Italy

Highlights Overweighting Eurostoxx50 versus S&P500 is just a sector play - you must believe that banks are going to outperform technology. It is categorically not a relative economic growth or relative valuation play. The best expression of euro area economic outperformance - as we believe is likely - is not through mainstream equity indexes. It is through the euro. Could Spain in 2014-17 be Italy in 2018-21? If so, the cleanest play is through Italian bonds: long Italian BTPs versus French OATs. Play the lottery for free: when the price gap between the second and first month VIX future is greater than that between the first month and VIX spot - as it is now - it signals a potentially free lottery ticket. Feature Don't Play The Euro Area Economy Through The Stock Market The fallacy of division is a logical fallacy. It occurs when somebody falsely infers that what is true for the whole is also true for the parts that make up the whole. For example, somebody might see that their computer screen appears purple, and infer that the pixels that make up the screen are also purple. In fact, pixels are never purple. They are either red or blue. The fallacy of division is that the property of the whole - purpleness - does not translate to the property of the parts - redness or blueness. Chart of the WeekEuro Area Vs. U.S. Equities Is Just A Sector Play: Banks Vs. Technology Euro Area Vs. U.S. Equities Is Just A Sector Play: Banks Vs. Technology Euro Area Vs. U.S. Equities Is Just A Sector Play: Banks Vs. Technology The fallacy of division also affects investors. Since global equities are a play on the global economy, some investors infer that major equity indexes such as the Eurostoxx50 are relative plays on their regional economies. In fact, this is a fallacy of division: the property of the equity market as a global aggregate does not translate to the relative property of an equity market as a regional or national part. Through the past three years, the euro area economy has comfortably outperformed the U.S. economy1 (Chart I-2). Yet the Eurostoxx50 has substantially underperformed the S&P500 (Chart I-3). Why? Because the Eurostoxx50 has a major 14% weighting to banks and a minor 7% weighting to technology. The S&P500 is the mirror image; a minor 7% weighting to banks and a major 24% weighting to technology. Chart I-2The Euro Area Economy ##br##Has Outperformed... The Euro Area Economy Has Outperformed... The Euro Area Economy Has Outperformed... Chart I-3...But The Eurostoxx50 ##br##Has Underperformed ...But The Eurostoxx50 Has Underperformed ...But The Eurostoxx50 Has Underperformed Hence, for the Eurostoxx50 the distinguishing property is 'bank'; for the S&P500 it is 'technology'. And as banks have underperformed technology, the Eurostoxx50 has underperformed the S&P500. This large difference in sector exposure also means that a head-to-head comparison of equity market valuation is misleading. The euro area, trading on a forward price to earnings (PE) multiple of 15, appears considerably cheaper than the U.S., trading on a forward PE of 19. But this head-to-head difference just reflects the forward PEs of banks at 11 and technology at 19. As banks will likely generate less long-term growth than technology, banks are rightfully cheaper than technology and the Eurostoxx50 is rightfully cheaper than the S&P500. Some people suggest sector-adjusting stock market valuations to allow for the sector biases. The problem is that this suggestion cannot avoid the inescapable end-result. The bank-heavy Eurostoxx50 versus the tech-heavy S&P500 relative performance will still depend on banks versus technology (Chart of the Week). Remarkably, this overarching driver is captured in just the three largest euro area banks versus the three largest U.S. tech stocks. This means that relative performance simply reduces to whether Banco Santander, BNP Paribas and ING outperform Apple, Microsoft and Google,2 or vice-versa (Chart I-4). Chart I-4Eurostoxx50 Vs. S&P500 Reduces To: Santander, BNP & ING Vs. Apple, Microsoft & Google Eurostoxx50 Vs. S&P500 Reduces To: Santander, BNP & ING Vs. Apple, Microsoft & Google Eurostoxx50 Vs. S&P500 Reduces To: Santander, BNP & ING Vs. Apple, Microsoft & Google Everything else is largely irrelevant. Hence, the counterintuitive conclusion is that overweight Eurostoxx50 versus S&P500 is actually a sector play. You must hold the view that banks are going to outperform technology. At the moment, we are agnostic on this view. The best expression of euro area economic outperformance - as we believe is likely - is not through mainstream equity indexes. It is through bond yield spread compression and through exchange rates. Our preferred expression is structurally long EUR/USD. Could Spain In 2014-17 Be Italy In 2018-21? In 2013, Spain seemed to be on its knees. The economy had slumped by almost 10%, unemployment stood at 27%, and the stock of bank loans which were non-performing exceeded 13%. Doomsayers abounded. Standard and Poor's downgraded Spain's sovereign credit rating to BBB-, one notch above junk, and esteemed Wall Street strategists predicted the unemployment rate would remain above 25% for the rest of the decade. But the esteemed strategists were completely wrong. Through 2014-17, Spanish real GDP per head has grown by almost 15% (Chart I-5) - making it one of the top performing developed economies; unemployment has plunged by 10% (Chart I-6); and non-performing loans have declined sharply. What suddenly transformed Spain from zero to hero? The answer is that Spain recapitalised its banks. Chart I-5Through 2014-17 Spanish Real GDP ##br##Per Head Is Up Almost 15%... Through 2014-17 Spanish Real GDP Per Head Is Up Almost 15%... Through 2014-17 Spanish Real GDP Per Head Is Up Almost 15%... Chart I-6...And Unemployment##br## Is Down 10% ...And Unemployment Is Down 10% ...And Unemployment Is Down 10% After a financial crisis, the golden rule of recovery is to repair the banking system as soon as possible. In the aftermath of housing-related banking crises in 2008, the U.S. and U.K. quickly recapitalised their damaged banking systems; Ireland followed a couple of years later; Spain waited until 2013. But in each case, the economies rebounded very strongly as soon as the banks' aggressive deleveraging ended. Which brings us to Italy. Many people claim that Italy's long-standing economic underperformance is due to deep-seated structural problems. We do not dispute that such problems exist, but they cannot be the main cause of the economic underperformance. After all, through 1999-2007, Italian real GDP per head performed more or less in line with the U.S., Canada and France (Chart I-7), even without a private sector credit boom which the other economies had. Italy's underperformance really started after the 2008 financial crisis. And the most plausible explanation is that its dysfunctional banking system has been left broken for so long. Italy has procrastinated because its government is more indebted than other sovereigns and its banking problems have not caused an outright crisis - yet. But now policymakers in Rome, Brussels and Frankfurt realise that a hamstrung economy carries risks of a populist backlash against the European project. Finally, Italian banks' equity capital is rising, their solvency is improving and the share of non-performing loans appears to have peaked at the same level as in Spain in 2013 (Chart I-8). Chart I-7Through 1999-2007 Italy Performed In##br## Line With Other Major Economies Through 1999-2007 Italy Performed In Line With Other Major Economies Through 1999-2007 Italy Performed In Line With Other Major Economies Chart I-8Spanish NPLs Peaked In 2013, ##br##Italian NPLs Are Peaking Now Spanish NPLs Peaked In 2013, Italian NPLs Are Peaking Now Spanish NPLs Peaked In 2013, Italian NPLs Are Peaking Now So could Spain in 2014-17 be Italy in 2018-21? Once again, doomsayers abound and the counterintuitive thought could pay off. The cleanest way to play this is through Italian bonds: long Italian BTPs versus French OATs. Play The Lottery For Free As everybody knows, playing the lottery is not a good investment strategy. Most of the time your Lotto ticket brings zero reward, though occasionally you do win a prize. In fact, the U.K. National Lottery has said that the expected win per £1 played averages £0.47. Meaning the long-term return on this strategy is -53%. In the financial markets, the equivalent of a Lotto ticket is to buy volatility. In practice, this means buying a future on a volatility index such as the VIX. The problem is that the VIX futures curve usually slopes upwards. So if the curve doesn't change, a future bought above the spot price loses value when it expires at the spot price (Chart I-9). The upshot is that most of the time, the future 'rolls down the curve', and you lose money, though occasionally when volatility spikes you win. But counterintuitively, sometimes you can play the lottery for free. Look at the VIX futures curve: when the price gap between the second and first month is greater than that between the first month and spot - as it is now (Chart I-10) - it signals a potentially free lottery ticket. Chart I-9VIX Futures "Roll Down The Curve" VIX Futures "Roll Down The Curve" VIX Futures "Roll Down The Curve" Chart I-10Spotting A Free Lottery Ticket Spotting A Free Lottery Ticket Spotting A Free Lottery Ticket Under these circumstances, the strategy is to go long the first month future and short the second month future. If the futures curve stays broadly as it is - and both futures contracts roll down the curve - the loss on the first month long position will be made up by the gain on the second month short position. Effectively, the combined position becomes costless. Yet this potentially costless position is still playing the lottery. Because if volatility does spike, the volatility futures curve tends to invert sharply (go into backwardation). Hence, the gain on the first month long position substantially outweighs the loss on the second month short position. Now might be a good time to play the lottery for free. Dhaval Joshi, Senior Vice President Chief European Investment Strategist dhaval@bcaresearch.com 1 On a real GDP per capita basis. 2 Listed as Alphabet. Fractal Trading Model* Silver's 65-day fractal dimension is at a level which has previously indicated four tradeable trend reversals. Go long silver with a profit target / stop-loss of 4.5% In other trades, we are pleased to report that short basic materials versus market and short copper / long tin both hit their respective profit targets. This leaves us with six open positions. For any investment, excessive trend following and groupthink can reach a natural point of instability, at which point the established trend is highly likely to break down with or without an external catalyst. An early warning sign is the investment's fractal dimension approaching its natural lower bound. Encouragingly, this trigger has consistently identified countertrend moves of various magnitudes across all asset classes. Chart I-11 Long Silver Long Silver The post-June 9, 2016 fractal trading model rules are: When the fractal dimension approaches the lower limit after an investment has been in an established trend it is a potential trigger for a liquidity-triggered trend reversal. Therefore, open a countertrend position. The profit target is a one-third reversal of the preceding 13-week move. Apply a symmetrical stop-loss. Close the position at the profit target or stop-loss. Otherwise close the position after 13 weeks. Use the position size multiple to control risk. The position size will be smaller for more risky positions. * For more details please see the European Investment Strategy Special Report "Fractals, Liquidity & A Trading Model," dated December 11, 2014, available at eis.bcaresearch.com Fractal Trading Model Recommendations Equities Bond & Interest Rates Currency & Other Positions Closed Fractal Trades Trades Closed Trades Asset Performance Currency & Bond Equity Sector Country Equity Indicators Bond Yields Chart II-1Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-2Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-3Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-4Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Interest Rate Chart II-5Indicators To Watch##br## - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-6Indicators To Watch##br## - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-7Indicators To Watch##br## - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-8Indicators To Watch##br## - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations

Highlights Geopolitical risks were overstated in 2017, but have now become understated; If Donald Trump becomes an early "lame duck" president, he will seek relevance abroad; This could mean a protectionist White House, or increased geopolitical tensions with Iran and North Korea; North Korean internal stability could come into question as economic sanctions begin to bite; Political risks in the U.K. and Italy could rise with markets overly complacent on both; Emerging markets, particularly Brazil and Mexico, will see renewed political risk. Feature Buoyant global growth, political stability in Europe, and steady policymakers' hands in China have fueled risk assets in 2017. As the year draws to a close, investors also have tax cuts in the U.S. to celebrate. Our high conviction view that tax cuts would happen - and that they would be fiscally profligate - is near the finish line.1 In making this call, we ignored the failure to repeal Obamacare, the "wisdom" of old "D.C. hands," and direct intelligence from a source inside the White House circle who swore tax reform would be revenue neutral. Throughout the year, BCA's Geopolitical Strategy remained confident that the GOP would ignore its fiscal conservative credentials and focus on the midterm elections.2 That election is increasingly looking like a bloodbath-in-the-making for the Republican Party (Chart 1). What of the latest opinion polls showing that the tax cuts are unpopular with half of all Americans? The polls also show that a solid one-third of all Americans remain in support of the Republican plan (Chart 2). We suspect - as do Republican strategists - that those are the Republicans who vote in midterm elections. Given the atrociously low turnout in midterm elections - just 36.4% of Americans voted in 2014 - Republicans need their base to turn out in November. The tax cuts are not about the wider American public but the Republican base. Chart 1Midterm Election: A Bloodbath? Midterm Election: A Bloodbath? Midterm Election: A Bloodbath? Chart 2Republican Base Supports Tax Cuts Five Black Swans In 2018 Five Black Swans In 2018 As we close the book on 2017, we look with trepidation towards 2018. Our main theme for next year is that the combination of economic stimulus from the tax cuts in the U.S. and structural reforms in China will create a U.S.-dollar-bullish policy mix that will combine into a headwind for global risk assets, particularly emerging market equities.3 However, in this report, we focus on some of the more exotic risks that investors may have to deal with. In particular we focus on five potential "black swans" - low probability, high market-impact events - that are neither on the market's radar nor the media's. To qualify for our list, the events must be: Unlikely: There must be less than a 20% probability that the event will occur in the next 12 months. Out of sight: The scenario we present should not be receiving media coverage, at least not as a serious market risk. Geopolitical: We must be able to identify the risk scenario through the lens of our geopolitical methodology. Genuinely unpredictable events - such as meteor strikes, pandemics, crippling cyber-attacks, solar flares, alien invasions, and failures in the computer program running the simulation that we call the universe - do not make the cut. Black Swan 1: Lame Duck Trump "Lame duck" presidents - leaders whose popularity late in their term has sunk so low that they can no longer affect policy - are said to be particularly adventurous in the foreign arena. While this adage has a spotty empirical record, there are several notable examples in recent memory.4 American presidents have few constitutional constraints when it comes to foreign policy. Therefore, when domestic constraints rise, U.S. presidents seek relevance abroad. Chart 3The Day After The Midterms, Trump's Overall Popularity Will Matter More Than That Among Republicans Five Black Swans In 2018 Five Black Swans In 2018 President Trump may become the earliest, and lamest, lame duck president in recent U.S. history. While his Republican support remains healthy, his overall popularity is well below the average presidential approval rating at this point in the political cycle (Chart 3). Based on these poll numbers, his party is likely to underperform in the upcoming midterm election (Chart 4). A Democrat-led House of Representatives would have the votes to begin impeachment, which we would then consider likely in 2019. As we have argued in our "impeachment handbook," the market impact of such a crisis would ultimately depend on market fundamentals and the global context, not political intrigue.5 Chart 4Trump Is Becoming A Liability For The GOP Five Black Swans In 2018 Five Black Swans In 2018 President Trump's political capital ahead of the midterm elections is based on his ability to influence Republican legislators. Despite low overall poll numbers, President Trump can use the threat of endorsing primary challengers against conservative peers in Congress to move his agenda in the legislature. He has effectively done this with tax cuts. However, the day after the midterm elections, President Trump's own numbers will matter for the GOP. Given that President Trump will be on the ballot in the 2020 general election, his low approval numbers with non-Republican voters will hang like an albatross around the party's neck. This is a serious issue, particularly given that 22 of the 33 Senators up for reelection in 2020 will be Republican.6 Robust economic growth and a roaring stock market have not boosted Trump's popularity so far. At the same time, a strong economy ready to translate into higher wages is about to be "pump-primed" by stimulative tax cuts (Chart 5). We would expect the result to be a stronger dollar, which should keep the U.S. trade deficit widening well into Trump's second year in office. At some point, this will become a sore political point, given Trump's protectionist rhetoric and his administration's focus on the trade balance as a key measure of U.S. power. Chart 5Wage Pressures Are Building Wage Pressures Are Building Wage Pressures Are Building What kind of adventures would we expect to see President Trump embark on in 2018? There are three prime candidates: China-U.S. trade war: The Trump administration started off with threats against China and then proceeded to negotiations. However, neither the North Korean situation nor the trade deficit has seen substantial improvement, and a lame duck Trump administration would be more likely to resort to serious punitive actions. Even improvements on the Korean peninsula would not necessarily prevent Washington from getting tougher on Beijing over trade, as the Trump administration will be driven by domestic politics. Investors should carefully watch whether the World Trade Organization deems China a "market economy," which could trigger a U.S. backlash, and whether the various investigations by U.S. Trade Representative Robert Lighthizer and Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross result in anti-dumping and countervailing duties being imposed more frequently on specific Chinese exports. Thus far, the empirical evidence suggests that the Trump administration has picked up the pace of protectionist rulings (Chart 6). Notably, the Trump administration claims that the Comprehensive Economic Dialogue has "stalled," and it is reviving deeper, structural demands on Chinese policymakers.7 Iran Jingoism: Rumors that Secretary of State Rex Tillerson may be replaced by CIA Director Mike Pompeo - who would be replaced at the CIA by Senator Tom Cotton - can only mean one thing: the White House has Iran in its sights. Both Pompeo and Cotton are hawks on Iran. The administration may be preparing to shift its focus from North Korea, where American allies in the region are urging caution, to the Middle East, where American allies in the region are urging aggression. Investors should watch whether Tillerson is removed and especially how Congress reacts to President Trump's decision on October 15 to decertify the Iran nuclear agreement (also called the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action or JCPOA). The Republican-controlled Congress has until December 15 to reimpose sanctions on Iran that were suspended as part of the deal, with merely a simple majority needed in both chambers. However, President Trump will also have an opportunity, as early as January, to end waivers on a slew of sanctions that were not covered under the JCPOA. North Korea: It would be natural to slot North Korea as first on our list of potential foreign policy adventures for President Trump. However, it does not really fit our qualification of a black swan. North Korea is not "out of sight." Additionally, President Trump has already broken with the tradition of previous administrations by upping the pressure on Pyongyang. In fact, a North Korean black swan would be if President Trump succeeded in breaking the regime in Pyongyang. To that scenario we turn next. Chart 6Trump: Game Changer In U.S. Trade Policy? Five Black Swans In 2018 Five Black Swans In 2018 Bottom Line: Geopolitics has not affected the markets in 2017, with risk assets reaching record highs and the VIX reaching record lows (Chart 7). This was our view throughout the year and we called for investors to "buy in May and have a nice day" as a result of our analysis.8 We do not see this as likely in 2018. The Trump administration has no credible legislative agenda after tax cuts. We expect Congress to stall as we enter the summer primary season and for the GOP to lose the House to the Democrats. President Trump is an astute political analyst and will sense these developments before they happen. There is a good chance that he will attempt to sway the election and pre-empt his lame duck status with an aggressive foreign policy. Chart 72017 Goldilocks: S&P 500 Up, VIX Down 2017 Goldilocks: S&P 500 Up, VIX Down 2017 Goldilocks: S&P 500 Up, VIX Down Investment implications are twofold. First, we continue to recommend an equally weighted basket of Swiss 10-year bonds and gold as a portfolio hedge.9 Second, risk premium for oil prices should rise in 2018. Not only is the supply-demand balance favorable for oil prices, but geopolitical risks are likely to rise as well. Black Swan 2: A Coup In Pyongyang Our colleague Peter Berezin, BCA's Chief Global Strategist, has suggested that a coup d'état against Supreme Leader Kim Jong-un could be a black swan trigger that spooks the markets.10 While Peter used the scenario as a tongue-in-cheek way to weave Kim into a narrative that tells of a late 2019 recession, we have long raised North Korean domestic politics as the true Korean black swan.11 Here we entertain Peter's idea for three reasons.12 First, China has upped the economic pressure on Pyongyang. Under Kim Jong-un, the North Korean state has attempted some limited economic "opening up," namely to China. But the attempt to finalize the nuclear deterrent has delayed an already precarious process. There has now been a $617 million drop in Chinese imports from the country since the beginning of the year (Chart 8), with coal imports particularly affected (Chart 9). China has also pulled back on tourism. Meanwhile, North Korea's imports of Chinese goods have risen, which suggests that the country's current account balance may be widening. At some point, if these trends continue, Pyongyang will run out of foreign currency with which to purchase Chinese and Russian imports. Chart 8China Is Turning The Screws On Pyongyang... China Is Turning The Screws On Pyongyang... China Is Turning The Screws On Pyongyang... Chart 9...Particularly On Coal Imports ...Particularly On Coal Imports ...Particularly On Coal Imports Second, Pyongyang is well aware of pressures against the regime. The assassination of Kim Jong-nam - the older half-brother of Kim Jong-un - in February of this year sent a message to the world, but especially to China, which kept Kim Jong-nam around as an alternative to the current Kim. That Pyongyang went to the extreme lengths of poisoning Kim Jong-nam with VX nerve agent in a foreign airport suggests that Kim Jong-un is still worried about threats to his rule.13 If Beijing's economic sanctions continue to tighten in 2018, the military could conceivably see the Supreme Leader's aggressive foreign policy as a risk to regime survival. Third, Pyongyang could miscalculate and create a crisis from which it cannot deescalate. A provocation that disrupts international infrastructure and commerce or kills civilians from the U.S. or Japan could trigger a downward spiral. For instance, an attack against international shipping in the Yellow Sea or Sea of Japan by North Korean submarines would be an unprecedented act that the U.S. and Japan would likely retaliate against.14 We could see the U.S. following the script from Operation Praying Mantis in the Persian Gulf in 1988 - the largest surface engagement by the U.S. Navy since the Second World War. In that incident, the U.S. sunk half of Iran's navy in retaliation for the mining of the guided missile frigate USS Samuel B. Roberts. In the case of North Korea, this would primarily mean taking out its approximately 20 Romeo-class submarines and an unknown number of domestically-produced - Yugoslav-designed - newly built submarines. Such a conflict is not our baseline case, but we assign much higher probability to it than an all-out war on the Korean Peninsula. How would Pyongyang react to the sinking of its submarines? Our best case is that the regime would do nothing. The leadership in Pyongyang is massively constrained by its quantifiable military inferiority. True, North Korea has around 6 million military personnel - about 25% of the total population is under arms - but unfortunately for Pyongyang, this large army is arrayed against one of the most sophisticated defenses ever constructed by man: the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ). To support its ground forces, North Korea would have at its disposal only about 20-30 Mig-29s. Countering two dozen jets would be South Korea's combined 177 F-15s and F-16s, plus American forces that would vary in size depending on how many aircraft carriers were deployed in the vicinity. Given that a single American aircraft carrier holds up to 48 fighter jets, North Koreans would quickly find themselves fighting a losing battle. Which is why they may never initiate one. If Kim Jong-un insists on retaliation, the military could remove and replace him with, for instance, his 30-year old sister, who has recently risen in party ranks, or his 36-year old brother Kim Jong-chul, who is apparently not entirely uninvolved in the regime despite living an unassuming life in Pyongyang. What would a regime change mean for the markets? It depends on whether it is successful or not. An unsuccessful coup could lead to a massive purge and likely a total break in Pyongyang's relations with the outside world, including China. This would seriously destabilize North Korea's decision-making. The global community would have to begin contemplating a total war on the Korean peninsula. Alternatively, a successful coup could lead to temporary volatility, yet long-term stability. The military regime in the North may even be open to reunification over the long term, depending on how U.S.-China relations evolve. Bottom Line: China does not want to cripple North Korea or throw a coup. But it is cooperating with sanctions and could therefore trigger one by mistake. At least two regimes have collapsed in the past when facing the pincer movement of economic sanctions and American military pressure - South Africa's apartheid regime in 1991 and Slobodan Miloševic's Yugoslavia in 1999. Kim Jong-un could face a similar fate, particularly if China applies excessive economic pressure. Black Swan 3: Prime Minister Jeremy Corbyn There is no election scheduled in the U.K. for 2018, but if one were to be held the ruling Tories would be in trouble (Chart 10). In fact, the combined anti-Brexit forces are currently in a solid lead over the pro-Brexit parties, Conservatives and the U.K. Independence Party (UKIP) (Chart 11). Chart 10Labour Is In The Lead... Labour Is In The Lead... Labour Is In The Lead... Chart 11...As Are Anti-Brexit Forces Writ-Large ...As Are Anti-Brexit Forces Writ-Large ...As Are Anti-Brexit Forces Writ-Large What could trigger such an election? Ultimately, the final exit deal may prompt a new election. More immediately, the ongoing negotiations over the status of the Irish border would be a prime candidate. As our colleague Dhaval Joshi, head of BCA's European Investment Strategy noted recently, Prime Minister Theresa May's government is propped up by the Northern Irish Unionists to whom May has promised that there will be no hard border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. This will likely create a crisis as the EU negotiations may inadvertently threaten the Good Friday peace agreement. The Northern Ireland Unionists will not tolerate the border moving to the Irish Sea. This would effectively take Northern Ireland into the EU customs union and single market, and out of the U.K.'s domestic trading zone. It would also embolden Scotland's push for single market access. In essence, the Tory government may collapse because of differences within the U.K.'s "three kingdoms" before it even has the chance to collapse over differences with the EU.15 The market may cheer a Labour-Scottish National Party (SNP) coalition government, a potential winner of an early election, as it would mean that a new referendum on the U.K. leaving the EU could be held. The latest polls suggest that "Bremorse" (remorse for Brexit) has set in, as a clear majority in the U.K. thinks that Brexit was a bad idea (Chart 12). However, we suspect that it would take Prime Minister Jeremy Corbyn several months, if not over a year, before he called such a referendum. First, Corbyn is on record supporting a soft Brexit, not a new referendum, and he has only just begun to adjust this position. Second, a soft Brexit is far more difficult to achieve than the hard Brexit of Prime Minister Theresa May since it requires the U.K. to subvert its sovereignty in significant ways (i.e., accepting EU regulation) in order to access the EU Common Market. Third, the most politically palatable way to re-do the referendum is to put a U.K.-EU deal up to the people to decide, which means that Corbyn first has to spend a long time negotiating that deal. Chart 12Bremorse Sets In Bremorse Sets In Bremorse Sets In The market may be disappointed to find out that PM Corbyn is not willing or able to put the question of the U.K.'s EU exit up to a vote right away. Instead, the market would have to deal with Corbyn's economic policies, which are markedly left-wing. Corbyn harkens back to the 110 Propositions pour la France of French President François Mitterrand, if not exactly to the ghastly 1970s of the U.K.'s own history. A brief sample platter of Labour's proposals under Corbyn includes: Increasing the U.K. corporate tax rate to 26% from 20%; Increasing the minimum wage; Forcing companies not to out-source operations; Nationalizing public infrastructure companies. How should investors play a Corbyn victory? We think that the U.K. pound would likely rally on a higher probability of reversing Brexit. However, this "no Brexit" rally would quickly dissipate as PM Corbyn reiterated his promise to fulfill the democratic desire of the population to exit the EU. While Corbyn's negotiating team set to work on getting a better Brexit deal out of Brussels, the market would quickly turn its attention to the reality that Corbyn is not kidding about socialism.16 The result would be a selloff in the pound. Bottom Line: BCA's Foreign Exchange Strategy has pointed out that the pound remains well below its fair value (Chart 13). However, as BCA's chief FX strategist Mathieu Savary points out, the valuation technicals may be misleading as the currency has entered a new economic, trade, and political paradigm. A Corbyn premiership is not clearly positive for Brexit, while opening up a completely different question: is the U.K. also exiting the free-market, laissez-faire paradigm that it has helped lead since May 1979? Black Swan 4: Italy Is A Black Swan Hiding In Plain Sight The spread between Italian and German 10-year government bonds has narrowed 72 basis points since April, suggesting that investors have grown comfortable with the risks associated with the Italian election due by May (Chart 14). There are three reasons why we agree with the market: Chart 13Pound Valuation Reflects Post-Brexit Paradigm Pound Valuation Reflects Post-Brexit Paradigm Pound Valuation Reflects Post-Brexit Paradigm Chart 14Investors Not Worried About Italy Investors Not Worried About Italy Investors Not Worried About Italy New electoral rules passed in October make it highly likely that a center-right alliance will take shape between the Forza Italia of former Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi and the mildly Eurosketpic Lega Nord. These two could form a government alone, or in a grand coalition with the center-left Democratic Party (PD) (Chart 15). Both Lega Nord and the anti-establishment Five Star Movement (M5S) have moved to the center on the questions of European integration and membership in the currency union; The European migration crisis is over and its supposedly constant impact on Italy is waning (Chart 16). Meanwhile, Italy's economy is on the mend, with its banking sector finally following the Spanish trajectory with a drop in non-performing loans (Chart 17). Chart 15Italy Set For A Hung Parliament Italy Set For A Hung Parliament Italy Set For A Hung Parliament Chart 16Migration Crisis Is Over (Yes, Even In Italy) Migration Crisis Is Over (Yes, Even In Italy) Migration Crisis Is Over (Yes, Even In Italy) Chart 17Italian Recovery Is Just Starting Italian Recovery Is Just Starting Italian Recovery Is Just Starting That said, we continue to warn clients that the underlying support for the common currency is lagging in Italy. The support level is just above 55%, despite a strong rally in the rest of the Euro Area (Chart 18). Similarly, over 40% of Italians appear confident in the country's future outside of the EU (Chart 19). Chart 18Italians Stand Out For Distrust Of Euro Italians Stand Out For Distrust Of Euro Italians Stand Out For Distrust Of Euro Chart 19Italians Not Enthusiastic About EU Italians Not Enthusiastic About EU Italians Not Enthusiastic About EU Our baseline case is that Italian elections will produce a weak and ineffective government, though crucially not a Euroskeptic one. How could we be wrong? Easy: one of the three reasons why we agree with the market could shift. For example, M5S could alter its pledge to remain in the Euro Area and surprisingly win on a Euroskeptic platform. Why would the party do something like that? Because it makes sense! Polls are already showing that M5S's recent moderation on the euro is not paying political dividends, with its support sharply sliding since the summer. With power quickly slipping out of reach for the party, why wouldn't they put a down-payment on the next election by trusting the underlying trend in opinion polling and investing in a Euroskeptic platform that might pay political dividends in the future? If we think that this strategy makes sense based on the data, then the M5S leadership might as well. Chart 20Can MIB Keep Outperforming? Can MIB Keep Outperforming? Can MIB Keep Outperforming? Another scenario is a major terror attack perpetrated by recent migrants from North Africa. Italy has been spared from radical Islamic terror. As such, the country may not be as desensitized to it as other European nations. A strong showing by Lega Nord and the far-right Fratelli d'Italia could force Forza Italia to move to the right as well. On our travels, we have noticed that few investors want to talk about Italy. There is wide acknowledgement of the structural trends pointing to a rise of Euroskepticism in the country, but also an appearance of consensus that this is a problem for a later date. We agree with this consensus, but our conviction is low. Bottom Line: Italian election risk is completely unappreciated by the markets. The country's equity market is one of the best performing this year (Chart 20), while government bonds are pricing in no political risk as the election approaches. We believe that shorting both would present a good hedging opportunity. Black Swan 5: Bloodbath In Latin America Our last black swan risk is not really a black swan to us but a forecast we believe will happen. As we outlined last month, we fear that Chinese policy-induced credit contraction will be negative for emerging markets, as BCA's Emerging Markets Strategy data asserts (Chart 21). BCA's Foreign Exchange Strategy has pointed out in its latest missive that its "Carry Canary Indicator" - performance of EM/JPY crosses - is signaling that a sharp deceleration in global growth is coming in Q1 2018 (Chart 22).17 Latin America (especially Chile, Peru, and Brazil) is the region most exposed to the combination of a slowing China and a China-induced drop in commodity prices. Chart 21When China Sneezes, EM Gets The Flu When China Sneezes, EM Gets The Flu When China Sneezes, EM Gets The Flu Chart 22Ominous Signal From EM/JPY Ominous Signal From EM/JPY Ominous Signal From EM/JPY From a political perspective, this is most negative for Brazil and Mexico. Both countries hold elections in 2018, with the Mexican election further complicated by the ongoing NAFTA renegotiations. We believe that the future of NAFTA hangs in the balance, with a high probability that the Trump administration will decide to abrogate the deal.18 Currently, anti-market political forces are in the lead in both countries. In Brazil, no pro-market candidate is leading in the polls (Chart 23). In fact, anti-market options have a 48% lead on the centrists. Granted, there are ten months until the election, but we are skeptical that the Brazilian population will change its mind and support reformers. If the "median voter" in Brazil supported reforms, the current Temer administration would have passed them already. In Mexico, anti-establishment candidate Andrés Manuel López Obrador (also known as AMLO) is leading in the polls (Chart 24), as is his new party Morena (Chart 25). If Morena wins the most seats in the Mexican Congress, it will be more difficult for the opposition parties to combine to counter it.19 Chart 23There Is No Pro-Market Option In Brazil There Is No Pro-Market Option In Brazil There Is No Pro-Market Option In Brazil Chart 24AMLO Is In The Lead ... Five Black Swans In 2018 Five Black Swans In 2018 Chart 25...As Is Morena Five Black Swans In 2018 Five Black Swans In 2018 In 2017, we argued that politics were not a tailwind for EM asset performance. Instead, investors chased yield in the favorable economic context of Chinese economic stimulus, low developed market yields, and a weak U.S. dollar. In reality, politics was just as dire in much of EM as it was in prior years of asset underperformance, but the surge of global liquidity in 2018 masked the problems. We do not think the EM rally is sustainable in 2018. As the global economic and market context shifts, investors will start paying attention. Suddenly, political problems will enter into focus. Here we argue that Brazil and Mexico are likely to be the main targets of portfolio outflows, but a strong case could be made for South Africa and Turkey as well.20 Bottom Line: Political risk in Latin America will return. Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Chief Geopolitical Strategist marko@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "U.S. Election: Outcomes & Investment Implications," dated November 9, 2016, and "Constraints & Preferences Of The Trump Presidency," dated November 30, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "Reconciliation And The Markets - Warning: This Report May Put You To Sleep," dated May 31, 2017, "How Long Can The 'Trump Put' Last?" dated June 14, 2017, and "Is King Dollar Back?" dated October 4, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "Geopolitics - From Overstated To Understated Risks," dated November 22, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 4 President Clinton launched the largest NATO military operation against Yugoslavia amidst impeachment proceedings against him while President George H. W. Bush ordered U.S. troops to Somalia a month after losing the 1992 election. Ironically, President George H. W. Bush intervened in Somalia in order to lock in the supposedly isolationist Bill Clinton, who had defeated him three weeks earlier, into an internationalist foreign policy. President George W. Bush ordered the "surge" of troops into Iraq in 2007 after losing both houses of Congress in 2006; President Obama arranged the Iranian nuclear deal after losing the Senate (and hence Congress) to the Republicans in 2014. 5 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "Break Glass In Case Of Impeachment," dated May 17, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 6 Particularly vulnerable, in our view, will be Cory Gardner (R, Colorado), Joni Ernst (R, Iowa), Susan Collins (R, Maine), and Thom Tillis (R, North Carolina). 7 U.S. Treasury Under Secretary for International Affairs David Malpass recently claimed that high-level talks had "stalled" and re-emphasized the U.S.'s structural complaints: "We are concerned that China's economic liberalization seems to have slowed or reversed, with the role of the state increasing ... State-owned enterprises have not faced hard budget constraints and China's industrial policy has become more and more problematic for foreign firms. Huge export credits are flowing in non-economic ways that distort markets." The growing presence of Communist Party cells within corporations is another important structural concern that puts the administration at loggerheads with China's leaders. Please see Andrew Mayeda and Saleha Mohsin, "US Rebukes China For Backing Off Market Embrace," Bloomberg, November 30, 2017, available at www.bloomberg.com. 8 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "Buy In May And Enjoy Your Day!" dated April 26, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 9 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "Can Pyongyang Derail The Bull Market?" dated August 16, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 10 Please see BCA Global Investment Strategy, "A Timeline For The Next Five Years: Part II," dated December 1, 2017, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 11 Please see "North Korea: From Overstated To Understated" in BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "Strategic Outlook 2016: Multipolarity & Markets," dated December 9, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. A notable coup attempt occurred in 1995-96 in North Hamgyong; something like a coup attempt may have occurred in 2013; and defectors from North Korea have reported various stories of plots and conspiracies against the regime. 12 After all, Peter predicted that Donald Trump would be a serious candidate for the U.S. presidency back in September 2015! 13 Still worried, that is, even after Kim Jong-un's supposed "consolidation of power" in 2013-14 when he executed his influential and China-aligned uncle, Jang Song Thaek, and purged the latter's faction. There were reports of rogue military operations at that time. With low troop morale reported by North Korean defectors, the possibility of insubordination cannot be ruled out. 14 A North Korean submarine sank the South Korean corvette Cheonan in 2010, and North Korean artillery shelled two islands killing South Korean civilians later that year, but these attacks were still within the norm of North Korean provocations. The two countries are still technically at war and have contested maritime as well as land borders. 15 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now," dated December 14, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 16 To help investors get ready for a Corbyn premiership, we thought his appearance on President Nicolás Maduro's weekly radio show would be a good place to start: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7eL8_wtS-0I 17 Please see BCA Foreign Exchange Strategy, "Canaries In The Coal Mine Alert: EM/JPY Carry Trades," dated December 1, 2017, available at fes.bcaresearch.com. 18 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy and Global Investment Strategy, "NAFTA - Populism Vs. Pluto-Populism," dated November 10, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 19 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy and Emerging Markets Strategy "Update On Emerging Markets: Malaysia, Mexico, And The United States Of America," dated August 9, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 20 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "South Africa: Crisis Of Expectations," dated June 28, 2017, and "Turkey: Military Adventurism And Capital Controls," dated December 7, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. Geopolitical Calendar

Highlights Geopolitical risks were overstated in 2017, but have now become understated; If Donald Trump becomes an early "lame duck" president, he will seek relevance abroad; This could mean a protectionist White House, or increased geopolitical tensions with Iran and North Korea; North Korean internal stability could come into question as economic sanctions begin to bite; Political risks in the U.K. and Italy could rise with markets overly complacent on both; Emerging markets, particularly Brazil and Mexico, will see renewed political risk. Feature Buoyant global growth, political stability in Europe, and steady policymakers' hands in China have fueled risk assets in 2017. As the year draws to a close, investors also have tax cuts in the U.S. to celebrate. Our high conviction view that tax cuts would happen - and that they would be fiscally profligate - is near the finish line.1 In making this call, we ignored the failure to repeal Obamacare, the "wisdom" of old "D.C. hands," and direct intelligence from a source inside the White House circle who swore tax reform would be revenue neutral. Throughout the year, BCA's Geopolitical Strategy remained confident that the GOP would ignore its fiscal conservative credentials and focus on the midterm elections.2 That election is increasingly looking like a bloodbath-in-the-making for the Republican Party (Chart 1). What of the latest opinion polls showing that the tax cuts are unpopular with half of all Americans? The polls also show that a solid one-third of all Americans remain in support of the Republican plan (Chart 2). We suspect - as do Republican strategists - that those are the Republicans who vote in midterm elections. Given the atrociously low turnout in midterm elections - just 36.4% of Americans voted in 2014 - Republicans need their base to turn out in November. The tax cuts are not about the wider American public but the Republican base. Chart 1Midterm Election: A Bloodbath? Midterm Election: A Bloodbath? Midterm Election: A Bloodbath? Chart 2Republican Base Supports Tax Cuts Five Black Swans In 2018 Five Black Swans In 2018 As we close the book on 2017, we look with trepidation towards 2018. Our main theme for next year is that the combination of economic stimulus from the tax cuts in the U.S. and structural reforms in China will create a U.S.-dollar-bullish policy mix that will combine into a headwind for global risk assets, particularly emerging market equities.3 However, in this report, we focus on some of the more exotic risks that investors may have to deal with. In particular we focus on five potential "black swans" - low probability, high market-impact events - that are neither on the market's radar nor the media's. To qualify for our list, the events must be: Unlikely: There must be less than a 20% probability that the event will occur in the next 12 months. Out of sight: The scenario we present should not be receiving media coverage, at least not as a serious market risk. Geopolitical: We must be able to identify the risk scenario through the lens of our geopolitical methodology. Genuinely unpredictable events - such as meteor strikes, pandemics, crippling cyber-attacks, solar flares, alien invasions, and failures in the computer program running the simulation that we call the universe - do not make the cut. Black Swan 1: Lame Duck Trump "Lame duck" presidents - leaders whose popularity late in their term has sunk so low that they can no longer affect policy - are said to be particularly adventurous in the foreign arena. While this adage has a spotty empirical record, there are several notable examples in recent memory.4 American presidents have few constitutional constraints when it comes to foreign policy. Therefore, when domestic constraints rise, U.S. presidents seek relevance abroad. Chart 3The Day After The Midterms, Trump's Overall Popularity Will Matter More Than That Among Republicans Five Black Swans In 2018 Five Black Swans In 2018 President Trump may become the earliest, and lamest, lame duck president in recent U.S. history. While his Republican support remains healthy, his overall popularity is well below the average presidential approval rating at this point in the political cycle (Chart 3). Based on these poll numbers, his party is likely to underperform in the upcoming midterm election (Chart 4). A Democrat-led House of Representatives would have the votes to begin impeachment, which we would then consider likely in 2019. As we have argued in our "impeachment handbook," the market impact of such a crisis would ultimately depend on market fundamentals and the global context, not political intrigue.5 Chart 4Trump Is Becoming A Liability For The GOP Five Black Swans In 2018 Five Black Swans In 2018 President Trump's political capital ahead of the midterm elections is based on his ability to influence Republican legislators. Despite low overall poll numbers, President Trump can use the threat of endorsing primary challengers against conservative peers in Congress to move his agenda in the legislature. He has effectively done this with tax cuts. However, the day after the midterm elections, President Trump's own numbers will matter for the GOP. Given that President Trump will be on the ballot in the 2020 general election, his low approval numbers with non-Republican voters will hang like an albatross around the party's neck. This is a serious issue, particularly given that 22 of the 33 Senators up for reelection in 2020 will be Republican.6 Robust economic growth and a roaring stock market have not boosted Trump's popularity so far. At the same time, a strong economy ready to translate into higher wages is about to be "pump-primed" by stimulative tax cuts (Chart 5). We would expect the result to be a stronger dollar, which should keep the U.S. trade deficit widening well into Trump's second year in office. At some point, this will become a sore political point, given Trump's protectionist rhetoric and his administration's focus on the trade balance as a key measure of U.S. power. Chart 5Wage Pressures Are Building Wage Pressures Are Building Wage Pressures Are Building What kind of adventures would we expect to see President Trump embark on in 2018? There are three prime candidates: China-U.S. trade war: The Trump administration started off with threats against China and then proceeded to negotiations. However, neither the North Korean situation nor the trade deficit has seen substantial improvement, and a lame duck Trump administration would be more likely to resort to serious punitive actions. Even improvements on the Korean peninsula would not necessarily prevent Washington from getting tougher on Beijing over trade, as the Trump administration will be driven by domestic politics. Investors should carefully watch whether the World Trade Organization deems China a "market economy," which could trigger a U.S. backlash, and whether the various investigations by U.S. Trade Representative Robert Lighthizer and Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross result in anti-dumping and countervailing duties being imposed more frequently on specific Chinese exports. Thus far, the empirical evidence suggests that the Trump administration has picked up the pace of protectionist rulings (Chart 6). Notably, the Trump administration claims that the Comprehensive Economic Dialogue has "stalled," and it is reviving deeper, structural demands on Chinese policymakers.7 Iran Jingoism: Rumors that Secretary of State Rex Tillerson may be replaced by CIA Director Mike Pompeo - who would be replaced at the CIA by Senator Tom Cotton - can only mean one thing: the White House has Iran in its sights. Both Pompeo and Cotton are hawks on Iran. The administration may be preparing to shift its focus from North Korea, where American allies in the region are urging caution, to the Middle East, where American allies in the region are urging aggression. Investors should watch whether Tillerson is removed and especially how Congress reacts to President Trump's decision on October 15 to decertify the Iran nuclear agreement (also called the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action or JCPOA). The Republican-controlled Congress has until December 15 to reimpose sanctions on Iran that were suspended as part of the deal, with merely a simple majority needed in both chambers. However, President Trump will also have an opportunity, as early as January, to end waivers on a slew of sanctions that were not covered under the JCPOA. North Korea: It would be natural to slot North Korea as first on our list of potential foreign policy adventures for President Trump. However, it does not really fit our qualification of a black swan. North Korea is not "out of sight." Additionally, President Trump has already broken with the tradition of previous administrations by upping the pressure on Pyongyang. In fact, a North Korean black swan would be if President Trump succeeded in breaking the regime in Pyongyang. To that scenario we turn next. Chart 6Trump: Game Changer In U.S. Trade Policy? Five Black Swans In 2018 Five Black Swans In 2018 Bottom Line: Geopolitics has not affected the markets in 2017, with risk assets reaching record highs and the VIX reaching record lows (Chart 7). This was our view throughout the year and we called for investors to "buy in May and have a nice day" as a result of our analysis.8 We do not see this as likely in 2018. The Trump administration has no credible legislative agenda after tax cuts. We expect Congress to stall as we enter the summer primary season and for the GOP to lose the House to the Democrats. President Trump is an astute political analyst and will sense these developments before they happen. There is a good chance that he will attempt to sway the election and pre-empt his lame duck status with an aggressive foreign policy. Chart 72017 Goldilocks: S&P 500 Up, VIX Down 2017 Goldilocks: S&P 500 Up, VIX Down 2017 Goldilocks: S&P 500 Up, VIX Down Investment implications are twofold. First, we continue to recommend an equally weighted basket of Swiss 10-year bonds and gold as a portfolio hedge.9 Second, risk premium for oil prices should rise in 2018. Not only is the supply-demand balance favorable for oil prices, but geopolitical risks are likely to rise as well. Black Swan 2: A Coup In Pyongyang Our colleague Peter Berezin, BCA's Chief Global Strategist, has suggested that a coup d'état against Supreme Leader Kim Jong-un could be a black swan trigger that spooks the markets.10 While Peter used the scenario as a tongue-in-cheek way to weave Kim into a narrative that tells of a late 2019 recession, we have long raised North Korean domestic politics as the true Korean black swan.11 Here we entertain Peter's idea for three reasons.12 First, China has upped the economic pressure on Pyongyang. Under Kim Jong-un, the North Korean state has attempted some limited economic "opening up," namely to China. But the attempt to finalize the nuclear deterrent has delayed an already precarious process. There has now been a $617 million drop in Chinese imports from the country since the beginning of the year (Chart 8), with coal imports particularly affected (Chart 9). China has also pulled back on tourism. Meanwhile, North Korea's imports of Chinese goods have risen, which suggests that the country's current account balance may be widening. At some point, if these trends continue, Pyongyang will run out of foreign currency with which to purchase Chinese and Russian imports. Chart 8China Is Turning The Screws On Pyongyang... China Is Turning The Screws On Pyongyang... China Is Turning The Screws On Pyongyang... Chart 9...Particularly On Coal Imports ...Particularly On Coal Imports ...Particularly On Coal Imports Second, Pyongyang is well aware of pressures against the regime. The assassination of Kim Jong-nam - the older half-brother of Kim Jong-un - in February of this year sent a message to the world, but especially to China, which kept Kim Jong-nam around as an alternative to the current Kim. That Pyongyang went to the extreme lengths of poisoning Kim Jong-nam with VX nerve agent in a foreign airport suggests that Kim Jong-un is still worried about threats to his rule.13 If Beijing's economic sanctions continue to tighten in 2018, the military could conceivably see the Supreme Leader's aggressive foreign policy as a risk to regime survival. Third, Pyongyang could miscalculate and create a crisis from which it cannot deescalate. A provocation that disrupts international infrastructure and commerce or kills civilians from the U.S. or Japan could trigger a downward spiral. For instance, an attack against international shipping in the Yellow Sea or Sea of Japan by North Korean submarines would be an unprecedented act that the U.S. and Japan would likely retaliate against.14 We could see the U.S. following the script from Operation Praying Mantis in the Persian Gulf in 1988 - the largest surface engagement by the U.S. Navy since the Second World War. In that incident, the U.S. sunk half of Iran's navy in retaliation for the mining of the guided missile frigate USS Samuel B. Roberts. In the case of North Korea, this would primarily mean taking out its approximately 20 Romeo-class submarines and an unknown number of domestically-produced - Yugoslav-designed - newly built submarines. Such a conflict is not our baseline case, but we assign much higher probability to it than an all-out war on the Korean Peninsula. How would Pyongyang react to the sinking of its submarines? Our best case is that the regime would do nothing. The leadership in Pyongyang is massively constrained by its quantifiable military inferiority. True, North Korea has around 6 million military personnel - about 25% of the total population is under arms - but unfortunately for Pyongyang, this large army is arrayed against one of the most sophisticated defenses ever constructed by man: the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ). To support its ground forces, North Korea would have at its disposal only about 20-30 Mig-29s. Countering two dozen jets would be South Korea's combined 177 F-15s and F-16s, plus American forces that would vary in size depending on how many aircraft carriers were deployed in the vicinity. Given that a single American aircraft carrier holds up to 48 fighter jets, North Koreans would quickly find themselves fighting a losing battle. Which is why they may never initiate one. If Kim Jong-un insists on retaliation, the military could remove and replace him with, for instance, his 30-year old sister, who has recently risen in party ranks, or his 36-year old brother Kim Jong-chul, who is apparently not entirely uninvolved in the regime despite living an unassuming life in Pyongyang. What would a regime change mean for the markets? It depends on whether it is successful or not. An unsuccessful coup could lead to a massive purge and likely a total break in Pyongyang's relations with the outside world, including China. This would seriously destabilize North Korea's decision-making. The global community would have to begin contemplating a total war on the Korean peninsula. Alternatively, a successful coup could lead to temporary volatility, yet long-term stability. The military regime in the North may even be open to reunification over the long term, depending on how U.S.-China relations evolve. Bottom Line: China does not want to cripple North Korea or throw a coup. But it is cooperating with sanctions and could therefore trigger one by mistake. At least two regimes have collapsed in the past when facing the pincer movement of economic sanctions and American military pressure - South Africa's apartheid regime in 1991 and Slobodan Miloševic's Yugoslavia in 1999. Kim Jong-un could face a similar fate, particularly if China applies excessive economic pressure. Black Swan 3: Prime Minister Jeremy Corbyn There is no election scheduled in the U.K. for 2018, but if one were to be held the ruling Tories would be in trouble (Chart 10). In fact, the combined anti-Brexit forces are currently in a solid lead over the pro-Brexit parties, Conservatives and the U.K. Independence Party (UKIP) (Chart 11). Chart 10Labour Is In The Lead... Labour Is In The Lead... Labour Is In The Lead... Chart 11...As Are Anti-Brexit Forces Writ-Large ...As Are Anti-Brexit Forces Writ-Large ...As Are Anti-Brexit Forces Writ-Large What could trigger such an election? Ultimately, the final exit deal may prompt a new election. More immediately, the ongoing negotiations over the status of the Irish border would be a prime candidate. As our colleague Dhaval Joshi, head of BCA's European Investment Strategy noted recently, Prime Minister Theresa May's government is propped up by the Northern Irish Unionists to whom May has promised that there will be no hard border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. This will likely create a crisis as the EU negotiations may inadvertently threaten the Good Friday peace agreement. The Northern Ireland Unionists will not tolerate the border moving to the Irish Sea. This would effectively take Northern Ireland into the EU customs union and single market, and out of the U.K.'s domestic trading zone. It would also embolden Scotland's push for single market access. In essence, the Tory government may collapse because of differences within the U.K.'s "three kingdoms" before it even has the chance to collapse over differences with the EU.15 The market may cheer a Labour-Scottish National Party (SNP) coalition government, a potential winner of an early election, as it would mean that a new referendum on the U.K. leaving the EU could be held. The latest polls suggest that "Bremorse" (remorse for Brexit) has set in, as a clear majority in the U.K. thinks that Brexit was a bad idea (Chart 12). However, we suspect that it would take Prime Minister Jeremy Corbyn several months, if not over a year, before he called such a referendum. First, Corbyn is on record supporting a soft Brexit, not a new referendum, and he has only just begun to adjust this position. Second, a soft Brexit is far more difficult to achieve than the hard Brexit of Prime Minister Theresa May since it requires the U.K. to subvert its sovereignty in significant ways (i.e., accepting EU regulation) in order to access the EU Common Market. Third, the most politically palatable way to re-do the referendum is to put a U.K.-EU deal up to the people to decide, which means that Corbyn first has to spend a long time negotiating that deal. Chart 12Bremorse Sets In Bremorse Sets In Bremorse Sets In The market may be disappointed to find out that PM Corbyn is not willing or able to put the question of the U.K.'s EU exit up to a vote right away. Instead, the market would have to deal with Corbyn's economic policies, which are markedly left-wing. Corbyn harkens back to the 110 Propositions pour la France of French President François Mitterrand, if not exactly to the ghastly 1970s of the U.K.'s own history. A brief sample platter of Labour's proposals under Corbyn includes: Increasing the U.K. corporate tax rate to 26% from 20%; Increasing the minimum wage; Forcing companies not to out-source operations; Nationalizing public infrastructure companies. How should investors play a Corbyn victory? We think that the U.K. pound would likely rally on a higher probability of reversing Brexit. However, this "no Brexit" rally would quickly dissipate as PM Corbyn reiterated his promise to fulfill the democratic desire of the population to exit the EU. While Corbyn's negotiating team set to work on getting a better Brexit deal out of Brussels, the market would quickly turn its attention to the reality that Corbyn is not kidding about socialism.16 The result would be a selloff in the pound. Bottom Line: BCA's Foreign Exchange Strategy has pointed out that the pound remains well below its fair value (Chart 13). However, as BCA's chief FX strategist Mathieu Savary points out, the valuation technicals may be misleading as the currency has entered a new economic, trade, and political paradigm. A Corbyn premiership is not clearly positive for Brexit, while opening up a completely different question: is the U.K. also exiting the free-market, laissez-faire paradigm that it has helped lead since May 1979? Black Swan 4: Italy Is A Black Swan Hiding In Plain Sight The spread between Italian and German 10-year government bonds has narrowed 72 basis points since April, suggesting that investors have grown comfortable with the risks associated with the Italian election due by May (Chart 14). There are three reasons why we agree with the market: Chart 13Pound Valuation Reflects Post-Brexit Paradigm Pound Valuation Reflects Post-Brexit Paradigm Pound Valuation Reflects Post-Brexit Paradigm Chart 14Investors Not Worried About Italy Investors Not Worried About Italy Investors Not Worried About Italy New electoral rules passed in October make it highly likely that a center-right alliance will take shape between the Forza Italia of former Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi and the mildly Eurosketpic Lega Nord. These two could form a government alone, or in a grand coalition with the center-left Democratic Party (PD) (Chart 15). Both Lega Nord and the anti-establishment Five Star Movement (M5S) have moved to the center on the questions of European integration and membership in the currency union; The European migration crisis is over and its supposedly constant impact on Italy is waning (Chart 16). Meanwhile, Italy's economy is on the mend, with its banking sector finally following the Spanish trajectory with a drop in non-performing loans (Chart 17). Chart 15Italy Set For A Hung Parliament Italy Set For A Hung Parliament Italy Set For A Hung Parliament Chart 16Migration Crisis Is Over (Yes, Even In Italy) Migration Crisis Is Over (Yes, Even In Italy) Migration Crisis Is Over (Yes, Even In Italy) Chart 17Italian Recovery Is Just Starting Italian Recovery Is Just Starting Italian Recovery Is Just Starting That said, we continue to warn clients that the underlying support for the common currency is lagging in Italy. The support level is just above 55%, despite a strong rally in the rest of the Euro Area (Chart 18). Similarly, over 40% of Italians appear confident in the country's future outside of the EU (Chart 19). Chart 18Italians Stand Out For Distrust Of Euro Italians Stand Out For Distrust Of Euro Italians Stand Out For Distrust Of Euro Chart 19Italians Not Enthusiastic About EU Italians Not Enthusiastic About EU Italians Not Enthusiastic About EU Our baseline case is that Italian elections will produce a weak and ineffective government, though crucially not a Euroskeptic one. How could we be wrong? Easy: one of the three reasons why we agree with the market could shift. For example, M5S could alter its pledge to remain in the Euro Area and surprisingly win on a Euroskeptic platform. Why would the party do something like that? Because it makes sense! Polls are already showing that M5S's recent moderation on the euro is not paying political dividends, with its support sharply sliding since the summer. With power quickly slipping out of reach for the party, why wouldn't they put a down-payment on the next election by trusting the underlying trend in opinion polling and investing in a Euroskeptic platform that might pay political dividends in the future? If we think that this strategy makes sense based on the data, then the M5S leadership might as well. Chart 20Can MIB Keep Outperforming? Can MIB Keep Outperforming? Can MIB Keep Outperforming? Another scenario is a major terror attack perpetrated by recent migrants from North Africa. Italy has been spared from radical Islamic terror. As such, the country may not be as desensitized to it as other European nations. A strong showing by Lega Nord and the far-right Fratelli d'Italia could force Forza Italia to move to the right as well. On our travels, we have noticed that few investors want to talk about Italy. There is wide acknowledgement of the structural trends pointing to a rise of Euroskepticism in the country, but also an appearance of consensus that this is a problem for a later date. We agree with this consensus, but our conviction is low. Bottom Line: Italian election risk is completely unappreciated by the markets. The country's equity market is one of the best performing this year (Chart 20), while government bonds are pricing in no political risk as the election approaches. We believe that shorting both would present a good hedging opportunity. Black Swan 5: Bloodbath In Latin America Our last black swan risk is not really a black swan to us but a forecast we believe will happen. As we outlined last month, we fear that Chinese policy-induced credit contraction will be negative for emerging markets, as BCA's Emerging Markets Strategy data asserts (Chart 21). BCA's Foreign Exchange Strategy has pointed out in its latest missive that its "Carry Canary Indicator" - performance of EM/JPY crosses - is signaling that a sharp deceleration in global growth is coming in Q1 2018 (Chart 22).17 Latin America (especially Chile, Peru, and Brazil) is the region most exposed to the combination of a slowing China and a China-induced drop in commodity prices. Chart 21When China Sneezes, EM Gets The Flu When China Sneezes, EM Gets The Flu When China Sneezes, EM Gets The Flu Chart 22Ominous Signal From EM/JPY Ominous Signal From EM/JPY Ominous Signal From EM/JPY From a political perspective, this is most negative for Brazil and Mexico. Both countries hold elections in 2018, with the Mexican election further complicated by the ongoing NAFTA renegotiations. We believe that the future of NAFTA hangs in the balance, with a high probability that the Trump administration will decide to abrogate the deal.18 Currently, anti-market political forces are in the lead in both countries. In Brazil, no pro-market candidate is leading in the polls (Chart 23). In fact, anti-market options have a 48% lead on the centrists. Granted, there are ten months until the election, but we are skeptical that the Brazilian population will change its mind and support reformers. If the "median voter" in Brazil supported reforms, the current Temer administration would have passed them already. In Mexico, anti-establishment candidate Andrés Manuel López Obrador (also known as AMLO) is leading in the polls (Chart 24), as is his new party Morena (Chart 25). If Morena wins the most seats in the Mexican Congress, it will be more difficult for the opposition parties to combine to counter it.19 Chart 23There Is No Pro-Market Option In Brazil There Is No Pro-Market Option In Brazil There Is No Pro-Market Option In Brazil Chart 24AMLO Is In The Lead ... Five Black Swans In 2018 Five Black Swans In 2018 Chart 25...As Is Morena Five Black Swans In 2018 Five Black Swans In 2018 In 2017, we argued that politics were not a tailwind for EM asset performance. Instead, investors chased yield in the favorable economic context of Chinese economic stimulus, low developed market yields, and a weak U.S. dollar. In reality, politics was just as dire in much of EM as it was in prior years of asset underperformance, but the surge of global liquidity in 2018 masked the problems. We do not think the EM rally is sustainable in 2018. As the global economic and market context shifts, investors will start paying attention. Suddenly, political problems will enter into focus. Here we argue that Brazil and Mexico are likely to be the main targets of portfolio outflows, but a strong case could be made for South Africa and Turkey as well.20 Bottom Line: Political risk in Latin America will return. Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Chief Geopolitical Strategist marko@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "U.S. Election: Outcomes & Investment Implications," dated November 9, 2016, and "Constraints & Preferences Of The Trump Presidency," dated November 30, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "Reconciliation And The Markets - Warning: This Report May Put You To Sleep," dated May 31, 2017, "How Long Can The 'Trump Put' Last?" dated June 14, 2017, and "Is King Dollar Back?" dated October 4, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "Geopolitics - From Overstated To Understated Risks," dated November 22, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 4 President Clinton launched the largest NATO military operation against Yugoslavia amidst impeachment proceedings against him while President George H. W. Bush ordered U.S. troops to Somalia a month after losing the 1992 election. Ironically, President George H. W. Bush intervened in Somalia in order to lock in the supposedly isolationist Bill Clinton, who had defeated him three weeks earlier, into an internationalist foreign policy. President George W. Bush ordered the "surge" of troops into Iraq in 2007 after losing both houses of Congress in 2006; President Obama arranged the Iranian nuclear deal after losing the Senate (and hence Congress) to the Republicans in 2014. 5 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "Break Glass In Case Of Impeachment," dated May 17, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 6 Particularly vulnerable, in our view, will be Cory Gardner (R, Colorado), Joni Ernst (R, Iowa), Susan Collins (R, Maine), and Thom Tillis (R, North Carolina). 7 U.S. Treasury Under Secretary for International Affairs David Malpass recently claimed that high-level talks had "stalled" and re-emphasized the U.S.'s structural complaints: "We are concerned that China's economic liberalization seems to have slowed or reversed, with the role of the state increasing ... State-owned enterprises have not faced hard budget constraints and China's industrial policy has become more and more problematic for foreign firms. Huge export credits are flowing in non-economic ways that distort markets." The growing presence of Communist Party cells within corporations is another important structural concern that puts the administration at loggerheads with China's leaders. Please see Andrew Mayeda and Saleha Mohsin, "US Rebukes China For Backing Off Market Embrace," Bloomberg, November 30, 2017, available at www.bloomberg.com. 8 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "Buy In May And Enjoy Your Day!" dated April 26, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 9 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "Can Pyongyang Derail The Bull Market?" dated August 16, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 10 Please see BCA Global Investment Strategy, "A Timeline For The Next Five Years: Part II," dated December 1, 2017, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 11 Please see "North Korea: From Overstated To Understated" in BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "Strategic Outlook 2016: Multipolarity & Markets," dated December 9, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. A notable coup attempt occurred in 1995-96 in North Hamgyong; something like a coup attempt may have occurred in 2013; and defectors from North Korea have reported various stories of plots and conspiracies against the regime. 12 After all, Peter predicted that Donald Trump would be a serious candidate for the U.S. presidency back in September 2015! 13 Still worried, that is, even after Kim Jong-un's supposed "consolidation of power" in 2013-14 when he executed his influential and China-aligned uncle, Jang Song Thaek, and purged the latter's faction. There were reports of rogue military operations at that time. With low troop morale reported by North Korean defectors, the possibility of insubordination cannot be ruled out. 14 A North Korean submarine sank the South Korean corvette Cheonan in 2010, and North Korean artillery shelled two islands killing South Korean civilians later that year, but these attacks were still within the norm of North Korean provocations. The two countries are still technically at war and have contested maritime as well as land borders. 15 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now," dated December 14, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 16 To help investors get ready for a Corbyn premiership, we thought his appearance on President Nicolás Maduro's weekly radio show would be a good place to start: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7eL8_wtS-0I 17 Please see BCA Foreign Exchange Strategy, "Canaries In The Coal Mine Alert: EM/JPY Carry Trades," dated December 1, 2017, available at fes.bcaresearch.com. 18 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy and Global Investment Strategy, "NAFTA - Populism Vs. Pluto-Populism," dated November 10, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 19 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy and Emerging Markets Strategy "Update On Emerging Markets: Malaysia, Mexico, And The United States Of America," dated August 9, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 20 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "South Africa: Crisis Of Expectations," dated June 28, 2017, and "Turkey: Military Adventurism And Capital Controls," dated December 7, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. Geopolitical Calendar

Highlights Overstated geopolitical risks in 2017 are giving way to understated risks in 2018; The reshuffle of China's government raises policy headwinds for global growth and EM assets; U.S. politics will be roiled by a leftward turn and Trump's protectionism and foreign policy; Italian politics, more than German, is the chief threat to European risk assets; Volatility and the USD will rise; shift to neutral on European risk assets; close tactical long on Chinese Big Banks. Feature BCA's Geopolitical Strategy has operated this year on a high conviction view that geopolitical risks would be overstated, thus generating considerable upside for risk assets. Our analysis focused on three particular "red herrings": European populism, U.S. politics, and Brexit.1 Meanwhile we identified North Korea as a genuine geopolitical risk, though not one that would cause us to change our "risk on" outlook. We therefore take issue - and perhaps offense - with the contemporary narrative that "geopolitics did not matter" in a year when the S&P 500 rose by 15% and VIX plumbed historic lows (Chart 1). Stocks rose and the VIX stayed muted precisely because geopolitical risks were overstated earlier in the year. Investors who correctly assessed the balance of geopolitical risks and opportunities would have known to "buy in May and enjoy your day."2 At the same time that we encouraged investors to load up on risk this year, we cautioned that 2018 would be a challenging year.3 Three themes are now coming into focus as 2017 draws to a close: Politics has become a headwind to growth in China as Beijing intensifies deleveraging and structural reforms; U.S. fiscal and monetary policy favor the USD, which will reignite trade protectionism from Washington D.C.; Italian elections may reignite Euro Area breakup risk. In this report, we update our view on these three risks. Data out of China are particularly concerning: broad money (M3) growth has decelerated sharply with negative implications for the economy (Chart 2).4 M3 is at last ticking up but the consequences of its steep drop have not yet translated to the economy. Our message to clients since 2016 has been that the nineteenth Party Congress would mark a turning point in President Xi Jinping's tenure, that he would see his political capital replenished, and that Beijing's pain threshold would therefore rise appreciably in 2018. Hence we do not expect any new stimulus to be quick in coming or very large. Chart 1Buy In May And Enjoy Your Day Buy In May And Enjoy Your Day Buy In May And Enjoy Your Day Chart 2China's Money Impulse Spells Slowdown China's Money Impulse Spells Slowdown China's Money Impulse Spells Slowdown What happens in China will not stay in China. Signs of cracks are emerging in the buoyant global growth narrative (Chart 3), with potentially serious consequences for emerging markets (EM) (Chart 4).5 Chart 3Signs Of Cracks Forming Signs Of Cracks Forming Signs Of Cracks Forming Chart 4EM Manufacturing: Rolling Over EM Manufacturing: Rolling Over EM Manufacturing: Rolling Over China: Ramping Up For The New Year Crackdown The aftermath of the Communist Party's nineteenth National Party Congress is unfolding largely as we expected: with a reboot of President Xi Jinping's reform agenda. Chinese economic data are starting to reflect the consequences of tighter policy since late last year (Chart 5), and BCA's China Investment Strategy has shown consumer-oriented sectors outperforming industrials and materials since the party congress, as the reform drive would have one expect.6 China's policymakers have already allowed the monetary impulse - the rate of growth in the supply of money - to slow to the lowest levels in recent memory. This bodes ill for Chinese imports and base metal prices (Chart 6), as BCA's Emerging Market Strategy has emphasized.7 Chart 5Expect More Disappointments From China Expect More Disappointments From China Expect More Disappointments From China Chart 6Chinese Imports And Base Metals At Risk Chinese Imports And Base Metals At Risk Chinese Imports And Base Metals At Risk It is true that policymakers will re-stimulate the economy when they reach their pain threshold, but with Xi Jinping's political capital replenished and the party and state unified under him, we expect that threshold to have moved higher than financial markets expect. Yes, the government will try to prevent its policies from being highly disruptive and destabilizing - as with the People's Bank of China injecting liquidity to ease rapidly rising bond yields (Chart 7) - but the bottom line is that it is pressing forward with tightening. How can we be so sure that this policy trajectory is set? The initiatives in the early stages of implementation after the congress confirm our view that the central government is hardening the line on several key economic-political fronts: Financial regulatory overhaul: People's Bank Governor Zhou Xiaochuan has made a series of dire comments about China's financial risks and the danger that it is reaching a "Minsky Moment," or accumulation of risks that will end in a catastrophe.8 Zhou's likeliest replacements are both financial reformers, and one of them, Guo Shuqing, is the hawkish regulator who has led the crackdown on shadow lending this year (Chart 8). Moreover, whoever heads the central bank will have the benefit of new financial oversight capabilities. The Financial Stability and Development Commission (FSDC), a new entity charged with coordinating the country's various financial regulatory agencies, has just held its first meeting. Its inaugural chairman, Vice-Premier Ma Kai, is likely to retire soon, but rumors are swirling that his replacement will be Liu He, President Xi's top economic thinker and a reformist, who wrote an ominous article about excessive leverage in the People's Daily in May 2016 and has now made it onto the Politburo. If Liu He takes charge, given his very close relationship with Xi, the FSDC will be irresistible. If not, the FSDC will still be effective, judging by the fact that Ma Kai's replacement will likely be someone, like Ma, who sits on both the Politburo and State Council. Chart 7China's Bond Yields Rising Sharply China's Bond Yields Rising Sharply China's Bond Yields Rising Sharply Chart 8Shadow Banking Has Peaked Shadow Banking Has Peaked Shadow Banking Has Peaked Local government crackdown: Local government officials in two cities in Inner Mongolia have canceled urban metro projects due to excessive debt, reportedly under orders from the central government. Other cities in other provinces have suggested that approvals for such projects are being delayed.9 In other words, the central government is no longer endlessly accommodating debt-financed local government projects, even projects that support priority goals like urbanization and interior development. This news, so soon after the party congress, is likely to be the tip of the iceberg, which suggests that local government spending cannot be assumed to shake off its weakening trend anytime soon (Chart 9). Top officials pointed out local government leverage as a systemic risk, along with shadow banking, at the National Financial Work Conference in July, and both the outgoing finance minister and the outgoing central bank chief have called for reining in local governments. The latter's comments were formally endorsed by being included in the Communist Party's official "party congress study guide," suggesting that they are more than just the parting advice of a soon-to-be retiree. Property tightening: China's real estate sector, which provides 22% of investment in the country, is feeling the squeeze from financial tightening and targeted measures to drive out speculation since October 2016 (Chart 10). More, not less, of a squeeze is expected in both the short and long term. In the short term, inspections of commercial housing for corruption and speculative excesses could exert an additional dampening effect. In the medium and long term, the Xi administration plans to roll out a nationwide property tax, according to Huang Qifan, an economic policymaker tied to the legislature, "in the near future, not ... 10-20 years. It could happen in the next several years."10 The tax was delayed in 2016 amid economic turmoil. A national property tax would be an important fiscal reform that would tamp down on the asset bubble, rebalance the growth model, and enable the government to redistribute wealth from multiple homeowners to lower income groups. Chart 9Local Government Spending Is Weak Local Government Spending Is Weak Local Government Spending Is Weak Chart 10Property Tightening Continues Property Tightening Continues Property Tightening Continues Industrial restructuring: Environmental curbs on outdated and excess industrial capacity are continuing. Although China aggressively cut overcapacity in coal, steel and other sub-sectors over the past twelve months, it continues to face larger overcapacity than other economies (Chart 11), particularly in glass, cement, chemical fertilizers, electricity generation and home construction. It is also possible that SOE restructuring will become more aggressive. Currently, SOEs listed on the Shanghai exchange are rallying relative to the A-share market, as they have tended to do when the Communist Party reaffirms its backing of the state sector (Chart 12). However, announcements of SOE reforms in this administration have also triggered phases of under-performance. SOEs targeted for reforms face greater scrutiny of their finances and operations.11 Moreover, any SOE is vulnerable to the new wave of the anti-corruption campaign.12 National Supervision Commission: The new anti-corruption czar, Zhao Leji, will be a very influential figure if he is even to hold a candle to his predecessor, Wang Qishan. Zhao is to oversee the creation of a nationwide anti-corruption system that targets not only the Communist Party, as before, but every public official. The new commission will have branches at each level of administration (city, province, central government) and will combine the various existing anti-corruption agencies under one head. The purpose is not merely to root out political enemies (as administration critics, with some justice, would argue) but also to improve the effectiveness of policy implementation and address public grievances that threaten to undermine the regime. The latest environmental curbs have shown that employing anti-corruption teams to help enforce broader economic policy can be highly effective. Xi and Zhao Leji look set to extend this practice to state ministries, including financial regulators.13 It is not clear whether they will succeed in rebuilding the regime's legitimacy in public eyes, but in the short term an initiative like this should send a chilling effect throughout the state bureaucracy, similar to that which occurred among local government party chiefs in 2014 after the initial anti-corruption campaign was launched.14 Chart 11Overcapacity Still A Problem For China Overcapacity Still A Problem For China Overcapacity Still A Problem For China Chart 12SOEs Preserved, But Face Reforms SOEs Preserved, But Face Reforms SOEs Preserved, But Face Reforms In short, preparations are under way for Xi's second five-year term in office. (Perhaps not his last term, as the party congress also made clear.)15 New agencies and personnel suggest that the administration is embarking on an intensification of policy tightening. Tougher policy is viewed as necessary, not optional: top leadership has repeatedly stated that a lack of action on systemic threats will lead to regime-threatening crises down the road.16 Chart 13China's Impact On Global Growth Geopolitics - From Overstated To Understated Risks Geopolitics - From Overstated To Understated Risks How will this agenda impact the rest of the world? Our colleagues at China Investment Strategy hold that China may step up reforms but will not do so in a way that will negatively impact China's imports or key assets like base metal prices.17 However, from a political perspective, we view the combination of Xi's political capital with the new financial and anti-corruption commissions as likely to increase policy effectiveness to an extent that causes banks to lend less eagerly and local governments and SOEs to err on the side of less borrowing and spending. This will reduce demand for imports and commodities and will also raise the tail-risk of excessive tightening. China's contribution to global growth had fallen over the years, but has recently rebounded on the back of stimulus in 2015-16 (Chart 13). As such, it will not take much of a drag on import growth in 2018 to have a global impact. The most exposed commodity exporters to China (outside of oil) are Brazil, Chile and Peru (with Indonesia and South Africa also at risk), while the most exposed exporters of capital goods are Taiwan and South Korea, followed by Southeast Asia (the Philippines, Malaysia, Vietnam and Thailand). Looking at the China-exposed countries whose stocks rallied the most while China stimulated in 2016, the prime candidates for a negative impact in 2018 will be Brazil and Peru, and less so Hungary and Thailand. Bottom Line: The Xi administration is rebooting its reform agenda and has a higher tolerance for pain than the market yet realizes. Centralization, deleveraging and industrial restructuring have been deemed necessary to secure the long-term stability of the regime. China's policy risks are understated and the next wave of stimulus will not be as rapidly forthcoming as financial markets expect. U.S.: Trouble In (GOP) Paradise Markets have rallied throughout the year despite a lack of policy initiatives from the U.S. Congress. Judging by the performance of highly taxed S&P 500 equities, the rally this year has not been about the prospects of tax reform (Chart 14).18 Rather, markets have responded to strong earnings data and a lack of policy initiatives. Wait, what? Yes, markets have rallied because nothing has been accomplished. Investors just want President Trump and the Republican-held Congress to maintain a pro-business regulatory stance (Chart 15) and not do anything anti-corporate. Doing nothing is just fine. Chart 14Market Has Doubted Tax Reform Market Has Doubted Tax Reform Market Has Doubted Tax Reform Chart 15Market Has Cheered De-Regulation Market Has Cheered De-Regulation Market Has Cheered De-Regulation Here Come The Socialists Dems The Democratic Party leads the 2018 generic Congressional vote polling by 10.8%, up from 5.9% in May (Chart 16). The generic ballot polling is notoriously unreliable as most U.S. electoral districts are politically designed to be safe seats - "gerrymandered" - and as such are unlikely to respond to nation-wide polling (Chart 17). However, Republican support has fallen and Democratic candidates have performed extremely well this year. Chart 16U.S. Public Leans Democratic U.S. Public Leans Democratic U.S. Public Leans Democratic Chart 17Electoral System Reduces Competition Electoral System Reduces Competition Electoral System Reduces Competition First, candidates for governor in Virginia and New Jersey have outperformed their polling in November elections. Second, in the four special elections this summer, Democrats narrowed Republican leads by 18%. If the electoral results from Table 1 are replicated in 2018, Republicans could face a massacre in the House of Representatives. In addition, Republicans are suddenly vulnerable in Alabama, where the anti-establishment Senate candidate, and Breitbart-endorsee, Roy Moore is struggling with accusations of pedophilia (Chart 18). Table 12017 Special Elections Are Ominous For The GOP Geopolitics - From Overstated To Understated Risks Geopolitics - From Overstated To Understated Risks Chart 18Republican Senate Majority May Lose A Seat Geopolitics - From Overstated To Understated Risks Geopolitics - From Overstated To Understated Risks Why should investors fear a Democratic takeover of the House of Representatives? Yes, the odds of impeachment proceedings against President Trump would rise, but we are on record saying that investors should fade any impeachment risk to assets.19 The greater risk is that the Democratic Party has turned firmly to the left with its new manifesto, "A Better Deal." A strong performance by unusually left-of-center Democratic candidates could spook financial markets that have been lulled into complacency by the lack of genuine populism from the (thus far) pluto-populist president. Protectionism While most investors are focused on the ongoing NAFTA negotiations - which we addressed in last week's Special Report20 - we would draw attention again to the shift towards protectionism by the Republicans in the Senate. Normally a bastion of pro-business free-traders, the Senate has turned to the left on free trade. Senator John Cornyn (R, Texas) has introduced a bill to make significant reforms to the process by which the United States reviews foreign investments for national security, led by the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS). Two further bills, one in the House and another in the Senate, would also significantly tighten access to the U.S. by foreign investors. China is foremost in their sights. In early 2018, investors will also be greeted by two significant decisions. First, on tariffs: Trump will have to decide on January 12 and February 3 whether to impose tariffs on solar panels and washing machines, respectively, under Section 201 of the U.S. Trade Act of 1974. The International Trade Commission has already determined that imports of these goods can cause material injury to U.S. industries, so Trump merely has to decide whether to impose tariffs (likely from 35% to 50%), import quotas (which have never received limits from courts), or bilaterally negotiated export limitations from trade partners.21 The consequences would go beyond the current, country-specific tariffs on these items, setting a precedent that would expose a wide range of similar imports to punitive action, and more broadly would signal to the world that the U.S.'s protectionist turn under Trump is real.22 Second, the White House has allegedly completed a comprehensive review of China policy under way since June.23 The review is said to focus on economic rather than strategic matters and to call for the use of punitive measures to insist that China alter tactics long complained about by the United States, including intellectual property theft, export subsidies, and forced tech transfer from joint ventures in China. Already the U.S. is investigating China for intellectual property theft under Section 301 of the 1974 Trade Act, with results that could prompt tariffs no later than August 2018.24 As if on cue, Wang Yang, a new inductee on China's Politburo Standing Committee and a prominent reformer, wrote an editorial in the People's Daily declaring that China should protect intellectual property, not require tech transfers, and give foreign firms equal treatment under the "Made in China 2025" plan.25 China has made similar promises and the U.S. has made similar threats many times before, so decisions in the coming months will be telling. Ultimately we fear that President Trump may feel compelled to ratchet up protectionism in 2018 for two reasons. First, Americans within his populist base will grow restless as they do the math on the tax legislation and realize that their champion is not quite the populist they voted for. Trump will need to re-convince them of his protectionist credentials and independence from Washington elites and the policy status quo. Second, if our view on Chinese slowdown and American fiscal thrust is correct, the USD bull market should restart in 2018. This would hurt U.S. export competitiveness, expand the trade deficit, and motivate U.S. companies to invest abroad, a paradox of President Trump's tax and fiscal policy. The White House may, therefore, be compelled to reach for mercantilist solutions to an FX problem. Foreign Policy The final reason to worry is a "Lame Duck" presidency. Far more predictable presidents sought relevancy abroad late in their mandate. For example, President George H. W. Bush committed troops to Somalia on his way out of the White House. President Bill Clinton bombed Yugoslavia. Given Trump's dismal approval polling and a potentially historic "wave" election for the Democrats in November, President Trump could similarly shift focus to geopolitics. If that shift includes confronting regional powers like China (and/or North Korea), or Iran, risk premiums may rise. In the meantime, we expect tax cuts to pass. The going is getting tougher in the Senate. The decision to include the repeal of the Obamacare individual mandate - designed to cut another $300 billion in government spending over the next ten years - will make it more difficult to secure 51 Senate votes. We maintain our view that the final legislation may need until Q1 to pass. Between now and then, legislators may need a failure or two in order to realize that the clock is ticking toward the midterms. Bottom Line: Markets have cheered lack of action from the Congress. However, the going will get tougher in 2018 as investors fret about protectionism, President Trump's itch to remain relevant, and a potential takeover of the House by the most left-of-center Democratic Party in a generation. Europe: Germany Is A Passing Risk, Focus On Italy The collapse of coalition talks in Germany is not a structural concern for Europe. The breakdown in the negotiations occurred because of the immigration debate, in which the right-of-center Christian Social Union (CSU) and the Free Democratic Party (FDP) struck out a different position from the ruling Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and the liberal Green Party. Of course, the disagreement is not about immigration today, given that inflows of asylum seekers this year has been well below past flows (Chart 19A). Rather, the fundamental disagreement is over how the CDU and its leader Angela Merkel handled the 2015 migration crisis and how it will be handled in the future. Chart 19ANo Immigration Crisis Today No Immigration Crisis Today No Immigration Crisis Today Chart 19BGermans Love Europe Germans Love Europe Germans Love Europe For investors, what matters is that there is no substantive disagreement over the EU, European integration, or Germany's role in it. The mildly euroskeptic FDP did not draw any red lines. The reason is obvious: the German euroskeptic constituency is small, shrinking, and largely already captured by the Alternative for Germany (AfD) anti-establishment party (Chart 19B). Germans are objectively the most europhile people in Europe. Going forward, a new election would cause further political uncertainty. On the margin, it could cause business confidence to stall. However, Germany runs a 14 billion euro budget surplus and is not expected to launch any structural reforms or fundamental economic changes. As such, if the formation of a government is delayed by three-to-six months, the economic implications will be fleeting. In fact, the result of a new election could be a Grand Coalition between the CDU and Socialists, which would be positive for European integration. However, as we have argued before, hopes for a significant restart of integration have probably run ahead of reality.26 For us, Italy is the immediate concern. Italy passed a new electoral law in late October, setting the stage for the election due by May 2018. The consensus in the news media is that the president will call elections in January, with the vote taking place sometime in March.27 The consensus is that the new law will make it more difficult for the populist Five Star Movement (M5S) to win a majority of seats in the Italian Parliament. In addition, it will give a lift to the parties with strong regional ties - such as the governing Democratic Party (PD) and Lega Nord. Chart 20Italy Set For A Hung Parliament Italy Set For A Hung Parliament Italy Set For A Hung Parliament The nuances of the new law are largely irrelevant, however, given the close polling of the three electoral blocs. The most likely outcome will be a hung parliament (Chart 20). Nonetheless, we can still learn something from the law: the Italian establishment parties are cooperating to subvert the electoral chances of M5S. The ruling PD and the center-right Forza Italia of former Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi are working together to design an electoral system that favors the pre-election norm of coalition-building and parties with strong regional representation. Neither of these factors fits M5S's profile. This suggests that the two centrist blocs will be able to put together an establishment coalition following the election. On one hand, this will give stability to the Euro Area for at least the duration of that government. On the other hand, the underlying data continues to point to structural euroskepticism in Italy. Unlike their European peers, Italians seem to be flirting with overt euroskepticism. When it comes to support for the common currency, Italians are clear outliers, with support levels around 55% (Chart 21). Similarly, over 40% of Italians appears to be confident in the country's future outside the EU (Chart 22). These are ominous signs for the future. Still, both M5S and the mildly euroskeptic Lega Nord have tempered their demands for an exit from the common currency union. The official stance of the M5S is that the exit from the Euro Area is only "option B," that is, an option if the bloc is not reformed. Meanwhile, Lega Nord is on record opposing a referendum on membership in the currency union because it is illegal.28 Chart 21Italians Stand Out For Distrust Of Euro Italians Stand Out For Distrust Of Euro Italians Stand Out For Distrust Of Euro Chart 22Italians Not Enthusiastic About EU Italians Not Enthusiastic About EU Italians Not Enthusiastic About EU The stance of Italy's euroskeptics will change as soon as it is convenient. The country's establishment is likely making a mistake by contemplating a grand coalition alliance. Unless such a government develops a serious plan for painful structural reforms - it will not - it will likely waste its mandate and fall at the first sign of recession or crisis. At that point, the only alternative will be the M5S, which will stand alone in opposition to such an ineffective government. Investors can therefore breathe a sigh of relief in the medium term. Italy will likely not be a source of risk-off in 2018 or even 2019, although it is still the main risk in Europe for next year and bears monitoring. However, in the long term, we maintain that Italy will be a catalyst for a serious global risk-off episode within the next five years. We remain optimistic that such a crisis will ultimately strengthen Italy's commitment to the Euro Area, as we outlined in a recent Special Report.29 But that is a low conviction view that will require constant monitoring. Could there be another scenario? Several clients have asked us if an Emmanuel Macron could emerge in Italy? Our answer is that there already was an Emmanuel Macron: Matteo Renzi, the former prime minister and current PD leader, was Macron before Macron. And yet he failed to enact significant structural and constitutional reforms. Yet two potential candidates may be ready to swoop in from the "radical center" position that Renzi and Macron characterize. The first is ECB President Mario Draghi. He is widely respected in Italy and is seen as someone who not only allayed the Euro Area sovereign debt crisis, but also stood up to German monetarist demands in doing so. The second is Fiat-Chrysler CEO Sergio Marchionne, one of the world's most recognizable business leaders and a media star inside and outside Italy. If the centrist coalition begins to fray by the end of 2019, both of these individuals may be available to launch a star-studded campaign to "save Italy." Bottom Line: We remain cautiously optimistic about the upcoming Italian elections. While our baseline case is that Italian elections will produce a weak and ineffective government, though crucially not a euroskeptic one, nevertheless risks abound and require monitoring. Investment Implications There are a lot of unknowns heading into 2018. What will become of U.S. tax cuts? How deep will the policy-induced slowdown become in China? What will President Trump do if he becomes the earliest "Lame Duck" president in recent U.S. history? Will he embark on military or protectionist adventures abroad? Asset implications are unclear, but we offer several broad takeaways. First, the VIX will not stay low in 2018. Second, the USD should rally. Both should happen because investors are far too complacent about the Fed's pace of hikes and because of potential global growth disappointments as Beijing tinkers with the financial and industrial sectors. Chart 23AEuro Area Versus U.S. Growth: Don't Ignore China (I) Euro Area Versus U.S. Growth: Don't Ignore China (I) Euro Area Versus U.S. Growth: Don't Ignore China (I) Chart 23BEuro Area Versus U.S. Growth: Don't Ignore China (II) Euro Area Versus U.S. Growth: Don't Ignore China (II) Euro Area Versus U.S. Growth: Don't Ignore China (II) Third, it is time to close our recommendation to be overweight European risk assets. European equities have a higher beta to global growth due to the continent's link to Chinese demand. As our colleague Mathieu Savary has pointed out, when Chinese investment slows, Europe feels it more acutely than the U.S. (Chart 23). Chart 24U.S. Dollar Rebound = EM Pullback U.S. Dollar Rebound = EM Pullback U.S. Dollar Rebound = EM Pullback We are also closing our tactical long position on China's big banks versus its small-to-medium-sized banks. This position has been stopped out at a loss of 5%, despite the riskier profile of the latter banks and the fact that their non-performing loans are rising. Faced with these challenges, Beijing decided to open the door to foreign investment and too ease regulations on these banks so that they can lend to small cap companies as part of the reform drive. These actions inspired a rally relative to the Big Banks that worked against our trade. As financial tightening will continue, however, we expect this rally to be short-lived, and for big banks to benefit from state backing. Our highest conviction view is that it is time to short emerging markets. Our two core views - that politics will become a tailwind to growth in the U.S. and a headwind to growth in China - should create a policy mix that will act as a headwind to EM (Chart 24). The year 2017 may therefore turn out to have been an anomaly. Emerging markets outperformed as China aggressively stimulated in 2016 and as both the U.S. dollar and bond yields declined. This mix of global fiscal and liquidity conditions proved to be a boon for EM, giving it a liquidity-driven year to remember. That year is now coming to an end. Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Chief Geopolitical Strategist marko@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken, Associate Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Political Risks Are Overstated In 2017," dated April 5, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Buy In May And Enjoy Your Day," dated April 26, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Political Risks Are Understated In 2018," dated April 12, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 4 China's official broad money (M2) measure has also sharply decelerated, as have all measures of China's money. We prefer BCA's Emerging Market Strategy's broader M3 measure. The official M2 has underestimated the amount of new money in China because banks and shadow banks have done extensive off balance sheet lending. The M3 measure includes bank liabilities excluded from M2, it is calculated by taking the total of non-financial institution and household deposits, plus other financial corporation deposits, and other liabilities. Please see BCA Emerging Market Strategy, "Ms. Mea Challenges The EMS View," dated October 19, 2017, available at ems.bcaresearch.com. 5 Please see BCA Foreign Exchange Strategy Weekly Report, "Temporary Short-Term Risks," dated November 10, 2017, available at fes.bcaresearch.com and BCA Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report, "EM: Cracks Are Appearing," dated November 15, 2017, available at ems.bcaresearch.com. 6 Please see BCA China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Messages From The Market, Post-Party Congress," dated November 16, 2017, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 7 Please see BCA Emerging Markets Strategy Special Report, "China's 'De-Capacity' Reforms: Where Steel & Coal Prices Are Headed," dated November 22, 2017, available at ems.bcaresearch.com. 8 Zhou's comments should not be interpreted merely as a farewell speech of a retiring central bank governor, since they echo the general policy shift in the administration since December 2016's Central Economic Work Conference, and April 2016's Politburo meeting, toward tackling financial risk. For Zhou's comments, please see "China's central bank chief lays out plans to avert future financial crisis," South China Morning Post, November 4, 2017, available at www.scmp.com. 9 Xianyang in Shaanxi, and Wuhan in Hubei. Please see Wu Hongyuran and Han Wei, "Another City Halts Subway Projects Amid Financing Concerns," Caixin, November 13, 2017, available at www.caixinglobal.com. 10 Please see Kevin Yao, "China central bank adviser expects less forceful deleveraging in 2018," Reuters, November 15, 2017, available at www.reuters.com. 11 The latest official announcement claims that an additional 31 SOEs will be listed for restructuring. Please see "More SOEs to be included in reform plan," People's Daily, November 16, 2017, available at en.people.cn. 12 We fully expect SOEs to be subjected to rigorous treatment from the National Supervision Commission. Note that the crackdown on overseas investment earlier this year merely touches the tip of the iceberg in terms of the SOE corruption that could be revealed by probes. See, for example, the following report on the National Audit Office's public notice on SOE fraud and irregularities, "20 Central Enterprises Overseas Investment Audit Revealed A Lot Of Problems," Pengpai News (Shanghai), June 26, 2017, available at news.163.com. 13 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "How To Read Xi Jinping's Party Congress Speech," dated October 18, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 14 Please see BCA China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Policy Mistakes And Silver Linings," dated October 7, 2015, and "Legacies Of 2014," dated December 17, 2014, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 15 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "China: Party Congress Ends ... So What?" dated November 1, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 16 Xi Jinping has called financial security an important part of national security and declared that "safeguarding financial security is a strategic and fundamental task in the economic and social development of our country." Please see Wang Yanfei, "Leaders aim to fend off financial risks," China Daily, April 26, 2017, available at www.chinadailyasia.com. For Zhao Leji's post-congress comments on this topic in the People's Daily, please see "China faces historic corruption battle, new graft buster says," The Guardian, November 11, 2017, available at www.theguardian.com. 17 See footnote 6. 18 More anecdotally, a clear majority of our clients disagrees with our bullish prospects of tax cuts. 19 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Break Glass In Case Of Impeachment," dated May 17, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 20 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy and Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "NAFTA - Populism Vs. Pluto-Populism," dated November 10, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 21 Please see Chad P. Bown, "Donald Trump Now Has The Excuse He Needs To Open The Floodgates Of Protectionism," Peterson Institute of International Economics, October 9, 2017, available at piie.com. 22 Other measures could follow thereafter. For instance, the Commerce Department will issue its final report on steel and aluminum in January and Trump could decide to take punitive actions on these goods under Section 232 of the 1962 Trade Expansion Act. Please see Ana Swanson, "Democrats Pressure Trump to Fulfill Promise to Impose Steel Tariffs," New York Times, October 26, 2017, available at www.nytimes.com. 23 The review itself began in June, around the time when Trump's and Xi's initial "100-day plan" to improve trade relations expired. The report that the review is completed is from Lingling Wei et al, "Beyond Trump-Xi Bond, White House Looks to Toughen China Policy," Fox Business News, November 19, 2017, available at www.foxbusiness.com. See also Adam Behsudi et al, "White House conducting wide-ranging review of China policy," Politico, September 28, 2017, available at www.politico.com. 24 The U.S. Trade Representative Robert Lighthizer is supposed to finish his investigation into intellectual property under Section 301 of the 1974 Trade Act within a year of August 18, 2017. Please see Gary M. Hnath and Jing Zhang, "Trump Administration Initiates Section 301 Investigation of China's Acts, Policies and Practices Related to Technology Transfer, Intellectual Property and Innovation," dated August 25, 2017, available at www.lexology.com. 25 Please see "Chinese vice premier pledges fair treatment of foreign firms as China opens up," Reuters, November 10, 2017, available at www.reuters.com. 26 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Stick To The Macro(n) Picture," dated May 10, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 27 Just in time to get a new government in place ahead of the World Cup! Oh wait... Too soon? 28 Which is an odd position to take given their supposed anti-establishment orientation. For example, the U.K. referendum on EU membership was non-binding, and yet it took place and had relatively binding political consequences. 29 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Europe's Divine Comedy Part II: Italy In Purgatorio," dated June 21, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com.

Highlights The current mini-upswing in the global mini-cycle started in May and is likely to end around January. On a 6-month horizon, lean against the rally in industrial metals. Equity investors should underweight Basic Resources, and especially Industrial Metals and Mining. The contrasting economic fortunes of Spain and Italy may switch. The peak bank credit impulse for Spain is almost certainly behind it, while for Italy it likely lies ahead. On this hope, we will dip our toes into a small pair-trade: long Italian BTPs versus French OATs. Feature Key to the medium-term behaviour of markets is the existence of what we call 'mini-cycles' in global activity. The evolution of these perpetual mini-cycles explains much of what has happened, what is happening, and what will happen, to financial markets both in Europe and more broadly. Chart of the WeekExpect A Trend-Reversal In The Metals Market Expect A Trend-Reversal In The Metals Market Expect A Trend-Reversal In The Metals Market Mini-cycles are not a hypothesis. They are an indisputable empirical fact. Just look at the global bond yield (Chart I-2), metal price inflation (Chart I-3), global inflation (Chart I-4), and the bank credit impulse (Chart I-5 and Chart I-6). The regular mini-cycles shout out at you! Furthermore, given that these clearly observed mini-cycles show the same half-cycle length of about 8 months, Investment Reductionism strongly suggests that there is a common over-arching driver. Chart I-2The Global Bond Yield Exhibits Mini-Cycles The Global Bond Yield Exhibits Mini-Cycles The Global Bond Yield Exhibits Mini-Cycles Chart I-3Metal Price Inflation Exhibits Mini-Cycles Metal Price Inflation Exhibits Mini-Cycles Metal Price Inflation Exhibits Mini-Cycles Chart I-4Inflation Exhibits Mini-Cycles Inflation Exhibits Mini-Cycles Inflation Exhibits Mini-Cycles Chart I-5The Global Credit Impulse Exhibits Mini-Cycles The Global Credit Impulse Exhibits Mini-Cycles The Global Credit Impulse Exhibits Mini-Cycles Chart I-6Individual Credit Impulses Exhibit Mini-Cycles Individual Credit Impulses Exhibit Mini-Cycles Individual Credit Impulses Exhibit Mini-Cycles Explaining Mini-Cycles Previously,1 we explained that the distinct mini-cycles are interconnected parts of the same never-ending feedback loop. A lower bond yield accelerates bank credit flows... which boosts economic growth... which pushes up commodity inflation and overall inflation... causing the bond market to raise the bond yield, at which point the cycle reverses. And then the alternate cycles repeat ad perpetuam (see Box I-1). Box I-1The Mathematics Of Mini-Cycles How To Profit From Mini-Cycles How To Profit From Mini-Cycles One common question we get is: why focus on bank credit analysis and not on bond-intermediated credit analysis too? The simple answer is that bank credit expands the broad money supply whereas bond-intermediated credit usually does not. When a bank issues a new loan, fractional reserve banking allows it to create money 'out of thin air'. In contrast, when a company or government issues a new bond, no new money is created, unless the primary issue is financed by the central bank - which is generally forbidden. Usually, when a bond is issued, existing money just moves from one account - that of the bond buyer - to another account - that of the bond issuer. This means that bond-intermediated credit cannot increase demand by creating new money, but only by increasing the velocity of existing money. Whereas bank credit can increase demand by increasing both the amount of money and its velocity. Therefore, changes in bank credit are the much bigger driver of the mini-cycle in economic activity. If a bank issues 100 euros of credit today, then we know that this new money will be spent in the coming days and weeks - because nobody borrows money just to sit on it. If, in the previous period, the bank had issued 90 euros which was spent, it means that economic activity in the coming period will grow by 10 euros. But if the bank had previously issued 110 euros, it means that economic activity in the coming period will contract by 10 euros. In this way, the cycles in credit and activity are interconnected. Mini-upswings in the credit impulse mini-cycle tend to signal mini-upswings in commodity inflation (Chart I-7), overall inflation and bond yields. So if we can identify turning points in the credit impulse then we can correctly position the cyclical stance of our investment strategy. Chart I-7The Same Mini-Cycle: The Global Credit Impulse And Metal Price Inflation The Same Mini-Cycle: The Global Credit Impulse And Metal Price Inflation The Same Mini-Cycle: The Global Credit Impulse And Metal Price Inflation The problem is that the bank credit data is slow to come out. For example, although we are in the middle of November, the last bank credit data for the euro area refers to September. This means that if the mini-cycle is turning now, we might not find out until January. Nevertheless, we can still use the mini-cycle framework. We know that the current mini-upswing started in May and that mini-upswings have an average length of 8 months. Hence, we can infer that the mini-upswing is likely to end around January. That said, upswing lengths do have some degree of variation: the current upswing might be longer or shorter than the average. How to avoid being too early or too late? Combining Mini-Cycles With Fractal Analysis To optimise our proprietary mini-cycle framework, we propose combining it with our proprietary fractal analysis framework. As regular readers know, fractal analysis measures whether herding in a specific investment has become excessive, signalling the end of its price trend. The combined mini-cycle and fractal framework works best if we use a 130-day herding indicator (fractal dimension), as it broadly aligns with the mini half-cycle length. Excessive herding signals that an investment's trend is approaching exhaustion because the liquidity that has fuelled the trend is about to evaporate. Liquidity is plentiful when the market is split between different herds - say, short-term momentum traders and long-term value investors. This is because the herds disagree with each other. If the price fluctuates up, the momentum trader wants to buy while the value investor wants to sell; and vice-versa. So the herds trade with each other with plentiful liquidity. But liquidity starts to evaporate when too many value investors join the momentum herd. Instead of dispassionately investing on the basis of value, value investors get sucked into chasing a price trend, and their buy orders add fuel to the trend. The tipping point comes when all the value investors have joined the momentum herd. If a value investor then suddenly reverts to type and puts in a sell order, he will find that there are no buyers left. Liquidity has evaporated, and finding new liquidity might require a substantial reversal in the price to attract a buy order from an ultra-long-term deep value investor. Earlier this year, our combined frameworks signalled that the aggressive rise in bond yields was likely to reverse (Chart I-8). Therefore, on February 2 we correctly advised: "Lean against the rise in bond yields and bank equities." Chart I-8Excessive Herding In Bonds Always Signals A Trend Reversal Excessive Herding In Bonds Always Signals A Trend Reversal Excessive Herding In Bonds Always Signals A Trend Reversal Today, we see the same dynamic in parts of the commodity rally - and specifically the move in the LME Index (Chart of the Week). Hence, on a 6-month horizon, lean against the rally in industrial metals. Equity investors should underweight Basic Resources, and especially Industrial Metals and Mining. Could Italy Be A Good Surprise? Returning to the concept of the bank credit cycle, the evolution of longer-term impulses also explains the contrasting recent fortunes of Spain and Italy. In 2013, Spain recapitalized its banking system and ring-fenced bad assets within a 'bad bank'. In effect, it finally did what other economies - most notably the U.S., U.K. and Ireland - had done several years earlier in response to their own housing-related banking crises. As Spanish banks' aggressive deleveraging ended, the bank credit impulse rebounded very sharply and has remained positive for several years. This undoubtedly explains why Spanish real GDP has grown by 13% since mid-2013 (Chart I-9). In contrast, Italy's banking system remained dysfunctional - which meant that its own credit impulse stayed much more muted and barely positive over the past four years (Chart I-10). But now, the Italian banking system is slowly recuperating. Italian banks' equity capital is rising, their solvency is improving, and the share of non-performing loans has fallen sharply this year. Chart I-9Spain's Peak Credit Impulse##br## Is Probably Behind It Spain"s Peak Credit Impulse Is Probably Behind It Spain"s Peak Credit Impulse Is Probably Behind It Chart I-10Italy's Peak Credit Impulse##br## Is Likely Ahead Of It Italy"s Peak Credit Impulse Is Likely Ahead Of It Italy"s Peak Credit Impulse Is Likely Ahead Of It So the contrasting economic fortunes of Spain and Italy may switch. The peak bank credit impulse for Spain is almost certainly behind it, while for Italy it likely lies ahead. On this hope, we will dip our toes into a small pair-trade: long Italian BTPs versus French OATs. Dhaval Joshi, Senior Vice President Chief European Investment Strategist dhaval@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see the European Investment Strategy Weekly Report 'Credit Slumps While Animal Spirits Soar. Why?' March 30, 2017 available at eis.bcaresearch.com Fractal Trading Model* There are no new trades this week, leaving us with six open positions. For any investment, excessive trend following and groupthink can reach a natural point of instability, at which point the established trend is highly likely to break down with or without an external catalyst. An early warning sign is the investment's fractal dimension approaching its natural lower bound. Encouragingly, this trigger has consistently identified countertrend moves of various magnitudes across all asset classes. Chart I-11 Short Nikkei225/Long Eurostoxx50 Short Nikkei225/Long Eurostoxx50 The post-June 9, 2016 fractal trading model rules are: When the fractal dimension approaches the lower limit after an investment has been in an established trend it is a potential trigger for a liquidity-triggered trend reversal. Therefore, open a countertrend position. The profit target is a one-third reversal of the preceding 13-week move. Apply a symmetrical stop-loss. Close the position at the profit target or stop-loss. Otherwise close the position after 13 weeks. Use the position size multiple to control risk. The position size will be smaller for more risky positions. * For more details please see the European Investment Strategy Special Report "Fractals, Liquidity & A Trading Model," dated December 11, 2014, available at eis.bcaresearch.com Fractal Trading Model Recommendations Equities Bond & Interest Rates Currency & Other Positions Closed Fractal Trades Trades Closed Trades Asset Performance Currency & Bond Equity Sector Country Equity Indicators Bond Yields Chart II-1Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-2Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-3Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-4Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Interest Rate Chart II-5Indicators To Watch -##br## Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-6Indicators To Watch - ##br##Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-7Indicators To Watch -##br## Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-8Indicators To Watch -##br## Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations

Highlights This week, we are reviewing all our current active trades in our Tactical Overlay. As a reminder, these positions (Table 1) are meant to complement our strategic GFIS Model Fixed Income Portfolio, typically with shorter holding periods and occasionally in smaller or less liquid markets outside our usual core bond market coverage (i.e. U.S. TIPS or Swedish interest rate swaps). This report includes a short summary of the rationale behind each position, as well as a decision on whether to continue holding the trade, close it out or switch to a new position that may more efficiently express our view. The trades are grouped together by the country/region that is most relevant for the performance of each trade. Table 1GFIS Tactical Overlay Trades Updating Our Tactical Overlay Trades Updating Our Tactical Overlay Trades Feature U.S. Short July 2018 Fed Funds futures (HOLD). Long 5-year U.S. Treasury (UST) bullet vs. 2-year/10-year duration-matched UST barbell (HOLD). Long U.S. TIPS vs. nominal USTs (HOLD). Short 10-year USTs vs. 10-year German Bunds (HOLD). The tactical trades that we have been recommending within U.S. markets all have a common theme - positioning for an expected rebound in U.S. inflation that will push up U.S. bond yields. We are maintaining all of them. The drift lower in realized inflation rates since the spring has been a surprise given the backdrop of above-potential growth, low unemployment and a weakening U.S. dollar. On the back of this, markets have priced out several of the Fed rates hikes that had been expected over the next year, leaving U.S. Treasury yields at overly-depressed levels. Back on July 11th, we initiated a recommendation to short the July 2018 fed funds futures contract (Chart 1). This was a position that would turn a profit if the market moved to once again discount multiple Fed rate hikes by mid-2018. The trade has a modest profit of 9bps, but with scope for additional gains if the market moves to discount 2-3 hikes by the middle of next year. Our base case scenario is that the Fed will lift rates again this December, and deliver additional increases next year amid healthy growth and with inflation likely to grind higher towards the Fed's 2% target. With the market discounting 46bps of rate hikes over the next year, there is scope for additional profits in our fed funds futures trade. Another tactical position that we've been recommending is a butterfly trade within the U.S. Treasury (UST) curve, long a 5-year UST bullet versus a duration-matched 2-year/10-year UST barbell. This is a position that would benefit from a bearish steepening of the UST curve as the market priced in higher longer-term inflation expectations (Chart 2). We have held that trade for a much longer period than a typical tactical trade, going back nearly a full year to December 20th, 2016. Yet while the UST curve has flattened since that date, our trade has delivered a return of +18bps. This outperformance can be attributed to the undervalued level of the 5-year bullet at the initiation of the trade. Chart 1Stay Short July 2018##BR##Fed Funds Futures Stay Short July 2018 Fed Funds Futures Stay Short July 2018 Fed Funds Futures Chart 2Stay Long The 5yr UST Bullet Vs.##BR##The 2yr/10yr UST Barbell Stay Long The 5yr UST Bullet Vs The 2yr/10yr UST Barbell Stay Long The 5yr UST Bullet Vs The 2yr/10yr UST Barbell While that valuation cushion no longer exists (bottom panel), longer-term TIPS breakevens are back to the levels seen last December (middle panel), thanks in no small part to much higher energy prices (top panel). This leaves the UST curve at risk of a bearish re-steepening on the back of rising inflation expectations. Add in a U.S. dollar that is -2.5% weaker from year-ago levels (Chart 3, middle panel), and a solid U.S. economic expansion that should eventually translate into rising core inflation momentum (bottom panel), and the case for a steeper UST curve over the next 3-6 months is a strong one. The above logic also supports our trade recommendation to go long U.S. TIPS vs. nominal USTs, which is up +248bps since inception on August 23, 2016. We have been holding this trade for much longer than our usual tactical recommendations, but we will not look to take profits until we see the 10-year breakeven (now at 186bps) return back to levels consistent with the Fed's 2% PCE inflation target (i.e. headline U.S. CPI inflation back to 2.5%). One final tactical trade that will benefit from higher UST yields is our recommendation to position for a wider spread between 10-year USTs and 10-year German Bunds. This trade was initiated on August 9th of this year, and has delivered a profit of +9bps. Yet the UST-Bund spread still looks too low relative to shorter-term interest rate differentials that favor the U.S. (Chart 4, top panel). With U.S. data starting to surprise more on the upside than Euro Area data (middle panel), and with UST positioning still quite long (bottom panel), there is potential for additional near-term UST-Bund spread widening. The upcoming decision by the European Central Bank (ECB) on potential tapering of its asset purchases next year represents a potential risk for the long Bund leg of our recommended trade. Any hawkish surprises on that front would be a likely catalyst for us to close out this position. Chart 3Stay Long U.S. TIPS Vs. Nominal USTs Stay Long U.S. TIPS Vs. Nominal USTs Stay Long U.S. TIPS Vs. Nominal USTs Chart 4Stay Short 10yr USTs Vs. German Bunds Stay Short 10yr USTs vs German Bunds Stay Short 10yr USTs vs German Bunds Euro Area Long 10yr Euro Area CPI swaps (HOLD). Long 5-year Spain vs. 5-year Italy in government bonds (HOLD). We have two recommended tactical trades that are specifically focused on developments in the Euro Area. We are maintaining both of them. As a way to position for an eventual pickup in European inflation, we entered a long position in 10-year Euro Area CPI swaps back on December 20th, 2016. That trade is now estimated to have a profit of +29bps, as market-based inflation expectations have drifted higher in the Euro Area. The simple reason for that increase is that realized inflation has moved higher on the back of rising energy costs, as there is a very robust correlation between the annual growth rate of oil prices (denominated in euros) and headline Euro Area inflation (Chart 5). More importantly, the booming Euro Area economy, which has eaten up much of the spare capacity in the Europe, has boosted wage growth and core inflation to levels seen prior to the disinflation shock from the 2014/15 collapse in oil prices (bottom panel). With no signs of any imminent slowing of Euro Area growth that could raise unemployment and slow underlying inflation pressures, the trend for inflation expectations in Europe is still upward. The current 10-year Euro Area CPI swap at 1.5% is still well beneath the ECB's inflation target of "just below" 2% on headline CPI, so there is room for inflation expectations to continue drifting higher. ECB tapering of asset purchases is not an immediate threat to this trade, as the central bank is still likely to keep buying bonds next year (at a slower pace), while holding off on any interest rate increases until late 2019. In other words, the ECB will not be looking to act to slow economic growth to bring down Euro Area inflation anytime soon. Our other tactical trade recommendation in Europe is a relative value spread trade, long 5-year Spanish government debt versus 5-year Italian bonds. This trade was initiated on December 13th, 2016 and currently has only a modest gain of +9bps, although the profits were much larger earlier this year. Italian bonds have been outperforming on the back of improving Italian economic growth (Chart 6, top panel) and, recently, a generalized sell-off in Spanish financial assets on the back of the political uncertainty in Catalonia. Chart 5Stay Long 10yr##BR##Euro Area CPI Swaps Stay Long 10yr Euro Area CPI Swaps Stay Long 10yr Euro Area CPI Swaps Chart 6Stay Long 5yr Spanish Government Bonds Vs.##BR##5-Year Italian Debt Stay Long 5yr Spanish Government Bonds Vs 5-Year Italian Debt Stay Long 5yr Spanish Government Bonds Vs 5-Year Italian Debt Our colleagues at BCA Geopolitical Strategy have been downplaying the threat to Spanish political stability from the Catalonian independence movement, given that the polling data shows only 35% for outright independence from Spain. At the same time, the poll numbers in Italy for the upcoming parliamentary elections are much closer, with parties favoring less integration with Europe holding a slight lead over more "establishment" parties (bottom two panels). With the bulk of the cyclical convergence between Italian and Spanish growth now largely completed, and with a greater potential for future political instability in Italy compared to Spain, we expect that Spain-Italy spreads will tighten further back to the lows seen at the beginning of 2017 (-64bps on the 5-year spread). That is a level we are targeting on our current tactical trade recommendation. Canada Short 10-year Canadian government bonds vs. 10-year USTs (TAKE PROFITS). Long Canada/U.K. 2-year/10-year government bond yield curve box, positioning for a relatively flatter Canadian curve (TAKE PROFITS). Short 5-year Canada government bond versus a duration-matched 2-year/10-year barbell (TAKE PROFITS). We have three different Canadian fixed income trades in our Tactical Overlay, all of which were biased towards tighter monetary policy in Canada: a Canada-U.S. bond spread widener, a yield curve box trade versus the U.K. and a curve flattener expressed as a barbell trade (Chart 7) All three positions are in the money, but we now recommend taking profits. We had initiated these recommendations in a very timely fashion earlier in the year at a time when the Bank of Canada (BoC) was sending a relative dovish message. In our view, the Canadian economy was building significant upward momentum that would eventually force the central bank to shift its policy bias. This would especially be true with the Fed also in a tightening cycle, given the typical tendency for the BoC to follow the Fed's policy actions. Several members of the BoC monetary policy committee began to sing a more hawkish tune over the summer, particularly after the release of the Q2 BoC Business Outlook Survey. That robust report, which was confirmed by a 2nd quarter GDP growth rate of nearly 4% (Chart 8), led the BoC to deliver not one by two unexpected interest rate hikes in July and September. Markets reacted accordingly, driving Canadian bond yields higher and flattening the yield curve. Chart 7Take Profits On Bearish Canadian Bond Trades Take Profits On Bearish Canadian Bond Trades Take Profits On Bearish Canadian Bond Trades Chart 8Canadian Growth Set To Cool Off A Bit Canadian Growth Set To Cool Off A Bit Canadian Growth Set To Cool Off A Bit Now, we see the market pricing as having gone a bit too far, too quickly. The Q3 Business Outlook Survey, released yesterday, was still positive but with readings softer than the booming Q2 report. Meanwhile, the commentary from the BoC has become more balanced, with BoC Governor (and BCA alumnus) Stephen Poloz describing the central bank as being more "data dependent" after the recent rate hikes. Markets are now pricing in another 72bps of rate hikes over the next year, even with our own BoC Monitor off the peak (Chart 9). Chart 9Our BoC Monitor Is Peaking Our BoC Monitor Is Peaking Our BoC Monitor Is Peaking From a tactical perspective, the repricing of the BoC that we expected earlier this year is now largely complete. Thus, we are taking profits on all three Canadian trades: Canada-U.S. spread trade: initiated on January 17th, profit of +43bps. Canada/U.K. box trade: initiated on May 16th, profit of +67bps. Canada 2yr/5yr/10yr butterfly trade: initiated on December 6th, 2016, profit of +95bps. From a strategic perspective, we still see a case where the BoC can deliver additional rate hikes and keep upward pressure on Canadian bond yields. The output gap in Canada is now closed, according to BoC estimates, and additional strength in the economy now has a greater chance in translating to higher inflation. Strong global growth, especially in the U.S., will also support Canadian export growth and feed into rising capital spending. While the rate hikes have help boost the value of the Canadian dollar (CAD), the exchange rate (on a trade-weighted basis) also largely reflects a rising value of energy prices and is, therefore, should provide an additional boost to growth via stronger terms-of-trade (bottom panel). In other words, the rising CAD will not prevent additional BoC rate hikes if oil prices remain strong. Thus, we are maintaining our underweight recommendation on Canadian government bonds in our strategic model bond portfolio, even as we take profits on our bearish Canadian tactical trades. Australia Long a 2-year/10-year Australia government bond curve flattener (SELL AND SWITCH TO NEW TRADE). On July 25th of this year, we entered into a 2-year/10-year curve flattener trade for Australia. Though employment was improving and house prices were booming in Australia, the wide output gap, high level of consumer indebtedness and lack of real wage growth was keeping the Reserve Bank of Australia (RBA) inactive. In our view, nothing has changed since then; the RBA remains in a very difficult position. While the yield curve flattened substantially following the initiation of our trade, the global rise in long-term yields since mid-September lifted Australian longer-maturity yields, and the yield curve with it (Chart 10). Now, Australian long-term yields are not reflecting domestic fundamentals but are instead driven by improving global growth. As such, we are closing the trade and initiating a new position - long Dec 2018 Australian Bank Bill futures - as a more focused way to express the view that the RBA will stay on hold for longer than markets expect. Markets are currently pricing in 30bps of RBA rate hikes over the next twelve months. We believe this will be unlikely, for several reasons. Macroprudential measures on the Australian housing market will continue to dampen credit growth. Core inflation is slowly rising but still far below the central bank's target. Additionally, there is plenty of slack in the labor market despite the spike in employment growth. This is evidenced in anemic real wage growth, stubbornly high underemployment rate, low hours worked and high percentage of part-time to full-time workers (Chart 11). Chart 10Close Australian Government##BR##Bond 2yr/10yr Flattener Close Australian Government Bond 2yr/10yr Flattener Close Australian Government Bond 2yr/10yr Flattener Chart 11RBA Unlikely To Deliver##BR##Discounted Rate Hikes RBA Unlikely To Deliver Discounted Rate Hikes RBA Unlikely To Deliver Discounted Rate Hikes The biggest risk to our new trade would if signs of a tighter Australian labor market started to feed through into faster wage growth, which would likely coincide with faster underlying price inflation and a more hawkish turn by the RBA. New Zealand Long 5-year NZ government bonds vs. 5-year USTs (currency hedged). Long 5-year NZ government bonds vs. 5-year Germany (currency unhedged). Chart 12Stay Long 5yr NZ Government Bonds##BR##Vs. U.S, & Germany Stay Long 5yr NZ Government Bonds Vs U.S, & Germany Stay Long 5yr NZ Government Bonds Vs U.S, & Germany We entered two New Zealand (NZ) tactical bond trades on May 30th, going long 5-year government bonds vs. U.S. and Germany (Chart 12). We expected NZ spreads to tighten faster than the forwards based on our more hawkish views on the Fed and, to a lesser extent, the ECB relative to the more dovish view on the Reserve Bank of New Zealand (RBNZ). The outright bond spreads have tightened and, on a currency-hedged basis, both trades are in the money. Our dovish view on the RBNZ came from the central bank's own forecasts, which called for slowing headline inflation on the back of softer "tradeables" inflation and a sharp cooling of domestic "non-tradeables" inflation through a slowing housing market (Chart 13, bottom two panels). Our own RBNZ Monitor has been calling for the need for higher interest rates in NZ, mostly from the strength in the labor market. Yet we have been ignoring that signal, as has the market which has priced out one full expected RBNZ rate hike since the beginning of the year. With business confidence rolling over, and with the trade-weighted NZ dollar still staying at stubbornly strong levels, the case for the RBNZ to deliver even a single rate hike is not a strong one - especially given the soft inflation forecasts of the central bank. Thus, we are sticking with our tactical spread trades for NZ versus the U.S. and Germany. We are maintaining the currency hedge on the U.S. version of the trade, as we typically do for the vast majority of our cross-country spread trade recommendations. Occasionally, however, we will make an active decision to do a spread trade UN-hedged if we felt very strongly about a currency move. We did that for our NZ-Germany spread trade and this has cost us in the performance of the trade, which is down -3.4%. This is because of a surprisingly large decline in the New Zealand dollar (NZD) versus the euro since the inception of our trade. Yet a review of the technical indicators on the NZD/EUR currency cross shows that the currency pair is now very stretched versus its medium-term trend (the 40-week moving average), with price momentum also at some of the most negative levels of the past decade (Chart 14). These measures suggest that the worst of the downturn in the currency is likely over. The relative positioning on the two individual currencies is now neutral, as long positions on the NZD have been reduced (bottom panel). Chart 13RBNZ Dovishness Is Justified RBNZ Dovishness Is Justified RBNZ Dovishness Is Justified Chart 14Keep NZ/Germany Position Currency Unhedged Keep NZ/Germany Position Currency Unhedged Keep NZ/Germany Position Currency Unhedged Given these technical indicators, and from these current levels, we see greater upside potential for NZD/EUR in the months ahead. This leads us to maintain our unhedged currency position on the NZ-Germany spread trade so as not to realize the current mark-to-market losses on the trade. Sweden Pay 18-month Sweden Overnight Index Swap (OIS) rate (TAKE PROFITS). We entered into a bearish Swedish rates position back on November 22nd, 2016, paying Sweden 18-month Overnight Index swap rates (Chart 15). At the time, we expected the Riksbank to begin hiking interest rates earlier than what was priced in the markets IF inflation reached the central bank target faster due to a weaker Swedish krona. We also believed that the economy would continue to expand at a robust pace when the economy had no spare capacity, creating additional upside inflation surprises. According to the Riksbank's latest Monetary Policy Statement (MPS), the central bank will likely keep the repo rate at -0.5% until mid-2018, while continuing its asset purchase program until the end of this year - even with an overheating economy. This is because realized inflation has remained below the Riksbank target for a long period of time and, although current inflation is above target, it was not necessary to immediately tighten conditions. More likely, the Riskbank is worried about the potential for the krona to appreciate - especially versus the euro - if rate hikes are delivered. It will only be a matter of time before the central bank is forced to tighten policy with the economy likely to strengthen further, led by solid domestic demand, strong productivity growth, and improving exports. Consumption is also expected to increase as households have scope to cut back their high level of savings. Combining the Riksbank's easing policy with the current strength of the economy and the tightness of the labor market, inflation is very likely to return to the 2% target in the next year or two (Chart 16). Chart 15Close Sweden OIS Trade Close Sweden OIS Trade Close Sweden OIS Trade Chart 16Riksbank More Worried About SEK Than Inflation Riksbank More Worried About SEK Than Inflation Riksbank More Worried About SEK Than Inflation However, if the Riskbank remains too concerned about the currency versus the euro, as we suspect, then this will prevent any shift to a more hawkish stance before any change from the ECB. That is unlikely to happen over the next year, at least, even if the ECB slows the pace of asset purchases as we expect. Thus, we are closing out our Sweden 18-month Overnight Index Swap position at a small profit of 12bps. We have already kept this trade for longer than the typical investment horizon for one of our tactical overlay trades. We will investigate the potential for more profitable trade opportunities in the Swedish fixed income markets in a future report. Korea Long a 2-year/10-year Korean government bond yield curve steepener (HOLD). We recommended entering into a 2-year/10-year steepening trade in the Korean government bond yield curve on May 30th, 2017. Since then, the yield curve has flattened by 7bps, which was mainly caused by an unexpected rise in the 2-year yield, rather than a decline in 10-year yield (Chart 17). Korea is currently enjoying a solid business cycle upturn. Leading economic indicators are rising, the year-over-year growth in exports has risen to a 7-year high and previously sluggish private consumption has also rebounded recently. The Bank of Korea (BoK) is of the view that the recovery will continue and consumer price inflation will stabilize at the target level over the medium-term. This recovery should cause the 2/10 curve to steepen as longer-term inflation expectations rise. Based on South Korean President Moon's aggressive fiscal plans to increase welfare spending and create jobs in the public sector, at a time when the economy is good shape, we still believe that long-end of the curve (10-year) will rise. In addition, as shown in Chart 18, the 26-week rolling beta of changes in the 10-year UST yield and Korean 10-year bond is very high, nearly 1. Given our bearish view on USTs, this implies Korean yields can follow suit. On the other hand, the correlation between the 2-year UST yield and equivalent maturity Korean yields is much lower (4th panel), as Korean rate expectations have not been following those of the U.S. higher - even with a stronger Korean economy. Most likely, this is due to investors downplaying the potential for the BoK to match Fed rate hikes tick-for-tick given the heightened tensions between the U.S. and North Korea. Chart 17Stay In Korea 2yr/10yr##BR##Government Bond Steepener Stay In Korea 2yr/10yr Government Bond Steepener Stay In Korea 2yr/10yr Government Bond Steepener Chart 18Long-Term Korean##BR##Yields Are Too Low Long-Term Korean Yields Are Too Low Long-Term Korean Yields Are Too Low We still believe the Korean curve can steepen as longer-term yields rise, although we will be monitoring the behavior of shorter-dated Korean yield as the situation between D.C. and Pyongyang evolves. If investors begin to demand a higher risk premium on Korean assets, particularly the Korean won, then 2-year Korean yields may rise much faster and our curve trade may not go our way. Robert Robis, Senior Vice President Global Fixed Income Strategy rrobis@bcaresearch.com Patrick Trinh, Associate Editor Patrick@bcaresearch.com Ray Park, Research Analyst ray@bcaresearch.com The GFIS Recommended Portfolio Vs. The Custom Benchmark Index Updating Our Tactical Overlay Trades Updating Our Tactical Overlay Trades Recommendations Duration Regional Allocation Spread Product Tactical Trades Yields & Returns Global Bond Yields Historical Returns

Highlights Expect Spain's strong growth to fade somewhat as its credit impulse appears to have peaked. The Catalan independence debate is an inconvenience but not a long term tail-risk. Expect Italy's growth to pick up as the Italian banking system is repaired. Brave investors could go long Italian bonds versus Spanish bonds now. More cautious investors might wait until after the Italian election in the first half of next year. France's CAC40 is our preferred mainstream euro area equity market right now. Feature Recent history teaches us that to leave the European Union is inconvenient, but to leave the euro is disastrous. To leave the EU means redefining laws, institutions and trading relationships, but to leave the euro means redenominating the entire banking system's assets and liabilities into different currencies - leading to bank runs and chaotic insolvencies. For this reason, even tiny Greece chose to suffer an extended depression rather than to leave the euro. Chart of the WeekSpain Fixed Its Banks In 2013, Italy Is Fixing Its Banks Now Spain Fixed Its Banks In 2013, Italy Is Fixing Its Banks Now Spain Fixed Its Banks In 2013, Italy Is Fixing Its Banks Now Leaving The EU Is Inconvenient, Leaving The Euro Is Disastrous To leave the EU, there is a broadly defined process but the process is inconvenient and protracted, as the United Kingdom is now discovering. The U.K. will technically leave the EU on March 31 2019, but Prime Minister May has proposed a further transition period of "around two years." Therefore the U.K. will remain in the European single market and customs union - and fully subject to EU laws and regulations - until at least 2021, five years after the U.K. voted to leave the EU. This protraction of the exit process creates a tasty irony. Not long after the U.K. fully leaves in 2021, the Leave vote's 1.25 million majority will have disappeared - counting those who voted in 2016 who are still alive. This is because out of the 0.625 million deaths in the U.K. in each of the coming years, there is a very heavy skew to Leave's much older voters1 (Chart I-2). As the U.K is not in the euro there is no secondary issue of whether to leave the single currency. But this does raise an interesting hypothetical question. If a euro area country - or region like Catalonia - inconveniently left or was ejected from the EU, does it follow that it must also crash out of the euro? No. Several non-EU countries already use the euro. There are the European microstates of Andorra, Monaco, San Marino and Vatican City. More significantly, Montenegro and Kosovo have adopted the euro as their de facto currency. To be clear, we do not expect Catalonia to secede. Polls consistently show a significant majority in Catalonia do not want full independence (Chart I-3). The unionists mostly boycotted the independence referendum because Madrid deemed it illegal. Given the low turnout, the 89% vote for independence equalled just 37% of eligible voters. Chart I-2The Vote For Brexit Was ##br##Driven By Older Voters The Spain/Italy Conundrum The Spain/Italy Conundrum Chart I-3A Significant Minority In Catalonia##br## Do Not Want Full Independence A Significant Minority In Catalonia Do Not Want Full Independence A Significant Minority In Catalonia Do Not Want Full Independence But even if Catalonia did become independent, this hypothetical eventuality would not involve a catastrophic exit from the euro. Catalonia, in its economic interest, would want to keep the euro, and the EU would let it. The Spain/Italy Conundrum The much bigger threat would be if a major euro area country felt that the single currency was not in its economic interest, and decided to jettison the euro. In this regard, the problem - at first sight - appears to be Italy. Through the 19 years of the euro, Italy's real GDP per head has grown by just 6%, substantially less than any other major economy. If the single currency is to blame for the significant underperformance of its third largest economy with 60 million people, then the euro's long-term viability has to be in question. But it is hard to blame the euro per se for Italy's painful underperformance. For the first half of the euro's life, 1999-2007, Italian real GDP per head performed more or less in line with the United States, Canada and France (Chart I-4) - even without a substantial tailwind from a credit-fuelled boom which the other economies had. Then, in the post-2007 years, there was little to distinguish the economic performances of Italy and Spain until 2013 (Chart I-5). At which point, Spain took off, with real GDP per head subsequently expanding by 15%. Whereas Italy struggled to grow. The conundrum is: what explains this stark recent difference between Spain and Italy? Chart I-4Through 1999-2007, Italy Grew In Line ##br##With Other Major Economies Through 1999-2007, Italy Grew In Line With Other Major Economies Through 1999-2007, Italy Grew In Line With Other Major Economies Chart I-5Post-Crisis, There Was Little To Distinguish##br## Italy and Spain Until 2013 Post-Crisis, There Was Little To Distinguish Italy and Spain Until 2013 Post-Crisis, There Was Little To Distinguish Italy and Spain Until 2013 The start of Italy's underperformance in 2008 and the start of Spain's strong recovery in 2013 provide the solution to the conundrum. Following the global financial crisis in 2008, Italy has still to repair its banking system. Whereas Spain fixed its banks in 2013. Significantly, Spain ring-fenced bad assets within a bad bank while recapitalising good banks. In effect, it finally did what other economies - most notably the U.S., U.K. and Ireland - had done several years earlier in response to their own housing-related banking crises. Therefore in 2013, Spanish banks' aggressive deleveraging ended. The result was that Spain's credit impulse - which measures the change in bank credit flows - rebounded very sharply and has remained positive for four years. This explains Spain's remarkably strong recovery (Chart I-6). In contrast, Italy's still dysfunctional banking system means that its own credit impulse has been much more muted and barely positive over the past four years (Chart I-7). Begging the question: why has Italy been so slow to fix its dysfunctional banking system? One reason is that Italy's banking malaise has built up stealthily, generating frequent financial tremors but without an outright crisis. In contrast, the credit booms in the U.S., U.K., Ireland and Spain did eventually cause housing busts and full-blown banking crises, requiring urgent policymaker response. A second reason is that the Italian government is more highly indebted than other governments, making it more difficult to raise public funds to fix the banking system. The good news is that the Italian government, the EU and the ECB are now on the same page and finally progressing to repair the banking system. Italian banks' equity capital is rising (Chart I-8), their solvency is improving, and the share of non-performing loans has fallen sharply this year (Chart of the Week). Chart I-6Spain's Credit Impulse Rebounded Sharply Spain"s Credit Impulse Rebounded Sharply Spain"s Credit Impulse Rebounded Sharply Chart I-7Italy's Credit Impulse Has Been More Muted Italy"s Credit Impulse Has Been More Muted Italy"s Credit Impulse Has Been More Muted Chart I-8Italian Banks Are Raising Equity Capital Italian Banks Are Raising Equity Capital Italian Banks Are Raising Equity Capital Moreover, the recent smooth winding down of the failing Banca Popolare di Vicenza and Veneto Bank showed that the EU's new rules for resolving failing banks is working. Admittedly, the rules mean that institutional investors could still suffer losses. But a pragmatic solution will permit public funds to protect 'widows and orphans' retail investors. Some Investment Thoughts As the Italian banking system is repaired, there will be a pickup in Italy's growth just as there was in Spain. However, the strong tailwind to Spain's growth that started in 2013 is now fading given that Spain's credit impulse has peaked. This suggests that the yield spread between Italian BTPs and Spanish Bonos - which measures the extra risk premium in Italy - is at a cyclical peak from which it is likely to compress (Chart I-9). Brave investors could go long Italian bonds versus Spanish bonds now. More cautious investors might wait until after the Italian election in the first half of next year. On the face of it, a fading risk of euro breakup should also boost euro area equity relative performance. The trouble is that the relative performance of the broad Eurostoxx50 index is entirely at the mercy of its major sector skews - specifically, a huge underweighting to Technology and an overweighting to Banks (Chart I-10). The way around this dilemma - to like euro area equities but to dislike the overall sector skew - is to steer towards mainstream indexes which have less of a distorting skew. On this basis, the mainstream euro area equity market we would pick right now is France's CAC40 (Chart I-11). Chart I-9The Yield Spread Between Italian And ##br##Spanish Bonds Is At A Cyclical Peak The Yield Spread Between Italian And Spanish Bonds Is At A Cyclical Peak The Yield Spread Between Italian And Spanish Bonds Is At A Cyclical Peak Chart I-10Eurostoxx50 Relative Performance Is ##br##At The Mercy Of Its Sector Skews Eurostoxx50 Relative Performance Is At The Mercy Of Its Sector Skews Eurostoxx50 Relative Performance Is At The Mercy Of Its Sector Skews Chart I-11Prefer the CAC40 To##br## The Eurostoxx50 Prefer the CAC40 To The Eurostoxx50 Prefer the CAC40 To The Eurostoxx50 Dhaval Joshi, Senior Vice President Chief European Investment Strategist dhaval@bcaresearch.com 1 In the U.K. around 625,000 people die every year and the vast majority of these are aged over 65. But in this older age cohort, 64% voted Leave (source: YouGov). So we can infer that of the 625,000 deaths, about 400,000 voted Leave and 225,000 voted Remain, eroding the Leave majority who are still alive by 175,000 every year. Fractal Trading Model This week, we note that the Canadian 10-year government bond is oversold and due a trend reversal. We prefer to express this as a new relative trade: long Canadian 10-year bond / short 10-year German bund with a profit target / stop-loss of 1% and double position size. In other trades, long USD/CAD hit its 2.5% profit target - the second success in this specific trade in the last three months. We now have three open positions. For any investment, excessive trend following and groupthink can reach a natural point of instability, at which point the established trend is highly likely to break down with or without an external catalyst. An early warning sign is the investment's fractal dimension approaching its natural lower bound. Encouragingly, this trigger has consistently identified countertrend moves of various magnitudes across all asset classes. Chart I-12 Long Canadian 10-Year Government Bond Long Canadian 10-Year Government Bond The post-June 9, 2016 fractal trading model rules are: When the fractal dimension approaches the lower limit after an investment has been in an established trend it is a potential trigger for a liquidity-triggered trend reversal. Therefore, open a countertrend position. The profit target is a one-third reversal of the preceding 13-week move. Apply a symmetrical stop-loss. Close the position at the profit target or stop-loss. Otherwise close the position after 13 weeks. Use the position size multiple to control risk. The position size will be smaller for more risky positions. * For more details please see the European Investment Strategy Special Report "Fractals, Liquidity & A Trading Model," dated December 11, 2014, available at eis.bcaresearch.com Fractal Trading Model Recommendations Equities Bond & Interest Rates Currency & Other Positions Closed Fractal Trades Trades Closed Trades Asset Performance Currency & Bond Equity Sector Country Equity Indicators Bond Yields Chart II-1Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-2Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-3Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-4Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Interest Rate Chart II-5Indicators To Watch ##br##- Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-6Indicators To Watch##br## - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-7Indicators To Watch ##br##- Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-8Indicators To Watch##br## - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations

Highlights Even isolated North Korean attacks are unlikely to lead to a full-scale war; The USD sell-off will start to reverse once Trump makes Gary Cohn his official pick for Fed chairman; Europe is not a risk for investors ... even Italy is only a longer-term risk; France is reforming; stay long French industrials versus German. Feature Last week, in London, we were scheduled to give a talk on Sino-American tensions, East Asian geopolitical risks, and North Korea specifically. We submitted our topic of choice about a month ahead of the event, when tensions between Pyongyang and Washington were at their height. As tensions temporarily subsided following Supreme Leader Kim Jong-Un's decision to delay the planned missile launch towards Guam, several colleagues wondered if the topic was still a pertinent one. We stressed in our research that tensions would not dissipate and would continue to be market-relevant, if not critical for S&P 500.1 Unfortunately, we have been proven right. Forecasting geopolitics requires insight, multi-disciplinary methodology, and a treasure trove of empirical knowledge. But sometimes it also just comes down to using Google and looking at a calendar. For example, given the present context of heightened tensions, the annual U.S.-South Korean military exercises - Key Resolve, which occurs normally in the spring, and Ulchi-Freedom Guardian, which occurs in August - are obvious dates to monitor. They are provocations that North Korea has to respond to for both foreign and domestic audiences. Pyongyang has chosen to do so by firing an ICBM across Japan and testing a sixth nuclear device, allegedly a miniaturized hydrogen bomb. While both these actions qualitatively expand on previous acts (missile and nuclear tests), neither cross a threshold. We are still in the realm of "territorial threat display." President Trump and Supreme Leader Kim are angling their "swords," but have not dared to cross them yet. Nonetheless, our clients have pointed out that our "arch of diplomacy" approach leaves a lot to imagination. Therefore, the first insight from the road of this week is that we need to put our thinking cap on and imagine a scenario where tensions do blow over into open conflict. How do we imagine such a scenario occurring and why would it not devolve into full out war that forces the U.S. to attack the North Korean mainland? Is North Korea About To Become A Praying Mantis? We can imagine a scenario where North Korea commits an act that takes us beyond the nuanced thresholds set by recent history (Chart 1). For example, we have cited to clients that an attack against international shipping in the Yellow Sea or Sea of Japan by North Korean submarines would be an unprecedented act that the U.S. and Japan would likely retaliate against.2 We could see the U.S. following the script from 1988 Operation Praying Mantis in the Persian Gulf - the largest surface engagement by the U.S. Navy since the Second World War - when the U.S. sunk half of Iran's navy in retaliation for the mining of the guided missile frigate USS Samuel B. Roberts. In the case of North Korea, this would primarily mean taking out its approximately 20 Romeo-class submarines and an unknown number of domestically-produced - Yugoslav-designed - newly built submarines.3 Chart 1North Korean Provocations Rarely Affect Markets For Long North Korean Provocations Rarely Affect Markets For Long North Korean Provocations Rarely Affect Markets For Long Such an increase in tensions is not our baseline case, but we assign much higher probability to it than to an all-out war on the Korean Peninsula (which we still see as highly unlikely). How would the markets react to the sinking of North Korean submarines? How would Pyongyang react? The answer to the former (market's reaction) depends on the answer to the latter (what does Pyongyang do?). Our best guess is that Pyongyang would do nothing. In fact, we may never know that North Korean submarines were sunk. We would suspect that North Korean military strategists would chalk the subs as a loss and quietly move on to more missile tests. Leadership in Pyongyang is massively constrained by its quantifiable military inferiority. This part requires a bit of "order-of-battle" analysis, so bear with us for a few paragraphs. North Korea has around 6 million military personnel, about 25% of the total North Korean population, ready to fight. Which would be great if it were preparing to charge Verdun in WWI. Unfortunately for Pyongyang, it is arrayed against one of the most sophisticated defenses ever constructed by man. To burst through the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ), its mammoth ground forces would have at their disposal about 2000 T-55s (designed in the 1950s) and an unknown number of T-72s (designed in the 1970s). The former are obsolete, but the latter are solid main battle tanks that could do damage ... that is, in a world where war was not airborne. The problem is that North Korea would lose air superiority within hours of any serious engagement leaving its tanks and ground troops vulnerable to death-from-above. Since North Korean troops would have to enter about 20 miles into South Korea to threaten Seoul with occupation, they would have to exit the range of most of their air defenses. Choosing to turn on the most powerful of their systems - such as the KN-06 with a 150km range - would leave them vulnerable to the U.S. AGM-88 HARM missiles that sniff out active radar antenna or transmitters. To protect its invading forces, North Korea would have at its disposal only about 20-30 Mig-29s. Countering two dozen jets would be South Korea's combined 177 F-15 and F-16s, plus American forces that would vary in size depending how many aircraft carriers were deployed in the vicinity and whether U.S. forces in Japan were deployed to counter the attack. Given that a single American aircraft carrier holds up to 48 fighter jets, North Koreans would likely quickly find themselves fighting a losing battle. Once the North Korean fighter jets were destroyed, the South Korean air force would turn the invasion into a massacre. The reality is that North Korea's ground forces are just for show. Its tanks and fighter jets will never see battle. North Korea really only has two gears: P & N. The first is for "Provocation" and the second is for "Nuclear Armageddon." This is why we highly doubt that we will see our Praying Mantis scenario play out, or lead to full-scale war if it does. North Korea is constrained by its technological inferiority. It does not have the ability to conduct war across a full spectrum of engagement. Neither did Iran in 1988, which is why it never retaliated for the loss of its navy, put all its revolutionary zeal and chest-thumping aside, and sued the U.S. at the International Court of Justice instead.4 The U.S. has a range of limited military engagements, particularly at sea, that could hurt Pyongyang's ability to project what little power it has. Given our constraint-based methodology, which requires one to have some understanding of military affairs, we have a fairly high conviction view that North Korea will continue to toe-the-line of the expected and thus accepted provocations along the lines of the history surveyed in Chart 1. Going beyond that list would threaten to expose the paucity of North Korea's military capabilities. Bottom Line: We are still in for a wild ride with North Korea. As we expected, regional safe haven assets continue to perform well. We will hold on to our safe haven basket of Swiss bonds and gold, up 2.6% since August 16. Nonetheless, we expect North Korea to steer clear of provoking a war. Gary Cohn Will Collapse The USD! (But What If He Already Did?) Several fast-money clients - both in the U.S. and Asia - have a theory for why the greenback continues to suffer: Gary Cohn. The theory goes that Cohn is an ultra-dove whose job as the next Fed Chair will be to stay "behind the curve" and drive down the USD. This would accomplish President Trump's lofty nominal GDP growth goals despite legislative hurdles to his fiscal policy. It would also keep risk assets well bid and help begin rebalancing the U.S. trade deficit. What do we know of Mr. Cohn's views on monetary policy? Not much: He defended the Trump administration goal of a 3% GDP growth target, suggesting that he has a far more optimistic view of U.S. growth than the current Fed projection;5 He believes that monetary policy is "globalized," intoning at a conference in Florida quickly after the election that the Fed policy of raising rates before the rest of the world is ready to do the same would be a mistake;6 In a January 2016 Bloomberg TV interview, he said that both the U.S. and Chinese currencies were overvalued and would both have to devalue.7 People who know and have worked with Gary Cohn (including one colleague at BCA!) speak highly of his pragmatism, work ethic, and focus. Most agree that he would likely be dove-ish, but there is not a single person we have spoken to who thinks that he will be Trump's puppet. As such, his disconnected statements largely say nothing about his potential style of leadership. His most ultra-dovish, USD-slaying comment comes from January 2016, with DXY 6.9% down since then (Chart 2). Mission Accomplished Mr. Cohn? The real reason for the USD slide, aside from a persistently disappointing inflation print, has been a realization by the market that President Trump's bark has no bite. On a slew of measures, President Trump's initial bravado has dissipated into flabby rhetoric. Chart 3 shows the initial surge in optimism regarding growth, tax reform, infrastructure spending, Mexico's comeuppance, and bi-partisanship (measured as support among independents). Each data point has not only fallen back to pre-election levels, but appears to have now been desensitized to any news that would have excited it in the past. For example, NAFTA negotiations are off to a poor start, President Trump continues to bash the trade deal, and yet the peso has rallied since Trump's inauguration! Chart 2Mission Accomplished, Mr. Cohn? Mission Accomplished, Mr. Cohn? Mission Accomplished, Mr. Cohn? Chart 3Trump's Bark Has No Bite? Trump's Bark Has No Bite? Trump's Bark Has No Bite? The Fed itself has lost faith in the president. The number of FOMC members who see upside risks to inflation and GDP growth, not unrelated to fiscal policy, has fallen after a brief surge after the election (Chart 4). Chart 4The Fed Also Doubts Trump Insights From The Road - The Rest Of The World Insights From The Road - The Rest Of The World What chances are there for the White House and Congress to re-write the fiscal narrative over the final quarter of 2017? As we wrote last week, Hurricane Harvey will ensure that a debt ceiling breach and government shutdown are avoided. However, Congress is likely to spend September making one last attempt at Obamacare repeal and replace, thus largely wasting the month before returning to tax reform in earnest in the new fiscal year. We expect some form of tax legislation to take shape by the end of December. Will it be comprehensive tax reform? Unlikely. It will now almost certainly be merely a tax-cutting exercise, with some revenue offsets attached to it. With the Republicans in Congress now leading the tax reform effort, it is unlikely that the budget deficit hole will be as wide as President Trump would have wanted. The problem is that both Trump's July tax reform proposal and the House GOP August plan come short of revenue-neutrality by around $3-3.5 trillion (over the decade-long period) (Table 1). Given that such a massive increase in the deficit would be unacceptable to fiscal hawks (or Democrats) in the House, we would expect tax rates to be cut by a much more modest degree. Table 1By How Much Will Republican Tax Cuts Widen The Deficit? Insights From The Road - The Rest Of The World Insights From The Road - The Rest Of The World Table 1 gives a detailed survey of the preferences (Tax Cuts) and constraints (Revenue Offsets). It is difficult to see how all the constraints are overcome through the legislative process. This will force Republicans to modify their preferences on the scale of tax cuts. We would expect that a corporate tax cut from 35% to around 27-28% could be possible, along with a minimal middle-class tax cut. Anything beyond that would be overly complicated. Therein lies the paradox for Chair Cohn. The only way that he can be "behind the curve" is if the curve gets "in front of him." But why would it if any coming tax legislation has very little stimulative effect on the economy? Currently, the expected change in the Fed Funds Rate over the next two years stands at a measly 40 bps (Chart 5). That is just barely two rate hikes until September 2019. How can Mr. Cohn get the expectations any lower at this point? Bottom Line: The appointment of Gary Cohn will be a classic "sell the (USD on the) rumor, buy (the USD) on the news." We expect his appointment in late November or early December, if President Trump goes by the lead time from the past two nominations (Chart 6). That may be the time to pare back USD shorts for those investors who have been bearish on the greenback. Chart 5Hard To Drive Expectations##BR##Lower For Rate Hikes Hard To Drive Expectations Lower For Rate Hikes Hard To Drive Expectations Lower For Rate Hikes Chart 6How Long Does It Take To##BR##Confirm The Fed Chair? Insights From The Road - The Rest Of The World Insights From The Road - The Rest Of The World Europe Is Not A Risk Chart 7Europe's Economy Zooming Along Europe's Economy Zooming Along Europe's Economy Zooming Along One clear insight from our five weeks on the road this summer is that Europe is no longer on anyone's radar. We had hardly any questions regarding the upcoming German or Italian elections. And while most investors were somewhat pessimistic regarding French structural reforms, none expressed any interest in betting against them either. The obvious reason is that Europe's economy has genuinely recovered (Chart 7). Consumer and business confidence are holding up while the manufacturing PMI and industrial production remain strong. That said, uniformity of view among clients across several geographies makes us nervous. On the future of the Euro Area, investors have swung wildly from morose to resigned that it is here to stay. Nonetheless, we generally agree with the consensus. Unlike at the beginning of this year, when we boldly claimed that European risks would turn out to be a "trophy red herring," we have no alpha to generate by disagreeing with the market.8 Here is why: German Election: We have a policy of not wasting our client's time by covering major geopolitical events that have no market-relevance. Germany is the world's fourth-largest economy and it will hold an election on September 24. However, we see no investment relevance in the election and therefore no reason to spend time covering it. Polls show that the center-left opposition Social Democratic Party (SPD) has arrested its decline and may force another Grand Coalition (Chart 8). The only moderately interesting question is whether Chancellor Angela Merkel's Christian Democratic Union (CDU) will be able to get its favored coalition ally, the Free Democratic Party (FDP), into government instead. The FDP has turned towards soft Euroskepticism since 2009. Its parliamentarians voted against several bills dealing with the Euro Area crisis during their 2009-2013 coalition with the CDU. That said, Chancellor Merkel has turned much more forcefully pro-Europe since the dark days of Greek bailouts and bond market rioting. The Chancellor can read the polls: Germans support the common currency at 81%, compared to 66% average between 2009-2013 (Chart 9). We expect the FDP to play along with the Europhile conversion by the CDU. Chart 8Another Grand Coalition? Another Grand Coalition? Another Grand Coalition? Chart 9Merkel Knows Germans Support The Euro Merkel Knows Germans Support The Euro Merkel Knows Germans Support The Euro If there is any significance to the calm ahead of the German election, it is that the country is at "peak normal." Its policymakers have dealt with a massive migration crisis, geopolitical crises to the East, terrorist attacks, and severe political and economic stresses in its sphere of influence, all with a near-complete absence of internal drama. This looks like either "as good as it gets," or the start of a new Golden Age in Europe, with Berlin in the lead. It is probably neither, but given European asset prices, and gearing to the growing global economy, we would remain overweight Euro Area equities going forward. Italian Election: Polls remain too-close-to-call in the upcoming Italian election, with Euroskeptic parties continuing to poll well (Chart 10). However, we are not sure one can truly call these parties Euroskeptic anymore. Despite a high level of Euroskeptic sentiment in the country (Chart 11), its Euroskeptic parties have been scared off by the failures of peers in Austria, the Netherlands, and France. Chart 10Italy: Euroskeptic Parties Poll Well... Italy: Euroskeptic Parties Poll Well... Italy: Euroskeptic Parties Poll Well... Chart 11...Reflecting Broader Euroskepticism ...Reflecting Broader Euroskepticism ...Reflecting Broader Euroskepticism Luigi Di Maio, leader of the anti-establishment Five Star Movement (M5S) in the Italian Chamber of Deputies, and Matteo Salvini, head of the right-wing, populist Lega Nord, both reversed positions on the euro this month. Di Maio will be 5SM candidate for prime minister in the upcoming elections - which must be held by May and will likely take place in February or March. He reiterated a position, which 5SM hinted at in the past, that leaving the Euro Area would only be the "last resort" if Brussels refused to relax strict budget rules. Meanwhile, the firebrand, populist, Salvini hid behind Italy's constitution, claiming that a referendum on the euro would be illegal. In the short term, this means that the election in 2018 is no longer a risk. In the long term, it does not change the fact that Italy is ripe for a bout of Euroskeptic crisis at some later stage. Migration Crisis: Bad news for right-wing populists everywhere: the migration crisis is over and in quite a dramatic fashion. This is an empirical fact (Chart 12). Europe's enforcement efforts and collaboration with Libyan authorities (such as they are) have now forced even the humanitarian agencies to abandon the Mediterranean route. One of the largest such agencies - the Migrant Offshore Aid Station (MOAS) - recently announced that it was packing its mothership, the Phoenix, for Myanmar. The group is the fourth to stop patrols for migrants. Medecins sans Frontieres, Save the Children, and Germany's Sea Eye all cited hostile actions taken by Libyan authorities towards their vessels as the main reason to stop rescuing migrants in Libyan waters. Chart 12The 'Migration Crisis' Is Definitively Over The 'Migration Crisis' Is Definitively Over The 'Migration Crisis' Is Definitively Over To be clear, what is happening in the Mediterranean is a result of European enforcement efforts, not any sudden awakening of Libyan capacity or sovereignty. The European Union and Italy are training and funding the Libyan Coast Guard, which has started to intercept humanitarian vessels, threaten them with force (often right in front of the Italian Navy!), and force them to return migrants to Libya, where they are subjected to extremely cruel internment. Prior to this development, human smugglers would launch barely seaworthy "crafts" towards humanitarian ships waiting literally yards away in Libyan waters to "rescue" the "migrants" to Europe. As such, humanitarian agencies were aiding and abetting human smuggling, by making it a lucrative enterprise with no downside risk for the smugglers. We expect the step-up in enforcement in Libyan waters to severely impair the cost-benefit calculus of attempting a Mediterranean crossing for a would-be migrant. Instead of a welcoming NGO vessel many will find themselves in Libyan Internment camps. Word will spread fast and the migration crisis will abate further. We have now come full circle on the migration crisis, which we predicted back in September 2015 would end precisely in such an illiberal fashion.9 Europe has a vicious streak ... who knew? Structural Reforms In France: In February, we penned a bullish report on France, arguing with high conviction that Marine Le Pen would lose and that structural reforms would follow.10 What is the status of the latter forecast? Despite a decline in President Emmanuel Macron's popularity (Chart 13), he is expending his political capital early in his term. He understands our "J-curve of Structural Reform" (Diagram 1). Policymakers who understand how the reform J-curve works know that they have to spend their political capital while they have it, at the beginning of their term, in order to reap the benefits, if there are any, while they are still in power. Chart 13Macron's Popularity Slips Insights From The Road - The Rest Of The World Insights From The Road - The Rest Of The World Diagram 1The J-Curve Of Structural Reform Insights From The Road - The Rest Of The World Insights From The Road - The Rest Of The World How do Macron's reforms compare with previous efforts? Generally speaking, Macron's reforms (Table 2) compare favorably with both the 2012 Mariano Rajoy reforms in Spain and the 2003 Hartz reforms in Germany. The Hartz reforms were instrumental in expanding temporary work contracts and restructured generous unemployment benefits. Similarly, the Rajoy reforms in Spain clarified economic grounds for dismissal and created more flexible "entrepreneur contracts." Macron's reforms fit these efforts, especially the proposals to put in place "project contracts" - an open-ended contract lasting for the duration of a project - and to establish a floor and a ceiling for allowances in cases of unfair terminations, and make termination for economic reasons easier. Table 2French Labor Reforms: The Key Bits Insights From The Road - The Rest Of The World Insights From The Road - The Rest Of The World The two criticisms of the reform efforts we most often hear are that France has not had a crisis to spur reforms and that unions will launch vicious protests. The first criticism is dubious, given that France is itself emerging from the low-growth doldrums of the post-Great Financial Crisis. It is simply false to say that France has had no crisis. The French public is acutely aware that its real per-capita GDP growth has been closer to Greek levels than German ones over the last two decades (Chart 14) and that it has lost competitiveness in the global marketplace (Chart 15). One cannot have a conversation with a French friend, colleague, or client without wanting to order a strong drink!11 Chart 14France's Lost Millennium Insights From The Road - The Rest Of The World Insights From The Road - The Rest Of The World Chart 15France's Lost Competitiveness France's Lost Competitiveness France's Lost Competitiveness Besides, what monumental crisis was it that propelled Germany into reforms in the early 2000s? A vicious recession? A massive bank crisis? It was neither. Germany was simply weighed down for a decade by fiscal transfers to East Germany and sensing that its export-oriented industry was facing a massive challenge from the Asian move up the value chain. It was this acute sense of competitive pressure, of falling behind, that spurred Germany to reform. With France, the acute sense of falling behind Germany (Chart 16) is at the heart of today's effort. Chart 16German Competition Puts A Fire Under France German Competition Puts A Fire Under France German Competition Puts A Fire Under France The second criticism, that the unions will hold protests, misjudges the political capital arrayed behind Macron. Despite his sagging popularity, 85.9% of the seats in the National Assembly are of pro-reform orientation (Diagram 2). The second-largest party in the parliament is Les Republicains, an even more zealously pro-reform group. This is a unique situation in French history and will allow the government to ignore protests on the street. Diagram 2The Balance Of Power In France's National Assembly Insights From The Road - The Rest Of The World Insights From The Road - The Rest Of The World In fact, two of the largest unions in France - Force Ouvrière and CFDT - have both said they would not protest the labor reforms. This leaves only the more militant CGT to protest, along with the left-wing presidential candidate Jean-Luc Mélenchon. The reason investors will still fret about protests this month is because CGT retains a strong representation in heavy industry and infrastructure sectors like energy and railways. As such, their industrial action could grind the country to a halt. We suspect that a repeat of the 1995 general strike or the 2010 French pension reform unrest - both of which CGT spearheaded - will be the final nail in the coffin of "Old France." Unlike those previous reform efforts, President Macron's effort has been clearly signaled ahead of the election and thus retains considerable democratic legitimacy. As such, any repeat of the 1995 or especially 2010 unrest would delegitimize the unions and give President Macron even more political capital. Bottom Line: We agree with the now conventional view that all is well in Europe. Stability ahead of the German election reminds investors of what a healthy country is supposed to look like. Italian election risks have dissipated. And our French structural reforms call remains on track. This gives us an opportunity to do some house-cleaning regarding our calls. First, we are closing our long French 10-year bond / short Italian 10-year bond trade for a gain of only 1 bps. Second, we are closing our overweight Euro Area equities relative to U.S. equities call for a gain of 7.88%. Given our euro-bullishness, we never recommended that this call be currency hedged. We are now reinstating it with a currency hedge. We are also closing our long German 10-Year CPI Swap for a gain of 45.5 bps. We will stick with our long French industrial equities / short German industrials, which is currently up 9.25%. This is a way we have chosen to articulate our bullish view on the reforms, although clients with greater sophistication in European sectors could come up with a more direct way to articulate the view. Separately, we are also booking profits on our long China volatility trade (CBOE China ETF Volatility Index) for a gain of 16.82%. Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Chief Geopolitical Strategist marko@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Can Pyongyang Derail The Bull Market?" dated August 16, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 2 A North Korean submarine sank the South Korean corvette Cheonan in 2010, but that was still within the norm of behavior for the two countries that are still effectively at war and have contested maritime borders. 3 Romeo-class submarines are nearly 70 years old. As much as we harken back to Yugoslav engineering with pride at BCA's Geopolitical Strategy, Belgrade was never much of a naval power. Nonetheless, diesel-powered submarines are quite proficient in staying undetected and could present a problem for the U.S. Navy. At least until they had to resurface or get back to base, where nuclear-powered U.S. Virginia-class attack-subs would lie in wait for them. 4 Tehran won the court case in 2003! And the ICJ forced the U.S. to compensate Iran for its lost ships or else face invasion by the United Nations army. (We are just kidding obviously. Iran did win, but it got nothing.) Please see Pieter H.F. Bekker, "The World Court Finds that U.S. Attacks on Iranian Oil Platforms in 1987-1988 Were Not Justifiable as Self-Defense, but the United States Did Not Violate the Applicable Treaty with Iran," American Society of International Law Volume 8, Issue 25, dated November 11, 2003, available at: asil.org. 5 Please see CNBC, "Tax reform is coming in September, Trump economic advisor Gary Cohn says," dated June 29, 2017, available at cnbc.com. 6 Please see Wall Street Journal, "How Donald Trump's New Top Economic Adviser Views the World," dated December 14, 2016, available at wjs.com. 7 Please see Business Insider, "Trump and his top economic adviser have had completely different views on China," dated January 3, 2017, available at businessinsider.com. 8 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Strategic Outlook, "Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now," dated December 14, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 9 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "The Great Migration - Europe, Refugees, And Investment Implications," dated September 23, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 10 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy and Foreign Exchange Strategy Special Report, "The French Revolution," dated February 3, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 11 Thankfully for France, the choice would still be French wine!

Highlights The euro area's structural growth prospects (adjusted for demographics) are no different to any other developed economy such as the U.K., U.S. or Japan. Liberated from the headwinds of its own policy errors, the euro area's relative growth is now transitioning from a down-cycle to a multi-year up-cycle, and this brings three multi-year investment implications: Underweight German bunds and French OATs, both in a European bond portfolio and in a global bond portfolio. Overweight the euro, specifically euro/dollar and euro/yuan. Overweight euro area retailers versus U.S. retailers. Feature Over the past 20 years or so, every major European country has at one time or another been given the dubious title 'the sick man of Europe'. Chart of the Week AAfter 2008, Everybody Recapitalised Their Banks... After 2008, Everybody Recapitalised Their Banks... After 2008, Everybody Recapitalised Their Banks... Chart of the Week B...Except Italy ...Except Italy ...Except Italy Remarkable as it sounds today, in the early 2000s the sick man was Germany - whose economy suffered recurring stalls; in 2007 it was Portugal; then in the aftermath of the Great Recession the sick man title went at different points in 2009 to the U.K. and to Spain, as both economies struggled to bounce back from the downturn. Thereafter, the title has variously gone to Ireland, Finland, France, and Italy. In most cases, the sick man title mistakes a cyclical problem for a structural problem. So when the cyclical weakness ends, the country shakes off the dubious title. Another common mistake is rushing to judgement on the wrong analysis. The best example of this is Japan. You may be familiar with Japan's so-called 'lost decades' or the term 'Japanification' used as a pejorative. The trouble is that the perception of such lost decades is outright wrong! The truth is that over the past two decades Japan's growth in real GDP per head, at 34%, is the best among major developed economies, easily outperforming Germany, the U.K. and the U.S. (Chart I-2). Chart I-2What Lost Decades? Japan Has Outperformed Everybody Else What Lost Decades? Japan Has Outperformed Everybody Else What Lost Decades? Japan Has Outperformed Everybody Else The point is that to level the playing field for countries' different demographic profiles, it is important to compare growth on a per head basis. Real growth per head is what determines improvement in wellbeing and living standards and the best resolution of indebtedness for society as a whole. High nominal growth via inflation may sound appealing to a highly indebted society, but it is over-simplistic. One person's debt is another person's asset, so inflation reduces the burden on half of society - the debtors - by robbing the other half - the creditors. Which isn't necessarily good for society as a whole. Can Italy Recover? This brings us to Europe's current 'sick man', Italy. Some people claim that Italy has underperformed through the full 18 years of the euro. Not true. Based on the all-important real GDP per head metric, Italy was performing more or less in line with the other major developed economies until the Great Recession (Chart I-3). Still, an underperformance that started at the Great Recession means it has lasted almost nine years. So can Italy really be a cyclical 'sick man' - or in this case, is something structural at work? In The Euro's 18th Birthday: Why Isn't Italy Partying?1 we suggested that the root cause of Italy's nine year problem is its still undercapitalised and dysfunctional banking system. This has paralysed an economy heavily dependent on small and medium sized enterprises (SMEs), and their access to bank financing. We can say this with conviction for two reasons. Can it really be just coincidence that Italy is the only major economy that has not recapitalised its banks after the 2008 crisis, and that its underperformance began at exactly the same moment (Chart of the Week)? And can it really be just coincidence that as soon as Spain substantially recapitalised its banks in 2013, the Spanish economy made a remarkable transformation from sick man to strapping health2 (Chart I-4)? To us, these are not coincidences. They pinpoint the root of Italy's problem and solution. Chart I-3Italy Did Not Underperform ##br##Until The Great Recession Italy Did Not Underperform Until The Great Recession Italy Did Not Underperform Until The Great Recession Chart I-4Spain Recovered Strongly As##br## Soon As Its Banks Were Recapitalised Spain Recovered Strongly As Soon As Its Banks Were Recapitalised Spain Recovered Strongly As Soon As Its Banks Were Recapitalised The good news is that Italy is progressing to a solution, albeit slowly. Last week's relatively trouble-free winding down of the failing Banca Popolare di Vicenza and Veneto Bank showed that the ECB, Brussels and the Italian government are on the same page. A pragmatic solution let institutional investors suffer losses while protecting 'widows and orphans' retail investors with public money. In Italy, with many retail investors owning banks' senior bonds, this is the politically acceptable way to go. And at the current rate of resolution, we estimate that the further €50-75 billion of recapitalisation required can be finished within a year. If Italy can get through its next general election without a shock, it will be on the road to a long-term recovery. Euro Area: Don't Mistake A Cyclical Problem For A Structural Problem To reiterate, one of the biggest mistakes in economics and investment is to mistake a cyclical problem for a structural problem. This is especially true when two cyclical downturns come in quick succession. The resulting extended period of poor performance inevitably feels like something structural rather than something cyclical. Many commentators regard the poor performance of the euro area economy since 2008 as evidence of a structural malaise. But the bigger picture does not support this thesis. Through the 18 year lifetime of the monetary union, the euro area and the U.S. have generated identical growth in real GDP per head (Chart I-5). Chart I-5Since The Euro's Birth, The Euro Area And##br## U.S. Have Produced Identical Growth Since The Euro"s Birth, The Euro Area And U.S. Have Produced Identical Growth Since The Euro"s Birth, The Euro Area And U.S. Have Produced Identical Growth Within this bigger picture, the euro area has underperformed through multi-year periods encompassing around half of the 18 years. And it has outperformed through the multi-year periods encompassing the other half. Seen in this light, the post-2008 phase of poor performance is really the impact of back to back recessions separated by an unusually short gap - with the second of the two recessions the direct result of policy errors specific to the euro area. First, the ECB resisted taking on its critical role as lender of last resort to solvent but illiquid sovereign borrowers, thereby enflaming a containable liquidity crisis into an almost uncontainable and catastrophic solvency crisis. Then, when the ECB ultimately relented, a protracted stress test of European banks forced lenders to shrink their assets, effectively paralysing an economy heavily dependent on bank finance. Still, the euro area does not have a monopoly when it comes to damaging policy errors and misanalysis. We tend to have short memories, but let's not forget former U.K. Finance Minister and Prime Minister Gordon Brown's claim that the boom-bust cycle had been abolished, justifying a much lighter touch regulation of the financial system through the early 2000s. Or Ben Bernanke's now infamous misanalysis of the U.S. housing market in 2005: "Well, I guess I don't buy the premise that U.S. house prices will come down substantially. It's a pretty unlikely possibility..." These observations are not meant to criticise, but just to illustrate that policymakers are not omniscient. They understand the economy and financial markets little more than we do. Furthermore, political constraints often limit their room for manoeuvre, forcing the policy errors. Policy Error Now More Likely Outside The Euro Area Looking ahead to the next few years, our sense is that the risk of policy error is now greater outside the euro area than inside. Specifically, the still uncertain trajectories of Brexit and of the Trump administration are likely to have their greatest disruptive impacts in the U.K. and U.S. respectively. Our broad thesis is that the euro area's structural growth prospects (adjusted for demographics) are no different to any other developed economy such as the U.K., U.S. or Japan. And liberated from the headwinds of its own policy errors, the euro area's relative growth is now transitioning from a down-cycle to a multi-year up-cycle. Which brings three multi-year investment implications: Underweight euro area government bonds, specifically German bunds and French OATs, both in a European bond portfolio and in a global bond portfolio (Chart I-6 and Chart I-7). Overweight the euro, specifically euro/dollar and euro/yuan. For equities, the translation to the headline euro area index, the Eurostoxx50 is somewhat complicated by its dominant sector skew (overweight banks, underweight technology) which tends to drive relative performance. Instead, we find that in recent years the relative performance of the more domestic-focussed retailers has closely tracked relative economic performance (Chart I-8). Hence, overweight euro area retailers versus U.S. retailers. Chart I-6Relative Bond ##br##Yields... Relative Bond Yields... Relative Bond Yields... Chart I-7...Must Follow Relative##br## Economic Performance ...Must Follow Relative Economic Performance ...Must Follow Relative Economic Performance Chart I-8Retailers Relative Performance Tracks##br## Relative Economic Performance Retailers Relative Performance Tracks Relative Economic Performance Retailers Relative Performance Tracks Relative Economic Performance Please note there will be no report next week. Our next report will come out on July 20. Dhaval Joshi, Senior Vice President European Investment Strategy dhaval@bcaresearch.com 1 Published on June 1, 2017 and available at eis.bcaresearch.com 2 Spain's real GDP per head has grown by over 12% since its trough in 2013. Fractal Trading Model* Long nickel / short palladium has achieved its 10% profit target, and is now closed, leaving four open positions. There are no new trades this week. For any investment, excessive trend following and groupthink can reach a natural point of instability, at which point the established trend is highly likely to break down with or without an external catalyst. An early warning sign is the investment's fractal dimension approaching its natural lower bound. Encouragingly, this trigger has consistently identified countertrend moves of various magnitudes across all asset classes. Chart I-9 Long Nickel / Short Palladium Long Nickel / Short Palladium * For more details please see the European Investment Strategy Special Report "Fractals, Liquidity & A Trading Model," dated December 11, 2014, available at eis.bcaresearch.com The post-June 9, 2016 fractal trading model rules are: When the fractal dimension approaches the lower limit after an investment has been in an established trend it is a potential trigger for a liquidity-triggered trend reversal. Therefore, open a countertrend position. The profit target is a one-third reversal of the preceding 13-week move. Apply a symmetrical stop-loss. Close the position at the profit target or stop-loss. Otherwise close the position after 13 weeks Use the position size multiple to control risk. The position size will be smaller for more risky positions. Fractal Trading Model Recommendations Equities Bond & Interest Rates Currency & Other Positions Closed Fractal Trades Trades Closed Trades Asset Performance Currency & Bond Equity Sector Country Equity Indicators Bond Yields Chart II-1Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-2Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-3Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-4Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Interest Rate Chart II-5Indicators To Watch##br## - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-6Indicators To Watch ##br##- Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-7Indicators To Watch##br## - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-8Indicators To Watch##br## - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations

Highlights For the time being, our cyclical stance is to underweight the globally-sensitive Energy, Materials and Banks sectors versus Healthcare - in both the equity and credit asset-class. Combined with our expectation of a weakening pound/euro, this necessarily means the following European equity market allocation: Overweight: France, Ireland, U.K., Switzerland and Denmark. Neutral: Germany, Netherlands and Sweden. Underweight: Italy, Spain, and Norway. We anticipate shifting to a more cyclical sector (and country) allocation by the late summer, especially on dips. Feature It is worth reminding readers that picking mainstream equity markets1 is overwhelmingly about the industry sectors and dominant stocks that you are buying, wittingly or unwittingly. Picking equity markets is seldom about the prospects of the underlying domestic economies or head-to-head valuations.2 Chart of the WeekGlobal Energy Has Just Tracked The Global 6-Month Credit Impulse (Down) Global Energy Has Just Tracked The Global 6-Month Credit Impulse (Down) Global Energy Has Just Tracked The Global 6-Month Credit Impulse (Down) The usual top-down approach to picking stock markets ignores two dominant features of these markets. First, they have huge variations in their sector exposures. Second, large industry sector groups like Energy, Banks, Healthcare and Technology tend to move en masse under the influence of global or regional rather than domestic drivers. The combination of these two features means that for most stock markets, the sector (and dominant company) impact swamps the effect that comes from the domestic economy. Right now, by far the most important consideration for country pickers is the relative outlook for the globally-sensitive Energy and Banks sectors versus the more defensive Healthcare. As an example, consider the choice between Spain and Switzerland. Spain's IBEX is at the mercy of its huge weighting to Banks, dominated by Santander and BBVA; while Switzerland's SMI is at the mercy of its similarly dominant weighting in the Healthcare sector, via Novartis and Roche. Box I-1 - Sector Skews That Drive Country Relative Performance For major equity indexes in the euro area, the dominant sector skews that drive relative performance are as follows: Germany (DAX) is overweight Chemicals, underweight Banks (Chart 2). France (CAC) is underweight Banks and Basic Materials (Chart 3). Italy (MIB) is overweight Banks (Chart 4). Spain (IBEX) is overweight Banks (Chart 5). Netherlands (AEX) is overweight Technology, underweight Banks (Chart 6). Ireland (ISEQ) is overweight Airlines (Ryanair) which is, in effect, underweight Energy (Chart 7). And for major equity indexes outside the euro area: The U.K. (FTSE100) is effectively underweight the pound (Chart 8). Switzerland (SMI) is overweight Healthcare, underweight Energy (Chart 9). Sweden (OMX) is overweight Industrials (Chart 10). Denmark (OMX20) is overweight Healthcare and Industrials (Chart 11). Norway (OBX) is overweight Energy (Chart 12). The U.S. (S&P500) is overweight Technology, underweight Banks (Chart 13). It follows that if Banks underperform Healthcare, it is highly likely that Spain's IBEX will underperform Switzerland's SMI, irrespective of the performances of the Spanish and Swiss domestic economies. For long-term investors, the large skews in sector exposure also mean that a head-to-head comparison of country valuations can be very misleading. At first glance, Spain, trading on a forward price to earnings (PE) multiple of 15.5, appears 15% cheaper than Switzerland, trading on a multiple of over 18. But this head-to-head difference just reflects the impact of forward PEs of Banks at 11 and Healthcare at 18. The Bank sector's lower multiple does not necessarily make it better value than Healthcare. Unlike two developed economies - whose long-term growth prospects tend to be broadly similar - two industry sectors could end up experiencing very different structural growth outcomes. Which would justify very different multiples. Despite its low multiple, a structural underweight to Banks might nonetheless be a good strategy if the sector's structural growth outlook is poor. In such a case, the low multiple is potentially a value trap. Picking Stock Markets The Right Way To reiterate, the decision to overweight or underweight a mainstream equity index should not be based on your view of the country's underlying economy - unless, of course, the country is the potential source of a major tail-risk event. Instead, the decision should be based on your over-arching sector view, combined with the country's skews to specific dominant stocks and sectors (Box I-1). Chart I-2, Chart I-3, Chart I-4, Chart I-5, Chart I-6, Chart I-7, Chart I-8, Chart I-9, Chart I-10, Chart I-11, Chart I-12 and Chart I-13 should leave readers in absolutely no doubt. A market's dominant sector skew is by far the most important determinant of its relative performance. Chart I-2Germany (DAX) Is Overweight Chemicals,##br## Underweight Banks Germany (DAX) Is Overweight Chemicals, Underweight Banks Germany (DAX) Is Overweight Chemicals, Underweight Banks Chart I-3France (CAC) Is Underweight Banks##br## And Basic Materials France (CAC) Is Underweight Banks And Basic Materials France (CAC) Is Underweight Banks And Basic Materials Chart I-4Italy (MIB) Is Overweight Banks Italy (MIB) Is Overweight Banks Italy (MIB) Is Overweight Banks Chart I-5Spain (IBEX) Is Overweight Banks Spain (IBEX) Is Overweight Banks Spain (IBEX) Is Overweight Banks Chart I-6Netherlands (AEX) Is Overweight Technology,##br## Underweight Banks Netherlands (AEX) Is Overweight Technology, Underweight Banks Netherlands (AEX) Is Overweight Technology, Underweight Banks Chart I-7Ireland (ISEQ) Is Overweight Airlines (Ryanair) ##br##Which Is, In Effect, Underweight Energy Ireland (ISEQ) Is Overweight Airlines (Ryanair) Which Is, In Effect, Underweight Energy Ireland (ISEQ) Is Overweight Airlines (Ryanair) Which Is, In Effect, Underweight Energy Chart I-8The U.K. (FTSE100) Is Effectively ##br##Underweight The Pound The U.K. (FTSE100) Is Effectively Underweight The Pound The U.K. (FTSE100) Is Effectively Underweight The Pound Chart I-9Switzerland (SMI) Is Overweight Healthcare, ##br##Underweight Energy Switzerland (SMI) Is Overweight Healthcare, Underweight Energy Switzerland (SMI) Is Overweight Healthcare, Underweight Energy Chart I-10Sweden (OMX) Is ##br##Overweight Industrials Sweden (OMX) Is Overweight Industrials Sweden (OMX) Is Overweight Industrials Chart I-11Denmark (OMX20) Is Overweight ##br##Healthcare And Industrials Denmark (OMX20) Is Overweight Healthcare And Industrials Denmark (OMX20) Is Overweight Healthcare And Industrials Chart I-12Norway (OBX) Is ##br##Overweight Energy Norway (OBX) Is Overweight Energy Norway (OBX) Is Overweight Energy Chart I-13The U.S. (S&P500) Is Overweight Technology, ##br##Underweight Banks The U.S. (S&P500) Is Overweight Technology, Underweight Banks The U.S. (S&P500) Is Overweight Technology, Underweight Banks Which brings us to the key consideration for country allocation right now: how to allocate to the sectors that feature most often in the skews: Energy and Banks versus Healthcare. For Energy relative performance, note the very strong recent connection with the global 6-month credit impulse. The downswing in the impulse - heralding a very clear growth pause - lines up with the setback in energy and resource prices and the underperformance of these globally-sensitive equity sectors (Chart of the Week and Chart I-14). Meanwhile, in the most recent mini-cycle, Banks' relative performance is tracking the bond yield almost tick for tick (Chart I-15). There are two reasons. For banks, lower bond yields presage both slimmer net interest margins and weaker economic growth. Chart I-14Commodity Price Inflation Is Just Tracking ##br##The Global 6-Month Credit Impulse Commodity Price Inflation Is Just Tracking The Global 6-Month Credit Impulse Commodity Price Inflation Is Just Tracking The Global 6-Month Credit Impulse Chart I-15Financials Are Just Tracking ##br##The Bond Yield Financials Are Just Tracking The Bond Yield Financials Are Just Tracking The Bond Yield So for both Energy and Banks relative performance the overriding question is: when will this mini-downswing end? To answer this question, we note that we are 4-5 months into the global mini-downswing, whose average duration tends to be around 8-9 months. On this basis, now is a little too early to switch to an aggressively pro-cyclical sector allocation. But we would look for potential opportunities by the late summer, especially on sharp dips. Hence, for the time being our cyclical stance is to underweight the globally-sensitive Energy (and Materials) and Banks versus Healthcare. Combined with our expectation of a weakening pound/euro, this necessarily means the following European country allocation: Overweight: France,3 Ireland, U.K., Switzerland and Denmark. Neutral: Germany, Netherlands, and Sweden. Underweight: Italy, Spain, Netherlands and Norway. Clearly, if you have a different cyclical and over-arching sector view, you will arrive at a different country allocation. That's fine. The important point is that the stock and sector skew approach is the right way to pick between mainstream equity indexes. Financials Drive The European Credit Market Finally, an over-arching sector view is also highly relevant for the European corporate credit market. In the euro area, the credit market is heavily skewed towards bank and other financial sector bonds, which account for almost half of euro area corporate bonds by value. By comparison, the U.S. credit market is not so skewed to one dominant sector. Hence, the outlook for the European credit asset-class hinges on the prospects for one sector: Financials (Chart 16). With the European high yield credit spread already close to a 20-year low, we would again wait for a better opportunity before adding aggressively to the European credit asset-class. Chart I-16Mirror Image: European High Yield Credit Spread And Bank Equity Prices Mirror Image: European High Yield Credit Spread And Bank Equity Prices Mirror Image: European High Yield Credit Spread And Bank Equity Prices Dhaval Joshi, Senior Vice President European Investment Strategy dhaval@bcaresearch.com 1 In the developed world. 2 Please also see the three European Investment Strategy Special Reports 'Picking 5 European Countries The Right Way' November 13, 2014, 'Picking Countries The Right Way: Part 2' March 26, 2015 and 'Picking Countries The Right Way: Part 3' November 12, 2015. 3 But expect a small near-term countertrend underperformance in the CAC40. See page 11. Fractal Trading Model* There are no new trades this week. Last week's trade, long nickel / short palladium has made an encouraging countertrend move at the classic limit of a trend. For any investment, excessive trend following and groupthink can reach a natural point of instability, at which point the established trend is highly likely to break down with or without an external catalyst. An early warning sign is the investment's fractal dimension approaching its natural lower bound. Encouragingly, this trigger has consistently identified countertrend moves of various magnitudes across all asset classes. Chart I-17 Long Nickel / Short Palladium Long Nickel / Short Palladium The post-June 9, 2016 fractal trading model rules are: When the fractal dimension approaches the lower limit after an investment has been in an established trend it is a potential trigger for a liquidity-triggered trend reversal. Therefore, open a countertrend position. The profit target is a one-third reversal of the preceding 13-week move. Apply a symmetrical stop-loss. Close the position at the profit target or stop-loss. Otherwise close the position after 13 weeks. Use the position size multiple to control risk. The position size will be smaller for more risky positions. * For more details please see the European Investment Strategy Special Report "Fractals, Liquidity & A Trading Model," dated December 11, 2014, available at eis.bcaresearch.com Fractal Trading Model Recommendations Equities Bond & Interest Rates Currency & Other Positions Closed Fractal Trades Trades Closed Trades Asset Performance Currency & Bond Equity Sector Country Equity Indicators Bond Yields Chart II-1Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-2Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-3Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-4Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Interest Rate Chart II-5Indicators To Watch##br## - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-6Indicators To Watch##br## - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-7Indicators To Watch##br## - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-8Indicators To Watch##br## - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations