persist over a 12-month or multi-year time horizon has become prominent in the marketplace, with some investors believing that it has high odds of fueling an already-established, demand-side narrative supporting higher prices in a way that becomes self-reinforcing among consumers and firms. Indeed, this view has a legitimate grounding in macro theory, and is explicitly recognized in the Fed’s inflation framework – which is called the expectations-augmented or Modern-Day Phillips Curve (“MDPC”). In anticipation of the coming debate about inflation and its causes, we thoroughly reviewed the MDPC in our January report.3 One crucial takeaway from the MDPC framework is that economic activity relative to its potential determines the degree to which inflation deviates from expectations of inflation, not the Fed’s inflation target. If, for example, inflation expectations are meaningfully below target, then the Fed would need to aim for an unemployment rate below its natural rate for some period of time in an attempt to re-anchor expectations closer to its target rate (based on the view that inflation expectations adapt to the actual inflation experience). This is essentially what occurred in the latter half of the last economic expansion, and is what motivated the Fed’s shift to its average inflation targeting regime. The Modern-Day Phillips Curve is “modern” because of the experience of inflation in the late 1960s and 1970s, where ever-rising expectations for inflation (alongside extremely easy monetary policy) became self-reinforcing and caused core PCE inflation to rise to high single-digit territory in the second half of the decade. Thus, the notion that elevated consumer prices over the short-term could increase actual inflation over the longer term via higher expectations – meaning that it would not be transitory – is plausible. Chart I-9The Fed's New Index Of Common Inflation Expectations (CIE) The Fed's New Index Of Common Inflation Expectations (CIE) The Fed's New Index Of Common Inflation Expectations (CIE) Is it likely? In our view, while the odds have increased somewhat over the past month, the answer is no. Chart I-9 presents the Fed’s quarterly index of common inflation expectations (CIE), alongside a model designed to track movements in the index on a monthly frequency. While the Fed’s index includes over 21 inflation expectation indicators, our condensed model uses just six: the 10-year annualized rate of change in headline inflation, the 10-year annualized rate of change in the headline PCE deflator, 5-year/5-year forward and 10-year/10-year forward TIPS breakeven inflation rates, the 3-month moving average of long-term surveyed consumer expectations for inflation, and a proprietary measure of inflation expectations based on an adaptive expectations framework. Chart I-10 highlights that among these six series (shown standardized since mid 2004), three of them have risen quite significantly over the past year: long-dated TIPS breakeven inflation rates (5-5 and 10-10), and long-term consumer expectations for inflation. In our view, the latter series from the University of Michigan is one of the most important for investors to monitor over the coming year, as it is one of the few available measures of “main-street” inflation expectations with a long history. Chart I-10Important Drivers Of The CIE Index Have Risen, But From A Low Base Important Drivers Of The CIE Index Have Risen, But From A Low Base Important Drivers Of The CIE Index Have Risen, But From A Low Base Chart I-11A Deeply Negative Output Gap Last Cycle Made Inflation Expectations Vulnerable To Shocks A Deeply Negative Output Gap Last Cycle Made Inflation Expectations Vulnerable To Shocks A Deeply Negative Output Gap Last Cycle Made Inflation Expectations Vulnerable To Shocks But while the series in the top panel of Chart I-10 have risen sharply, they are rising from an extremely low base and are currently only fractionally above their average since 2004. As noted in our January report, inflation expectations fell significantly in 2014 first because they were highly vulnerable to shocks following a long period of a deeply negative output gap (Chart I-11), and second because they were catalyzed by a substantial US dollar / oil price shock that occurred in that year. We noted above that the odds of extreme near-term price changes ultimately becoming non-transitory have risen somewhat, and Chart I-12 highlights why. The chart presents the annual change in long-term consumer expectations of inflation alongside the annual change in 2-year government bond yields, and notes that the past three cases of a similar-sized spike in expectations were all ultimately met with either a significant rise in short-term interest rates or a major deflationary shock – neither of which we expect to occur over the coming year. Chart I-12Other Consumer Price Expectation Spikes Have Been Met By Rising Rates Or A Deflationary Shock Other Consumer Price Expectation Spikes Have Been Met By Rising Rates Or A Deflationary Shock Other Consumer Price Expectation Spikes Have Been Met By Rising Rates Or A Deflationary Shock However, the fact that the rise in expectations clearly has a mean-reversion component to it, and that the supply-side factors driving month-over-month price increases are temporary in nature, argues against the idea that expectations will rise above the average that prevailed from 2002 – 2014. This suggests that while the baseline for inflation has moved back closer to the Fed’s target, deviations above or below target are likely to be driven by demand-side rather than supply-side factors. The Fed’s Checklist: Focus On Employment Table I-1The Fed’s Checklist For Liftoff June 2021 June 2021 From an investment perspective, the outlook for inflation is important mostly because of its implications for Fed policy, and thus interest rates and equity valuation multiples. My colleague Ryan Swift, BCA’s US Bond Strategist, has presented the Fed’s checklist for liftoff in Table I-1. The Fed has been explicit that they will not raise interest rates until all three boxes are checked, regardless of what is occurring to inflation expectations or actual inflation. The first box in the list is essentially checked, as tomorrow’s April Personal Income and Outlays report will very likely confirm that the core PCE deflator rose in excess of 2% (the headline PCE deflator was already in excess of this in March). And the third criterion is essentially a derivative of the other two, barring the emergence of a significant deflationary shock at the time that the Fed would otherwise begin to raise rates. This means that investors should be entirely focused on labor market developments, and whether they are consistent with the Fed’s assessment of maximum employment. Table I-2 highlights the average monthly nonfarm payroll growth that will be required for the unemployment rate to reach 3.5-4.5%, the range of the Fed’s NAIRU estimates. The table underscores that large gains will be required for the Fed’s maximum employment criteria to be met by the end of this year or year-end 2022, on the order of 410-830k per month. Table I-2Calculating The Distance To Maximum Employment June 2021 June 2021 But the nature of the pandemic and the factors that drove what is still an 8.2 million jobs gap underscore the extreme difficulty in forecasting what monthly job gains are likely to occur on average over the coming 12-18 months. From March to August of last year, monthly changes in nonfarm payrolls exceeded +/-1 million per month, with 20.7 million jobs lost in the month of April 2020 alone. Payroll gains averaged 3.8 million per month in the two months that followed, and if that pace were to be repeated this fall as schools reopen and supplementary unemployment benefits draw to a close in all states it would close 93% of the outstanding jobs gap. This implies that monthly job growth will follow a bimodal distribution over the coming year, with large gains in Q3/Q4 followed by a much more normal pace of jobs growth in Q1/Q2 2022. In our view, the outlook for Fed policy depends significantly on the magnitude of those outsized gains in employment this fall, and there are three main arguments favoring a larger pace of monthly job growth during this period. First, Table I-3 highlights that the jobs gap is most prominent in the leisure & hospitality, government, education & health services, and professional & business services industries, and several observations suggest that Q3/Q4 job gains in these sectors may be sizeable: Table I-3Breaking Down The Pandemic Employment Gap By Industry June 2021 June 2021 70% of the government employment gap shown in Table I-3 can be attributed to education, as government employment also includes education employment at the state and local government level. Many of these jobs, along with those in the education & health services industry, are likely to recover in the fall as schools reopen across the country. As noted in our discussion of the April jobs data, the professional & business services industry includes the “administrative & support services” sector, which accounts for 85% of the overall job gap for the industry. These jobs have likely been impacted heavily by reduced office presence as well as business travel, and may recover further in the fall as many employees shift partially or fully away from working from home. Chart I-13Leisure & Hospitality Employment Is Closely Tracking Hotel Occupancy Leisure & Hospitality Employment Is Closely Tracking Hotel Occupancy Leisure & Hospitality Employment Is Closely Tracking Hotel Occupancy Chart I-13 highlights that the year-over-year growth rates of leisure & hospitality employment and the US hotel occupancy rate are tracking each other quite closely, and that the latter is in a solid uptrend.4 While international travel is likely to remain muted this summer, the rebound in hotel occupancy suggests that Americans are choosing to travel domestically this year and that further gains in occupancy may occur over the coming months. Chart I-14 highlights the second argument in favor of a larger pace of monthly job growth in the second half of the year. The chart shows the clear relationship between reopening and the employment gap, with states that have fully reopened having substantially smaller gaps than states that have not. It is true that some states that have fully reopened are still experiencing a sizeable gap, but this is at least in part due to leisure & hospitality employment that is dependent on the travel patterns of consumers. For example, Nevada still has a 10% employment gap despite having fully reopened, clearly reflecting the impact of reduced tourism to Las Vegas. Thus, as all states move towards being fully reopened later this year, including large states such as New York and California, Chart I-14 suggests that the US jobs gap is likely to narrow significantly. Chart I-14US States That Have Reopened Have A Smaller Employment Gap June 2021 June 2021 Chart I-15Real Output Per Worker Is Not Likely To Rise Further Real Output Per Worker Is Not Likely To Rise Further Real Output Per Worker Is Not Likely To Rise Further Finally, Chart I-15 highlights that the 2020 recession is the only one in which real output per person rose sharply during the recession. It is true that productivity tends to rise over time and that it usually increases in the early phase of an economic recovery, but the rise in real output per worker last year clearly reflects the massive decline in employment and services spending that resulted from pandemic-related control measures and lockdowns. Our sense is that this sharp rise in real output per worker is not likely to be sustained following full reopening and the elimination of barriers to employment, and if real output per worker were to even modestly converge to its prior trend (the dotted line in Chart I-15) it would more than fully close the jobs gap shown in Table I-3 by the end of the year based on consensus growth forecasts for this year. Investment Conclusions Despite compelling arguments for outsized jobs growth in the second half of the year, the bottom line for investors is that there is tremendous uncertainty concerning its magnitude. It seems likely that there will be some lasting changes to consumer behavior following the pandemic, and visibility about the employment consequences of these changes will remain very low until investors receive more information about the likely urban office footprint and downtown commuter presence, the speed at which international travel will return, and the degree to which any pandemic control measures remain in place in the second half of the year. Given the Fed’s criteria for liftoff, developments that imply a pace of jobs recovery that is in line with or slower than the Fed’s unemployment rate projections will ensure that the monetary policy regime will remain supportive of risky asset prices over the coming year. If the employment gap closes rapidly in Q3/Q4, then investor expectations for the timing of the first rate hike will move sharply closer, which could act as a negative inflection point for stock prices. This is now more probable than it was a month ago, as Chart I-16 highlights that the OIS curve has shifted towards expectations of an initial rate hike at the end of next year or early 2023, from mid 2022 previously. Chart I-16Market Rate Hike Expectations Have Shifted Back To Late 2022 / Early 2023 Market Rate Hike Expectations Have Shifted Back To Late 2022 / Early 2023 Market Rate Hike Expectations Have Shifted Back To Late 2022 / Early 2023 Still, abstracting from knee-jerk market reactions, it is the pace of hikes and investor expectations for the terminal Fed funds rate that are the more important fundamental drivers of 10-year Treasury yields, and investors would need to see a very large revision to the latter in order for yields to rise to a point that would restrict economic activity or threaten equity market multiples. Such a revision is highly unlikely over the summer unless incoming evidence strongly suggests that the employment gap will be closed by the end of the year. As highlighted above, this may indeed occur later in the year, but probably not over the coming 3 months. For now, investors should remain cyclically overweight stocks versus bonds, short duration, and invested in other procyclical positions, with an eye to reassess the monetary policy and growth outlook in the late summer / early fall. Jonathan LaBerge, CFA Vice President The Bank Credit Analyst May 27, 2021 Next Report: June 24, 2021 II. Global House Prices: A New Threat For Policymakers House prices are rising rapidly across the developed markets, in response to the extraordinary monetary and fiscal policy stimulus implemented to fight the pandemic. Evidence points to the house price surge being driven by monetary policy that has left real interest rates far below equilibrium levels. Supply factors are a secondary cause of the house price boom. Financial stability risks stemming from rising house prices are less acute than the pre-2008 experience, as overall household leverage has grown more slowly during the pandemic and global banks are better capitalized. Rapidly rising house prices are forcing some central banks to turn less accommodative earlier than expected. The recent hawkish turns by the Bank of Canada and Reserve Bank of New Zealand may be canaries in the coal mine for other central banks – perhaps even the Fed – if house prices and household leverage start rising together. The COVID-19 pandemic led to the sharpest economic recession since World War II, alongside an enormous rise in unemployment. Consensus expectations call for the output gap to be closed (or mostly closed) in most advanced economies by the end of this year, but it remains an open question how quickly these economies will be able to return to full employment amid potentially permanent shifts in demand for office space and goods sold at physical, “brick and mortar” retail locations. Despite this sizeable and swift economic shock, house price appreciation accelerated last year in the developed world. Chart II-1 highlights that US house prices rose at an 18% annualized pace in the second half of 2020, whereas they accelerated at a high-single digit pace in developed markets ex-US (on a GDP-weighted basis). This, in conjunction with a sharp rise in the household sector credit-to-GDP ratio (Chart II-2), has unnerved some investors while raising questions about the implications for monetary policy. Chart II-1House Prices Are Surging Around The World House Prices Are Surging Around The World House Prices Are Surging Around The World Chart II-2Rising Fears About Deteriorating Household Balance Sheets Rising Fears About Deteriorating Household Balance Sheets Rising Fears About Deteriorating Household Balance Sheets Before we discuss the investment implications of the global housing boom, however, we must first accurately determine the reasons why it is happening. The Work-From-Home Effect: Less Than Meets The Eye When analyzing the surprising behavior of the housing market last year, the working-from-home effect brought upon by the pandemic emerges as an obvious factor potentially explaining house price gains. Last year, following recommended or mandatory stay-at-home orders from governments, most office-based businesses rapidly shifted to work-from-home arrangements as an emergency response. However, in the month or two following the beginning of stay-at-home orders, several national US surveys found many office workers preferred the flexibility afforded by work-from-home arrangements. Many employers, correspondingly, found that the productivity of their employees did not suffer while working from home, or that it even improved. Several prominent corporations in the US have subsequently made some work-from-home options permanent, or even allowed employees to work from offices in a different city than they did prior to the pandemic. Newfound work-from-home options have undoubtedly created new demand for housing, and thus explained the surge in house prices seen over the past year in the minds of some investors. However, in our view, evidence from the US, the UK, and France suggests that the work-from-home effect better explains differences in price gains across housing types and within large metropolitan areas, rather than aggregate or national-level changes in house prices. Chart II-3 provides some quantification of the impact of work-from-home policies by plotting US resident migration patterns by city. This data has been compiled by CBRE, and the impact of COVID is shown as the change in net move-ins from 2019 to 2020 per 1000 people. This helps control for the underlying migration pattern that existed in US cities prior to the pandemic. Chart II-3Work From Home Policies Have Impacted Migration Trends… June 2021 June 2021 The chart highlights that the negative migration impact from COVID has been mostly concentrated in New York City and the three most populous cities on the West Coast (by metro area): Los Angeles, San Francisco, and Seattle. And yet, Chart II-4 highlights that house price inflation in these four cities has accelerated to a double-digit pace, only modestly below the national average. Chart II-4...But Cities With Outward Migration Still Have Very Strong House Price Gains ...But Cities With Outward Migration Still Have Very Strong House Price Gains ...But Cities With Outward Migration Still Have Very Strong House Price Gains The house price indexes shown in Chart II-4 represent aggregate, metro area trends, and clearly some regions within these metro areas have experienced house price deceleration or outright deflation versus gains in areas outside the urban core. But Chart II-5 highlights that house prices have declined in Manhattan basically in line with the change in net move-ins as a share of the population, underscoring that double-digit metro area-wide house price gains appear to be vastly disproportionate to changes in net migration. Similarly, Chart II-6 highlights that rents decelerated in the US over the past year but remained in positive territory and grew at a 3.5% annualized rate from February to April. Chart II-5In Manhattan, House Prices Have Tracked Net Migration June 2021 June 2021 Chart II-6Rent Costs Have Decelerated, But Have Not Contracted Rent Costs Have Decelerated, But Have Not Contracted Rent Costs Have Decelerated, But Have Not Contracted Evidence from Paris and London also suggests that a work-from-home effect is insufficient to explain broad house price gains. Panel 1 of Chart II-7 highlights that house prices in France have accelerated significantly, but that apartment prices have decelerated only fractionally in lockstep. Panel 2 shows that the acceleration in house prices does reflect a work-from-home effect, as prices have risen faster in inner Parisian suburbs. Panel 3, however, highlights that Parisian apartment prices, the dominant property type in the urban core, have decelerated modestly. Chart II-8 highlights that house price gains have not even decelerated in greater London; they have been merely been modestly outstripped by gains in Outer South East (outside of the Outer Metropolitan Area). Chart II-7In France, Parisian Apartment Prices Are Simply Lagging, Not Falling In France, Parisian Apartment Prices Are Simply Lagging, Not Falling In France, Parisian Apartment Prices Are Simply Lagging, Not Falling Chart II-8In The UK, Greater London Property Prices Are Accelerating In The UK, Greater London Property Prices Are Accelerating In The UK, Greater London Property Prices Are Accelerating     The Policy Effect: The Fundamental Driver Of The Housing Market Despite the broader location flexibility that work-from-home policies now provide to potential homeowners, it seems inconceivable that the housing market would have responded in the manner that it has over the past year given the size of the economic shock brought on by the pandemic without significant support from policy. Above-the-line fiscal measures to the pandemic have totaled in the double-digits in advanced economies (Chart II-9), and monetary policy has contributed to easier financial conditions via rate cuts, asset purchases, and sizeable programs to support financial market liquidity. Chart II-9There Has Been A Massive Fiscal Policy Response To The Crisis June 2021 June 2021 In fact, Charts II-10-II-13 present compelling evidence that fiscal and monetary policy have been the core drivers of significant house price gains over the past year. Charts II-10 and II-11 plot the above-the-line fiscal response of advanced economies against the year-over-year growth rate in house prices as well as its acceleration (the change in the year-over-year growth rate). The charts show a clearly positive relationship, with a stronger link between the pandemic fiscal response and the acceleration in house prices. Chart II-10Differences In Last Year’s Fiscal Response… June 2021 June 2021 Chart II-11…Help Explain Differences In House Price Gains June 2021 June 2021 Chart II-12Pre-Pandemic Differences In The Monetary Policy Stance… June 2021 June 2021 Chart II-13…Do An Even Better Job Of Explaining 2020 House Price Gains June 2021 June 2021   Charts II-12 and II-13 highlight the even stronger link between house prices and the pre-pandemic monetary policy stance in advanced economies, defined as the difference between each country’s 2-year government bond yield and its Taylor Rule-implied policy interest rate as of Q4 2019. We construct each country’s Taylor Rule using the original specification, with core consumer price inflation, a 2% inflation target, and real potential GDP growth as the definition of the real equilibrium interest rate. The charts make it clear that easy monetary policy strongly explains house price gains in 2020, particularly the year-over-year percent change rather than its acceleration. This makes sense, given that monetary policy was already quite easy in many countries at the onset of the pandemic – meaning that changes were less pronounced than they would have been had interest rates been higher. The explanation that emerges from Charts II-10-II-13 is that historic fiscal easing, combined with an easy starting point for monetary policy – that became even easier last year – enabled demand from work-from-home policies to manifest during an extremely severe recession. We agree that work-from-home policies have shifted the geographic preferences of some home buyers and likely provided a new source of net demand from renters in urban cores purchasing homes in outlying areas. But we strongly doubt that the net effect of work-from-home policies in the midst of an extreme shock to economic activity would have caused the rise in house prices that we have observed, certainly not to this level, without major support from policy. This underscores that policy, and not the work-from-home effect, has and will likely remain the core driver of the global housing market. The Supply Effect: Mostly A Red Herring Chart II-14Countries Fall Into Two Groups In Terms Of The Relative Trend In Real Residential Investment Countries Fall Into Two Groups In Terms Of The Relative Trend In Real Residential Investment Countries Fall Into Two Groups In Terms Of The Relative Trend In Real Residential Investment One perennial question that emerges when analyzing the housing market, particularly in markets with outsized house price gains, is the impact of constrained supply. It is frequently argued that constrained supply is squeezing prices higher in many markets, and that the appropriate policy solution to extreme house price gains is to enable widespread housing construction – not to raise interest rates. We do not rule out the potential impact of constrained supply in certain cities or regional housing markets, and we have highlighted in previous research that a positive relationship does exist between population density in urban regions and median house price-to-income ratios.5 But as a broad explanation for supercharged house price gains, the supply argument appears to fall flat. Chart II-14 presents the most standardized measure of cross-country housing supply available for several advanced economies, the trend in real residential investment relative to real GDP over time. These series are all rebased to 100 as of 1997, prior to the 2002-2007 US housing market boom. The chart makes it clear that advanced economies generally fall into two groups based on this metric: those that have seen declines in real residential investment relative to GDP, especially after the global financial crisis (panel 1), and those that have experienced either an uptrend in housing construction relative to output or have seen a flat trend (panel 2). If scarce housing supply was the core driver of outsized house price gains, then we would expect to see stronger gains in the countries shown in panel 1 and smaller gains in the countries shown in panel 2. In fact, mostly the opposite is true: Charts II-15 and II-16 highlight that the relationship between the level of these indexes today relative to their 1997 or 2005 levels is positively related to the magnitude of house price gains last year, suggesting that housing market supply has generally been responding to demand over the past decade. The US and possibly New Zealand stand as possible exceptions to the trend, suggesting that relatively scarce supply may be boosting prices even further in these markets beyond what fiscal and monetary policy would suggest. Chart II-15Countries That Have Seen A Stronger Pace Of Residential Investment… June 2021 June 2021 Chart II-16…Have Experienced Stronger House Price Gains June 2021 June 2021   Chart II-17Is This Not Enough Supply, Or Too Much Demand? June 2021 June 2021 As a final point about the inclination of investors to gravitate towards supply-side arguments related to the housing market, Chart II-17 presents a simple thought experiment. The chart shows a simple housing supply-demand curve diagram, in a scenario where the demand curve for housing has shifted out more than the supply curve has (thus raising house prices). Is this a scenario in which supply is too tight? Or is it a case in which demand is too strong? In our view, the tight supply answer is reasonable in circumstances where the increase in demand is normal or otherwise sustainable. But Charts II-10-II-13 clearly showed that housing demand is being boosted by easy policy, which in the case of some countries has occurred for years: interest rates have remained well below levels that macroeconomic theory would traditionally consider to be in equilibrium, and this has occurred alongside significant household sector leveraging (Chart II-18). As such, in our view, investors should be more inclined to view the global housing market as generally being driven by demand-side rather than supply-side factors. This Is Not 2007/08 … Yet We highlighted in Chart II-2 above that the household sector debt-to-GDP ratio increased sharply last year, which has raised some questions about debt sustainability among investors. For the most part, the rise in this ratio actually reflects denominator effects (namely a sharp contraction in nominal GDP) rather than a huge surge in household debt. Chart II-19 shows BIS data for the annual growth in total household debt in developed economies was roughly stable last year, at least until Q3 (the most recent datapoint available from the BIS). Chart II-18Low Interest Rates Have Fueled Household Leveraging Low Interest Rtaes Have Fueled Household Leveraging Low Interest Rtaes Have Fueled Household Leveraging Chart II-19Total Credit Growth Has Been Stable, But Mortgage Credit Growth Is Accelerating Total Credit Growth Has Been Stable, But Mortgage Credit Growth Is Accelerating Total Credit Growth Has Been Stable, But Mortgage Credit Growth Is Accelerating Chart II-20US Mortgage Growth Is Picking Up, As Repayments Slow Consumer Credit Growth US Mortgage Growth Is Picking Up, As Repayments Slow Consumer Credit Growth US Mortgage Growth Is Picking Up, As Repayments Slow Consumer Credit Growth But Chart II-19 shows the recent trend in total household debt, which masks diverging mortgage and non-mortgage debt trends. In the US, euro area, Canada, and Sweden, household mortgage debt has accelerated to varying degrees, underscoring that households have likely paid down non-mortgage debt with some of the savings that they have accumulated from a significant reduction in spending on services. Chart II-20 shows this effect directly in the case of the US; mortgage debt growth accelerated by roughly 1.5 percentage points in the second half of the year, whereas consumer credit growth (made up of student loans, auto loans, credit cards, and other revolving credit) decelerated significantly. This aligns with data showing that US households have used some of their savings windfall to pay down their credit card balances. This changing mix within household debt - less higher-interest-rate consumer credit, more lower-interest-rate collateralized mortgage debt – could, on the margin, help mitigate financial stability risks from the housing boom by moderating overall debt service burdens. The starting point for the latter matters, though, in accurately assessing the risks from rising house prices and increased mortgage debt, particularly in countries where household debt levels are already high. According to data from the BIS, the US already has one of the lowest household debt service ratios (7.6%) among the developed economies (Chart II-21).6 This compares favorably to the double-digit debt service ratios in the “higher-risk” countries like Canada (12.6%), Sweden (12.1%) and Norway (16.2%). On top of that, US commercial banks have become far more prudent with mortgage loan underwriting standards since the 2008 financial crisis. The New York Fed’s Household Debt and Credit report shows that an increasing majority of mortgage lending made by US banks since the 2008 crisis has been to those with very high FICO credit scores (Chart II-22). This is in sharp contrast to the steady lending to “subprime” borrowers with poor credit scores that preceded the 2008 financial crisis. The median FICO score for new mortgage originations as of Q1 2021 was 788, compared to 707 in Q4 2006 at the peak of the mid-2000s US housing boom. Chart II-21Diverging Trends In Global Household Debt Servicing Costs Diverging Trends In Global Household Debt Servicing Costs Diverging Trends In Global Household Debt Servicing Costs Chart II-22US Banks Have Become More Prudent With Mortgage Lending US Banks Have Become More Prudent With Mortgage Lending US Banks Have Become More Prudent With Mortgage Lending   US bank balance sheets are also now less directly exposed to a fall in housing values. Residential loans now represent only 10% of the assets on US bank balance sheets, compared to 20% at the peak of the last housing bubble (Chart II-23). This puts the US in the “lower-risk” group of countries in Europe, the UK and Japan where mortgages are less than 20% of bank balance sheets. This compares favorably to the “higher risk” group of countries where residential loans are a far larger share of bank assets (Chart II-24), like Canada (32%), New Zealand (49%), Sweden (45%) and Australia (40%). Chart II-23Banks Have Limited Direct Exposure To Housing Here Banks Have Limited Direct Exposure To Housing Here Banks Have Limited Direct Exposure To Housing Here Chart II-24Banks Are Far More Exposed To Housing Here Banks Are Far More Exposed To Housing Here Banks Are Far More Exposed To Housing Here   Like nature, however, the financial ecosystem abhors a vacuum. “Non-bank” mortgage lenders have filled the void from traditional US banks reducing their lending to lower-quality borrowers, and they now represent around two-thirds of all US mortgage origination, a big leap from the 20% origination share in 2007. Non-bank lenders have also taken on growing shares of new mortgage origination in other countries like the UK, Canada and Australia. Chart II-25Global Banks Can Withstand A Housing Shock June 2021 June 2021 Non-bank lenders do not take deposits and typically fund themselves via shorter-term borrowings, which raises the potential for future instability if credit markets seize up. These lenders also, on average, service mortgages with a higher probability of default, so they are exposed to greater credit losses when house prices decline. However, the risk of a full-blown 2008-style commercial banking crisis, with individual depositors’ funds at risk from a bank failure, are reduced with a greater share of riskier mortgage lending conducted by non-bank entities. This is especially true with global commercial banks far better capitalized today, with double-digit Tier 1 capital ratios (Chart II-25), thanks to regulatory changes made after the Global Financial Crisis. Net-net, we conclude that the overall financial stability implications of the current surge in house prices in the developed economies are relatively modest on average. The acceleration in mortgage growth has occurred alongside reductions in non-mortgage growth, at a time when banks are better able to withstand a shock from any sustained future downturn in house prices. However, if house prices continue to accelerate and new homebuyers are forced to take on ever increasing amounts of mortgage debt, financial stability issues could intensify in some countries. Services spending will recover in a vaccinated post-COVID world, as economies reopen and consumer confidence improves, which will likely end the trend of falling non-residential consumer debt offsetting rising mortgage debt in countries like the US and Canada. Overall levels of household debt could begin to rise again relative to incomes, building up future financial stability risks when central banks begin to normalize pandemic-related monetary policies – a process that has already started in some countries because of the housing boom. The Monetary Policy Implications Of Surging House Prices Rapidly appreciating house prices are becoming an area of concern for policymakers in countries like Canada and New Zealand, where the affordability of housing is becoming a political, as well as an economic, issue. In the case of New Zealand, the government has actually altered the remit of the Reserve Bank of New Zealand (RBNZ) to more explicitly factor in the impact of monetary policy on housing costs. The Bank of Canada announced in April that it would taper its pace of government debt purchases and signaled that its decision was based, at least in small part, on signs of speculative behavior in Canada’s housing market. Macroprudential measures like limiting loan-to-value ratios of new mortgage loans are a policy option that governments in those countries have already implemented to try and cool off housing demand. Yet while such measures can help alleviate demand-supply mismatches in certain cities and regions, the efficacy of such measures in sustainably slowing the ascent of house prices on a national scale is unclear. In the April 2021 IMF Global Financial Stability Report, researchers estimated that, for a broad group of countries, the implementation of a new macro-prudential measure designed to cool loan demand reduced national household debt/GDP ratios by a mere one percentage point, on average, over a period encompassing four years.7 If macroprudential measures are that ineffective in sustainably reducing demand for mortgage loans, then the burden of slowing house price appreciation will have to fall on the more blunt instruments of monetary policy. Importantly, surging house price inflation is not likely to give a boost to realized inflation measures – an important issue given the current backdrop of rapidly rising realized inflation rates in many countries. Housing costs do represent a significant portion of consumer price indices in many developed countries, ranging from 19% in New Zealand to 33% in the US (Chart II-26), with the euro area being the outlier with housing having a mere 2% weighting in the headline inflation index. Chart II-26A Limited Impact On Actual Inflation From Housing June 2021 June 2021 Yet those so-called “housing” categories overwhelmingly measure only housing rental costs and not actual house prices. This is an important distinction because rents – which are often imputed measures like in the US and not even actual rental costs - are rising at a far slower pace than actual house prices in most countries, so the housing contribution to realized inflation is relatively modest. So the good news is that booming house prices will not worsen the acceleration of realized global inflation that has concerned investors and policymakers in 2021. Yet that does not mean that central bankers will not be forced to tighten policy to cool off red-hot housing demand that is clearly being fueled by persistently negative real interest rates. In Chart II-27 and Chart II-28, we show both nominal and real policy interest rates for the “lower risk” and “higher risk” country groupings that we described earlier. The real policy rates are nominal policy rates versus realized headline CPI inflation. The dotted lines in the charts represent the future path of rates discounted by markets. Specifically, the projection for nominal rates is taken from overnight index swap (OIS) forward curves, while the projection for real rates is calculated by subtracting the discounted path of inflation expectations extracted from CPI swap forwards. Chart II-27Markets Discounting Negative Real Rates For The Next Decade Markets Discounting Negative Real Rates For The Next Decade Markets Discounting Negative Real Rates For The Next Decade Chart II-28Negative Real Rates Are Unsustainable During A Housing Bubble Negative Real Rates Are Unsustainable During A Housing Bubble Negative Real Rates Are Unsustainable During A Housing Bubble   There are two key takeaways from these charts: Real policy interest rates are at or very close to the most deeply negative levels seen since the 2008 financial crisis. Markets are discounting that real rates will be at or below 0% for most of the next decade. Admittedly, there is room for debate over what the equilibrium level of real interest rates (a.k.a. “r-star”) should be in the coming years. However, we deem it a major stretch to believe that real rates need to be persistently low or negative for the next ten years to support even trend growth across the developed economies. In our view, the current boom in housing demand and mortgage borrowing provides clear evidence that negative real rates are below equilibrium and, thus, are stimulating credit demand. Thus, the only way for a central bank to cool off housing demand will be to raise both nominal and, more importantly, real interest rates. Canada and New Zealand will be the “canaries in the coal mine” among developed market central banks for such a move. According to the latest Bank of Canada Financial Stability Review, nearly 22% of Canadian mortgages are highly levered, with a loan-to-value ratio greater than 450%, a greater share of such mortgages than during the 2016/17 housing boom (Chart II-29). Canadian house prices have risen to such an extent that home prices in major cities like Toronto, Vancouver and Montreal are among the most expensive in North America.8  Stunningly, a recent Bloomberg Nanos opinion poll revealed that nearly 50% of Canadians would support Bank of Canada rate hikes to cool off the red-hot housing market (Chart II-30). The central bank will be unable to resist the pressure to use monetary policy to slam on the brakes of the housing market – investors should expect more tapering and, eventually, rate hikes from the Bank of Canada over at least the next couple of years. Chart II-29Canadians Are Leveraging Up To Buy Expensive Homes Canadians Are Leveraging Up To Buy Expensive Homes Canadians Are Leveraging Up To Buy Expensive Homes Chart II-3050% Of Canadians Want A Rate Hike To Cool Housing June 2021 June 2021   In New Zealand, worsening housing affordability has reached a point where a 20% down payment on the median national house price is equal to 223% of median disposable income (Chart II-31). This is forcing more first-time home buyers to take on levels of mortgage debt that the RBNZ deems highly risky (top panel). Like the Bank of Canada, the RBNZ will prove to be one of the most hawkish central banks in the developed world over the next couple of years as the central bank follows their newly-revised remit to try and cool off housing demand in New Zealand. Who is next? Housing values, measured by the ratio of median national house prices to median national household incomes, are rising in the US and UK but are still below the peaks of the mid-2000s housing bubble (Chart II-32). Meanwhile, housing is becoming more expensive across the euro area, but not in a consistent manner, with valuations in Germany and Spain having increased far more than in France or Italy. Housing valuations have actually improved in Australia over the past couple of years on a price-to-income basis. The most likely candidates for a housing-related hawkish turn are in Scandinavia, with housing valuations in Sweden and Norway closing in on Canada/New Zealand levels. Chart II-31New Zealand Housing Is Wildly Unaffordable New Zealand Housing Is Wildly Unaffordable New Zealand Housing Is Wildly Unaffordable Chart II-32Global House Price/Income Ratios Are Trending Higher Global House Price/Income Ratios Are Trending Higher Global House Price/Income Ratios Are Trending Higher   Investment Conclusions The current acceleration in global house prices is an inevitable outcome of the extraordinary monetary and fiscal easing implemented during the pandemic. Higher realized inflation is pushing real rates deeper into negative territory in many countries, fueling the demand for housing. Central banks in countries with more stretched housing valuations will be forced to turn more hawkish sooner than expected, leading to tapering and, eventually, rate hikes to cool housing demand. This has negative implications for government bond markets in countries where housing is more expensive and real yields remain too low, like Canada, New Zealand and Sweden (Chart II-33). Investors should limit exposure to government bonds in those markets over the next 6-12 months. Chart II-33Negative Real Yields & Expensive Housing Valuations – An Unsustainable Mix June 2021 June 2021 Bond markets in countries where house prices are not rising rapidly enough to force policymakers to turn more hawkish more quickly – like core Europe, Australia and even Japan - are likely to be relative outperformers. The US and UK are “cuspy” bond markets, as housing valuations are becoming more expensive in those two countries but the Fed and Bank of England are not facing the same domestic political pressure to use monetary policy tools to fight the growing unaffordability of housing. That could change, though, if overall household leverage begins to rise alongside house price inflation as the US and UK economies emerge from the pandemic. Current pricing in OIS curves shows that markets expect the RBNZ and Bank of Canada to begin hiking rates in May 2022 and September 2022, respectively (Table II-1). This is well ahead of expectations for “liftoff” from other developed markets central banks, including the Fed in April 2023. The cumulative amount of rate hikes following liftoff to the end of 2024 is highest in Canada, New Zealand, the US and Australia. Those are also countries with currencies that are trading at or above the purchasing power parity levels derived from our currency strategists’ valuation models. This highlights the difficult choice that central bankers facing housing bubbles must confront, as the rate hikes that will help cool off housing demand will lead to currency appreciation that could impact other parts of their economies like exports and manufacturing. Table II-1Hawkish Central Banks Must Live With Currency Strength June 2021 June 2021 Tracking the second-round economic consequences of eventual monetary policy actions to control excessive house price inflation, particularly in “higher risk” countries, is likely to be the subject of future Bank Credit Analyst / Global Fixed Income Strategy reports. Jonathan LaBerge, CFA Vice President The Bank Credit Analyst Robert Robis, CFA Chief Fixed Income Strategist III. Indicators And Reference Charts BCA’s equity indicators highlight that the “easy” money from expectations of an eventual end to the pandemic have already been made. Our technical, valuation, and sentiment indicators are very extended, highlighting that investors should expect positive but more modest returns from stocks over the coming 6-12 months. Our monetary indicator has aggressively retreated from its high last year, reflecting a meaningful recovery in government bond yields since last August. The indicator remains above the boom/bust line, however, highlighting that monetary policy remains supportive for risky asset prices. Forward equity earnings already price in a complete earnings recovery, but for now there is no meaningful sign of waning forward earnings momentum. Net revisions remain positive, and positive earnings surprises have risen to their strongest levels on record. Within a global equity portfolio, there has been a modest tick up in global ex-US equity performance, led by European stocks. EM stocks had previously dragged down global ex-US performance, and they continue to languish. Japanese stocks have cratered in relative terms since the beginning of the year, seemingly driven by service sector underperformance resulting from a surge in COVID-19 cases since the beginning of March. While Japanese equity performance may stage a reversal over the coming 3 months as cases counts decline and progress continues on the vaccination front, we expect global ex-US performance to continue to be led by European stocks. The US 10-Year Treasury yield has traded sideways since mid-March, after having risen to levels that were extremely technically stretched. Despite this pause, our valuation index highlights that bonds are still expensive, and that yields could move higher over the cyclical investment horizon if employment growth in Q3/Q4 implies a faster return to maximum employment than currently projected by the Fed. We expect the rise to be more modest than our valuation index would imply, but we would still recommend a short duration stance within a fixed-income portfolio. Commodity prices, particularly copper, lumber, and agricultural commodities, have screamed higher over the past several months. This reflects bullish cyclical conditions, but also pandemic-induced supply shortages that are likely to wane later this year. Commodity prices are extremely technically stretched and sentiment is very bullish for most commodities, suggesting that a breather in commodity prices is likely at some point over the coming several months. US and global LEIs remain in a solid uptrend, and global manufacturing PMIs are strong. Our global LEI diffusion index has declined significantly, but this likely reflects the outsized impact of a few emerging market countries (whose vaccination progress is lagging). Strong leading and coincident indicators underscore that the global demand for goods is robust, and that output is below pre-pandemic levels in most economies because of very weak services spending. The latter will recover significantly later this year, as social distancing and other pandemic control measures disappear. EQUITIES: Chart III-1US Equity Indicators US Equity Indicators US Equity Indicators Chart III-2Willingness To Pay For Risk Willingness To Pay For Risk Willingness To Pay For Risk Chart III-3US Equity Sentiment Indicators US Equity Sentiment Indicators US Equity Sentiment Indicators   Chart III-4Revealed Preference Indicator Revealed Preference Indicator Revealed Preference Indicator Chart III-5US Stock Market Valuation US Stock Market Valuation US Stock Market Valuation Chart III-6US Earnings US Earnings US Earnings Chart III-7Global Stock Market And Earnings: Relative Performance Global Stock Market And Earnings: Relative Performance Global Stock Market And Earnings: Relative Performance Chart III-8Global Stock Market And Earnings: Relative Performance Global Stock Market And Earnings: Relative Performance Global Stock Market And Earnings: Relative Performance   FIXED INCOME: Chart III-9US Treasurys And Valuations US Treasurys And Valuations US Treasurys And Valuations Chart III-10Yield Curve Slopes Yield Curve Slopes Yield Curve Slopes Chart III-11Selected US Bond Yields Selected US Bond Yields Selected US Bond Yields Chart III-1210-Year Treasury Yield Components 10-Year Treasury Yield Components 10-Year Treasury Yield Components Chart III-13US Corporate Bonds And Health Monitor US Corporate Bonds And Health Monitor US Corporate Bonds And Health Monitor Chart III-14Global Bonds: Developed Markets Global Bonds: Developed Markets Global Bonds: Developed Markets Chart III-15Global Bonds: Emerging Markets Global Bonds: Emerging Markets Global Bonds: Emerging Markets   CURRENCIES: Chart III-16US Dollar And PPP US Dollar And PPP US Dollar And PPP Chart III-17US Dollar And Indicator US Dollar And Indicator US Dollar And Indicator Chart III-18US Dollar Fundamentals US Dollar Fundamentals US Dollar Fundamentals Chart III-19Japanese Yen Technicals Japanese Yen Technicals Japanese Yen Technicals Chart III-20Euro Technicals Euro Technicals Euro Technicals Chart III-21Euro/Yen Technicals Euro/Yen Technicals Euro/Yen Technicals Chart III-22Euro/Pound Technicals Euro/Pound Technicals Euro/Pound Technicals   COMMODITIES: Chart III-23Broad Commodity Indicators Broad Commodity Indicators Broad Commodity Indicators Chart III-24Commodity Prices Commodity Prices Commodity Prices Chart III-25Commodity Prices Commodity Prices Commodity Prices Chart III-26Commodity Sentiment Commodity Sentiment Commodity Sentiment Chart III-27Speculative Positioning Speculative Positioning Speculative Positioning   ECONOMY: Chart III-28US And Global Macro Backdrop US And Global Macro Backdrop US And Global Macro Backdrop Chart III-29US Macro Snapshot US Macro Snapshot US Macro Snapshot Chart III-30US Growth Outlook US Growth Outlook US Growth Outlook Chart III-31US Cyclical Spending US Cyclical Spending US Cyclical Spending Chart III-32US Labor Market US Labor Market US Labor Market Chart III-33US Consumption US Consumption US Consumption Chart III-34US Housing US Housing US Housing Chart III-35US Debt And Deleveraging US Debt And Deleveraging US Debt And Deleveraging   Chart III-36US Financial Conditions US Financial Conditions US Financial Conditions Chart III-37Global Economic Snapshot: Europe Global Economic Snapshot: Europe Global Economic Snapshot: Europe Chart III-38Global Economic Snapshot: China Global Economic Snapshot: China Global Economic Snapshot: China   Jonathan LaBerge, CFA Vice President The Bank Credit Analyst Footnotes 1 The New York Times “Texas, Indiana and Oklahoma join states cutting off pandemic unemployment benefits,” May 18, 2021. 2 The Wall Street Journal, “Shipments Delayed: Ocean Carrier Shipping Times Surge in Supply-Chain Crunch,” May 18, 2021 3 Please see The Bank Credit Analyst "The Modern-Day Phillips Curve, Future Inflation, And What To Do About It," dated December 18, 2020, available at bca.bcaresearch.com 4 To eliminate the pandemic base effect for both series, we adjust the year-over-year growth rates in March and April of this year by comparing them to March and April 2019. 5 Please see Global Investment Strategy "Canada: A (Probably) Happy Moment In An Otherwise Sad Story," dated July 14, 2017, available at gis.bcaresearch.com 6 Importantly, the BIS debt service ratios include the payment of both principal and interest, thus making it a true measure of debt service costs that includes repayment of borrowed funds – a critical issue in countries with high loan-to-value ratios for home mortgages. 7 Please see page 46 of Chapter 2 of the April 2021 IMF Global Financial Stability Report, which can be found here: https://www.imf.org/en/Publications/GFSR/Issues/2021/04/06/global-finan… 8 “Vancouver, Toronto and Hamilton are the least affordable cities in North America: report”, CBC News, May 20, 2021

Highlights A first Fed funds rate hike by early 2023 is cloud cuckoo land – because it will take years to meet the Fed’s pre-condition of full employment. More likely, the first rate hike will happen after mid-2024, and even this is a coin toss which assumes no further shock(s). Buy the March 2024 US interest rate future contract. An alternative expression is to buy the 5-year T-bond, or to go long the 5-year T-bond versus the 5-year German bund. For equity investors, the current overestimation of Fed rate hikes structurally favours growth sectors versus value sectors. Thereby, it also structurally favours the S&P500 versus the Eurostoxx50. Bitcoin has support at $32500, and then at $22750. The latest correction in cryptocurrencies is a good entry point into a diversified basket that includes ‘proof of stake’ coins, such as ethereum. Fragile iron ore prices confirm the onset of a commodity correction. Feature Chart of the WeekAfter A Recession, It Takes Many Years To Reabsorb The Unemployed After A Recession, It Takes Many Years To Reabsorb The Unemployed After A Recession, It Takes Many Years To Reabsorb The Unemployed After a recession, an economy takes years to reabsorb the unemployed. Here’s how long it took in the US after each of the last five recessions.1 1974-75 recession: 4 years Early-1980s recession: 6 years Early-1990s recession: 5 years Dot com bust: 3 years Global financial crisis: 8 years After the pandemic recession, reabsorbing the unemployed (that are not just on ‘temporary layoff’) will also take many years (Chart I-1). Full Employment Is Many Years Away There is a remarkable consistency in employment recoveries. The last five recessions were different in their severities and durations, and therefore in their peak unemployment rates. Yet in the recoveries that followed each of the last five recessions, the unemployment rate declined at a consistent pace of 0.4-0.5 percent per year. After the mild recessions of the early-1990s and the dot com bust, the pace of recovery in the unemployment rate was at the lower end of 0.4 percent per year. Whereas after the global financial crisis and its surge in permanent unemployment, the pace of recovery was at the upper end of 0.5 percent per year. But the difference in the pace of the five employment recovery was marginal (Table I-1). Table 1After Every Recession, The Pace Of Recovery In The Jobs Market Is Near-Identical A Fed Rate Hike By Early 2023 Is Pie In The Sky A Fed Rate Hike By Early 2023 Is Pie In The Sky Another near-constant through the past fifty years is the definition of ‘full employment’. It is achieved when the (permanent) unemployment rate reaches 1.5 percent. Combining the latest (permanent) unemployment rate of 2.7 percent, the unemployment rate at full employment, and the remarkably consistent recovery paces, we can deduce that: The US economy will reach full employment between September 2023 and June 2024. The Federal Reserve has promised that it will not raise the Fed funds rate until the economy has reached full employment. Based on the remarkably consistent pace of the past five employment recoveries, it means September 2023 at the earliest, but more likely closer to June 2024. Yet US interest rate futures are pricing the first Fed funds rate hike through December 2022-March 2023 (Chart I-2). Chart I-2Cloud Cuckoo Land: A First Rate Hike In Dec 22-Mar 23 Cloud Cuckoo Land: A First Rate Hike In Dec 22-Mar 23 Cloud Cuckoo Land: A First Rate Hike In Dec 22-Mar 23 This makes US interest rate future contracts from December 2022 to June 2024 a compelling buy (Chart I-3). Chart I-3Cloud Cuckoo Land: 4 Rate Hikes By June 24 Cloud Cuckoo Land: 4 Rate Hikes By June 24 Cloud Cuckoo Land: 4 Rate Hikes By June 24 Buy The March 2024 US Interest Rate Future The post-pandemic jobs market recovery will likely be at the lower end of its 0.4-0.5 percent a year pace, for two reasons. First, reducing the unemployment rate doesn’t only mean creating jobs for the currently unemployed. It also means creating jobs for those that have left the labour force but plan on re-joining. When these so-called ‘inactive’ people re-join the labour force they add to the number that are counted as unemployed. As the millions of inactives re-join the labour market, it will weigh on the pace of the recovery in the unemployment rate. During the pandemic, the number of inactive people surged by an unprecedented 8 million. Even now, the excess inactive stands at 5 million (Chart I-4). As these millions gradually re-join the labour market, it will weigh on the pace of the recovery in the unemployment rate. Chart I-4Massive Slack In The US Labour Market Massive Slack In The US Labour Market Massive Slack In The US Labour Market Second, after every recession, there is a surge in productivity (Chart I-5). This is because the period immediately after a recession is when the economy experiences the most intensive clearing out of dead wood, restructuring of capital and labour, and absorption of new technologies and ways of working. Chart I-5The Post-Pandemic Productivity Boom Will Be A Super-Boom The Post-Pandemic Productivity Boom Will Be A Super-Boom The Post-Pandemic Productivity Boom Will Be A Super-Boom If anything, the post-pandemic productivity boom will be even larger than normal. Whereas most recessions upend one or two sectors of the economy, the pandemic has forced all of us to adopt new technologies and ways of working and living. The unfortunate corollary of this post-pandemic productivity super-boom is that the pace of absorption of the excess unemployed and inactive will be slower. Moreover, even achieving full employment by June 2024 assumes blue skies through the next few years, which is to say no further shocks. Yet as we explained in The Shock Theory Of Bond Yields, deflationary shocks tend to come once every three years, meaning there is an evens chance that dark clouds ruin the blue skies. One complication is that the Fed will start tapering its asset purchases much sooner, and that this will be interpreted as the precursor of a rate hike. However, in the last cycle the taper of asset purchases in early 2014 preceded the first rate hike by two years (Chart I-6). On a similar timeframe, a taper at the end of 2021 would imply the first rate hike at the end of 2023, and not the start of 2023 as is implied by the interest rate futures. Chart I-6The First Rate Hike Came Two Years After The Taper The First Rate Hike Came Two Years After The Taper The First Rate Hike Came Two Years After The Taper Pulling all of this together, a first Fed funds rate hike by early 2023 is cloud cuckoo land. More likely it will happen after mid-2024, and even this is a coin toss which assumes no further shock(s) in the interim. The investment conclusion is to buy any of the US interest rate futures that expire from December 2022 out to June 2024. The earlier contracts have the higher probabilities of expiring in profit while the later contracts have the greater upside if the Fed stays pat. Our choice is the March 2024 contract. An alternative expression is to buy the 5-year T-bond, or to go long the 5-year T-bond versus the 5-year German bund. For equity investors, the current overestimation of Fed rate hikes structurally favours growth sectors versus value sectors. Thereby, it also structurally favours the S&P500 versus the Eurostoxx50. The 419th Time That Cryptos Have ‘Died’ Rumours of crypto’s death have been greatly exaggerated. Apparently, last week was the 419th time that cryptocurrencies have died. Get used to it. As we pointed out in Why Cryptocurrencies Are Here To Stay… cryptocurrencies can suffer deep corrections from which they fully resurrect. Since 2013, the bitcoin price has suffered 17 drawdowns of more than 50 percent and an additional 11 drawdowns of 25-50 percent.2  Rumours of crypto’s death have been greatly exaggerated. We will not repeat the arguments why cryptos are here to stay, which were detailed in our Special Report, but we will discuss the recent price action. Why did cryptos correct? The simple answer is that their fractal structure had become extremely fragile, making the price extremely vulnerable to the slightest negative catalyst (Chart I-7). Chart I-7The Fractal Structure Of Cryptos Had Become Very Fragile The Fractal Structure Of Cryptos Had Become Very Fragile The Fractal Structure Of Cryptos Had Become Very Fragile A fragile fractal structure signifies that longer-term investors have disappeared from the price setting process. This means that price evolution is the result of more and more short-term traders joining the trend. Eventually though, there are no more short-term traders left to buy at the current price. So, when somebody wants to sell – perhaps on some negative news – a longer-term investor must step in as the buyer. But the longer-term investor will only buy at a much lower price, meaning that the price suffers a deep correction. Empirically and theoretically, the price correction meets support at successive Fibonacci retracements of the preceding momentum-fuelled rally, because a new cohort of buyers enters at each retracement level. Hence, the key support levels in the current correction are the 23.6 percent and 38.2 percent retracements of the preceding rally. In the case of bitcoin, this equates to support at $32500 and $22750. Which of these support level will prevail? Our bias is the higher level, because successive crypto corrections are becoming less and less extreme – possibly because more and more institutional investors are now involved in the asset class (Chart I-8). Chart I-8Crypto Corrections Are Becoming Less Extreme Crypto Corrections Are Becoming Less Extreme Crypto Corrections Are Becoming Less Extreme Hence, the latest correction in cryptos offers a good entry point. Albeit it is important to own a diversified basket that includes ‘proof of stake’ coins, such as ethereum. The Onset Of A Commodity Correction Finally this week, we highlight that iron ore prices are at the same level of fractal fragility that has marked previous major turning points in 2015 and 2019 (Chart I-9). Chart I-9Iron Ore Is Very Fragile Iron Ore Is Very Fragile Iron Ore Is Very Fragile Combined with the fragility we have recently highlighted in lumber, agricultural commodities, industrial metals, and DRAM prices, it confirms the onset of a commodity correction. We have already discussed this theme in Don’t Panic About US Inflation and are exposed to it through short positions in PKB, CAD, and inflation expectations. Hence, there are no new trades this week.   Dhaval Joshi Chief Strategist dhaval@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Throughout this analysis, the unemployment rate is based on the unemployed that are ‘not on temporary layoff’. Full employment is defined as this unemployment rate reaching 1.5 percent, or the cycle low, whichever is the higher. 2 The drawdown is calculated versus the highest price in the preceding 6 months. 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Dear client, In addition to this weekly report, we also sent you a Special Report on cryptocurrencies, authored by my colleagues Guy Russell and Matt Gertken. The conclusion is that government authorities are likely to lean against the proliferation of cryptocurrencies, something we suspected in our most recent report on the topic. Regards, Chester Highlights Net foreign inflows into US assets probably peaked in March. Meanwhile, there are strong reasons to believe outflows from US securities will accelerate in the coming months. As such, the 12-18-month outlook for the US dollar remains negative. Cryptocurrencies are correcting sharply amidst a crackdown in China, a risk we warned investors about in our Special Report last month. We are increasingly favoring the yen. Lower the limit-sell on USD/JPY to 109. Hold long CHF/NZD positions recommended last week. Feature Chart I-1Current Account Deficit = Capital Account Surplus Current Account Deficit = Capital Account Surplus Current Account Deficit = Capital Account Surplus The US runs a sizeable trade deficit. As such, it must import capital to finance this deficit (Chart I-1). Over the last year, this has been driven by equity and agency bond purchases by foreigners. However, we might be at the apex of a shift, where foreign appetite for US securities starts a meaningful decline. Financing The US Deficit TIC data is usually a lagging indicator for FX markets, but still holds valuable insights into foreign appetite for US assets. On this front, the March data was particularly instructive: There were strong inflows into US Treasury notes and bonds, to the tune of almost $120 bn. This was the greatest driver of monthly inflows. This was also the largest monthly increase since the global financial crisis. Net inflows into US equities stood at $32.2 bn in March. This is on par with the three-month average, but a sharp deceleration from December inflows of $78.3 bn. Corporate bonds commanded particularly strong inflows in March to the tune of $43.1 bn. It appears that foreign private concerns swapped their agency bond purchases with corporate bonds. US residents repatriated $54.1 bn back home in March. Official concerns were big buyers of long-term US Treasury bonds, but this was offset by a large sale of US T-bills. Net foreign official purchases of overall US securities were just $6.5 bn. With the dollar down since March, it is a fair assumption that the strong inflows we saw since then have somewhat reversed. The question going forward is whether there has been a regime shift in US purchases, specifically the purchase of equities (and agency bonds). And if so, can the purchase of US Treasurys pick up the slack (Chart I-2). Foreign inflows into the US equity market tend to be driven by expected rates of return, either from an expected rerating of the multiple or from profit growth. A rerating of the US equity multiple, relative to the rest of the world, has inversely tracked interest rates (Chart I-3). This is due to the higher weighting of defensive sectors in the US equity market. Concurrently, we showed in a recent report that profit growth on an aggregate level also tends to move in sync with relative economic momentum.1  Chart I-2Equity Inflows Have Financed ##br##The US Deficit Equity Inflows Have Financed The US Deficit Equity Inflows Have Financed The US Deficit Chart I-3Rising Bond Yields Would Curtail Equity Inflows Rising Bond Yields Would Curtail Equity Inflows Rising Bond Yields Would Curtail Equity Inflows If growth is rotating away from the US, and global bond yields still have upside, this will curtail foreign appetite for US equities. This appears to be the story since March, as non-US bourses have outperformed (Chart I-4). Chart I-4ANon-US Markets Are Bottoming Non-US Markets Are Bottoming Non-US Markets Are Bottoming Chart I-4BNon-US Markets Are Bottoming Non-US Markets Are Bottoming Non-US Markets Are Bottoming In terms of fixed income flows, the rise in US bond yields towards a peak of circa 180bps in March undoubtedly triggered strong inflows into the US Treasury market. Since then, yields outside the US have been moving somewhat higher, especially in Germany. This should curtail bond inflows, and also fits with a growth rotation away from the US. While foreign central banks were net buyers of US Treasurys in March, the “other reportables” category from the CFTC data show a huge short position in US 10-year futures. Foreign central banks are usually grouped in this category. This will suggest the accumulation of Treasurys should reverse in the coming months (Chart I-5). Chart I-5Did Central Banks Hedge Their March Purchases? Did Central Banks Hedge Their March Purchases? Did Central Banks Hedge Their March Purchases? A rotation of growth from the US towards other parts of the world would also make it more difficult to finance the US current account deficit. This is because it will compress real interest rate spreads between the US and the rest of the world. From a historical perspective, inflows into US Treasury assets only tend to accelerate when real rates in the US are at least 50-100 bps above that in other G10 economies (Chart I-6). That could explain why despite a positive Treasury-JGB spread of 165 basis points, Japanese investors were very much absent buyers in March (Chart I-7). Chart I-6Real Rate Differentials And Bond Capital Flows Real Rate Differentials And Bond Capital Flows Real Rate Differentials And Bond Capital Flows Chart I-7The Big Boys Did Not Buy Much Treasurys In March The Big Boys Did Not Buy Much Treasurys In March The Big Boys Did Not Buy Much Treasurys In March Critical to this view is the outlook for US inflation. On this front, we note the following: First, the output gap in the US should close faster than most other economies, at least according to the OECD (Chart I-8). Ceteris paribus, US inflation should outpace that in other countries in the near term and put downward pressure on real rates. Chart I-8The US Should Generate Higher Inflation The US Should Generate Higher Inflation The US Should Generate Higher Inflation Fiscal spending has been more pronounced in the US compared to other countries, which will further fan the inflationary flames. The Fed is the only central bank in the G10 committed to an inflation overshoot. In a nutshell, there is compelling evidence to suggest US inflows peaked in March from both foreign equity and bond investors. Upside surprises in inflation are more likely in the US in the very near term compared to other economies, which will depress real rates. Meanwhile, higher global yields are also a negative for the US equity market. There Is No Alternative Chart I-9A Deep And Liquid Pool Of Treasurys A Deep And Liquid Pool Of Treasurys A Deep And Liquid Pool Of Treasurys My colleague, Mathieu Savary, has made the case that there is no alternative to US Treasurys. The treasury market is the most liquid and the deepest safe haven pool in the capital market universe (Chart I-9). Ergo, a flight to safety will always bid up Treasurys, as we saw in March 2020. We do agree that Treasurys will continue to act as the world’s safe haven benchmark for now. However, that privilege is fraying at the edges, and it is the marginal changes that matter for dollar investors. Competition for safe haven assets continues to intensify as the narrative switches from 40 years of disinflationary forces to the rising prospect of an inflation overshoot. Inflation is anathema to fiat currencies, including the dollar. For investors, precious metals have been a preferred habitat for anti-fiat holdings. That said, cryptocurrencies are also rising in the ranks as an alternative. In our Special Report2 released a month ago, we suggested government regulation was a huge risk for cryptocurrencies. But more specifically, the degree to which cryptocurrencies can benefit from a shift away from dollars will depend on whether private investors or central banks drive the outflows. Since the peak in the DXY index in 2020, the biggest sellers of US Treasurys have been private investors. Cryptocurrencies benefited from this diversification. That has changed since March, which partly explains the big drawdown in crypto prices. In general, you always want to align yourself with strong buyers who are price indiscriminate. Foreign central banks (the biggest holders of US Treasurys) prefer gold as their anti-dollar asset. This puts an solid footing under gold prices, compared to cryptocurrencies or other anti-fiat assets. It is worth noting that competition between the dollar and gold often run in long cycles. In the 1970s, as inflation took hold in the US, the dollar depreciated and gold soared. In the 1980s, the dollar took off and gold fell sharply, as the Federal Reserve was able to bring down inflation. The 1990s were relatively disinflationary, which supported the dollar (Chart I-10). A whiff of rising inflation in the early 2000s hurt the dollar, while the 2010s were characterized by very low inflation, supporting the dollar. More recently, the dollar is weakening as inflationary trends accelerate faster in the US (Chart I-11). Chart I-10The Dollar And Inflation Move Opposite Ways (1) The Dollar And Inflation Move Opposite Ways (1) The Dollar And Inflation Move Opposite Ways (1) Chart I-11The Dollar And Inflation Move Opposite Ways (2) The Dollar And Inflation Move Opposite Ways (2) The Dollar And Inflation Move Opposite Ways (2) One of our favorite indicators for gauging ultimate downside in the dollar is the bond-to-gold ratio. The rationale is that the bond-to-gold ratio should capture investor preference at the margin for either US Treasurys or gold. This in turn has been a good measure of investor confidence in the greenback. On this basis, the bond-to-gold ratio (TLT-to-GLD ETF) is breaking down to fresh cycle lows (Chart I-12). This has historically pointed towards a lower US dollar. Chart I-12The Dollar And The Bond-To-Gold Ratio The Dollar And The Bond-To-Gold Ratio The Dollar And The Bond-To-Gold Ratio Within precious metals, we like gold but love silver. As such, we are short the gold-to-silver ratio since an entry point of 68. Our bias is that initial support for this ratio is 60. Meanwhile, we also like platinum, and will go long versus palladium at current levels. A Few Other Indicators A few other market developments are pointing to a lower dollar in the coming months. The dollar tends to decline in the second half of the year. This has been true since the 1970s (Chart I-13). Importantly, even during the Paul Volcker years in the 80s when the dollar staged a meaningful rally, it often fell in the second half of the year. The winner in the second half of the year has usually been the Swiss franc and the Japanese yen (Chart I-14).  Chart I-13The Dollar Usually Strengthens In H1 A Peak In US Inflows? A Peak In US Inflows? Chart I-14The Dollar Usually Weakens In H2 A Peak In US Inflows? A Peak In US Inflows? The OECD leading economic indicators still suggest US growth remains robust relative to the rest of the G10. However, our expectation is that this gap will decrease sharply in the second half of this year. That said, the current reading is a risk to our dollar bearish view (Chart I-15). Chart I-15US Exceptionalism Is A Risk For Dollar Bears US Exceptionalism Is A Risk For Dollar Bears US Exceptionalism Is A Risk For Dollar Bears Lumber has started to underperform Dr. Copper. Lumber benefits from solid US housing activity, while copper is more tied to global growth and the emerging investment in green technology. As a counter-cyclical currency, the dollar also tends to underperform higher beta currencies when lumber is underperforming copper (Chart I-16). The copper-to-gold ratio has also bottomed, suggesting ample liquidity is now fueling growth (Chart I-17). We suggested last week that the velocity of money across countries was a key variable to watch in getting the dollar call right. So far, the collapse in money velocity is least acute in China, explaining the rise in the copper-to-gold ratio and the improvement in non-US yields compared to the US. Chart I-16Lumber/Copper Prices And The Dollar Lumber/Copper Prices And The Dollar Lumber/Copper Prices And The Dollar Chart I-17Copper/Gold Prices And Bond Yields Copper/Gold Prices And Bond Yields Copper/Gold Prices And Bond Yields In summary, many cyclical indicators still point to a lower dollar. The key risk to this view is an equity market correction, and/or persistent relative strength in US growth.   Chester Ntonifor Foreign Exchange Strategist chestern@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Please see Foreign Exchange Strategy Report, "Trading Currencies Using Equity Signals," dated May 7, 2021. 2 Please see Foreign Exchange Special Report, "Will Cryptocurrencies Displace Fiat," dated April 23, 2021. Trades & Forecasts Forecast Summary Core Portfolio Tactical Trades Limit Orders Closed Trades

Highlights The reason to own stocks is not profit growth. The combination of unspectacular sales growth and down-trending profit margins means that global profit growth will be lacklustre, at best. The reason to own stocks is that the ultimate low in the T-bond yield is yet to come. This ultimate low in the T-bond yield will define the ultimate high in the global stock market’s valuation and the end of the structural bull market in stocks. Until that ultimate low in bond yields, long-term investors should own stocks… …and tilt towards long-duration growth sectors and growth-heavy stock markets such as the S&P500 that will benefit most from the final collapse in yields. The correction in DRAM, corn, and lumber prices suggests that the recent mania in inflation expectations is about to end. Fractal trade shortlist: copper and tin are fragile, go long T-bonds versus TIPS. Feature Chart of the WeekGlobal Profits Surged During The Credit Boom, But Have Gone Nowhere Since Global Profits Surged During The Credit Boom, But Have Gone Nowhere Since Global Profits Surged During The Credit Boom, But Have Gone Nowhere Since The main reason to own stocks is not what you think. The usual long-term argument to own stocks is based on profit growth – specifically, that an uptrend in profits drives up stock prices. Except that since 2008, this is not true (Chart of the Week and Chart I-2). Profits have barely grown, yet the global stock market has doubled.1 Chart I-2Since The Credit Boom Ended, Global Profits Have Barely Grown Since The Credit Boom Ended, Global Profits Have Barely Grown Since The Credit Boom Ended, Global Profits Have Barely Grown As profits have barely grown since 2008, the main reason that the global stock market has doubled is that the valuation paid for those profits has surged. Looking ahead, we expect this to remain the main reason to own stocks. The Reason To Own Stocks Is Not Profit Growth Profits are the product of sales and the profit margin on those sales. During the credit boom of the nineties and noughties, the strong tailwind of credit creation supercharged sales growth. At the same time, the profit margin on those sales trended higher (Chart I-3). Chart I-3Since The Credit Boom Ended, Sales Growth Has Slowed And Profit Margins Have Trended Lower Since The Credit Boom Ended, Sales Growth Has Slowed And Profit Margins Have Trended Lower Since The Credit Boom Ended, Sales Growth Has Slowed And Profit Margins Have Trended Lower Hence, in the decade leading up to 2008, global stock market profits surged, outstripping both sales and world GDP. Then the credit boom ended, and profits languished, because: Absent the tailwind from the credit boom, sales growth moderated. The profit margin trended lower. In the post-pandemic years, we expect both trends to persist. The credit boom is not coming back. Furthermore, as the pandemic recession was not protracted, sales are not at a depressed level from which they can play a sharp catch-up, as they did after the 2008 recession and the 2015 emerging markets recession. The structural downtrend in the profit margin will continue. Meanwhile, the structural downtrend in the profit margin will continue. Governments are desperate to mitigate – or at least, contain – the ballooning deficits that have paid for their pandemic stimuluses. Raising corporate taxes from structurally depressed levels is an easy and politically expedient response, as we have already seen from both the Biden administration in the US, and the Johnson administration in the UK. Higher corporate taxes will weigh on structural profit margins (Chart I-4). Chart I-4Corporate Taxes Will Rise From Structurally Depressed Levels Corporate Taxes Will Rise From Structurally Depressed Levels Corporate Taxes Will Rise From Structurally Depressed Levels The combination of unspectacular sales growth and down-trending profit margins means that global profit growth will continue to be lacklustre, at best. The Reason To Own Stocks Is That The Ultimate High In Valuations Is Yet To Come To repeat, the main reason that the global stock market has doubled since 2008 is that its valuation has surged (Chart I-5). Chart I-5The Main Driver Of The Stock Market Has Been Valuation Expansion The Main Driver Of The Stock Market Has Been Valuation Expansion The Main Driver Of The Stock Market Has Been Valuation Expansion In turn, the stock market’s valuation has surged because bond yields have plummeted. Empirically, the valuation of the global stock market is tightly connected with the simple average of the (inverted) yields on the safest sovereign bond, the US T-bond, and the riskier sovereign bond, the Italian BTP. The main reason that the global stock market has doubled since 2008 is that its valuation has surged. Through 2012-13, the decline in the Italian BTP yield, by signifying the fading of euro break-up risk, boosted stock valuations. In more recent years though, it has been the US T-bond yield that has been more influential in driving the global stock market’s valuation (Chart I-6). Chart I-6The Stock Market's Valuation Expansion Is Due To Lower Bond Yields The Stock Market's Valuation Expansion Is Due To Lower Bond Yields The Stock Market's Valuation Expansion Is Due To Lower Bond Yields But the crucial point to grasp is that the relationship between the declining bond yield and stock market valuation becomes exponential. This is because as bond yields approach their lower bound, bond prices have less additional upside but considerably more downside. This extra riskiness of bonds means that investors demand a diminishing risk premium on equities versus bonds. So, as bond yields decline, the required return on equities – which equals the bond yield plus the risk premium – collapses. And as valuation is just the inverse of required return, valuations soar. Chart I-7 and Chart I-8 demonstrate this exponential relationship in practice. Note that the bond yield is on the logarithmic left scale while the stock market’s valuation is on the linear right scale. The logarithmic versus linear scale visually demonstrates that at a lower bond yield, a given change in the bond yield has a much greater impact on the stock market’s valuation. Chart I-7The Relationship Between Lower Bond Yields And Stock Market Valuation Expansion Is Exponential The Relationship Between Lower Bond Yields And Stock Market Valuation Expansion Is Exponential The Relationship Between Lower Bond Yields And Stock Market Valuation Expansion Is Exponential Chart I-8When Bond Yields Reach Their Ultimate Low, Stock Market Valuations Will Surge When Bond Yields Reach Their Ultimate Low, Stock Market Valuations Will Surge When Bond Yields Reach Their Ultimate Low, Stock Market Valuations Will Surge Specifically, if the 30-year yield in the US reached the recent low achieved in the UK, it would boost the stock market’s valuation by nearly 50 percent. We fully expect this to happen at some point in the coming years because of The Shock Theory Of Bond Yields which we introduced in last week’s report. In a nutshell, the shock theory of bond yields states that each successive deflationary shock takes the bond yield to a lower structural level, until it can go no lower. Although it is impossible to predict the timing and nature of individual shocks such as the pandemic, it is easy to predict the statistical distribution of shocks. On this basis, the likelihood of a net deflationary shock is 50 percent within the next three years, and 81 percent within the next five years. Whatever that deflationary shock is, and whenever it arrives, it will mark the ultimate low in the 30-year T-bond yield – at a level close to the recent low in the UK. This ultimate low in the T-bond yield will also define the ultimate high in the global stock market’s valuation and the end of the structural bull market in stocks. Until that ultimate low in bond yields, long-term investors should own stocks. And tilt towards long-duration growth sectors that will benefit most from the final collapse in yields. Growth sectors and growth-heavy stock markets such as the S&P500 will continue to outperform, as they have done consistently since 2008. The Inflation Bubble Is Bursting   The last couple of months has seen a mania in inflation expectations. As industries reconfigured for the end of lockdowns, supply bottlenecks in some commodities led to understandable spikes in their prices. These commodity price increases then unleashed fears about inflation. As investors sought inflation hedges, it drove up commodity prices more broadly … which added to the inflation fears…which added further fuel to the mania in inflation expectations. And so, the indiscriminate rally in commodities continued. The inflation bubble is bursting. But now it seems that the indiscriminate rally is over. DRAM prices have rolled over, belying the thesis that there is widespread shortage in semiconductors (Chart I-9). More spectacularly in the past week, the corn price has tumbled by 12 percent while the lumber price has slumped by 25 percent (Chart I-10). Chart I-9DRAM Prices Have ##br##Rolled Over DRAM Prices Have Rolled Over DRAM Prices Have Rolled Over Chart I-10Lumber Prices Are Correcting, Will Other Commodities Follow? Lumber Prices Are Correcting, Will Other Commodities Follow? Lumber Prices Are Correcting, Will Other Commodities Follow? Given that the commodity rally was indiscriminate, there is a danger that any correction will spread into other commodities like the industrial metals, copper and tin – especially as their fractal structures are at a level of fragility that has identified previous turning points in 2008, 2011, 2015, 2017 and 2020 (Chart I-11 and Chart I-12). Chart I-11Copper's Fractal Structure Is Fragile Copper's Fractal Structure Is Fragile Copper's Fractal Structure Is Fragile Chart I-12Tin's Fractal Structure Is Fragile Tin's Fractal Structure Is Fragile Tin's Fractal Structure Is Fragile In any case, the mania in inflation expectations is about to end. An excellent way to play this is to expect compression in the market implied inflation rate in T-bond yields versus TIPS yields (Chart I-13). Chart I-13The Mania In Inflation Expectations Is About To End The Mania In Inflation Expectations Is About To End The Mania In Inflation Expectations Is About To End Hence, this week’s recommended trade is to go long the 10-year T-bond versus the 10-year TIPS, setting a profit target and symmetrical stop-loss at 3.6 percent.   Dhaval Joshi Chief Strategist dhaval@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1  To clarify, Chart 2 shows world stock market earnings per share, both 12-month forward and 12-month trailing. Whereas Charts 1 and 3 show sales and net profits (not per share). Fractal Trading System Fractal Trades 6-Month Recommendations Structural Recommendations Closed Fractal Trades Closed Trades Asset Performance Equity Market Performance   Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-1Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Euro Area Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Euro Area Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Euro Area Chart II-2Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Europe Ex Euro Area Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Europe Ex Euro Area Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Europe Ex Euro Area Chart II-3Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Asia Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Asia Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Asia Chart II-4Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Other Developed Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Other Developed Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Other Developed   Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-5Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-6Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-7Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-8Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations  

Highlights ECB Tapering?: Investor fears that the ECB could follow the Bank of Canada and Bank of England and begin to taper its bond buying sooner than expected – perhaps as soon as next month’s policy meeting – are misplaced. The last thing the ECB wants to see is the surge in the euro and Italian bond yields that would surely follow any move to pre-emptively begin reducing monetary accommodation in response to faster European growth and inflation. Euro Area Bond Strategy: We are sticking with our current European bond recommendations: overweighting Europe within global bond portfolios - favoring Peripheral sovereigns and corporates versus government debt of the core countries - while also overweighting inflation-linked bonds in France, Italy and Germany where breakevens are undervalued. We also suggest a new tactical trade to fade the current market pricing of ECB rate hikes by going long the December 2023 euribor interest rate futures contract. Feature Dear Client, Next week, we will be jointly publishing a Special Report, discussing the investment implications of the current global housing boom, with our colleagues at the monthly Bank Credit Analyst. You will be receiving that report on Friday, May 28. We will return to regular weekly publishing schedule on Tuesday, June 1. - Rob Robis Chart of the WeekAn Underwhelming Rise In European Bond Yields An Underwhelming Rise In European Bond Yields An Underwhelming Rise In European Bond Yields For next month’s monetary policy meeting, European Central Bank (ECB) President Christine Lagarde reportedly plans to invite the Governing Council members to meet in person for the first time since the start of the pandemic. That provides an interesting subtext to a meeting that will surely involve a debate over how much monetary support is still necessary for an increasingly vaccinated Europe that is emerging from the depths of COVID-19. Some ECB officials have already noted that the risks to economic growth and inflation expectations were now “tilted to the upside”, according to the minutes of the last ECB meeting in April. With European economic confidence improving, European bond yields have moved higher in response (Chart of the Week). The benchmark 10-year German bund yield now sits at -0.11%, up 46bps year-to-date but with half of that move occurring over the past month. The pickup up in yields has not been contained to the core countries of Germany and France – the 10-year Italian government bond yield is now up to 1.11%, over twice the level that began 2021 (0.52%). Inflation expectations have picked up sharply, with the 5-year/5-year forward euro CPI swap now up to 1.63%, a level last seen in December 2018. These yield increases have lagged the big moves seen in other countries; 10-year government bond yields in the US and Canada have seen year-to-date increases of 72bps and 90bps, respectively. In those countries, yields have surged because of rising inflation expectations and worries about a tapering of central bank bond buying – concerns that turned out to be accurate in the case of Canada, where the Bank of Canada did indeed announce a slower pace of bond buying last month. In our view, it is still too soon for the ECB to contemplate such a shift to a less dovish policy stance. This message is corroborated by our ECB Monitor that has risen but is still not signaling a need for tighter monetary policy. The bond selloff in Europe looks like a case of "too much, too fast". The ECB Now Has A Lot To Think About Recent euro area economic data has not only caught up to the earlier strength visible in the US, but in some cases is back to levels not seen for many years. The expectations component of the German ZEW survey surged nearly 14 points in May and is now up to levels last seen in 2000. The Markit PMI for manufacturing reached an all-time high of 62.9 in April. The European Commission’s consumer confidence index for the euro area is nearly back to pre-pandemic levels (Chart 2), which bodes well for a continued recovery of the Markit PMI for services. More positive news on the pandemic is driving the surge in growth expectations. The pace of new COVID-19 cases has fallen steadily, with Italy – one of the hardest-stricken regions during the initial months of the pandemic – now seeing the lowest rate of new cases since October (on a rolling 7-day basis). Meanwhile, the pace of vaccinations has accelerated after a slow initial rollout; the number of daily jabs administered (per 100 people) is now greater in Germany, France and Italy than in the US (Chart 3). Chart 2European Growth Is Recovering European Growth Is Recovering European Growth Is Recovering Chart 3Inoculation Acceleration In Europe Inoculation Acceleration In Europe Inoculation Acceleration In Europe Chart 4How Much Spare Capacity Is There In Europe? How Much Spare Capacity Is There In Europe? How Much Spare Capacity Is There In Europe? The rapid increase in inoculations is setting Europe up for a solid recovery from the lockdown-driven double-dip recession of Q4/2020 and Q1/2021. The European Commission upgraded its growth forecasts for the euro area last week, with real GDP now expected to expand by 4.3% in 2021 and 4.4% in 2022, compared with previous forecasts of 3.8% in both years. All euro area countries are now expected to see a return to the pre-pandemic level of economic output by the end of 2022 – a number boosted by a pickup in public investment through the Next Generation EU (NGEU) package, which is expected to begin paying out funds later this summer. The ECB will surely raise its own forecasts at the June meeting, both for economic growth and inflation. The outlook for the latter will likely turn into the biggest source of debate within the ECB Governing Council. Despite the fairly coordinated recovery of survey-based data like the manufacturing PMIs, there remains a wide divergence of unemployment rates - and measures of spare capacity, more generally - within the euro area (Chart 4). This will make it difficult for the ECB to determine if the current surge in realized inflation, which has pushed the annual growth of headline HICP inflation towards the 2% level in many euro zone nations, can persist with countries like Italy and Spain still suffering from very high unemployment. The wide dispersion of unemployment rates within the euro zone also suggests that the current level of policy rates (at or below 0%) is appropriate. One simple metric to measure the “breadth” of European labor market strength is to look at the percentage of euro area countries that have an unemployment rate below the OECD’s estimate of the full employment NAIRU.1 That metric correlates well with an estimate of the appropriate level of euro area short-term interest rates generated by a basic Taylor Rule. Currently, only 43% of euro zone countries are beyond full employment, which is consistent with an ECB policy rate round 0% (Chart 5). Chart 5Policy Rates Near 0% Are Still Appropriate Policy Rates Near 0% Are Still Appropriate Policy Rates Near 0% Are Still Appropriate A slightly larger share of countries (47%) is witnessing an acceleration in wage growth (bottom panel). This could mean that some of the NAIRU estimates for the individual countries are too low, which would fit with the acceleration in overall euro area wage growth seen since 2015. With so many euro area countries still working off the rise in unemployment generated by the pandemic, however, it will take some time for the ECB to get a clear enough read on labor market dynamics to determine if any necessary monetary policy adjustments should be made. The “breadth” of data trends do not only correlate to theoretical interest rate measures like the Taylor Rule. Actual ECB policy decisions are motivated by the degree to which higher growth and inflation is evident across the euro area. In Chart 6, we show a similar metric to the labor market breadth measures from Chart 5, but using other economic and inflation data. Specifically, we show the percentage of euro area countries that are seeing: Chart 6ECB Typically Tightens When Growth AND Inflation Are Broad Based ECB Typically Tightens When Growth AND Inflation Are Broad Based ECB Typically Tightens When Growth AND Inflation Are Broad Based a) Accelerating growth momentum, indicated by an OECD leading economic indicator that is higher than the level of one year earlier; b) Accelerating inflation momentum, comparing the latest reading on headline HICP inflation to that of one year earlier; c) Relatively high inflation, measured by headline HICP inflation being above the ECB’s “just below 2%” target. Looking at all previous periods of ECB monetary tightening since the inception of the euro in 1998 – taking the form of actual policy rate hikes or a flat-to-declining trend in the ECB’s balance sheet – it is clear that the ECB does not tighten without at least 75% of euro area countries seeing both economic growth and inflation accelerate. Actual rate hikes occur when at least 75% of countries had inflation above 2%, as occurred during the hiking cycles of 2000, 2005-2007 and 2011. More recently, the ECB paused the expansion of its balance sheet in 2017 when growth and inflation accelerated, but did not make any policy rate adjustments as only 50% of countries had inflation above 2%. Today, essentially all euro area countries are seeing accelerating growth momentum compared to the pandemic-depressed levels of a year ago. 59% of the euro area is seeing faster inflation, a number that is likely to move higher as more of Europe reopens from lockdown amid a surge in global commodity prices. Yet only 12% of euro area countries have headline inflation above 2%, suggesting that realized inflation is not yet strong enough to trigger even an ECB balance sheet adjustment, based on the 2017 experience. Don’t Bet On A June ECB Taper So judging by past ECB behavior, an announcement to taper bond buying at the June policy meeting would be highly premature. A more likely scenario is that an upgrade of the ECB’s growth and inflation forecast prompts a discussion of what to do with all the varying parts of the ECB’s monetary stimulus – quantitative easing, bank funding programs like TLTROs, as well as policy interest rates. Yet it will be impossible for the ECB Governing Council to reach any conclusions on their next step(s) at the June meeting because the very nature of the ECB's inflation target might soon change. The ECB is currently conducting a review of its monetary policy strategy – the first since 2003 – that is scheduled for completion later this year. Some adjustment to the ECB inflation target is expected to allow more flexibility, but it is not yet clear what that change will look like. Could the ECB follow the lead of the Federal Reserve and move to an “average inflation target” regime, tolerating overshoots of the inflation target after periods of below-target inflation? ECB Chief Economist Philip Lane noted back in March that “there was a very strong logic” to the Fed’s new approach. He also said that the “very different histories of inflation” in some European countries may make it difficult to reach an agreement on any system that allows even temporary periods of higher inflation.2 More recently, Bank of Finland Governor Olli Rehn – a moderate member of the Governing Council who was considered a candidate for the current ECB presidency – came out in favor of the ECB shifting to a Fed-like average inflation target for Europe in a recent Financial Times interview.3 Rehn noted that a Fed-like focus on aiming for maximum unemployment “makes sense in the current context of a lower natural rate of interest.” Rehn went on to describe the ECB’s current wording of its inflation target as having “generated a perception of asymmetry” such that “2 per cent is perceived as a ceiling and that is dampening inflation expectations.” We imagine that Jens Weidmann from the Bundesbank would vehemently oppose any move to change the ECB inflation target to tolerate even a temporary period of inflation above 2%. German headline HICP inflation already reached 2.1% in April, with more increases likely as the German economy reopens from extended pandemic lockdowns. Yet even if Weidmann were to not dig in his heels against any “loosening” of the ECB inflation target, the looming conclusion of the ECB strategy review makes it highly unlikely that any change in policy – like tapering – could credibly be announced before then. If higher inflation will be tolerated, then why bother to taper at all? Looking beyond the inflation strategy review, there are other factors that could weigh on the ECB in its deliberations on the next monetary policy move: China policy tightening: China – Europe’s largest trading partner – has seen its policymakers begin to rein in credit growth, and fiscal spending, after allowing a surge in borrowing in 2020 to help boost growth during the pandemic. Our measure of the China credit impulse leads the annual growth rate of European exports to China by around nine months (Chart 7), and is flagging a dramatic slowing of exports in the latter half of this year. This represents a downside risk to euro area growth, particularly in countries that export more heavily to China like Germany. Slowing loan growth: The annual growth rate of overall euro area bank lending peaked at 12.2% back in February and is now down to 10.9% (Chart 8). Much of the softening has occurred in Germany and France – countries that had seen a big take-up of subsidized bank funding through the ECB’s TLTROs. The pricing incentives set up by the ECB for the latest TLTRO program were highly attractive, and it appears that German and French banks took advantage of the cheap funding to ramp up lending activity. This makes the economic interpretation of the bank lending data more challenging for the ECB, especially with Italian loan growth – and TLTRO usage – now accelerating. Chart 7Warning Signs For European Export Demand Warning Signs For European Export Demand Warning Signs For European Export Demand Chart 8ECB LTROs Are Becoming Italy-Focused ECB LTROs Are Becoming Italy-Focused ECB LTROs Are Becoming Italy-Focused NGEU spending: As mentioned earlier, disbursements from the €750bn NGEU (a.k.a. “recovery fund”) are expected to begin later this year, pending EU approval of government investment proposals. NGEU funds are intended to finance initiatives that can boost future economic growth, like investments in digital and green programs. Most euro area countries have already submitted their proposals, led by Italy’s request for €192bn. Chart 9NGEU Will Give A Big Boost To European Growth Over The Next Five Years ECB Outlook: Walking On Eggshells ECB Outlook: Walking On Eggshells Chart 10NGEU Impact Will Be Front Loaded NGEU Impact Will Be Front Loaded NGEU Impact Will Be Front Loaded A recent study by S&P Global concluded that NGEU investments could boost overall euro area growth by between 1.3 and 3.9 percentage points, cumulatively, between 2021 and 2026 (Chart 9).4 That same study also noted that the impacts of the spending will be front-loaded over the next two years (Chart 10). The Italian government believes that NGEU investment could double Italy’s anemic trend growth rate to 1.5%. Many ECB officials have noted that NGEU is the kind of structural fiscal stimulus that makes it less necessary to maintain highly accommodative monetary policy. Until the NGEU proposals are finalized and the final approved amounts are dispersed, however, the ECB will be unable to adjust its economic forecasts to account for more government investment. Given all of these immediate uncertainties, including how successfully Europe can reopen from pandemic lockdowns, we do not see a plausible scenario where the ECB Governing Council could conclude at the June policy meeting that an immediate change in the current monetary policy tools and guidance was needed. Bottom Line: Investor fears that the ECB could follow the Bank of Canada and Bank of England and begin to taper its bond buying sooner than expected – perhaps as soon as next month’s policy meeting – are misplaced. Likely ECB Next Moves & Investment Implications While a June taper announcement from the ECB is unlikely, a hint towards a future move is quite possible. The ECB is notorious for preparing markets well in advance of any policy shifts, thus the official statement following the June meeting – as well as ECB President Lagarde’s press conference – could contain clues as to what the ECB will do next. Chart 11ECB Easing Takes Many Forms ECB Easing Takes Many Forms ECB Easing Takes Many Forms A discussion of what will happen with the Pandemic Emergency Purchase Program (PEPP) – which is scheduled to end next March – could come up in June. We deem it more likely that the topic will be raised at the September policy meeting when there will be more clarity on the success of the reopening of Europe’s economy, and to the final approved size of the NGEU funds, which will determine the need to maintain an asset purchase program introduced because of the COVID-19 shock. There are certainly many policy options available for the ECB to choose from when they do decide to dial back accommodation. There are several policy interest rates that could be adjusted. Although it is likely that when the ECB next tries to hike interest rates, the first rate to move will be the overnight deposit rate which is currently at -0.5% and represents the “floor” for short-term interest rates in Europe (Chart 11). Rate hikes will not occur before the balance sheet tools are reduced or unwound, however, which means asset purchases will be dialed back first. Market participants are well aware of that order of policy choices, as a very flat path for short-term interest rates is currently discounted in the European overnight index swap (OIS) curve. The spread between forward rates in the OIS and CPI swap curves can be used as a proxy for the market forward pricing of real interest rates. Currently, the market-implied real ECB policy rate is expected to stay between -2% and -1% over the next decade (Chart 12). Put another way, the markets are pricing in a very flat path for ECB policy rates that will stay below expected inflation over the next ten years. While the natural real rate of interest in Europe is likely very low given low trend growth, a real rate as low as -2% discounts a lot of bad structural news for the European economy. By comparison, the NY Fed’s last estimate of the natural real rate (r-star) for Europe – calculated in Q2/2020 before the economic volatility surrounding the pandemic made r-star estimation more unreliable – was positive at +0.6%. The prolonged path of negative expected real interest rates in Europe goes a long way in explaining the persistence of negative real bond yields in the benchmark German government yield curve. Simply put, there is little belief that the ECB will ever be able to engineer a full-blown rate hike cycle – an outcome that Japanese fixed income investors are quite familiar with. Given the ECB’s constant worry about the level of the euro, and its role in impacting European growth and inflation expectations, markets are correct in thinking that it will be difficult for the ECB to lift rates much without triggering unwanted currency appreciation. It is no coincidence that the euro has been consistently undervalued on a purchasing power parity (PPP) basis ever since the ECB moved to a negative interest rate policy back in 2014 (Chart 13). Chart 12Markets Expect Negative European Real Rates For The Next Decade Markets Expect Negative European Real Rates For The Next Decade Markets Expect Negative European Real Rates For The Next Decade Looking ahead, the ECB will need to be careful about signaling any changes in monetary policy, including tapering, that would force markets to revise up the future path of European interest rates and give the euro a large boost. Chart 13Low ECB Rates Keeping The Euro Undervalued Low ECB Rates Keeping The Euro Undervalued Low ECB Rates Keeping The Euro Undervalued That means that European real bond yields are likely to stay deeply negative over at least the latter half of 2021, with any additional nominal yield increases coming from higher inflation expectations (Chart 14). This will limit how much more European bond yields can rise from current levels. Chart 14European Bond Strategy Summary European Bond Strategy Summary European Bond Strategy Summary We continue to believe that core European bond yields will trade with a “low yield beta” to US Treasury yields over at least the second half of 2021 and likely into 2022 when we expect the Fed to begin tapering its bond buying. Thus, we are sticking with our strategic recommendation to overweight core European government bonds versus US Treasuries in global bond portfolios. We simply see greater odds of a taper occurring in the US than in Europe, with the Fed more likely to deliver subsequent post-taper rate hikes than the ECB. We still recommend a moderately below-benchmark duration stance within dedicated European bond portfolios, although if the 10-year German bund yield rises significantly into positive territory, we would likely look to raise our suggested European duration exposure. We are also maintaining our recommended overweight on European inflation-linked bonds, as breakeven spreads in Germany, France and Italy are the only ones that remain below fair value in our suite of global valuation models. On European credit, we continue to recommend overweighting spread product versus sovereign bonds. That includes Italian and Spanish government bonds, as well as both investment grade and high-yield corporate debt. The time to turn more bearish on those markets will be when the ECB does begin to taper its asset purchases, as credit spreads have tended to widen during periods when the growth of the ECB’s balance sheet has been decelerating (Chart 15). We expect that when the ECB does finally decide to taper, the net amount of TLTROs will likely be maintained near current levels (by introducing new TLTROs to replace expiring ones). This will ensure that borrowing costs in the more fragile countries like Italy do not spike higher from the double-whammy of reduced ECB buying of Italian bonds and diminished access to cheap ECB bank funding. One final note – we are introducing a new trade in our Tactical Overlay portfolio on page 19 this week, as a way to fade the markets pricing in a more hawkish ECB outlook. A 10bp rate hike – the most likely size of any first attempt for the ECB to lift rates – is now priced in the OIS curve around mid-2023. By the end of 2023, nearly 25bps of hikes are discounted in forward rate curves. We do not expect the ECB to lift rates at all in 2023, but even if rates were increased, a cumulative 25bps of hikes within six months is unlikely to be delivered. Thus, we recommend going long the December 2023 3-month Euribor interest rate futures contract at an entry price of 100.27 (Chart 16). Chart 15ECB Tapering Would Be Bad News For European Credit ECB Tapering Would Be Bad News For European Credit ECB Tapering Would Be Bad News For European Credit Chart 16Go Long Dec/2023 Euribor Futures Go Long Dec/2023 Euribor Futures Go Long Dec/2023 Euribor Futures Bottom Line: The last thing the ECB wants to see is the surge in the euro and Italian bond yields that would surely follow any move to pre-emptively begin reducing monetary accommodation in response to faster European growth and inflation. We are sticking with our current European bond recommendations: overweighting Europe within global bond portfolios - favoring Peripheral sovereigns and corporates versus government debt of the core countries - while also overweighting inflation-linked bonds in France, Italy and Germany where breakevens are undervalued.   Robert Robis, CFA Chief Fixed Income Strategist rrobis@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 NAIRU is an acronym for the Non-Accelerating Inflation Rate of Unemployment. 2 Lane’s comments came from a wide-ranging interview with the Financial Times published on March 16, 2021, which can be found here: https://www.ft.com/content/2aa6750d-48b7-441e-9e84-7cb6467c5366 3 Rehn’s comments were published earlier this month on May 9 and can be found here: https://www.ft.com/content/05a12645-ceb2-4cd5-938e-974b778e16e0 4 The S&P Global report, titled “Next Generation EU Will Shift European Growth Into A Higher Gear”, can be found here: https://www.spglobal.com/ratings/en/research/articles/210427-next-generation-eu-will-shift-european-growth-into-a-higher-gear-1192994 Recommendations The GFIS Recommended Portfolio Vs. The Custom Benchmark Index ECB Outlook: Walking On Eggshells ECB Outlook: Walking On Eggshells Duration Regional Allocation Spread Product Tactical Trades Yields & Returns Global Bond Yields Historical Returns

Dear client, Next Monday May 17,  instead of sending you a Strategy Report we will be hosting our quarterly webcast “From Alpha To Omega With Anastasios” at 10am EST with two special guests, addressing the recent market moves and discussing the US equity market outlook. Kind Regards, Anastasios   In this Monday’s Special Report, we attempted to quantify the border between deflation and inflation. We relied on empirical data and examined the relationship between core CPI inflation and equites. We found that the S&P 500 P/E multiple typically peaks when core CPI inflation reaches 2.3% and begins to decline once inflation climbs above 2.5% (see chart). The only adjustment we made to the 2.5% number was instead of looking at a specific inflection level, we turned it into a range of 2.3-2.7%. To confirm our 2.3-2.7% estimate, we also examined the relationship between core CPI inflation and fixed income, which can be found on page 3 of our most recent Special Report along with a discussion on select GICS1 level sector positioning during periods of “true” inflation, as opposed to reflation. Quantifying The Border Between Inflation And Deflation Quantifying The Border Between Inflation And Deflation

In the previous Tinkering With Inflation Special Report, we outlined our structural view for US inflation, namely that over the next 10 years inflation will surprise to the upside largely driven by politicians re-discovering the magic of fiscal spending. In today’s Special Report, we look at structural GICS1 sector-level implications for portfolio allocation courtesy of the looming inflationary flux, but with a major caveat. Over the years we have published numerous reports answering the question of “what to buy and what to sell” when inflation comes and goes. But, the key criticism is that our previous inflationary analysis included data from the current disinflationary era. In other words, the data was capturing the effects of reflation (i.e. inflationary spikes within the broader deflationary megatrend), rather than effects of the pure-play inflation (i.e. inflationary spikes within the broader inflationary trend). Up until recently, such analysis was well-fit for the macro environment investors were in, but given our structurally inflationary view, it pays to take a closer look at the relative GICS1 sector performance during “true” inflationary periods. The shaded areas in Chart 1 display five pure-play inflationary periods that we analyse in this Special Report. Importantly, we also treat the very first iteration with a big grain of salt as it was catalyzed by a one-off event: excessive Department of Defense (DoD) Vietnam War and Star War spending, which in turn skewed relative sector performance results (similarly to how relative sector performance during the recent pandemic-induced recession is not indicative of the typical recessionary sector performance). The Line In The Sand Before we proceed with our sectorial analysis, we must first distinguish between moves in core CPI that constitute deflation and inflation. We rely on empirical data and examine in detail the relationship between core CPI inflation, interest rates, and equites. Starting with equites, we find that the S&P 500 P/E multiple typically peaks when core CPI inflation reaches 2.3% and begins to decline once inflation climbs above 2.5% (Chart 2). At this level the market no longer finds the prospect of investing in long duration assets attractive. The investment horizon shortens as well as the multiple market participants are willing to pay for future earnings. The only adjustment we make to the 2.5% number is instead of looking at a specific inflection level, we turn it into a range of 2.3-2.7%. Chart 1True Inflationary Episodes True Inflationary Episodes True Inflationary Episodes Chart 2Inflation And The P/E Multiple Tinkering With Inflation (Part II): True Inflation Vs. Reflation Tinkering With Inflation (Part II): True Inflation Vs. Reflation Next, we bring fixed income into the picture and look at the correlation between SPX returns and changes in the 10-year US Treasury yield. The changes in this correlation help to distinguish between deflationary and inflationary environments due to different causality routes that exist from bonds to stocks, versus from stocks to bonds. A concrete example will help to clarify the point. When bond yields rise, they push stock prices down resulting into a negative causal correlation from yields to stocks. On the other hand, if stocks fall, then the central bank has to cut rates to protect the stock market, and in doing so it lowers yields. The end result is a positive causal correlation from stocks to yields. Negative correlation: yields rise ➜ DCF discount factor rises ➜ stocks fall Positive correlation: stocks fall ➜ central bank cuts rates ➜ yields fall Every central bank has to make the choice in which one of these two structural casual loops they operate as they can only protect one asset: either the bond market from inflation or the stock market from deflation. The choice of that key asset reveals the inflationary vs. deflationary regime. The bottom panel of Chart 3 illustrates this interplay. The top panel of Chart 3 also plots our 2.3%-2.7% inflation/deflation core CPI inflection range. Every time core CPI approached this critical range, the correlation between SPX returns and changes in the 10-year yield snapped to zero in preparation for a structural paradigm shift. This empirical exercise further illustrates that the 2.3-2.7% band in core CPI is the border between inflation and deflation. Chart 3The Border Line The Border Line The Border Line What follows is a select GICS1 sector return/positioning analysis during bouts of actual inflation. We also mainly focus on cyclical sectors since positioning within defensive GICS1 sectors is not driven by inflation, but instead it is dictated by global growth dynamics, which are beyond the scope of this Special Report.   Arseniy Urazov Senior Analyst ArseniyU@bcaresearch.com   Positioning For True Inflation: S&P Consumer Discretionary It is no secret that consumers don’t like CPI inflation as it erodes purchasing power via a multitude of channels. High interest rates that go toe to toe with inflation make big item purchases more challenging due to the higher cost of credit, hence weighing on end-demand for consumer discretionary stocks. Also, there is only so much cost pressures companies can pass onto the US consumer. The implication is that there comes a time when the entire S&P consumer discretionary sector is forced to sacrifice margins and profits. Chart 4 shows our consumer drag indicator that encapsulates both of these factors. Our thesis is that should true inflation return, the underperformance period is likely to be more severe compared with previous historical episodes (Chart 6). The reason for such a grim forecast has to do with the present-day sector composition. Following the inclusion of TSLA in this GICS1 sector, the combined exposure to AMZN and TSLA is 53% (Chart 5). Chart 4Inflationary Headwinds Inflationary Headwinds Inflationary Headwinds Chart 5Overconcentration Overconcentration Overconcentration Chart 6Inflation & Consumer Discretionary Equities Inflation & Consumer Discretionary Equities Inflation & Consumer Discretionary Equities Both of these companies are effectively a long duration trade, which disproportionately benefited from low rates via the multiple expansion channel. Should inflation return to the system and end the era of low rates, both TSLA and AMZN will fall out of investor’s favor and heavily weigh on the overall S&P consumer discretionary sector. Finally, the bottom panel of Chart 6 shows the impressive run consumer discretionary stocks had since the beginning of the millennium rising by over 100% in relative terms. The rise is also in sharp contrast to the performance from 1975 to 2000 when the sector was range bound. The implication is that should an inflation-induced normalization period take root, the risk/reward in the S&P consumer discretionary sector will lie to the downside. Bottom Line: The S&P consumer discretionary sector will underperform in an inflationary world. Positioning For True Inflation: S&P Financials Similar to their early cycle brethren consumer discretionary stocks, investors should shy away from financials when the inflation genie is out of the bottle. Outside of the anomaly Vietnam War/Moon Landing period, Chart 7 reveals that inflation is a major headwind for financials. Chart 7Inflation & Financials Equities Inflation & Financials Equities Inflation & Financials Equities There are several avenues through which it hurts the sector. The first one is the yield curve. When the Fed raises short term rates to combat inflation, it flattens the curve. The end result is that the yield curve is flatter during an inflationary era, meaning that the spread between borrowing and lending narrows for the banking sector and results in a net interest margins squeeze. As a result, profitability drops, and stock prices fall (Chart 7, bottom panel). Inflation also hurts S&P financials due to the mismatch between banks' assets and liabilities. A typical bank has longer maturity for its receipts stream than for its liabilities. Consequently, as inflation rises, it reduces the future net inflow because creditors demand higher interest rates, while the returns earned by the bank on its current loan book is mostly fixed by existing contracts. The net result is lower bank equity and subsequently lower stock prices. The example below adds more color to the argument. Table 1 shows a stylized example of a balance sheet for a commercial bank over the course of three years with the following assumptions: Table 1The Effect Of Inflation Tinkering With Inflation (Part II): True Inflation Vs. Reflation Tinkering With Inflation (Part II): True Inflation Vs. Reflation Inflation from Year 1 to Year 2 is 5%, but it increases from Year 2 to Year 3 to 10% The bank's contracts with creditors mature in 1 year, while loans mature in 2 years Reserve requirements against all deposits are 10% Nominal interest rates on loans stand at 5% Interest rates on deposits stand at 4.5% Cash account is ignored as it doesn’t affect qualitative results The bank starts in Year 1 and extends $1,000 worth of loans maturing in two years with a 5% rate and receives $1,000 worth of deposits that grow at 4.5% per year and mature next year. The bank also has 10% ($100) of its liabilities in reserves. The difference between assets and liabilities is the bank’s equity or market value, which is also $100. Next year, the bank receives $50 (5% of $1000) in income from the loans it extended in Year 1, but a portion of this income has to be moved to reserves as the value of deposits increased by $45 (4.5% of $1000). Thus, the final value of loans is $1050 minus ($45 times the 10% reserve requirement), which equals $1045.5. The bank’s nominal equity value also increased to $105, but when adjusted for inflation it remains the same as in Year 1. Now, expected inflation for Year 3 changes from 5% to 10%, and since deposits have matured, creditors renegotiate them at a new rate of 10%, while the loans that were issued in Year 1 remain contractually bind to the original 5%. Crunching the numbers for Year 3 using new interest rates reveals that both the nominal and real value of a bank’s equity decreased due to the maturity mismatch between its assets and liabilities. Of course, the bank could have extended new loans in Year 2 at the higher 10% rate, but it would have only reduced the drop in equity value, but not eliminated it, so for the sake of simplicity we ignored that option. What this exercise showed is the second avenue through which inflation weighs on banks, and by extension, financials equities. Bottom Line: It pays to shy away from the S&P financials sector during bouts of inflation. Positioning For True Inflation: S&P Energy The S&P energy index is a classic inflation beneficiary as true inflationary impulses are synonymous with oil price surges. Chart 8 highlights how this commodity-driven sector was quick to react to all six inflationary spurts, besting the market during each of them. Chart 8Inflation & Energy Equities Inflation & Energy Equities Inflation & Energy Equities Moreover, deglobalization is likely to provide a boost to relative energy prices over a multi-year time horizon as the number of proxy wars in South America and the Middle East will likely increase, undercutting global oil supply. Hence, the geopolitical risk premia in crude oil will also rise boosting the allure of energy stocks. Finally, for investors who are choosing between energy and materials equites to express their near-term inflationary view, we would recommend sticking to the S&P Energy index in light of our unfolding China slowing down view. Chart 9 also depicts how China's dominance in the materials market is nearly absolute compared to the one in energy space. Hence, materials equities are more sensitive to the China weakness story, and investors should at the margin prefer energy equities over materials. Stay tuned for an upcoming report that will explore this idea in greater depth and recommend a new intra-commodity complex pair trade. Bottom Line: The S&P energy sector will outperform the market should deflation recede. Chart 9China And Commodities China And Commodities China And Commodities   Positioning For True Inflation: S&P Industrials The S&P industrials sector is located in the middle of the economic value chain and thus it has diminishing power to pass on inflationary cost increases especially energy related ones. At the same time, capital goods producers have other corporations as their end-demand user, which means that they suffer less from inflation than sectors at the far end of the value chain like consumer discretionary. Chart 10 shows how relative performance of the S&P industrials sector is “neither here nor there” when examining inflationary spikes. Chart 10Inflation & Industrials Equities Inflation & Industrials Equities Inflation & Industrials Equities However, taking a closer look, we do note a shorter-term pattern that unfolds within every inflationary period. The S&P industrials index outperforms in the early stages of an inflationary spike, but then gives up its gains as inflation re-accelerates. There is an intuitive explanation for this dynamic. As deflation recedes giving way to inflation, industrial stocks are able to pass on the initial price increases to their customers thus preserving margins and profits. But as inflation persists, the fact that industrials companies are located in the middle of the economic value chain becomes a headwind as they are no longer able to pass on costs increases, which in turn gets reflected in falling relative stock prices. Bottom Line: Keep the S&P industrials index in the overweight basket early on into an inflationary spike, but do not overstay your welcome as inflation endures. Positioning For True Inflation: S&P Materials Typically, inflationary pressures first manifest themselves in higher raw material costs as rising demand from increased economic growth outpaces supply, benefiting materials equities. At the same time, the fact that materials stocks are the first link in the economic value chain allows them to efficiently pass on price increases, whereas other sectors at the end of the value chain like S&P consumer discretionary typically have the hardest time doing so (Chart 11). Chart 11Inflation & Materials Equities Inflation & Materials Equities Inflation & Materials Equities The current deflationary environment has proven rocky for the S&P materials sector as it sits at the second lowest level in history following the dotcom-formed “Mariana Trench”. Should our forecast for an inflationary revival prove accurate, materials producers will be prime beneficiaries with ample upside potential. The mean relative share price ratio during the previous inflationary cycle (1960-1996) is 0.25. Today, materials are sitting at the 0.12 mark, which makes a 100%+ rise a reasonable structural forecast. Bottom Line: Materials are a secular buy in an inflationary world. Positioning For True Inflation: S&P Technology On the surface, the S&P technology sector appears to be a textbook candidate to short during inflation, but empirical data disagrees with the theory. The top panel of Chart 12 shows that there have only been two clean periods when tech underperformed during true inflationary periods (1974-1976 and 1987-1990). On the other hand, in 1977 – the year that had a very significant inflationary spike – technology stocks managed to outpace the broad market by a wide margin. Chart 12Inflation & Technology Equities Inflation & Technology Equities Inflation & Technology Equities The reason for such inconsistent performance is due to the fact that the sector is sensitive to two opposing forces: multiple contraction and real economic growth. It is well-know that currently technology stocks represent the longest duration sector within the S&P 500, but they also enjoy inelastic demand profile. In other words, corporations cannot put their guard down and fully trim CAPEX and R&D expenses even during recessions because if they do, their competition will steam roll ahead. The same holds for the consumer sector. While some tech gadgets are luxury goods, consumers cannot simply postpone their PC, phone, and software related expenses as those are necessity goods. In short, the S&P technology index is not a pure-play cyclical sector as inelastic demand profile for its goods from other economic agents gives the sector some inflation-proof properties. Given that the upcoming inflationary impulse will be fiscal-driven, we would not rush to put tech stocks in the underweight basket. Instead, we opt to stick with a neutral allocation to underscore this tug of war effect between the two forces. Bottom Line: Relative technology performance in an inflationary world will depend on whether real economic growth can compensate for multiple contraction. Stick with a benchmark allocation. So What? In this Special Report we examined how investors should be positioned for true inflation rather than reflation. Some of the key differences are the following: financials switch from being a buy during reflation to a sell during true inflation, industrials are flat when looking at the entire inflationary spike, but they outperform in the early innings and underperform in the later stages of inflation, and finally technology is not a clear underperformer as this sector is caught between two opposing forces. Now circling back to our structural inflationary view, while it will take time for the current deflationary megatrend to make a full U-turn, the incoming post-recessionary spike driven by fiscal spending and heating up of the US economy will make for the right environment to test whether last century’s inflationary correlations will still hold. Our portfolio is appropriately positioned to test this hypothesis with an overweight toward inflationary winners and a neutral weight in inflationary losers (Table 2). As a reminder we have the S&P financials sector on downgrade alert. Table 2Current Portfolio Positioning Tinkering With Inflation (Part II): True Inflation Vs. Reflation Tinkering With Inflation (Part II): True Inflation Vs. Reflation For completion purposes, Chart A1 in the Appendix on the next page also provides historical performance for defensive GICS1 sectors during true inflationary periods. Bottom Line: Investors should overweight true inflationary winners as the incoming CPI flux will unlock excellent value in those sectors.   Appendix Chart A1Appendix Appendix Appendix         Footnotes  

Highlights Massive slack in the US labour market means that the current uplift in US inflation is highly likely to fade by the end of the year. On a long-term horizon, investors should own US T-bonds. Equity investors should fade the reflation trade… …and rotate into the unloved defensive sectors such as healthcare, consumer staples, and personal products. These sector preferences imply an overweight to developed markets (DM) versus emerging markets (EM). On a 6+ month horizon, overweight US T-bonds versus German bunds. Fractal trade shortlist: France versus Japan; corn versus wheat; timber; and building materials. Feature Chart of the WeekMillions Of People Have Dropped Out Of The US Labour Market Millions Of People Have Dropped Out Of The US Labour Market Millions Of People Have Dropped Out Of The US Labour Market The near 40 percent of Americans not in the labour market is the highest level in 50 years. Moreover, the exodus out of the labour market during the pandemic was on an unprecedented scale in the modern era. This means that we should treat the US unemployment rate with a huge dose of salt, because it does not include the millions of people that have dropped out of the labour market (Chart I-1). Even the headline 14 million plunge in the number of US unemployed is deceptive, because it is almost entirely due to the furloughed workers that have returned to their jobs (Chart I-2). Chart I-2Furloughed Workers Have Returned To Their Jobs... Furloughed Workers Have Returned To Their Jobs... Furloughed Workers Have Returned To Their Jobs... Worryingly, the additional 2 million ‘permanent unemployed’ has barely budged from its pandemic peak and the number of economically inactive stands 5.5 million higher (Chart I-3). Meanwhile, population growth is increasing the potential labour force. In combination, underemployment in the US labour market amounts to around 10 million people. Chart I-3...But The Numbers Of Permanent Unemployed And Inactive Remain Elevated ...But The Numbers Of Permanent Unemployed And Inactive Remain Elevated ...But The Numbers Of Permanent Unemployed And Inactive Remain Elevated To its credit, the Federal Reserve is acutely aware of this. Last week, Chair Jay Powell pointed out that: “We’re a long way from full employment, payroll jobs are 8.4 million below where they were in February of 2020…these were people who were working in February of 2020. They clearly want to work. So those people, they’re going to need help” Implicit is the Fed’s belief that the massive slack in the US labour market will keep structural inflation depressed. And that the coming increases in inflation will be short-lived. Travel And Hospitality Cannot Move The Inflation Needle Some people argue that pent-up demand for things that we couldn’t do under social restrictions – such as travel and eat out – will unleash a major inflation. The flaw in this argument is that these things account for a tiny part of the inflation basket. For example, airfares are weighted at a negligible 0.6 percent in the US consumer price index (CPI). Eating out at (full service) restaurants is weighted at just 3 percent. So, even if these prices were to surge, they would barely move the overall inflation needle. By far the biggest component in US inflation is rent of shelter, weighted at 33 percent in the CPI and 42 percent in the core CPI. By far the biggest component in US inflation is rent of shelter, weighted at 33 percent in the CPI and 42 percent in the core CPI. The lion’s share of rent of shelter is so-called ‘owner-equivalent rent’, weighted at 24 percent in the CPI and 30 percent in the core CPI.1  Owner-equivalent rent is the hypothetical cost that homeowners incur to consume their own home, obtained by surveying a sample of homeowners. In the US, this hypothetical cost tracks actual rents. So, we can say that the biggest driver of US inflation is rent inflation (Chart I-4). Chart I-4Owner-Equivalent Rent Inflation Tracks Actual Rent Inflation Owner-Equivalent Rent Inflation Tracks Actual Rent Inflation Owner-Equivalent Rent Inflation Tracks Actual Rent Inflation Rent inflation has consistently outperformed the rest of the inflation basket. Hence, to get overall inflation to a persistent 2 percent, rent inflation must get to 3 percent and stay there – meaning a persistent 1.5 percent higher than it is now (Chart I-5). Chart I-5Core Inflation At 2 Percent Requires Rent Inflation At 3 Percent Core Inflation At 2 Percent Requires Rent Inflation At 3 Percent Core Inflation At 2 Percent Requires Rent Inflation At 3 Percent What drives rent inflation? The answer is the permanent unemployment rate. This is because the ability to pay rent relies on the security of having a permanent job. Empirically, a one percent decline in the permanent unemployment rate lifts rent inflation by one percent (Chart I-6). Chart I-6A 1 Percent Decline In The Permanent Unemployment Rate Lifts Rent Inflation By 1 Percent A 1 Percent Decline In The Permanent Unemployment Rate Lifts Rent Inflation By 1 Percent A 1 Percent Decline In The Permanent Unemployment Rate Lifts Rent Inflation By 1 Percent Pulling this together, the US permanent unemployment rate needs to fall by about 1.5 percent for core inflation to reach the Fed’s target persistently. Put another way, most of the additional 2 million permanent unemployed need to find work. Yet history teaches us that this will take a long time. The Post-Pandemic Productivity Boom Will Be Disinflationary When an industry sheds millions of jobs in a recession, it tends to substitute that labour input permanently with a new productivity-boosting technology or strategy. For example, after the Great Depression the smaller craft-based auto producers shut down permanently, while those that had adopted labour-saving mass production survived. The result was a major restructuring of the auto productive structure. Another example was the ‘typing pool’, a ubiquitous feature of office life until the late 1990s. After the dot com bust, the wholesale roll-out of Microsoft Word wiped out these typing jobs. It takes years for excess labour to get fully absorbed into a post-recession economy. Hence, the flip side of a post-recession productivity boom is that displaced workers need to re-skill, or even change career – requiring a long time for the excess labour to get absorbed into the restructured economy. After the dot com bust, it took four years. After the global financial crisis, it took six years (Chart I-7). Chart I-7How Long Does It Take To Absorb The Permanent Unemployed? How Long Does It Take To Absorb The Permanent Unemployed? How Long Does It Take To Absorb The Permanent Unemployed? The post-pandemic experience will be no different. In fact, compared to a common-or-garden recession, the pandemic has accelerated wider-reaching changes to the way that we live, work, and interact. This means that it might take even longer for the economy to attain the central bank’s goal of ‘full employment.’ Again, to its credit, the Federal Reserve is acutely aware of this. As Jay Powell went on to say: “It’s going to be a different economy. We’ve been hearing a lot from companies looking at deploying better technology and perhaps fewer people, including in some of the services industries that have been employing a lot of people. It seems quite likely that a number of the people who had those service sector jobs will struggle to find the same job, and may need time to find work” In summary, elevated permanent unemployment will subdue rent inflation. And subdued rent inflation will constrain overall inflation once the current supply bottlenecks clear. On a long-term horizon, investors should own US T-bonds. Equity investors should fade the reflation trade, and rotate into the unloved defensive sectors such as healthcare, consumer staples, and personal products. These sector preferences imply an overweight to developed markets (DM) versus emerging markets (EM). US And European Inflation Will Converge US and European inflation rates are not measured on an apples-for-apples basis. European inflation excludes the largest component in the US inflation basket – owner-equivalent rent (OER). To repeat, OER is the hypothetical cost that homeowners incur to consume their own home. European statisticians do not like to include any hypothetical item in the inflation basket that does not have a market price. So, euro area inflation includes actual rents, but it excludes OER. On an apples-for-apples comparison, inflation rates in the US and the euro area have been near-identical for many years. This means that US core inflation has a 30 percent higher weighting to an item that has persistently inflated at well above 2 percent. If we strip out OER, then the core inflation rates in the US and the euro area have been near-identical for many years (Chart I-8).2 Chart I-8On An Apples-For-Apples Comparison, Inflation In The US And Euro Area Are Near-Identical On An Apples-For-Apples Comparison, Inflation In The US And Euro Area Are Near-Identical On An Apples-For-Apples Comparison, Inflation In The US And Euro Area Are Near-Identical Alternatively, what if we include OER in euro area inflation? Despite European rent controls, actual rents have persistently outperformed core inflation. Hence, OER would likely outperform by even more. We can infer that including OER would have lifted euro area inflation very close to US inflation (Chart I-9). Chart I-9Omitting Owner-Equivalent Rent Has Depressed Euro Area Inflation Omitting Owner-Equivalent Rent Has Depressed Euro Area Inflation Omitting Owner-Equivalent Rent Has Depressed Euro Area Inflation All of this may sound like a petty academic difference, but this petty academic difference has generated huge economic and political consequences. As OER has boosted inflation in the US versus Europe, US and euro area monetary policy have diverged much more than they should. Which means US and euro area bond yields have diverged much more than they should. Which has structurally weakened the euro. Which has spawned the near $200 billion trade surplus for the euro area versus the US. And all because of a petty academic difference! What happens next? If, as we expect, US shelter inflation remains depressed then the major difference between US and euro area inflation will vanish. Reinforcing this will be a catch-up in euro area growth as the delayed roll-out of vaccinations takes effect. On this basis, a stand-out opportunity on a 6+ month investment horizon is yield convergence between US T-bonds and German bunds. Overweight US T-bonds versus German bunds. Candidates For Countertrend Reversals Corn prices have surged on increased demand from China combined with supply shortages resulting from poor weather in Brazil. This has caused an odd divergence between corn and wheat prices, which is now susceptible to a sharp correction (Chart I-10). Chart I-10The Rally In Corn Versus Wheat Is Vulnerable To Reversal The Rally In Corn Versus Wheat Is Vulnerable To Reversal The Rally In Corn Versus Wheat Is Vulnerable To Reversal Likewise, timber prices have boomed on the back of increased housebuilding demand combined with supply bottlenecks. But as these bottlenecks clear and/or higher bond yields cool demand, the sector is vulnerable to an aggressive reversal given its fragile fractal structure (Chart I-11). Chart I-11Timber Prices Are Vulnerable To Reversal Timber Prices Are Vulnerable To Reversal Timber Prices Are Vulnerable To Reversal To play this, our first recommended trade is to short the Invesco Building and Construction ETF (PKB) versus the Healthcare SPDR (XLV), setting the profit target and symmetrical stop-loss at 15 percent (Chart I-12). Chart I-12Short Building And Construction (PKB) Versus Healthcare (XLV) Short Building And Construction (PKB) Versus Healthcare (XLV) Short Building And Construction (PKB) Versus Healthcare (XLV) Finally, within stock markets, the recent divergence of France versus Japan is highly unusual given that the two markets have near-identical sector compositions. This divergence has taken France versus Japan to the top of its multi-year trading range (Chart I-13). Chart I-13Short France Versus Japan Short France Versus Japan Short France Versus Japan Hence, our second recommended trade is to short France versus Japan (MSCI indexes), setting the profit target and symmetrical stop-loss at 4.8 percent. Dhaval Joshi Chief Strategist dhaval@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 The PCE has broadly similar weights as the CPI. 2 We have approximated the removal of OER by removing the whole shelter component. 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