Italy

Highlights China is moving from virus containment to normalization and economic stimulus. The full weight of the virus panic is only now hitting the US public and has not yet peaked. The US – and western democracies in general – have the raw capabilities to manage the virus outbreak. The profile of global political risk is shifting as a result of the economic shock stemming from the virus. This implies that while equity markets are close to their bottom, they face more volatility. Feature Chart 1No Peak In New Cases Outside China Can Democracies Manage The Virus? Can Democracies Manage The Virus? China’s President Xi Jinping visited Wuhan, the epicenter of the coronavirus breakout that has triggered a global bear market, on March 10. While he did not declare outright victory over the virus, his symbolic visit reinforced the fact that China has drastically reduced the number of new daily cases both within and without Hubei province. Meanwhile the virus is spreading rapidly across the rest of the world (Chart 1). It is not clear if the outbreak and emergency response in the United States will follow the Italian or South Korean trajectory. The initial US response is not encouraging, but the US has latent institutional strengths. Either way the US is facing a tsunami of new cases in the very near term. Hence the panic among the American population can still escalate from here (Chart 2). Panic among households translates to a drop in economic activity that will ensure financial markets remain volatile, even if US equities are close to their bottom. Chart 2US Public Panic Has Not Peaked Yet Can Democracies Manage The Virus? Can Democracies Manage The Virus? Can Democracies Manage The Crisis? Chart 3Developed Economies Have Better Health Can Democracies Manage The Virus? Can Democracies Manage The Virus? The question has become salient because of the poorly managed cordon sanitaire in Italy and the slow and halting initial reaction of the United States. Moreover, to distract from China’s domestic crisis, the Communist Party has turned up the volume of its propaganda organs, advertising the success of China’s draconian containment measures and warning that the virus cannot be contained if the rest of the world does not follow suit. However, it is not the case that the pandemic can only be managed through absolutist policies. To date, developed economies and democracies – including westernized countries like Japan – have the best record in the world of improving public health and reducing mortality from infectious diseases. This is apparent simply by looking at life expectancy for those aged 60. Europe and Japan have the longest lives beyond 60, including extension of life when dealing with late-life health problems, while other regions lag, including Asia. The United States is on the low end of the developed countries but still considerably better than emerging market economies at prolonging life, even for unhealthy elderly folks (Chart 3). Chart 4US Has Reduced Flu/Pneumonia Deaths Dramatically Can Democracies Manage The Virus? Can Democracies Manage The Virus? The United States, like other countries, has done battle with a range of infectious diseases over the course of its history – in which it was the leader in economic, scientific, and technological advancement. These include cholera and viral epidemics like smallpox, Yellow Fever, the Spanish Flu, and SARS. The death rate for influenza and pneumonia has generally declined since the 1950s, although a counter-trend increase is conceivable given what occurred in the 1980s-90s (Chart 4).  The strategy that the US and developed economies have used, embodied in documents like the World Health Organization’s interim protocol for rapid operations to contain pandemics, is one of creating a containment zone with movement restrictions and a closely watched buffer zone in which a combination of anti-viral treatment and non-pharmaceutical treatment (e.g. social distancing) is employed. “Containment and isolation” strategies are generally successful even though they often fail to establish an impenetrable geographic cordon sanitaire, must rely on voluntary behavior, and will never receive total compliance. The survival instinct and social pressure are powerful enough to convince most individuals and households to keep their distance from others once they are informed of the risks. Targeted government measures by credible regimes with a monopoly on the use of force – in cases where strong restrictions are necessary – are effective. And in democracies they are kept in place only as long as necessary (the incubation period of the virus plus a few more weeks). Developed economies and democracies  have the best record of improving public health and reducing mortality from infectious diseases. The overall effect is to “flatten the curve,” e.g. to slow the spread of the virus, and delay and reduce the peak intensity of the number of cases and burden on hospitals and doctors.1 Of course, nations need institutional capacity and leadership to deal with a pandemic and the indirect impacts on their economies, trade, and supply chains. When businesses grind to a halt, will households be able to get what they need? If not, civic order could break down. Supply security is a fundamental national interest and governments that cannot provide it risk a loss of legitimacy and control. Major nations devote extensive resources to building and maintaining internal lines of communication so that neither natural nor man-made disasters can stop them from ensuring security and essential goods and services. Europe and North America will ultimately deal with the crisis successfully. A look at some basic indicators and indexes of national capabilities shows which nations are best and worst positioned to meet the logistical and supply challenges of the virus’s economic shock: The US ranks close to Japan in logistical capabilities, while Italy ranks between these two and Iran, which is woefully lacking (Chart 5). Chart 5Italy Suffers From Logistic Weaknesses Can Democracies Manage The Virus? Can Democracies Manage The Virus? Italy resembles China in having significant supply chain vulnerabilities (Chart 6), including quality of infrastructure (Chart 7). Obviously China has made leaps and bounds, but interior regions are still underserviced. Clearly China has benefited from greater government authority and capacity relative to Italy. Chart 6US Supply Chains Are Resilient Can Democracies Manage The Virus? Can Democracies Manage The Virus? Chart 7US Infrastructure Is High-Quality Can Democracies Manage The Virus? Can Democracies Manage The Virus? Even when it comes to basic food security, Italy and China are more vulnerable than others (Chart 8). Yet China has kept food shortages to a minimum throughout the crisis. The US is large enough that different regions will have greater vulnerabilities when it comes to the health crisis. The National Health Security Preparedness Index shows California, Florida, Georgia, Texas, and Michigan are below the national average in the ability to execute countermeasures to health crises (Chart 9).  Chart 8Food Security Risks Under Control In China Can Democracies Manage The Virus? Can Democracies Manage The Virus? Chart 9US: Regional Differences In Health Preparedness Can Democracies Manage The Virus? Can Democracies Manage The Virus? ​​​​​​​ These institutional factors suggest that Europe and North America will ultimately deal with the crisis successfully, although in the near term the consequences are unpredictable. Italy’s experience has made it apparent to all nations that if the reproduction rate is not suppressed through containment and isolation, then the health system will be overwhelmed and the death rate will go up. But clearly this has nothing to do with Italy’s being a democracy, as neither Japan nor South Korea have had the same experience. Investment Conclusions The United States is moving more aggressively to mitigate the problem, beginning with President Trump’s ban on travel with continental Europe and declaration of a national emergency. With a bear market having occurred, and a recession likely, President Trump is losing the primary pillar of his reelection campaign. He will continue to make reflationary efforts to salvage the economy. He has announced $50 billion in emergency spending and a waiver on student debt loan payments worth as much as $85 billion. But he has also become a “crisis president.” This means that he may take dramatic, surprise actions that are market-negative in the short term in order to delay the spread of the virus. Emergency powers are extensive and he will utilize them not only to combat the pandemic but also to double down on the narrative that got him elected: closing off America’s borders and reducing its exposure to the risks of globalization. This can include the movement of people, from places other than China and continental Europe (already halted), and even capital flows.  This is another reason to expect greater volatility in the near term despite the huge discounts on offer. We are not bottom-feeding yet. The profile of global political risk is shifting as a result of the virus and its economic shock. If Trump is seen as having mishandled the health and wellbeing of the nation, then he loses the election regardless of whether stimulus measures help the economy rebound by November. Whereas if he takes drastic, economically painful measures now to control the virus, and ultimately the virus subsides, there is still a slim chance he can win election. His approval rating, at an average of 45%, has lost its upward momentum but has not yet collapsed. Regardless of the election, the financial bloodbath should not obfuscate for investors the fact that the US is the world’s most advanced economy and longest continuously running constitutional republic. It has survived a total Civil War, two World Wars, a Great Depression, and countless outbreaks of disease. It has the ability to take emergency action and mitigate pandemics. This means that a great buying opportunity is just around the corner. The profile of global political risk is shifting as a result of the virus and its economic shock. The above should make it clear that the US and Italy face the most immediate ramifications – both are much more likely to see changes in ruling party over the next year than they were. Policy, however, will remain counter-cyclical (reflationary) regardless.  Rogue regimes like Iran, Venezuela, and North Korea face renewed risks of regime failure and/or military confrontation with the US and its allies beginning in the immediate term, especially if President Trump becomes a clear “lame duck” in the coming months. Down the line, the Japanese, German, and French elections will be affected by the economic fallout of the virus scare. China and Russia face medium-term risks due to new difficulties in improving their populations’ quality of life. Their leaders and ruling parties have an authoritarian grip, but political risk will increase as a result of slower growth. China retains the ability to stimulate aggressively – which it is doing – but that will slow the reform and rebalancing process.   Russia, meanwhile, faces another wave of internal devaluation if it does not call off its emerging market-share war with Saudi Arabia. Presidents Vladimir Putin and Xi Jinping are likely to re-consolidate power by 2022, but they face much greater risks of domestic instability than they did before this year’s turmoil. Matt Gertken   Vice President Geopolitical Strategist  mattg@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1    Martin S. Cetron, “Quarantine, Isolation and Community Mitigation: Battling 21st Century Pandemics with a 14th Century Toolbox,” September 20, 2006, available at nationalacademies.org.

Highlights It is too soon to bottom feed with fears of a global pandemic and “socialist” boom in the United States. China’s government will do “whatever it takes” to stimulate the economy – but animal spirits need to revive for it to work. European political risk and policy uncertainty are clearly on the rise, albeit from low levels. Bernie Sanders could become the presumptive nominee for president on Super Tuesday – if Biden fails to make a comeback. The market is underrating the Sanders risk to US equities – particularly tech and health. Assuming pandemic fears subside, the Fed put, the China put, and the Trump reflation put will fuel risk-on sentiment in H2 2020. Feature Chart 1Risk-Off Mood Dominates Markets... Risk-Off Mood Dominates Markets... Risk-Off Mood Dominates Markets... Financial markets awoke to the confluence of negative news this year on February 20. The S&P 500 has fallen 8.0% from this year’s peak while the 10-year US Treasury yield dove to 1.33%. Gold reached the highest level since 2013. The yield curve inverted again (Chart 1). It is too soon to buy into the equity selloff. Fear of the coronavirus is spreading, not abating, while Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders – a democratic socialist who would turn the regulatory pen against corporations – is running away with the Democratic Party’s nomination for US president. Chart 2...Amid Fears Over Coronavirus And Sanders ...Amid Fears Over Coronavirus And Sanders ...Amid Fears Over Coronavirus And Sanders The market selloff is well correlated with fear of the coronavirus, but there is also some correlation with Sanders’s success (Chart 2). This should intensify if Sanders becomes the presumptive nominee following “Super Tuesday,” March 3, by which time 39% of the Democratic Party delegates will have been chosen. Sanders poses a more systemic risk to corporate profits than the virus as he emblematizes a generationally driven sea change looming over US national policy: a shift from capital to labor. A greater tightening of financial conditions would prompt the Federal Reserve to cut interest rates, possibly as soon as its meeting on March 17-18. But the Fed is not yet signaling cuts. Also, cuts may not pacify the market as easily this time as in the last major pullback in Q4 2018. Tightening monetary policy was the culprit for that selloff and therefore the Fed’s policy reversal on January 4, 2019 gave the market just what it needed to rally. Today the Fed has no control over the causes: virus fears and “socialism.” President Trump is manifestly uneasy as the virus spreads. Anything that weakens the US manufacturing sector is a direct threat to his reelection, regardless of how he spins it. The statewide coincident indicators provided by the Philadelphia Fed show that Pennsylvania’s economy is deteriorating, while a relapse in Michigan will push it into the Democratic camp according to our quantitative election model. This would leave Trump with only Wisconsin standing between him and the shame of a one-term presidency (Chart 3). Chart 3Trump’s Narrow Victory At Risk Of Virus-Induced Slowdown GeoRisk Update: Leap Year, Or Steep Year? GeoRisk Update: Leap Year, Or Steep Year? What can Trump do to feed the markets and economy some good news? Not much. The Democrats control the House of Representatives and will refuse any fiscal stimulus unless a total collapse is occurring, in which case Trump is doomed anyway. Given the strong dollar, the Fed’s reluctance to cut rates, and Trump’s paternalist proclivities, we can fully envision him attempting to strong-arm the Treasury Department into intervening against the dollar. But intervention would have a fleeting impact without Fed cooperation – and again, the economic crisis required for the Fed to intervene decisively would likely seal Trump’s fate regardless. What remains for Trump is his ability to enact surprise “rate cuts” of his own via tariff rollback on China. This is fully within his power. All he has to do is hold a phone conference with Xi Jinping and then declare that China is complying with the “phase one” trade deal in good faith and therefore deserves assistance amid the coronavirus economic shock. But the impact of a positive tariff surprise would be limited. And such rate cuts are likely to be reactive rather than proactive, as with the Fed. We shifted to a cautious, neutral stance on global risk assets on January 24 and we maintain that position. China is stimulating the economy, meaning that the dominant trend in H2 should be a global “risk on.” Thus we are keeping our China and emerging market trades open. But volatility will likely remain elevated through March, at minimum, given the toxic combination of a slowing global economy and an increasingly likely Sanders nomination. China Stimulus: "Whatever It Takes" Chart 4Xi Administration Is Getting Out The Big Guns Xi Administration Is Getting Out The Big Guns Xi Administration Is Getting Out The Big Guns One near certainty of the coronavirus outbreak is that it will catalyze greater economic stimulus in China. Last year we argued that the trade war had derailed Beijing’s financial deleveraging agenda and hence that the risk of a stimulus overshoot was greater than an undershoot. The Xi Jinping administration limited the degree of reflation for most of the year, but by autumn it was incontrovertible: stabilizing growth and the labor market had taken priority over deleveraging. Local government bond issuance picked up and the government relaxed its grip on informal lending and the shadow banks (Chart 4). Now, with the coronavirus outbreak, the Xi administration is getting out the big guns. The People’s Bank of China has cut key interest rates below where they stood in 2015-16, the last major bout of stimulus (Chart 5), as our China Investment Strategy has noted. Beijing officials have announced they will dial up fiscal policy to build infrastructure and boost purchases of homes and cars. President Xi Jinping has personally assured the world that China will meet its economic growth target for the year. Compared with the 6.1% real GDP growth achieved in 2019, our China Investment Strategy believes a conservative estimate is 5.6% for 2020. Assuming China’s real GDP growth slows to 3.5% in Q1 on a year-over-year basis, China would need at least 6.3% average real growth year-over-year for the next three quarters to hit its target. This growth rate would be 0.3 percentage points higher than in the second half of 2019. Credit expansion and government spending in the next six-to-12 months would need to outpace that of last year. Will the government succeed in firing up demand? If getting back to work results in further outbreaks, then China may see greater difficulty in using its old-fashioned stimulus tools. Moreover Chinese households and corporates are more indebted than ever and have suffered a series of blows in recent years that have weighed on animal spirits: a political purge, slowing trend growth, corporate deleveraging, trade war, and now the virus. It is essential for consumer confidence and the velocity of money to keep recovering (Chart 6). Our Emerging Markets Strategy rightly insists that without a revival in animal spirits, stimulus will be pushing on a string. Chart 5Key Chinese Interest Rates Now Below 2015-16 Levels Key Chinese Interest Rates Now Below 2015-16 Levels Key Chinese Interest Rates Now Below 2015-16 Levels Chart 6Animal Spirits A Precondition For Chinese Recovery Animal Spirits A Precondition For Chinese Recovery Animal Spirits A Precondition For Chinese Recovery Yet it is also true that most of the negative shocks were policy decisions, especially deleveraging and trade war. With these decisions reversed – and likely to stay that way for at least this year – there is no reason to assume a priori that animal spirits will remain depressed. Furthermore, we see little room for the Xi administration to revert to tightening measures until a general economic recovery is well advanced. As we highlighted in our annual strategic outlook, it is necessary to stabilize the economy ahead of the 100th anniversary of the Communist Party in 2021 and – more importantly – the leadership reshuffle to take place in 2022. Chinese consumer confidence and the velocity of money need to recover for stimulus to have an impact. On a side note, Hong Kong is also implementing stimulus measures. This is positive for the city-state in the short run but it is unlikely to revive its fortunes over the long run. What made Hong Kong special was its position as a well-governed ally of the West during the heyday of globalization and the backdoor to mainland China during its rapid, catch-up phase of industrialization. Now globalization is slowing, Beijing is tightening central control, and the West has lost the appetite to defend its influence in Hong Kong. This influence is part and parcel with Hong Kong’s freedoms and privileges. This means that while the country’s equities can see a cyclical improvement we are structurally negative. Bottom Line: We are maintaining our cyclically constructive outlook on global growth and risk assets, as our view on China’s “Socialism Put” has been reinforced. We are keeping open our China Play Index and other EM trades. However, near-term risks are extremely elevated and our cyclical view could change quickly if the virus fear factor proves insurmountable for China and the global economy. China Sneezes, Europe Catches A Cold … And Its Immune System Is Weak Chart 7Our European GeoRisk Indicators Are Springing Back Our European GeoRisk Indicators Are Springing Back Our European GeoRisk Indicators Are Springing Back The European economy was on track to rebound in 2020 prior to the coronavirus, but only tentatively, as sentiment and manufacturing were fragile. The virus struck at the heart of demand for European exports, China, and now is hitting European demand directly via the outbreak in Italy and across the continent. As fear of the virus spreads country by country, households and corporations will cut back on activity. It could take weeks or even months to resume business as usual. And it will take 6-12 months for China’s stimulus to kick in fully and lift demand for European goods. European political risk is thus no longer slated to remain subdued. Our indicators already show it is springing back. The most significant player is Germany, but Italy is the weakest link in the Euro Area, and non-negligible risks are affecting France, Spain, and the United Kingdom (Chart 7). German political risk will be highly market-relevant between now and the federal election slated for October 2021. De-globalization is a structural headwind for the German economy and Chancellor Angela Merkel’s attempt to stage manage a smooth succession has collapsed. The Christian Democratic Union is now plunging into a truly competitive leadership contest that will keep uncertainty elevated, at least until the aftermath of the election. Friedrich Merz is the leading contender (Chart 8) and is attempting to rope more conservative voters back into the Christian Democratic fold so that they do not stray into the populist Alternative für Deutschland (AfD). While a similar dynamic led the British Conservative Party into Brexit, German politics are less polarized than British politics. The Christian Democrats are nowhere near being overtaken by the far right. First, the CDU is still the most popular party and its closest competitors are the Green Party and the Social Democrats, while the AfD polls at 13.3% support and is opposed by all other parties. The AfD’s popularity, while growing, is still very small. Second, a majority of the public still approves of Merkel (Chart 9), signaling a tailwind for centrists within and without her party. Chart 8Merz Is The Top Contender In Germany’s Leadership Contest GeoRisk Update: Leap Year, Or Steep Year? GeoRisk Update: Leap Year, Or Steep Year? Third, the German public is still the most supportive of the euro and EU, for the obvious reason that its economic success is integrally bound up in the union (Chart 10A). Nor is Germany alone, since the only country that looks truly concerning by these measures is Italy and even Italy’s populists remain engaged in the European project (Chart 10B). Chart 9Merkel's Popularity A Sign Of German Centrism Merkel's Popularity A Sign Of German Centrism Merkel's Popularity A Sign Of German Centrism   Chart 10ASupport For The Euro Still Strong (But Watch Italy) (I) Support For The Euro Still Strong (But Watch Italy) (I) Support For The Euro Still Strong (But Watch Italy) (I) Chart 10BSupport For The EU Still Strong (But Watch Italy) (II) Support For The EU Still Strong (But Watch Italy) (II) Support For The EU Still Strong (But Watch Italy) (II) Immediate economic challenges favor Merz’s bid to lead the party. However, if they do not give way to an economic rebound by fall 2021 (i.e. if Chinese and global growth worsen in the lead-up to the general election), then these challenges will undercut the Christian Democrats’ bid to remain in power regardless of whether Merz or a more dovish chancellor-candidate emerges from Merkel’s exit. The Green Party offers a viable alternative to lead the next government. Chart 11Coronavirus Will Weigh On France's Tourism Sector And Macron's Popularity Coronavirus Will Weigh On France's Tourism Sector And Macron's Popularity Coronavirus Will Weigh On France's Tourism Sector And Macron's Popularity In the short run, Germany can ease fiscal policy marginally to help offset the current slowdown. But a game changer in fiscal policy will require either for the current economy to collapse or a resolution to the succession crisis. Finance Minister Olaf Scholz, of the Social Democrats, has just proposed a significant revision to the schuldenbremse, or “debt brake,” which keeps budget deficits pinned above -0.35% of GDP. He would allow Germany’s state and local governments to suspend the debt brake temporarily so as to boost fiscal spending to mitigate the slowdown. A formal suspension requires a constitutional change that would in turn require a two-thirds vote in both houses of the legislature. There are enough votes in the Bundestag and possibly in the Bundesrat but it requires the economic shock to get bigger first so as to force the conservatives to capitulate and court the help of smaller parties. Otherwise Scholz is making an election gambit to distinguish the Democratic Socialists from the fiscally conservative Christian Democrats. In the meantime, limited moves to loosen the belt are perfectly countenanced by existing law which allows for deviations from the debt brake during recessions and emergencies. France is also seeing a spike in political risk. President Emmanuel Macron has slogged through the massive labor strikes against his pension reform, as we expected. The reform would streamline a complex web of pension programs into a single national program, providing incentives for workers to work longer without making spending cuts. It will likely pass into law through his En Marche party’s control of the National Assembly. However, Macron’s political capital is spent and his party is expected to sustain heavy losses in municipal elections from March 15-22. The service-oriented economy will also suffer a blow from reduced tourism amid the coronavirus scare (Chart 11), further eroding Macron’s already low popularity. The loss of influence at home will reinforce Macron’s pivot to foreign policy. Macron can play the leader of Europe at a time when the UK is leaving and Germany is consumed with a leadership contest. In this role he will clash with the UK over Brexit and the US over trade – but this can only go so far given the need to sustain the French economy. Negotiations with the UK will involve brinkmanship but will result in a delay of the end-of-year deadline, or a deal, given the fragile economic backdrop affecting all players. Economic constraints also imply that negotiations with the US will not spiral into a major confrontation unless and until Trump is reelected. Therefore Macron’s gaze will turn to security and immigration, challenges that have the potential to fuel anti-establishment sentiment that could hurt him in the French election of 2022 and undermine his vision of a more integrated Europe. While terrorism has abated for the time being (Chart 12), the trend cannot be guaranteed. The Middle East is extremely unstable amid the global slowdown, virus, drop in oil prices, and general destabilization emanating from the underlying US-Iran conflict. Immigration is also starting to rise again, particularly along the western North African route into Spain and France that bypasses the fighting in Libya (Chart 13). Chart 12A Pickup In Terrorism Would Fuel Populist Sentiment... A Pickup In Terrorism Would Fuel Populist Sentiment... A Pickup In Terrorism Would Fuel Populist Sentiment... Turkey’s foreign policy confrontation with the West threatens an increase in immigration in the east as well as a Turkish client-state in western Libya that France fears could become a militant safe haven. Chart 13...As Would An Increase In Immigration ...As Would An Increase In Immigration ...As Would An Increase In Immigration France is therefore taking a harder line with Turkey and providing maritime assistance to Greece (see Chart 13 above). The Mediterranean is becoming a geopolitical hot spot that could lead to negative surprises – and not only for Turkish assets. European populism is under control for now but a new wave of immigration would spark a new wave of populism that would increase policy uncertainty and the risk premium in equities. Italy has shifted from being an overstated to an understated political risk. Chart 14Italian Right-Wing Parties Are Gaining Strength Italian Right-Wing Parties Are Gaining Strength Italian Right-Wing Parties Are Gaining Strength Politically, Italy remains the weakest link in Europe – and this long-term risk is now becoming more pressing. Support for the euro and EU is among the weakest (see Chart 10 above). The ruling coalition is rickety and groping toward an election, with a popular referendum on the electoral law dated March 29. The country is poorly equipped to handle the virus outbreak. The virus will also call attention to the porous borders, fueling anti-establishment sentiment – after all the anti-establishment League is still the top party in polls while the right-wing Brothers of Italy’s support is surging (Chart 14). This is the case even though immigration into Italy is under control at the moment, particularly with renewed fighting in Libya discouraging flows through the central North African route. In short a full-fledged recession will unleash the furies in Italian politics and the country has shifted from being an overstated to an understated political risk. Bottom Line: The UK-EU trade talks threaten volatility for the pound this year, on top of the key continental risks: succession crisis in Germany, the potential for Macron’s centrist political movement to falter in France, and the possible election of a right-wing anti-establishment government emerging in Italy. Populist sentiment can emerge from the economic slowdown even if terrorism and immigration remain contained, but the recent uptick in immigration and new sources of instability in the Middle East, North Africa, and the Mediterranean show clouds gathering on the horizon. The Euro Area’s fiscal thrust is expected to be a measly 0.015% of potential GDP in 2020. The trends above suggest that this number could increase substantively, albeit reactively, due to fiscal easing in Germany and several other states along with France’s lack of real cuts in its pension reform. United States: Can A Northern Progressive Win In The South? In February 1980, Democratic presidential contender Jimmy Carter won the New Hampshire primary with 51% of the vote. Carter would go on to become the first Democrat from the Deep South to win the presidency since Woodrow Wilson. His triumph in New Hampshire proved, as he said, “that a progressive southerner can win in the North.” Fast forward to February 2020 and Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders, the most left-wing candidate vying for the nomination, is attempting to perform the equally dazzling feat of winning a primary election in the conservative southern state of South Carolina. If Sanders pulls it off then it will trigger an earthquake. For a progressive who can win in the South is likely to score big on Super Tuesday, March 3, and if Sanders pulls that off then he will become the country’s first “socialist” presumptive nominee for president (Chart 15). This would be a huge upset, primarily for former Vice President Joe Biden, who has long led the opinion polls in South Carolina and recently has even rebounded. Biden expects strong support from the African American community – which is staunchly Democratic, moderate in ideology, and favorable toward Biden due to his close association with former President Barack Obama. The problem is that Biden’s latest rebound in the polls may be too little, too late. He made more gaffes in the debate performance and, most importantly, Sanders’s polling has improved among African Americans (Chart 16). Chart 15A Sanders Win In The South Will Help Him Score Big On Super Tuesday GeoRisk Update: Leap Year, Or Steep Year? GeoRisk Update: Leap Year, Or Steep Year? Chart 16Sanders’s Polling Has Improved Among African-Americans GeoRisk Update: Leap Year, Or Steep Year? GeoRisk Update: Leap Year, Or Steep Year? Sanders performed well with almost every demographic in Nevada – if he can do well among blacks, and in the south as well as the north and west, then his ability to unify the party will be incontrovertible and moderate Democratic primary voters looking for a winner will start to resign themselves to his nomination. What is more likely is that Biden wins in South Carolina, declares himself the “comeback kid,” and prolongs the uncertainty regarding the Democratic nomination. Chart 17A Biden Win In Texas Would Reenergize The Establishment GeoRisk Update: Leap Year, Or Steep Year? GeoRisk Update: Leap Year, Or Steep Year? If South Carolina propels Biden to a strong performance on Super Tuesday, particularly a win in Texas, it could usher in a new phase of the primary election since it would suggest the possibility that the establishment has not lost the nomination and is striking back against Sanders (Chart 17). Failing that, any “Never Sanders” movement will face an uphill battle. After March 3, about 39% of the Democratic Party’s delegates will be “pledged,” or committed, to one of the candidates. Two weeks later, fully 61.5% of delegates will be chosen. Which means that the best chance for a conservative counter-revolution against Sanders comes over the next three weeks. Regardless of South Carolina, Biden’s structural limitation on Super Tuesday is the well-known phenomenon of vote-splitting. Five centrist candidates are dividing the moderate vote, leaving Sanders to engross the 40%-45% of the vote that is progressive all to himself.1 This is a compelling reason to believe that Sanders will continue to amass the most delegates. What would change the equation would be a mustering of the centrists under a single competitive candidate. The latter requires candidates to be forced out of the race through defeat or to drop out of the race willingly for the good of the party. If Mayor Pete Buttigieg or Senator Amy Klobuchar should fall short of the 15% to qualify for delegates in South Carolina, they would need to bow out of the race (they might be persuaded by promises of high appointments). Most importantly, if Biden should squander South Carolina then he would need to take one for the team and drop out, passing the baton to Bloomberg. It will be hard for any one of these politicians to quit unless it is coordinated with the others; he or she would have to forgo any hopes of emerging at the top of the ticket at a contested Democratic National Convention in July. If coordination fails, the centrist vote will become even more fragmented when Mayor Michael Bloomberg finally appears on the ballot on March 3. Last week we argued that if Sanders cannot clinch the nomination by winning a majority of the delegates by June, then he needs to win a commanding plurality of the delegates so that moderate unpledged delegates are forced to capitulate and vote for him at the Democratic National Convention. We argued that for this to happen he needs, at minimum, to improve upon his score in 2016, which was 43% of the popular vote and 40% of the delegate count. Otherwise, a sequential voting procedure among roughly equally weighted blocs will likely lead to his defeat, as the two other factions of the party (establishment Washington insiders like Biden and centrist Washington outsiders like Bloomberg) view Sanders-style socialism as their least preferred option. Is this 40%+ threshold enough? Nobody knows. Clearly it is harder to win the nomination with 40% of the delegates than with 49%, even if you are in first place. But if Sanders leads by double digits in terms of the share of delegates, has captured 43%+ of the popular vote, and has won the big swing state primaries across regions, then it will be hard for Democratic delegates to conclude that he is not the most competitive in the general election. Currently Sanders is slated to win California, Michigan, Wisconsin, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and possibly Texas. This is a strong argument for moderate unpledged delegates to swing behind him. It is even compelling for some of the Democratic Party’s “super delegates,” at least those who are wavering. Otherwise these party elders would break up an enormous amount of momentum in the name of a less popular Democratic candidate – and strengthen Trump. Bottom Line: Super delegates will vote as political actors facing constraints inherent in their situation. If the situation is that Sanders has won 43% of the vote, leads the next candidate by double digits, has won the most primary elections, and has won in the major states, including the swing states, then it will be a compelling constraint on voting against him. Investment Conclusions The daily new cases of the coronavirus outside China continues to surge, creating near-term headwinds for global risk assets. Ultimately the negative shock of the virus may be overstated, but we remain on the sidelines of any near-term equity rally due to the confluence of a global demand shock and a US socialism boom. With manufacturing already vulnerable, the coronavirus, insofar as it causes a harder hit to global and hence American manufacturing, is a threat to Trump’s reelection odds. This is true regardless of who takes the Democratic nomination. It is also true notwithstanding that pandemic risks may ultimately fuel xenophobic sentiment. Trump cannot argue his way out of rising unemployment in the Rust Belt. The market is underrating the Sanders risk to health care and technology stocks. This means that Sanders has a greater chance of winning the White House than the consensus holds. Financial markets should continue to discount his rising odds, at least until it becomes clear either that he is falling short of a strong plurality or that the global economy is shaking off its jitters. As the financial market stumbles Sanders will get more steam than other candidates, while Trump’s odds will suffer, which is a potentially self-reinforcing dynamic. Looking at the correlations between different candidates and US equity sectors, the market is underrating the Sanders risk to health care and technology stocks (Table 1). Sanders poses a threat to regulation in these spheres even if the Democrats do not take a majority in the Senate. And they are likely to take the Senate and have a one-seat majority in the event that they prove capable of ousting Trump (via the vice president). Table 1The Market Is Underrating The Sanders Risk To US Equities GeoRisk Update: Leap Year, Or Steep Year? GeoRisk Update: Leap Year, Or Steep Year? Ultimately Trump’s reelection also represents a threat to the tech sector, due to a “Phase Two” trade war, but the initial market reaction is likely to be risk-on. Assuming our base case that the virus fear eventually subsides, people get back to work, the world economy regains its footing, and monetary and fiscal stimulus get pumping (especially in China), the swing state economies may well be banging by November. In that context, the three pillars of our bullish 12-month view will be restored: the Fed put, the China put, and Trump’s reelection as a “buy the rumor, sell the news” phenomenon.   Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 This assumes Senator Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts continues to fall short of the 15% threshold qualifying a candidate to receive pledged delegates to the Democratic National Convention. Appendix Germany Germany: GeoRisk Indicator Germany: GeoRisk Indicator France France: GeoRisk Indicator France: GeoRisk Indicator Italy Italy: GeoRisk Indicator Italy: GeoRisk Indicator Spain Spain: GeoRisk Indicator Spain: GeoRisk Indicator UK UK: GeoRisk Indicator UK: GeoRisk Indicator Canada Canada: GeoRisk Indicator Canada: GeoRisk Indicator China China: GeoRisk Indicator China: GeoRisk Indicator Taiwan Taiwan: GeoRisk Indicator Taiwan: GeoRisk Indicator Korea Korea: GeoRisk Indicator Korea: GeoRisk Indicator Russia Russia: GeoRisk Indicator Russia: GeoRisk Indicator Brazil Brazil: GeoRisk Indicator Brazil: GeoRisk Indicator Turkey Turkey: GeoRisk Indicator Turkey: GeoRisk Indicator Section III: Geopolitical Calendar

In lieu of the next weekly report I will be presenting the quarterly webcast ‘What Are The Most Attractive Investments In Europe?’ on Monday 17 February at 10.00AM EST, 3.00PM GMT, 4.00PM CET, 11.00PM HKT. As usual, the webcast will take a TED talk format lasting 18 minutes, after which I will take live questions. Be sure to tune in. Dhaval Joshi Feature The recent coronavirus scare seems to have added a fresh deflationary impulse into the world economy, at a time that central banks are already struggling to achieve and maintain inflation at the 2 percent target. Begging the question: will central banks’ ubiquitous ultra-loose monetary policy ever generate inflation? The answer is yes, but not necessarily where the central banks desire it. Universal QE, zero interest rate policy (ZIRP), and negative interest rate policy (NIRP) have already created rampant inflation. The trouble is that it is in the wrong place. Rather than showing up in consumer price indexes it is showing up in sky-rocketing asset prices. Feature Chart Ultra-Low Bond Yields Have Created The Greatest Asset-Price Inflation Of All Time The Greatest Asset-Price Inflation Of All Time The Greatest Asset-Price Inflation Of All Time Feature ChartUltra-Low Bond Yields Have Created The Greatest Asset-Price Inflation Of All Time The Greatest Asset-Price Inflation Of All Time The Greatest Asset-Price Inflation Of All Time The Greatest Asset-Price Inflation Of All Time Since 2014, ultra-loose monetary policy has boosted the valuation of equities by 50 percent. But that’s the small fry. The really big story is that ultra-loose monetary policy has boosted the value of the world’s real estate from $180 trillion to $300 trillion (Chart I-2).1 Chart I-2Ultra-Low Bond Yields Have Boosted The Value Of The World’s Real Estate By $120 Trillion Ultra-Low Bond Yields Have Boosted The Value Of The World's Real Estate By $120 Trillion Ultra-Low Bond Yields Have Boosted The Value Of The World's Real Estate By $120 Trillion Just pause for a moment to digest those numbers. In the space of a few years the value of the world’s real estate has surged by $120 trillion, equivalent to one and half times the world’s $80 trillion GDP. Moreover, it is a broad-based boom encompassing not just Europe, but North America and Asia too. Now add in the surge in equity prices, as well as other risk-assets such as private equity, corporate bonds and EM debt and the rise in wealth conservatively equals at least two times world GDP. To the best of our knowledge, there is no other time in economic history that asset prices have risen so broadly and by so much as a multiple of world GDP in such a short space of time. Making this the greatest asset-price inflation of all time. Yet central banks seem unmoved. To add insult to injury, Europe’s central banks do not even include surging owner-occupied housing costs in their consumer price indexes. This seems absurd given that the costs of maintaining owner-occupied housing is one of the largest costs that European households face. Europe’s central banks do not include surging owner-occupied housing costs in their consumer price indexes. Including owner-occupied housing costs would lift European inflation closer to 2 percent, eliminating the need for QE and negative interest rates. But its omission has kept measured inflation artificially low (Chart I-3), forcing European central banks to double down on their ultra-loose policies. Which in turn lifts risk-asset prices even further, and so the cycle of asset-price inflation continues. Chart I-3Using The US Definition Of Inflation, The ECB Wouldn't Need Ultra-Loose Policy Using The US Definition Of Inflation, The ECB Wouldn't Need Ultra-Loose Policy Using The US Definition Of Inflation, The ECB Wouldn't Need Ultra-Loose Policy European QE has spawned other major imbalances. Germany, as the largest shareholder of the ECB, now owns hundreds of billions of ‘Italian euro’ BTPs that the ECB has bought. But given the fragility of Italian banks, the Italians who sold their BTPs to the ECB deposited the cash they received in German banks. Hence, Italy now owns hundreds of billions of ‘German euro’ bank deposits. This mismatch between Germans owning Italian euro assets and Italians owning German euro assets combined with other mismatches across the euro area constitutes the Target2 banking imbalance, which now stands at a record €1.5 trillion. It means that, were the euro to ever break up, the biggest casualty would be Germany (Chart I-4). Chart I-4ECB QE Has Taken The Target2 Banking Imbalance To An All-Time High The Greatest Asset-Price Inflation Of All Time The Greatest Asset-Price Inflation Of All Time Meanwhile, the US Federal Reserve, to its credit, does include surging owner-occupied housing costs in its measure of consumer prices. As a result, US inflation has been closer to the 2 percent target enabling the Fed to tighten policy when the ECB had to loosen policy. This huge divergence between euro area and US monetary policies, stemming from different treatments of owner-occupied housing costs, has depressed the euro/dollar exchange rate and thereby spawned yet another major imbalance: the euro area/US bilateral trade surplus which now stands at an all-time high. Providing President Trump with the perfect pretext to start a trade war with Europe, should he desire (Chart I-5).  Chart I-5ECB QE Has Taken The Euro Area/US Trade Surplus To An All-Time High ECB QE Has Taken The Euro Area/US Trade Surplus To An All-Time High ECB QE Has Taken The Euro Area/US Trade Surplus To An All-Time High What Caused The Greatest Asset-Price Inflation Of All Time? Why did the past decade witness the greatest asset-price inflation of all time? The answer is that universal QE, ZIRP, and NIRP took bond yields to the twilight zone of the lower bound (Chart I-6). At which point, the valuation of all risky assets undergoes an exponential surge. Chart I-6The Past Decade Was The Decade Of Universal QE The Past Decade Was The Decade Of Universal QE The Past Decade Was The Decade Of Universal QE Understand that when bond yields approach their lower bound, bonds become extremely risky assets because their prices take on an unattractive ‘lose-lose’ characteristic. As holders of Swiss government bonds discovered last year, prices can no longer rise much in a rally, but they can collapse in a sell-off (Chart I-7). Chart I-7At Low Bond Yields, Bonds Become Much Riskier The Greatest Asset-Price Inflation Of All Time The Greatest Asset-Price Inflation Of All Time The upshot is that all (long-duration) assets become equally risky, and the much higher prospective returns offered on formerly more risky assets – such as real estate and equities – collapses to the feeble return offered on now equally-risky bonds. Given that valuation is just the inverse of the prospective return, this means that the valuation of risk assets undergoes an exponential surge. When bond yields approach their lower bound, bonds become extremely risky assets because their prices take on an unattractive ‘lose-lose’ characteristic.  An obvious question is: which valuation measure best predicts this depressed prospective return offered on equities? Most people gravitate to price to earnings (profits), but earnings are highly problematic – because even if you cyclically adjust them, they take no account of structurally high profit margins. The trouble is that earnings will face a headwind when profit margins normalise, depressing prospective returns. For this reason, price to earnings missed the valuation extreme of the 2007/2008 credit bubble and should be treated with extreme caution as a predictor of prospective returns (Chart I-8). Chart I-8Price To Earnings Missed The 2007/2008 Valuation Extreme Price To Earnings Missed The 2007/2008 Valuation Extreme Price To Earnings Missed The 2007/2008 Valuation Extreme A much more credible assessment comes from price to sales – or equivalently, market cap to GDP at a global level (Chart I-9). This is because sales are quantifiable, unambiguous, and undistorted by profit margins. Using these more credible prospective returns, we can now show that the theory of what should happen to risk-asset returns (and valuations) at ultra-low bond yields and the practice of what has actually happened agree almost perfectly (Feature Chart). Chart I-9Price To Sales (Or Global Market Cap To GDP) Is The Best Predictor Of Prospective Return Price To Sales (Or Global Market Cap To GDP) Is The Best Predictor Of Prospective Return Price To Sales (Or Global Market Cap To GDP) Is The Best Predictor Of Prospective Return Some Investment Conclusions It is instinctive for investors to focus first and foremost on the outlook for the real economy. After all, the evolution of the $80 trillion global economy drives company sales and profits. But the value of the world’s real estate, at $300 trillion, dwarfs the economy. Public and private equity adds another $100 trillion, while other risk-assets such as corporate bonds and EM debt add at least another $50 trillion. So even on conservative assumptions, risk-assets are worth $450 trillion – an order of magnitude larger than the world economy. Now combine this with the overwhelming evidence that risk-asset valuations are exponentially sensitive to ultra-low bond yields. A relatively modest rise in yields that knocked 20 percent off risk-asset valuations would mean a $90 trillion loss in global wealth. Even a 10 percent decline would equate to a $45 trillion drawdown. Could the $80 trillion economy sail through such declines in wealth? No way. Such setbacks would constitute a severe deflationary headwind, and likely trigger the next recession. Hence, though equities are preferable to bonds at current levels, a 50-100 bps rise in yields – were it to happen – would be a great opportunity to add to bonds. Meanwhile, the record high Target2 euro area banking imbalance means that the biggest casualty of the euro’s disintegration would not be Italy. It would be Germany. As all parties have no interest in such a mutually assured destruction, investors should go long high-yielding versus low-yielding euro area sovereign bonds. Finally, the record high euro area/US trade surplus is a political constraint to a much weaker euro versus the dollar. In any case, the ECB is close to the practical limit of monetary policy easing, while the Fed is not. Long-term bond investors should prefer US T-bonds versus German bunds or Swiss bonds. Long-term currency investors should prefer the euro versus the dollar. Fractal Trading System*  This week’s recommended trade is long EUR/CHF. As this currency cross has relatively low volatility, the profit target and symmetrical stop-loss is set at a modest 1 percent. In other trades, short NZD/JPY achieved its profit target, while long US oil and gas versus telecom reached the end of its 65-day holding period in partial loss having reached neither its profit target nor its stop-loss. The rolling 1-year win ratio now stands at 61 percent. Chart I-10EUR/CHF EUR/CHF EUR/CHF When the fractal dimension approaches the lower limit after an investment has been in an established trend it is a potential trigger for a liquidity-triggered trend reversal. Therefore, open a countertrend position. The profit target is a one-third reversal of the preceding 13-week move. Apply a symmetrical stop-loss. Close the position at the profit target or stop-loss. Otherwise close the position after 13 weeks. * For more details please see the European Investment Strategy Special Report “Fractals, Liquidity & A Trading Model,” dated December 11, 2014, available at eis.bcaresearch.com.   Dhaval Joshi Chief European Investment Strategist dhaval@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Source: Savills World Research. The last data point is $281 trillion at the end of 2017, but we conservatively estimate that the value has increased to above $300 trillion in the subsequent two years. Fractal Trading System The Greatest Asset-Price Inflation Of All Time The Greatest Asset-Price Inflation Of All Time The Greatest Asset-Price Inflation Of All Time The Greatest Asset-Price Inflation Of All Time Cyclical Recommendations Structural Recommendations The Greatest Asset-Price Inflation Of All Time The Greatest Asset-Price Inflation Of All Time The Greatest Asset-Price Inflation Of All Time The Greatest Asset-Price Inflation Of All Time The Greatest Asset-Price Inflation Of All Time The Greatest Asset-Price Inflation Of All Time The Greatest Asset-Price Inflation Of All Time The Greatest Asset-Price Inflation Of All Time Trades Closed Trades Asset Performance Currency & Bond Equity Sector Country Equity Indicators Bond Yields Chart II-1Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-2Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-3Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-4Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields   Interest Rate Chart II-5Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-6Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-7Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-8Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations  

Highlights China’s economic rebound in Q1 will be delayed due to the coronavirus, which will have a larger negative hit than SARS. New stimulus measures will assist a rebound in demand later this year. Europe remains a geopolitical opportunity rather than a risk. As long as global growth rebounds this year, European equities can outperform their richly valued American counterparts. Emerging markets face a new headwind from the coronavirus. Emerging market performance relative to developed markets will be a key test of whether endogenous growth trends are taking shape. Tactically – over a 12-month horizon – we remain long industrial commodities; long Korean equities versus Taiwanese; and long Malaysian equities relative to emerging markets. Feature Global equities will ultimately push through the coronavirus and the Democratic Party primary election, but risks are elevated and Q1 looks to bring significant volatility. Last week we shifted to a tactically neutral stance on risk assets but we remain cyclically bullish. In this report we update our market-based GeoRisk indicators, which are almost all set to rise from low levels in the coming months as developed market equities and emerging market currencies face higher risk premiums. China: The Year Of The Rat Chart 1Markets Will Rebound Once Toll Of Virus Peaks Markets Will Rebound Once Toll Of Virus Peaks Markets Will Rebound Once Toll Of Virus Peaks The ink had hardly dried on our “Black Swan” report for 2020 when Chinese scientists confirmed human-to-human transmission of the Wuhan coronavirus (2019-nCoV), sending a wave of fear over China and the world. The number of new cases and new deaths is rising and economic activity will suffer as the Chinese New Year is extended, shoppers stay home, and international travel is canceled. The virus is likely to prove more troublesome than stock investors want to admit, at least in the short term. Too little is known to make confident assertions about promptly containing the virus or its impact on global economy and markets. The analogy with the SARS outbreak of 2003 is limited: it is not certain that this virus has a lower death rate, but it is certain that the Chinese economy is more vulnerable to disruption today than at that time – and much more influential on the global economy. The SARS episode is useful, however, in suggesting that the market will not rebound until the number of new cases and deaths turn down (Chart 1). Assuming the virus is ultimately contained – both in China and in neighboring Asian countries whose governments may not be as effective at quarantining the problem – regional consumption and production will bounce back. New stimulus measures will also take effect with a lag. Domestic political risk is structurally understated in China. Stimulus will indeed be the answer. First, the negative shock to consumer demand comes at a time when global trade is still relatively weak, thus presenting a two-pronged threat to China’s economy, which was only just stabilizing after the truce in the trade war. Second, China’s hundredth anniversary of the Communist Party, in 2021, will require the government to stabilize the economy now. The important political leadership reshuffle at the twentieth National Party Congress in 2022 is another imperative to avoid a deepening slump today (Chart 2). Chart 2China Will Stimulate To Avoid A Deepening Slump China Will Stimulate To Avoid A Deepening Slump China Will Stimulate To Avoid A Deepening Slump Beyond 2020, the Wuhan virus highlights our theme that domestic political risk is structurally understated in China. At the centennial celebration, China’s leaders aim to show that the country is a “moderately prosperous society in all respects,” emphasis added. For decades China’s leaders have emphasized industrial production to the detriment of other social and economic goals, such as food safety and a clean and safe environment for households to live in. The emergence of the middle class, writ broadly, as a majority of the population is a persistent source of pressure on leaders, as the limited opinion polling available from China demonstrates (Chart 3). In other emerging markets, a large middle class has led to social and political change when the government failed to meet growing middle class demands (Chart 4). Chart 3Chinese Social And Economic Conditions Are Source Of Pressure GeoRisk Update: The Year Of The Rat GeoRisk Update: The Year Of The Rat Chart 4Consumerism Encourages Democracy Consumerism Encourages Democracy Consumerism Encourages Democracy Chart 5China’s Government Is Behind The Curve GeoRisk Update: The Year Of The Rat GeoRisk Update: The Year Of The Rat Under General Secretary Xi Jinping, the government has cracked down on corruption and pollution as well as poverty, and has attempted to improve consumer safety and the health care system. The party officially aims to shift its policy focus from meeting the basic material needs of the population to improving quality of life. The problem is that China’s government is behind the curve (Chart 5). While it is making rapid progress – for instance, the communicable disease burden has dropped dramatically – and has unique authoritarian tools, acute problems of health, food safety, pollution, and public services will nevertheless persist. The government’s responses will inevitably fall short from time to time and heads will roll. Crisis events create the potential for the market to be surprised by the level of domestic political change or pushback, which will prove disruptive at times. Bottom Line: China’s economic rebound in Q1 will be delayed due to the coronavirus, which will have a larger negative hit than SARS. The SARS episode suggests that Chinese equities will be a tactical buy when the number of new cases and deaths begin falling. New stimulus measures will assist a rebound in demand later this year – underscoring our constructive cyclical view on Chinese and global growth. The episode highlights the challenges China faces in modernizing and improving regulations, health, and safety for the emerging middle class. Domestic political risk is understated. Europe: Political Risks Still Contained China’s near-term hit, and rebound later this year, will echo in Europe, where the economy and equity market are highly reliant on China’s credit cycle and import demand. Politically, however, Europe remains a geopolitical opportunity rather than a risk (Chart 6). Chart 6China's Hit Will Echo In Europe, But Political Risks Are Contained There GeoRisk Update: The Year Of The Rat GeoRisk Update: The Year Of The Rat The final months of last year saw the biggest and most immediate political risk – a disorderly UK exit from the EU – removed. The Trump administration is not likely to slap large-scale tariffs – such as auto tariffs on a national security pretext – because Trump is constrained by the weak manufacturing sector in advance of his election. Meanwhile immigration and terrorism have declined since 2016, draining the fuel of Europe’s anti-establishment parties. Pound weakness during the Brexit transition period is an opportunity for investors to buy. Chart 7Immigration Is Ticking Up, But From Low Levels Immigration Is Ticking Up, But From Low Levels Immigration Is Ticking Up, But From Low Levels Chart 8Refugees Will Favor Western Route Across The Mediterranean Refugees Will Favor Western Route Across The Mediterranean Refugees Will Favor Western Route Across The Mediterranean Chart 9Government Gridlock, Catalonia, And Poor Reform Momentum Will Pull Up Spanish Risk Government Gridlock, Catalonia, And Poor Reform Momentum Will Pull Up Spanish Risk Government Gridlock, Catalonia, And Poor Reform Momentum Will Pull Up Spanish Risk There are some signs of immigration numbers ticking up, but from very low levels (Chart 7). This uptick must be monitored for Spain (and France), as the renewed civil war in Libya is forcing refugees to shift to the western route across the Mediterranean (Chart 8). (Note that even peace in Libya opens the possibility of greater migrant flows as the country then becomes a viable transit route again). Our Spanish risk indicator is already ticking up due to government gridlock, the Catalonian conflict, and a declining commitment to structural economic reform (Chart 9). But this is not a major concern for global investors. The United Kingdom The UK will formally exit the European Union on January 31. The transition period – in which the UK remains fully integrated into the EU single market – expires on December 31, 2020. This is the official deadline for the two sides to negotiate a trade agreement – though it can, and likely will, be delayed. Chart 10British Political Risk Will Revive, But Not Dramatically British Political Risk Will Revive, But Not Dramatically British Political Risk Will Revive, But Not Dramatically The trade agreement is intended to minimize the negative economic impact of Brexit while ensuring that the UK reclaims its sovereignty and the EU retains the integrity of the single market. As negotiations get under way, the pound will face a new round of volatility and British political risk will revive somewhat, but we do not expect a dramatic increase (Chart 10). Ultimately we see pound weakness as an opportunity for investors to buy. The twin risks of no-deal Brexit or a socialist Jeremy Corbyn government have been decisively cast off. The end-of-year deadline can be extended and the two sides can find technical ways to compromise over regulations, tariffs, and border checks. Challenges to global growth only make an amicable solution more obtainable. Italy Our Italian GeoRisk indicator is collapsing as political risks proved yet again to be overstated (Chart 11). Chart 11Italian GeoRisk Indicator Is Collapsing Italian GeoRisk Indicator Is Collapsing Italian GeoRisk Indicator Is Collapsing The local election in Emilia-Romagna was hyped as a major populist risk, in which the chief anti-establishment players, Matteo Salvini and the League, would take power in a region viewed as the symbolic home of the Italian left wing. Instead, the League lost, the ruling Democratic Party won, and the current government coalition will survive. While the populists prevailed at another election in Calabria, this outcome was fully expected. The trend of recent provincial elections does not suggest a swell of Italian populism (Chart 12). Chart 12Recent Local Elections Do Not Suggest A Swell Of Italian Populism GeoRisk Update: The Year Of The Rat GeoRisk Update: The Year Of The Rat Chart 13The Italian Coalition Will Not Rush To Elections The Italian Coalition Will Not Rush To Elections The Italian Coalition Will Not Rush To Elections This local election is not the end of the coalition’s troubles. The left-wing, anti-establishment Five Star Movement is suffering in the polls as a result of its uninspiring, politically expedient pairing with the establishment Democrats. The Democrats may receive a boost from Emilia-Romagna but the Five Star’s leadership change – the resignation of party leader Luigi di Maio – will not be enough to revive its fortunes alone. A new Five Star leader will have to decide whether to collaborate more deeply with the Democrats or try to reclaim the party’s anti-establishment credentials. The latter would push the coalition toward an election before too long. But the Five Star’s weak polling – and the League’s persistent 10 percentage point lead over the Democratic Party in nationwide polling – suggests that the coalition will not rush to elections but will try to prepare by passing a new electoral law (Chart 13). What is clear is that the Five Star Movement will not court elections until they improve their polling. France In France, Emmanuel Macron and his ruling En Marche party have seen their popularity drop to new lows amid the historic labor strikes in opposition to Macron’s pension reforms (Chart 14). Macron’s current trajectory is dangerously close to that of his predecessor, Francois Hollande, and threatens to turn him into a lame duck. We doubt this is the case. Chart 14Macron’s Popularity Is On A Dangerous Trajectory GeoRisk Update: The Year Of The Rat GeoRisk Update: The Year Of The Rat Diagram 1The ‘J-Curve’ Of Structural Reform GeoRisk Update: The Year Of The Rat GeoRisk Update: The Year Of The Rat We view Macron’s decline as another example of the “J-Curve of Structural Reform,” in which a leader’s political capital drops amid controversial reforms (Diagram 1). If the leader avoids an election during the trough of the curve, the danger zone, then his or her political capital may well revive after the benefits of the structural reform are recognized. In this case, the reform is neutral for France’s budget deficit – a cyclical positive – but it encourages an improvement in pension sustainability by incentivizing workers to work longer and postpone retirement – a structural positive. Chart 15France's Economy Is Holding Up France's Economy Is Holding Up France's Economy Is Holding Up Chart 16A Relatively Strong Economy Will Buffer Against Political Risk In France A Relatively Strong Economy Will Buffer Against Political Risk In France A Relatively Strong Economy Will Buffer Against Political Risk In France Municipal elections in March will not go Macron’s way, but the presidential and legislative elections are not until 2022. France’s GDP growth is holding up better than that of its neighbors, wages are rising, and confidence did not collapse amid the Christmas labor strike (Chart 15). Hence we expect the increase in political risk to be manageable (Chart 16), a boon for French equities. Germany German political risk is set to rise from today’s depths (Chart 17). The country faces a major shift: globalization is structurally declining and Chancellor Angela Merkel is stepping down. Merkel’s heir-apparent, Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer (AKK), is floundering in the opinion polls (Chart 18). Chart 17German Political Risk Will Rise German Political Risk Will Rise German Political Risk Will Rise Chart 18Merkel's Heir-Apparent Is Floundering In The Opinion Polls Merkel's Heir-Apparent Is Floundering In The Opinion Polls Merkel's Heir-Apparent Is Floundering In The Opinion Polls Thus intra-party struggle, and conceivably even a rare early election, could emerge. But the US-China trade ceasefire offers a temporary reprieve. Next year will be different, with elections looming in the fall and the potential for a Trump reelection to trigger a second round of the US-China trade war or to shift to trade war with the EU and tariffs on German cars. The overall political trend in Germany is centrist and pro-Europe, and most of the parties are becoming more willing to upgrade fiscal policy over time. South Korea’s economic problems are priced in, while the market is dismissing Taiwan’s immense political risk. Bottom Line: The US election cycle is the chief source of policy risk and geopolitical risk in 2020, a stark contrast with the EU. European political risk will spike with a full-fledged recession, but for now it is contained. In fact the risks are largely to the upside in the short term as the countries turn slightly more fiscally accommodative. As long as global growth rebounds this year, European equities can outperform their richly valued American counterparts. Emerging Markets: Can They Outperform? With volatility likely in the near-term, Arthur Budaghyan of BCA Research’s Emerging Markets Strategy argues that the key test for emerging markets equities is whether they outperform their developed market counterparts. If they do not, then it suggests that investors still do not see endogenous growth, capital spending and profitability in emerging markets and therefore that they will lag their DM counterparts in the eventual equity upswing. Our long Korea / short Taiwan trade exploded out of the gate but has since fallen back in the face of the new headwind from the coronavirus. We have a high conviction in this trade because the difference in equity valuations faces a looming catalyst in the market’s mispricing of relative geopolitical risk: South Korea’s risk indicator is in a broad upswing while Taiwan’s has collapsed, despite the persistence of the diplomatic track with North Korea and Taiwan’s resounding reelection of both a pro-independence president and legislature (Chart 19). Mainland China will send both risk indicators upward in the near term, but South Korea’s economic problems are priced in and Trump’s diplomacy with North Korea is grounded in well-established constraints on Washington, Beijing, Pyongyang, and Seoul. By contrast the market is entirely dismissing Taiwan’s immense political risk, which does not depend on the outcome of the US election. In the coming 1-3 years, Beijing, Taipei, and Washington are all more likely to take self-interested actions that test the constraints in the Taiwan Strait, upsetting the market, before those constraints are reconfirmed (assuming they are). Beijing is likely to impose economic sanctions as Taipei’s demand for greater freedom and alliance with the US will agitate Chinese leaders who will seek to get the Kuomintang back into power. Brazilian political risk has failed to reach new highs, as anticipated, suggesting that President Jair Bolsonaro’s many problems are not driving investors to sell the real amid underlying indications of rebounding global growth and at least attempts at pro-market reform (Chart 20). Chart 19Markets Are Mispricing Geopolitical Risks In South Korea And Taiwan Markets Are Mispricing Geopolitical Risks In South Korea And Taiwan Markets Are Mispricing Geopolitical Risks In South Korea And Taiwan Chart 20Political Risks Remain Contained In Brazil Political Risks Remain Contained In Brazil Political Risks Remain Contained In Brazil Turkey’s military intervention into Libya’s civil war is another example of the foreign adventurism that we see as an outgrowth of populism and the need to distract the public’s attention from domestic mismanagement. We expect the risk indicator to rise or be flat and would remain short Turkish currency and risk assets. Bottom Line: Emerging markets face a new headwind from the coronavirus. Not only will China’s growth rebound sputter but Asian EMs will be exposed to the virus and may be less capable than China of dealing with it rapidly and effectively. With volatility looming, emerging market performance relative to developed markets will be a key test of whether endogenous growth trends are taking shape. Investment Conclusions Tactically we are closing our long GBP/JPY trade and UK curve steepener for negligible gains. We are also closing our long Egyptian sovereign bond trade for a gain of 5.59%. We remain long industrial commodities; long Korean equities versus Taiwanese; and long Malaysian equities relative to emerging markets. We expect these trades to perform well over a 12-month horizon. Strategically several of our recommendations will benefit from heightened volatility in the near term but face challenges later in the year as growth rebounds and risk sentiment revives. Nevertheless our time horizon is three-to-five years. In that span we remain long gold, long euro, long defense, short US tech, and short CNY-USD.   Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Appendix Germany: GeoRisk Indicator Germany: GeoRisk Indicator Germany: GeoRisk Indicator France: GeoRisk Indicator France: GeoRisk Indicator France: GeoRisk Indicator Italy: GeoRisk Indicator Italy: GeoRisk Indicator Italy: GeoRisk Indicator Spain: GeoRisk Indicator Spain: GeoRisk Indicator Spain: GeoRisk Indicator UK: GeoRisk Indicator UK: GeoRisk Indicator UK: GeoRisk Indicator Canada: GeoRisk Indicator Canada: GeoRisk Indicator Canada: GeoRisk Indicator China: GeoRisk Indicator China: GeoRisk Indicator China: GeoRisk Indicator Taiwan: GeoRisk Indicator Taiwan: GeoRisk Indicator Taiwan: GeoRisk Indicator Korea: GeoRisk Indicator Korea: GeoRisk Indicator Korea: GeoRisk Indicator Russia: GeoRisk Indicator Russia: GeoRisk Indicator Russia: GeoRisk Indicator Brazil: GeoRisk Indicator Brazil: GeoRisk Indicator Brazil: GeoRisk Indicator Turkey: GeoRisk Indicator Turkey: GeoRisk Indicator Turkey: GeoRisk Indicator Section III: Geopolitical Calendar

Highlights The US-China trade talks will continue despite Hong Kong. The UK election will not reintroduce no-deal Brexit risk – either in the short run or the long run. European political risk is set to rise from low levels, but Euro Area break-up risk will not. There is no single thread uniting emerging market social unrest. We remain constructive on Brazil. Feature Chart 1Taiwan Indicator To Rise Despite Ceasefire Taiwan Indicator To Rise Despite Ceasefire Taiwan Indicator To Rise Despite Ceasefire President Trump signed the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act into law on November 27. The signing was by now expected – Trump was not going to veto the bill and invite the Senate to override him with a 67-vote at a time when he is being impeached. He does not want to familiarize the Senate with voting against him in supermajorities. The Hong Kong bill will not wreck the US-China trade talks, but it is a clear example of our argument that strategic tensions will persist and cast doubt on the durability of the “phase one trade deal” being negotiated. It is better to think of it as a ceasefire, as Trump’s electoral constraint is the clear motivation. Trump is embattled at home and will contend an election in 11 months. He will not impose the tariff rate hike scheduled for December 15. A relapse into trade war would kill the green shoots in US and global growth, which partly stem from the perception of easing trade risk. Only if Trump’s approval rating collapses, or China stops cooperating, will he become insensitive to his electoral constraint. Will China abandon the talks and leave Trump in the lurch? This is not our base case but it is a major global risk. So far China is reciprocating. Xi Jinping’s political and financial crackdown at home, combined with the trade war abroad, has led to an economic slowdown and an explosion in China’s policy uncertainty relative to America’s. A trade ceasefire – on top of fiscal easing – is a way to improve the economy without engaging in another credit splurge. The US and China will continue moving toward a trade ceasefire, despite the Hong Kong bill. The move toward a trade ceasefire will probably keep our China GeoRisk Indicator from rising sharply over the next few months. However, our Taiwan indicator, which we have used as a trade war proxy at times, may diverge as it starts pricing in the heightened political risk surrounding Taiwan’s presidential election on January 11, 2020 (Chart 1). Sanctions, tech controls, Hong Kong, Taiwan, North Korea, Iran, the South China Sea, and Xinjiang are all strategic tensions that can flare up. Yes, uncertainty will fall and sentiment will improve on a ceasefire, but only up to a point. China’s domestic policy decisions are ultimately more important than its handling of the trade war. At the upcoming Central Economic Work Conference authorities are expected to stay focused on “deepening supply-side structural reform” and avoiding the use of “irrigation-style” stimulus (blowout credit growth). But this does not mean they will not add more stimulus. Since the third quarter, a more broad-based easing of financial controls and industry regulations is apparent, leading our China Investment Strategy to expect a turning point in the Chinese economy in early 2020. This “China view” – on stimulus and trade – is critical to the outlook for the two regions on which we focus for the rest of this report: Europe and emerging markets. Assuming that China stabilizes, these are the regions where risk assets stand to benefit the most. Europe is a political opportunity; the picture in emerging markets is, as always, mixed. United Kingdom: Will Santa Bring A Lump Of Coal? The Brits will hold their first winter election since 1974 on December 12. Prime Minister Boris Johnson’s Conservative Party has seen a tremendous rally in opinion polls, although it has stalled at a level comparable to its peak ahead of the last election in June 2017 (Chart 2). Another hung parliament or weak Tory coalition is possible. Yet the Tories are better positioned this time given that the opposition Labour Party is less popular than two years ago, while the Liberal Democrats are more capable of stealing Labour votes. The Tories stand to lose in Scotland, but the Brexit Party of Nigel Farage is not contesting seats with them and is thus undercutting Labour in certain Brexit-leaning constituencies. Markets would enjoy a brief relief rally on a single-party Tory majority. This would enable Johnson to get his withdrawal deal over the line and take the UK out of the EU in an orderly manner by January 31. The question would then shift to whether Johnson feels overconfident in negotiating the post-Brexit trade agreement with the EU, which is supposed to be done by December 31, 2020. This date will become the new deadline for tariff increases, but it can be extended. Johnson is as unlikely to fly off the cliff edge next year as he was this year, and this year he demurred. Negotiating a trade agreement is easier when the two economies are already integrated, have a clear (yet flexible) deadline, and face exogenous economic risks. Our political risk indicator will rise but it will not revisit the highs of 2018-19 (Chart 3). The pound’s floor is higher than it was prior to September 2019. Chart 2Tories Look To Be Better Positioned For A Single Party Majority Tories Look To Be Better Positioned For A Single Party Majority Tories Look To Be Better Positioned For A Single Party Majority Chart 3UK Risk Will Rise, But Not To Previous Highs UK Risk Will Rise, But Not To Previous Highs UK Risk Will Rise, But Not To Previous Highs Bottom Line: A hung parliament is the only situation where a no-deal Brexit risk reemerges in advance of the new Brexit day of January 31. The market is underestimating this outcome based on our risk indicator. But Johnson himself prefers the deal he negotiated and wishes to avoid the recession that would likely ensue from crashing out of the EU. And a headless parliament can prevent Johnson from forcing a no-deal exit, as investors witnessed this fall. We remain long GBP-JPY. Germany: The Risk Of An Early Election Germany is wading deeper into a period of political risk surrounding Chancellor Angela Merkel’s “lame duck” phase, doubts over her chosen successor, and uncertainty about Germany’s future in the world. The federal election of 2021 already looms large. Our indicator is only beginning to price this trend which can last for the next two years (Chart 4). On October 27 Germany’s main centrist parties suffered a crushing defeat in the state election of Thuringia. For the first time, the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) not only lost its leadership position, but also secured less vote share than both the Left Party and the right-wing Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) (Chart 5, top panel). Chart 4Germany Is Heading Toward A Period Of Greater Political Risk Germany Is Heading Toward A Period Of Greater Political Risk Germany Is Heading Toward A Period Of Greater Political Risk The AfD successfully positioned itself with the right wing of the electorate and managed to capture more undecided voters than any other party (Chart 5, bottom panel). Chart 5The Right-Wing AfD Outperformed In Thuringia … Global Unrest And A Christmas Election – GeoRisk Update: November 29, 2019 Global Unrest And A Christmas Election – GeoRisk Update: November 29, 2019 While the rise of the AfD (and its outperformance over its national polling) may seem alarming, Germany is not being taken over by Euroskeptics. Both support for the euro and German feeling of being “European” is near all-time highs (Chart 6). The question is how the centrist parties respond. Merkel’s approval rating is at its lower range. Support for Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer (AKK), Merkel’s chosen successor, is plummeting (Chart 7). Since AKK was confirmed as party chief, the CDU suffered big losses in the European Parliament election and in state elections. Several of her foreign policy initiatives were not well received in the party.1 In October 2019, the CDU youth wing openly rejected her nomination as Merkel’s successor. At the annual CDU party conference on November 22-23, she only narrowly managed to avoid rebellion. She is walking on thin ice and will need to recover her approval ratings if she wants to secure the chancellorship. Meanwhile the CDU will lose its united front, increasing Germany’s policy uncertainty. Chart 6... But Euroskeptics Will Not Take Over Germany ... But Euroskeptics Will Not Take Over Germany ... But Euroskeptics Will Not Take Over Germany Germany’s other major party – the Social Democratic Party (SPD) – is also going through a leadership struggle. Chart 7The CDU Party Leader Is Walking On Thin Ice The CDU Party Leader Is Walking On Thin Ice The CDU Party Leader Is Walking On Thin Ice Chart 8A Return To The Polls Would Result In A CDU-Green Coalition Global Unrest And A Christmas Election – GeoRisk Update: November 29, 2019 Global Unrest And A Christmas Election – GeoRisk Update: November 29, 2019 In the first round of the leadership vote, Finance Minister Olaf Scholz and Klara Geywitz (member of the Brandenburg Landtag) secured a small plurality of votes with 22.7%, just 1.6% more than Bundestag member Saskia Esken and Norbert Walter-Borjans (finance minister of North Rhine-Westphalia from 2010-17). The latest polling, and Scholz’s backing by the establishment, implies that he will win but this is uncertain. The results of the second round will be published on November 30, after we go to press. What does the SPD’s leadership contest mean for the CDU-SPD coalition? More likely than not, the status quo will continue. Scholz is an establishment candidate and supports remaining in the ruling coalition until 2021. Esken is calling for the SPD to leave the coalition, but Walter-Borjans has not explicitly supported this. An SPD exit from the Grand Coalition would likely lead to a snap election, not a favorable outcome for stability-loving Germans. A return to the polls would benefit the Greens and AfD at the expense of the mainstream parties, and would likely see a CDU-Green coalition emerge (Chart 8). Given that a majority of voters want the SPD to remain in government (Chart 9), and that new elections would damage the SPD’s prospects, we believe that the SPD is likely to stay in government until 2021, even if the less established Esken and Walter-Borjans win. The risk is the uncertainty around Merkel’s exit. October 2021 is a long time for Merkel to drag the coalition along, so the odds of an early election are probably higher than expected. Chart 9Germans Prefer The SPD Remains In Government Global Unrest And A Christmas Election – GeoRisk Update: November 29, 2019 Global Unrest And A Christmas Election – GeoRisk Update: November 29, 2019 Chart 10Climate Spending Closest Germany Gets To Fiscal Stimulus (For Now) Global Unrest And A Christmas Election – GeoRisk Update: November 29, 2019 Global Unrest And A Christmas Election – GeoRisk Update: November 29, 2019 Chart 11There Is Room For More Fiscal Stimulus In Germany, If Needed There Is Room For More Fiscal Stimulus In Germany, If Needed There Is Room For More Fiscal Stimulus In Germany, If Needed What would a Scholz win mean for the great debate over whether Germany will step up its fiscal policy? If the establishment duo wins the SPD leadership, the Grand Coalition remains in place, and the economy does not relapse, we are unlikely to see additional fiscal stimulus in the near future. Scholz argues that additional stimulus would not be productive, as the slowdown is due to external factors (i.e. trade war).2 The recently released Climate Action Program 2030 is the closest to fiscal stimulus that we will see. This package will deliver additional spending worth 9bn euro in 2020 and 54bn euro until 2023 (Chart 10). We are unlikely to see additional fiscal stimulus from Germany in the near future. Bottom Line: Germany is wading into a period of rising political uncertainty. In the event of a downward surprise in growth, there is room to add more fiscal stimulus (Chart 11). But there is no change in fiscal policy in the meantime, e.g. no positive surprise. France: Macron Takes Center Stage While Merkel exits, President Emmanuel Macron continues to position himself as Europe’s leader – with a vision for European integration, reform, and political centrism. But in the near term he will remain tied down with his ambitious domestic agenda. France is trudging down the path of fiscal consolidation. After exiting the Excessive Deficit Procedure in 2018, and decreasing real government expenditures by 0.3% of GDP, France’s budget deficit is forecasted to decline further (Chart 12). Macron’s government is moving towards balancing its budget primarily by reducing government expenditures to finance tax cuts and decrease the deficit. Macron’s reform efforts following the Great National Debate – tax cuts for the middle class, bonus exemptions from income tax and social security contributions, and adjustment of pensions for inflation – have paid off.3 His approval rating is beginning to recover from the lows hit during the Yellow Vest protests (Chart 13). These reforms will be financed by lower government expenditures and reduced debt burden as a result of accommodative monetary policy. Chart 12Fiscal Consolidation In France Global Unrest And A Christmas Election – GeoRisk Update: November 29, 2019 Global Unrest And A Christmas Election – GeoRisk Update: November 29, 2019 Chart 13Macron's Reform Efforts Have Paid Off Macron's Reform Efforts Have Paid Off Macron's Reform Efforts Have Paid Off Overall, France has proven to a very resilient country in light of a general economic slowdown (Chart 14, top panel). Business investment and foreign direct investment, propped up by gradual cuts in the corporate income tax rate, have remained steady, and confidence remains strong (Chart 14, bottom panels). France is consumer driven and hence somewhat protected from storms in global trade. Chart 14French Economy Resilient Despite Global Slowdown French Economy Resilient Despite Global Slowdown French Economy Resilient Despite Global Slowdown Chart 15Ongoing Strikes Will Register In French Risk Indicator Ongoing Strikes Will Register In French Risk Indicator Ongoing Strikes Will Register In French Risk Indicator Bottom Line: France stands out for remaining generally stable despite pursuing structural reforms. Strikes and opposition to reforms will continue, and will register in our risk indicator (Chart 15), but it is Germany where global trends threaten the growth model and political trends threaten greater uncertainty. On the fiscal front France is consolidating rather than stimulating.   Italy: Muddling Through This fall’s budget talks caused very little political trouble, as expected. The new Finance Minister Roberto Gualtieri is an establishment Democratic Party figure and will not seek excessive conflict with Brussels over fiscal policy. Italy’s budget deficit is projected to stay flat over 2019 and 2020. The key development since the mid-year budget revision was the repeal of the Value Added Tax hike scheduled for 2020, a repeal financed primarily by lower interest spending.4 Equity markets have celebrated Italy’s avoidance of political crisis this year with a 5.6% increase. Our own measure of geopolitical risk has dropped off sharply (Chart 16). But of course we expect it to rise next year given that Italy remains the weakest link in the Euro Area over the long run. The left-leaning alliance between the established Democratic Party and the anti-establishment Five Star Movement hurt both parties’ approval ratings. In fact, the only parties that have seen an increase in approval in the last month are the League, the far-right Brothers of Italy, and the new centrist party of former Prime Minister Matteo Renzi, Italia Viva (Chart 17). We expect to see cracks form next year, particularly over immigration, but mutual fear of a new election can motivate cooperation for a time. Chart 16Decline In Italian Risk Will Be Short Lived Decline In Italian Risk Will Be Short Lived Decline In Italian Risk Will Be Short Lived Chart 17The M5S-PD Alliance Damaged Their Approval The M5S-PD Alliance Damaged Their Approval The M5S-PD Alliance Damaged Their Approval Bottom Line: Italy’s new government is running orthodox fiscal policy, which means no boost to growth, but no clashing with Brussels either. Spain: Election Post Mortem Chart 18A Gridlocked Parliament In Spain Global Unrest And A Christmas Election – GeoRisk Update: November 29, 2019 Global Unrest And A Christmas Election – GeoRisk Update: November 29, 2019 The Spanish election produced another gridlocked parliament, as expected, with no party gaining a majority and no clear coalition options. The Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party (PSOE) emerged as the clear leader but still lost three seats. The People’s Party recovered somewhat from its April 2019 defeat, gaining 23 seats. The biggest loser of the election was Ciudadanos, which lost 47 seats after its highly criticized shift to the right, forcing its leader Alberto Rivera to resign. The party’s seats were largely captured by the far-right Vox party, which won 15.1% of the popular vote and more than doubled its seats (Chart 18). Socialist leader Pedro Sanchez has arranged a preliminary governing agreement with Podemos leader Pablo Iglesias, but it is unstable. Even with Podemos, Sanchez falls far short of the 176 seats he needs to govern. In fact, there are only three possible scenarios in which the Socialists can reach the required 176 seats and none of these scenarios are easy to negotiate (Chart 19). The first – a coalition with the People’s Party – can already be ruled out. The other two require the support of the smaller pro-independence party, which will be difficult for Sanchez to secure, given that he hardened his stance on Catalonia in the days leading up to the election. Chart 19No Simple Way To A Majority Government Global Unrest And A Christmas Election – GeoRisk Update: November 29, 2019 Global Unrest And A Christmas Election – GeoRisk Update: November 29, 2019 The next step for Sanchez is to be confirmed as prime minister in an “investiture” vote, likely on December 16.5 He would need 176 votes in the first round (or a simple majority in the second round) to gain the confidence of Congress. He looks to fall short (Chart 20).6 If he fails to be confirmed, Sanchez will have another two months to form a government or face the possibility of yet another election. Chart 20Sanchez Set To Fall Short In Investiture Vote Global Unrest And A Christmas Election – GeoRisk Update: November 29, 2019 Global Unrest And A Christmas Election – GeoRisk Update: November 29, 2019 Spain’s indecision is leading to small conflicts with Brussels. Last week, the European Commission placed Spain under the preventative arm of the Stability and Growth Pact, stating that the country had not done enough to reach its medium-term budget objective.7 The European Commission’s outlook on Spain is slightly more pessimistic than that of the Spanish government (Chart 21). Deficit projections could worsen if a left-wing government takes power that includes the anti-austerity Podemos – which means that Spain is the only candidate for a substantial fiscal policy surprise. Chart 21A Fiscal Policy Surprise In Spain? Global Unrest And A Christmas Election – GeoRisk Update: November 29, 2019 Global Unrest And A Christmas Election – GeoRisk Update: November 29, 2019 Chart 22Spanish Risk Will Keep Rising Spanish Risk Will Keep Rising Spanish Risk Will Keep Rising We expect our Spanish risk indicator to keep rising (Chart 22). The silver lining is that Spain’s turmoil – like Germany’s – poses no systemic risk to the Euro Area. Spain could also see an increase in fiscal thrust. Stay long Italian government bonds and short Spanish bonos. Bottom Line: We remain tactically long Italian government bonds and short Spanish bonos. Italian bonds will sell off less in a risk-on phase and rally more in a risk-off phase, and relative political trends reinforce this trade. Emerging Markets: Global Unrest Civil unrest is unfolding across the world, grabbing the attention of the global news media (Chart 23). The proximate causes vary – ranging from corruption, inequality, governance, and austerity – but the fear of contagion is gaining ground. Chart 23Pickup In Civil Unrest Raising Fear Of Contagion Global Unrest And A Christmas Election – GeoRisk Update: November 29, 2019 Global Unrest And A Christmas Election – GeoRisk Update: November 29, 2019 A country’s vulnerability to unrest can be gauged by two main factors: political voice and underlying economic conditions. • Political Voice: The Worldwide Governance Indicators, specifically voice and accountability, corruption, and rule of law, provide proxies for political participation (Chart 24). The aim is to assess whether there is a legitimate channel for discontent to lead to change. Countries with low rankings are especially at risk of experiencing unrest when the economy is unable to deliver. Chart 24Greater Risk Of Unrest Where Political Voice Is Absent Global Unrest And A Christmas Election – GeoRisk Update: November 29, 2019 Global Unrest And A Christmas Election – GeoRisk Update: November 29, 2019 • Economic Conditions: Last year’s tightening monetary conditions, the manufacturing and trade slowdown, the US-China trade war, and a strong US dollar have weighed on global growth this year. This is challenging, especially for economies struggling to pick up the pace of growth (Chart 25). It translates to increased job insecurity, in some cases where insecurity is already rife (Chart 26). The likelihood that economic deterioration spurs widespread unrest depends on both the level and change in these variables. The former political factor is a structural condition that becomes more relevant when economic conditions deteriorate. Chart 25The Global Slowdown Weighed On Growth In Regions Already Struggling … Global Unrest And A Christmas Election – GeoRisk Update: November 29, 2019 Global Unrest And A Christmas Election – GeoRisk Update: November 29, 2019 Chart 26… And Raise Job Insecurity Global Unrest And A Christmas Election – GeoRisk Update: November 29, 2019 Global Unrest And A Christmas Election – GeoRisk Update: November 29, 2019 Chart 27Brazilian Risk Unlikely To Reach Previous Highs Brazilian Risk Unlikely To Reach Previous Highs Brazilian Risk Unlikely To Reach Previous Highs BCA Research is optimistic on global growth as we enter the end game of this business cycle. Nevertheless risks to this view are elevated and emerging market economies are still reeling from the past year’s slowdown. This makes them especially sensitive to failures on the part of policymakers. As a result, policymakers will be more inclined to ease monetary and fiscal policy and less inclined to execute structural reforms. Brazil is a case in point. Our indicator is flagging a sharp rise in political risk (Chart 27). This reflects the recent breakdown in the real – which can go further as the finance ministry has signaled it is willing to depreciate to revive growth. Meanwhile the administration has postponed its proposals to overhaul the country’s public sector, including measures to freeze wages and reduce public sectors jobs. On the political front, President Jair Bolsonaro’s recent break from the Social Liberal Party and launch of a new party, the Alliance for Brazil, threatens to reduce his ability to get things done. This move comes at a time when Brazil’s political landscape is being shaken up by former president Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva’s release from jail, pending an appeal against his corruption conviction. The former leader of the Worker’s Party lost no time in vowing to revive Brazil’s left. Our risk indicator might overshoot due to currency policy, but we doubt that underlying domestic political instability will reach late-2015 and mid-2018 levels. Brazil has emerged from a deep recession, an epic corruption scandal, and an impeachment that led to the removal of former president Dilma Rousseff. It is not likely to see a crisis of similar stature so soon. Bolsonaro’s approval rating is the lowest of Brazil’s recent leaders, save Michel Temer, but it has not yet collapsed (Chart 28). An opinion poll held in October – prior to Lula’s release – indicates that Bolsonaro is favored to win in a scenario in which he goes head to head against Lula (Chart 29). Justice Minister Sergio Moro, who oversaw the corruption investigation, is the only candidate that would gain more votes when pitted against Bolsonaro. He is working with Bolsonaro at present and is an important pillar of the administration. So it is premature to pronounce Bolsonaro’s presidency finished. Chart 28Bolsonaro’s Approval, While Relatively Low, Has Not Collapsed Global Unrest And A Christmas Election – GeoRisk Update: November 29, 2019 Global Unrest And A Christmas Election – GeoRisk Update: November 29, 2019 Chart 29Bolsonaro Not Yet Finished Global Unrest And A Christmas Election – GeoRisk Update: November 29, 2019 Global Unrest And A Christmas Election – GeoRisk Update: November 29, 2019 The problem, as illustrated in Charts 25 and 26, is that Brazil still suffers from slow growth and an uninspiring job market – longstanding economic grievances. This will induce the administration to take a precautionary stance and slow the reform process. The result should be reflationary in the short run but negative for Brazil’s sustainability over the long run. There is still a positive path forward. Unlike the recently passed pension cuts and the public sector cuts that were just postponed – both of which zap entitlements from Brazilians – the other items on the reform agenda are less controversial. Privatization and tax reform are less politically onerous and will keep the government and economy on a positive trajectory. Meanwhile the pension cuts are unlikely to be a source of discontent as they will be phased in over 12-14 years. Thus, while the recent political events justify a higher level of risk, speculation regarding the likelihood of mass unrest in Brazil – apart from the mobilization of Worker’s Party supporters ahead of the municipal elections next fall – is overdone. Bottom Line: The growth environment in emerging markets is set to improve in 2020. US-China trade risk is falling and China will do at least enough stimulus to be stable. Moreover emerging markets will use monetary and fiscal tools to mitigate social unrest. This will not prevent unrest from continuing to flare. But not every country that has unrest is globally significant. Brazil is a major market that has recently emerged from extreme political turmoil, so a relapse is not our base case. Otherwise one should monitor Hong Kong’s impact on the trade deal, Russia’s internal stability, and the danger that Iranian and Iraqi unrest could cause oil supply disruptions. In the event that the global growth rebound does not materialize we expect Mexico and Thailand – which have better fundamentals – to outperform. Our long Thai equity relative trade is a strategic defensive trade.   Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Ekaterina Shtrevensky Research Analyst ekaterinas@bcaresearch.com Roukaya Ibrahim Editor/Strategist Geopolitical Strategy RoukayaI@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Please see “Merkel’s Successor Splits German Coalition With Rogue Syria Plan,” dated October 22, 2019 and “Merkel's Own Party Wants Outright Huawei Ban From 5G Networks,” dated November 15, 2019, available at bloomberg.com. 2 Please see “Scholz Says No Need for German Stimulus After Dodging Recession,” dated November 14, 2019, available at bloomberg.com. 3 Please see “France: Draft Budgetary Plan For 2020,” dated October 15, 2019, available at ec.europa.eu. 4 Please see “Analysis of the Draft Budgetary Plan of Italy,” dated November 20, 2019, available at ec.europa.eu. 5 Please see “Investiture calendar | Can a government be formed before Christmas?” dated November 14, 2019, available at elpais.com. 6 If Sanchez convinces PNV, BNG, and Teruel Exists to vote in his favor for both rounds of the vote, he would need ERC and Eh Bildu to abstain in order to win. However, given that the PSOE has stated that it will not even negotiate with Eh Bildu, it is likely that this party will vote against Sanchez, giving the opposition 168 votes. In this case, Sanchez would not only need PNV, BNG, and Teruel in his favor, but also the support of either CC or ERC, both unlikely scenarios. 7 Please see “Commission Opinion on the Draft Budgetary Plan of Spain,” dated November 20, 2019, available at ec.europa.eu. Appendix Germany: GeoRisk Indicator Germany: GeoRisk Indicator Germany: GeoRisk Indicator France: GeoRisk Indicator France: GeoRisk Indicator France: GeoRisk Indicator Italy: GeoRisk Indicator Italy: GeoRisk Indicator Italy: GeoRisk Indicator Spain: GeoRisk Indicator Spain: GeoRisk Indicator Spain: GeoRisk Indicator UK: GeoRisk Indicator UK: GeoRisk Indicator UK: GeoRisk Indicator Canada: GeoRisk Indicator Canada: GeoRisk Indicator Canada: GeoRisk Indicator China: GeoRisk Indicator China: GeoRisk Indicator China: GeoRisk Indicator Taiwan: GeoRisk Indicator Taiwan: GeoRisk Indicator Taiwan: GeoRisk Indicator Korea: GeoRisk Indicator  Korea: GeoRisk Indicator Korea: GeoRisk Indicator Russia: GeoRisk Indicator Russia: GeoRisk Indicator Russia: GeoRisk Indicator Brazil: GeoRisk Indicator Brazil: GeoRisk Indicator Brazil: GeoRisk Indicator Turkey: GeoRisk Indicator Turkey: GeoRisk Indicator Turkey: GeoRisk Indicator What's On The Geopolitical Radar? Global Unrest And A Christmas Election – GeoRisk Update: November 29, 2019 Global Unrest And A Christmas Election – GeoRisk Update: November 29, 2019 Section III: Geopolitical Calendar

Highlights On a tactical horizon, underweight bonds versus cash, especially those bonds with deeply negative yields… …and underweight bonds versus equities. On a strategic horizon, remain overweight a 50:50 combination of U.S. T-bonds and Italian BTPs versus a 50:50 combination of German Bunds and Spanish Bonos, at either 10-year or 30-year bond maturities. Investors could also play the component pairs: overweight U.S. T-bonds versus German bunds; and overweight Italian BTPs versus Spanish Bonos. New recommendation: switch Japanese yen long exposure into Swedish krona long exposure. Fractal trade: long SEK/JPY. Feature Chart of the WeekSwiss Bond Yields Have Found It Difficult To Go Down, But Easy To Go Up! Swiss Bond Yields Have Found It Difficult To Go Down, But Easy To Go Up! Swiss Bond Yields Have Found It Difficult To Go Down, But Easy To Go Up! Anybody who has dared to bet that JGB yields would rise has ended up being carried out of their job, feet first. Shorting Japanese government bonds (JGBs) is known as the widow maker trade. Over the past 20 years, any investment manager who has dared to bet that JGB yields would rise – whether starting from 2 percent, 1 percent, or even 0.5 percent – has ended up being carried out of their job in a box, feet first. Today, the Bank of Japan’s policy of ‘yield curve control’ means that JGB yields are constrained within a tight range around zero, limiting their immediate scope to break higher. The European equivalent of the widow maker trade has been to short Swiss government bonds. Just as with JGB’s during the past two decades, anybody who has dared to bet that Swiss government bond yields would rise – whether starting from 2 percent, 1 percent, or 0.5 percent – has been proved fatally wrong (Chart I-2). Chart I-2Widow Makers: Shorting Japanese And Swiss Bonds Widow Makers: Shorting Japanese And Swiss Bonds Widow Makers: Shorting Japanese And Swiss Bonds That is, until this year, when Swiss government bond yields reached -1 percent. The Lower Bound To Bond Yields Is Around -1 Percent According to several senior central bankers who have spoken to us, the practical lower bound to the policy interest rate is -1 percent, because “-1 percent counterbalances the storage cost of holding physical cash and/or other stores of value”. They argue that if bank deposit rates were to fall much below -1 percent, it would be logical for bank depositors to flee wholesale into physical cash, and such a deposit flight would destroy the banking system.1 Still, couldn’t central banks just abolish physical cash, forcing us all into ‘digital cash’ with unlimited negative interest rates? No, because that would just push us into other stores of value: for example, gold, or the rapidly growing ‘decentralised’ cryptocurrency asset-class. The common counterargument is that cryptocurrencies’ volatility makes them a poor store of value. But that is also true for gold: during a few months in 2013, gold lost one third of its value (Chart I-3). Yet who has ever argued that gold cannot be a store of value just because its price is volatile! Chart I-3Gold Is A Store Of Value ##br## Despite Its Volatility Gold Is A Store Of Value Despite Its Volatility Gold Is A Store Of Value Despite Its Volatility The practical lower bound to the policy interest rate is around -1 percent because the central bank policy rate establishes the banking system’s funding rate – for example, the Eonia rate in the euro area (Chart I-4). If the funding rate fell well below the rate that the banks were paying on deposits, the banking system would come under severe strain and ultimately go bust. The lower bound of the policy rate also sets the lower bound of the bond yield, because a bond yield is just the expected average policy rate over the bond’s lifetime. Chart I-4The Policy Interest Rate Establishes The Banking System's Funding Rate The Policy Interest Rate Establishes The Banking System's Funding Rate The Policy Interest Rate Establishes The Banking System's Funding Rate There is one important exception. If bond investors price in the possibility of being repaid in a different and more valuable currency, the bond yield will carry a further redenomination discount as an offset for the potential currency gain. This is relevant to euro area bonds because there remains the remote possibility of euro disintegration. Bonds which would expect to see a currency redenomination gain – notably, German bunds – therefore carry an additional discount on their yields. But for bonds where no currency redenomination is possible, the practical lower bound to bond yields is around -1 percent. Overweight High Yielding Bonds Versus Low Yielding Bonds To state the obvious, the closer that a bond yield gets to the -1 percent lower bound, the more limited becomes the possibility for a further yield decline (capital gain), while the possibility for a yield increase (capital loss) stays unlimited. This unattractive lack of upside combined with plenty of potential downside is called negative skew or negative asymmetry. It follows that, close to the lower bound of yields, the cyclicality or ‘beta’ of bond prices also becomes asymmetric. In risk-off phases, the bond prices cannot rally; while in risk-on phases, bond prices can plummet. Making such bonds a ‘lose-lose’ proposition. Case in point: Swiss bond yields have found it difficult to go down this year, but very easy to go up (Chart of the Week). Because their yields were already so close to -1 percent, Swiss bond yields could not decline much during the bond market’s recent strong rally – meaning, Swiss bond prices were very low beta on the way up. But in the recent reversal, Swiss bond yields have risen much more than others – meaning, Swiss bond prices are high beta on the way down (Chart I-5).   Chart I-5Swiss Bond Prices Are Low Beta Going Up, But High Beta Going Down Swiss Bond Prices Are Low Beta Going Up, But High Beta Going Down Swiss Bond Prices Are Low Beta Going Up, But High Beta Going Down Does this mean the widow maker trade can finally work? Yes, but only on a tactical horizon. For the full rationale, which we will not repeat here, please see Growth To Rebound In The Fourth Quarter, But Fade In 2020. However in summary, expect bond yields to edge modestly higher, and especially those yields that are deeply in negative territory. Also on a tactical horizon, prefer equities over bonds.  On a longer term horizon, a much safer way to play the asymmetric beta is to short low yielding bonds in relative terms. In other words, overweight high yielding bonds versus low yielding bonds.2 Close to the lower bound of yields, the cyclicality or ‘beta’ of bond prices becomes asymmetric. Our strategic recommendation is to overweight a 50:50 combination of U.S. T-bonds and Italian BTPs versus a 50:50 combination of German Bunds and Spanish Bonos, at either 10-year or 30-year bond maturities. Since initiation five months ago, the recommendation at the 30-year maturity is already up by almost 7 percent. Nevertheless, it has a lot further to go (Chart I-6). Investors could also play the component pairs: overweight U.S. T-bonds versus German bunds; and overweight Italian BTPs versus Spanish Bonos (Chart I-7 and Chart I-8), but the combined two bonds versus two bonds recommendation has better return to risk characteristics. Chart I-6Expect High Yielding Bonds To Outperform Low Yielding Bonds Expect High Yielding Bonds To Outperform Low Yielding Bonds Expect High Yielding Bonds To Outperform Low Yielding Bonds Chart I-7Expect Yield Spread Convergence At 10-Year Maturities... Expect Yield Spread COnvergence At 10-Year Maturities... Expect Yield Spread COnvergence At 10-Year Maturities... Chart I-8...And At 30-Year ##br##Maturities ...And At 30-Year Maturities ...And At 30-Year Maturities Switch Into The Swedish Krona   Bond yield spreads are also an important driver of currency moves. The currency corollary of overweighting high yielding versus low yielding bonds is to tilt towards low yielding currencies, because these are the currencies that have the most scope for substantial upside. Our favourite low yielding currency has been the Japanese yen, and this has worked very well. Since early 2018, the yen has been the strongest major currency, and is up 16 percent versus the euro. But our favourite currency is now changing to the Swedish krona, for three reasons: The SEK is depressed from a valuation perspective. For example, it is the only major currencies that is weaker than the GBP compared to before the Brexit vote in 2016 (Chart I-9). Chart I-9The Swedish Krona Has Underperformed The Pound Despite Brexit The Swedish Krona Has Underperformed The Pound Despite Brexit The Swedish Krona Has Underperformed The Pound Despite Brexit Unlike other major central banks, the Riksbank is seeking to normalise the policy rate upwards. The SEK is technically oversold on its 130-day fractal dimension, signalling over-pessimism in the price (Chart I-10), while the JPY is showing the opposite tendency. Chart I-10The Swedish Krona Is Due A Countertrend Move The Swedish Krona Is Due A Countertrend Move The Swedish Krona Is Due A Countertrend Move Bottom Line: switch Japanese yen long exposure into Swedish krona long exposure. Fractal Trading System* (Chart 1-11) As just discussed, this week's recommended trade is long SEK/JPY. Set the profit target at 1.5 percent with a symmetrical stop-loss. In other trades, long NZD/JPY has started off very well and long Spain versus Belgium achieved its 3.5 percent profit target, at which it was closed, leaving five open positions. For any investment, excessive trend following and groupthink can reach a natural point of instability, at which point the established trend is highly likely to break down with or without an external catalyst. An early warning sign is the investment’s fractal dimension approaching its natural lower bound. Encouragingly, this trigger has consistently identified countertrend moves of various magnitudes across all asset classes. Chart I-11 NZD VS. JPY NZD VS. JPY The post-June 9, 2016 fractal trading model rules are: When the fractal dimension approaches the lower limit after an investment has been in an established trend it is a potential trigger for a liquidity-triggered trend reversal. Therefore, open a countertrend position. The profit target is a one-third reversal of the preceding 13-week move. Apply a symmetrical stop-loss. Close the position at the profit target or stop-loss. Otherwise close the position after 13 weeks. Use the position size multiple to control risk. The position size will be smaller for more risky positions. For more details please see the European Investment Strategy Special Report “Fractals, Liquidity & A Trading Model,” dated December 11, 2014, available at eis.bcaresearch.com.   Dhaval Joshi Chief European  Investment Strategist dhaval@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 The cost of holding physical cash is the cost of its safe storage. 2 Please see the European Investment Strategy Weekly Report ‘Growth To Rebound In The Fourth Quarter, But Fade In 2020’, October 3, 2019 available at eis.bcaresearch.com. Fractal Trading Model Cyclical Recommendations Structural Recommendations Fractal Trades The ‘Widow Maker’ Trade: Can It Finally Work? The ‘Widow Maker’ Trade: Can It Finally Work? The ‘Widow Maker’ Trade: Can It Finally Work? The ‘Widow Maker’ Trade: Can It Finally Work? The ‘Widow Maker’ Trade: Can It Finally Work? The ‘Widow Maker’ Trade: Can It Finally Work? The ‘Widow Maker’ Trade: Can It Finally Work? The ‘Widow Maker’ Trade: Can It Finally Work? Trades Closed Trades Asset Performance Currency & Bond Equity Sector Country Equity Indicators Bond Yields Chart II-1Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-2Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-3Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-4Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields   Interest Rate Chart II-5Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-6Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-7Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-8Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations  

Highlights Four ghosts of 2016 are knocking at the door: Brexit, Trump, Brazil, Italy. President Trump and U.S. trade policy are keeping uncertainty high. Upgrade the odds of a no-deal Brexit to about 33%. Expect limited stimulus from Italy and Germany – for now. Brazil’s pension reform is entering its final stretch – buy the rumor, sell the news. Feature Four major political events of 2016 are returning to affect the global investment landscape this fall – though only two of these ghosts are truly frightening. In order of market relevance: Trump: The election of Donald J. Trump as U.S. president, November 8, 2016 Brexit: The U.K. referendum to leave the European Union, June 23, 2016 Italy: The Italian constitutional referendum, December 4, 2016 Brazil: The removal of Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff, August 31, 2016 Italy and Brazil are producing market-positive political results in the short run. Brexit and Trump pose substantial and immediate risks to the global bull market. A pivot by Trump is the headline risk to our view that no trade agreement will be concluded by November 2020, as we outlined in a Special Report last week. At the moment tensions are still escalating. President Trump has ordered an increase in tariffs (Chart 1) and threatened to invoke the International Economic Emergency Powers Act of 1977, which would give him the ability to halt transactions, freeze funds, and appropriate assets. China is retaliating proportionately and virtually incapable of softening its tone prior to its National Day celebration on October 1. The next round of negotiations, slated for Washington in September, could be a flop like the talks in July, or it could be canceled. Investors should stay defensive. The equity market will have to fall to force Trump to stage a tactical retreat. Meanwhile China could intervene violently in Hong Kong SAR. That possibility, the nationalist military parade on October 1, and U.S. actions toward the South China Sea and Taiwan, show that sabers are rattling, causing additional market jitters. Chart 1Trump's Latest Tariff Salvo Four Ghosts Of 2016 - GeoRisk Update: August 30, 2019 Four Ghosts Of 2016 - GeoRisk Update: August 30, 2019 U.S.-China tensions underpin our tactical safe-haven trade recommendations. But we are not shifting to a cyclically bearish stance until we get clarity on Trump’s and Xi’s handling of their immediate predicament. Brexit is the other acute short-term risk. This was true even before Prime Minister Boris Johnson opted to prorogue parliament from September 10 to October 14, shortening the time that parliament has to either pass a law forbidding a no-deal exit or bring down Johnson’s government in a vote of no confidence. We are upgrading the odds of “no deal” to no higher than 33%, using a conservative decision-making process (Diagram 1). No-deal is not our base case because parliament, the public, and even Johnson himself want to avoid a recession, which is the likely outcome, even granting that the Bank of England will not stand idly by. We are upgrading the odds of “no deal” Brexit to about 33%. Diagram 1Brexit Decision Tree (Revised August 29, 2019) Four Ghosts Of 2016 - GeoRisk Update: August 30, 2019 Four Ghosts Of 2016 - GeoRisk Update: August 30, 2019 From a bird’s eye point of view, the pound is very attractive (Chart 2). But in the near-term the twists and turns of Britain’s political struggle imply that we will see wild volatility. Our foreign exchange strategists expect that a no-deal Brexit would cause GBP/USD to collapse to 1 after October 31. Assuming our one-in-three odds of such an outcome, the probability-weighted average of cable is about 1.2. Hence investors should not short sterling from here, unless they strongly believe we are underrating the odds of no-deal exit. In the worst-case scenario, a no-deal Brexit will cause an economic shock at a time when Europe is on the brink of recession – Italy and Germany are virtually there. This means there is a substantial risk of additional deflationary pressure piling onto German bunds and sustaining the global bond rally. This pressure will be sharply reduced if Johnson loses an early no confidence vote, but that is a 50/50 call so we would not call time on this rally yet. Stay cautious. Chart 2Pound Can Only Go So Low Pound Can Only Go So Low Pound Can Only Go So Low   Italy: Stimulus … Without A Bruising Brussels Battle Italy has avoided a new election by producing an unusual tie-up between the establishment Democratic Party and the anti-establishment Five Star Movement (M5S). The coalition still needs to clear some internal hurdles and an online vote by Five Star members, but an agreement is to be presented to President Sergio Mattarella as we go to press. This is the most market-friendly outcome that could have been expected, as is clear through the sharp drop in Italian government bond yields (Chart 3). Our GeoRisk indicator for Italy is also collapsing. Chart 3Markets Cheer New Italian Coalition Markets Cheer New Italian Coalition Markets Cheer New Italian Coalition This development marks the climax of a story line that we outlined in 2016, when Prime Minister Matteo Renzi lost a constitutional referendum that aimed to strengthen Italian governments to enable deeper structural reforms (he subsequently resigned). At that time we argued that Italy would emerge as a market-relevant political risk due to rampant anti-establishment sentiment, but that this risk would subside when Italy’s populists were shown to be pragmatic at heart, i.e. unwilling to push their conflicts with Brussels to a point that truly reignited European break-up risk. This view is now vindicated – and not only for the short-term. The new coalition comes at the nick of time, with Europe teetering on recession and the risk of a no-deal Brexit rising. The new government will have to deliver the 2020 budget to the European Commission by October 15. The budget will aim to provide fiscal support, including a delay of the legislatively mandated hike in the Value Added Tax from 22% to 24.2%, already rolled over from 2019. The Five Star Movement will demand as a price for its participation in the coalition that social spending go up; the Democratic Party will have learned a lesson while out of power and will be more fiscally permissive and strike a tougher tone with Brussels. The Italian budget talks will be a non-issue: the coalition will cooperate with Brussels. The episode demonstrates that the Italian risk to financial markets is overrated. This point goes beyond the fact that the Democrats and Five Star were able to cooperate. Italy’s leading populist parties have already shown that they are pragmatic and will play the game with Brussels to avoid a financial breakdown. In May 2018, the newly formed populist coalition proposed a gigantic “wish list” budget that would have increased the budget deficit to roughly 7.3% of GDP in 2019. They also appointed a euroskeptic economy minister who almost prevented government formation. The ensuing conflict with Brussels triggered considerable turmoil (Chart 4). Ultimately, however, the populists did precisely what we expected: they bowed to the severe financial constraint on Italy’s banking system. They agreed to a 2019 and 2020 deficit of 2.04% and 2.1%, respectively (Chart 5). Chart 4Italian Populists Prove Pragmatic Italian Populists Prove Pragmatic Italian Populists Prove Pragmatic Chart 5Even Salvini Compromised On Budget Clash Even Salvini Compromised On Budget Clash Even Salvini Compromised On Budget Clash At present, the market is relieved that an election was avoided that might have seen Salvini and the League form a government with a much smaller right-wing party (Fratelli D’Italia) (Chart 6) – but the truth is that Salvini had already capitulated to the EU, both on budget matters and the euro currency. He was hardly likely to push for a budget more aggressive than that of the initial proposal in 2018. The clash with Brussels would have been a flash in the pan; the result would have been greater fiscal thrust, which would have been market-positive in the current environment. Chart 6Election Would Have Meant More Stimulus ... And More Political Risk Election Would Have Meant More Stimulus ... And More Political Risk Election Would Have Meant More Stimulus ... And More Political Risk M5S will also push for more spending and has also moderated their stance on the euro. A coalition with the Democrats will not work if the purpose is to push a euroskeptic agenda. There will be a focus on counter-cyclical fiscal policy, pragmatic reforms that the two can agree on, and fighting corruption. The budget talks will be a non-issue: the Democratic Party is an establishment party and the coalition will cooperate with Brussels. Furthermore, the context has changed since 2018 in a way that will reduce budget frictions. There is a need for countercyclical fiscal policy in light of the global slowdown, so the European Commission will have to be more flexible on the budget. This is particularly true if Germany itself loosens its belt on a cyclical basis. The risk to the above is that the coalition shaping up between the Democrats and Five Star is an alliance of convenience that will break down over time. Five Star will remain hard-line on immigration, which is driving anti-establishment sentiment. Italian elections are a frequent affair. Salvini and the League will be waiting in the wings, especially if Brussels proves too tight-fisted or if the Democrats do not toughen their stance on immigration. But as outlined above, Salvini’s own evolution on the euro, on northern Italy, and on the budget and financial stability shows that the economy will have to get a lot worse before Italian euroskepticism presents a renewed systemic risk. Bottom Line: The tentative coalition taking shape in Italy will produce a modest increase in fiscal thrust with minimal frictions with Brussels. As such it is the most market-friendly outcome that could have occurred from Salvini’s push to seize power. Beneath this episode of government change is the political arrangement taking shape in Italy, and across Europe, which calls for a commitment to the European project and currency. The price of this commitment is a tougher line on immigration from European leaders. Germany: Fiscal Loosening, But Not For The States (Yet) Our GeoRisk indicator for Germany is pointing to an increase in risk in recent weeks. Germany is threatened by a potential technical recession and while fiscal stimulus is in preparation, there will not be a fiscal game-changer until Merkel steps down in 2021 – barring a total collapse in the economy that forces her hand in the meantime. The outlook is not improving (Chart 7, top panel). The economy shrank by 0.1% in Q2 2019, exports are falling, and passenger car production is at the lowest level ever recorded (Chart 7, bottom panels). Chart 7German Economy Gets Pummeled German Economy Gets Pummeled German Economy Gets Pummeled Chart 8Germany: Expect Orthodox Stimulus For Now Germany: Expect Orthodox Stimulus For Now Germany: Expect Orthodox Stimulus For Now Finance Minister Olaf Scholz has announced that Germany could increase government spending by $55 billion within the context of European and German budget constraints. Split proportionally between 2019 and 2020, this additional spending would not put Germany in violation of the “black zero” rule – a commitment to a balanced budget that limits the federal structural deficit to 0.35% of GDP – even without any additional revenue (Chart 8).   There will not be a fiscal game-changer in Germany until Merkel steps down – barring a crisis. The German Chancellery reports that it does not see the need for stimulus in the short term – as long as trade tensions do not escalate and there is no hard Brexit. At present, however, trade tensions are escalating and the odds of a no-deal Brexit are increasing. Moreover China’s economy and stimulus efforts continue to disappoint. In this context Germany’s ruling coalition is putting together a climate change package that would entail additional spending (while stealing some thunder from the increasingly popular Green Party). Given the European Commission’s forecast of Germany’s 2020 budget surplus, 0.8% of GDP, the government could ultimately go further than Scholz’s ~$50bn. This is because the black zero rule provides for exceptions in case of recession (or natural disasters or other crises out of governmental control) with a majority vote in the Bundestag. Hence we are not so much concerned about the magnitude of the stimulus as its timing. First, Merkel and her coalition typically move slower than the market would like in the face of financial and economic challenges. Second, according to the black zero rule, which is transcribed in the German constitution (the Basic Law), the Länder cannot run budget deficits from 2020. Amending the constitution to delay this deadline requires a two-thirds majority in the Bundestag and the Bundesrat – a much taller order than the simple majority needed to boost federal deficits. The governing coalition currently holds 56% of the seats in the Bundestag. If the Greens were brought on board, which they would be inclined to do, this number falls just short of two-thirds at 65.6%. In order to obtain a two-thirds majority in the Bundesrat, the Social Democrats, Christian Democrats, and the Greens would need the support of another party, either the Left or the Free Democrats. This could be done but it would require political will, which is only likely to be sufficient if the German and global economy get worse from here. Meanwhile financial markets will have to settle for the gradual implementation of a stimulus package on the order of 1% of GDP – the one the government is planning. Bottom Line: While Germany will likely roll out a stimulus package by Q4, if third quarter GDP data confirm that the country is in a technical recession, Merkel’s hesitation and budget limits mean that this stimulus will likely be moderate. A marginal upside surprise is possible but it will not represent a true “game changer” on fiscal policy in Germany. The game changer is more likely after Merkel steps down in 2021. The Green Party is surging in Germany and could possibly lead the next government. Even if it doesn’t, its success and Europe-wide developments are pushing German leaders to become more accommodative. Brazil: Reform Or Bust Political turmoil in Brazil over the past five years has ultimately resulted in a right-wing populist government under President Jair Bolsonaro. Bolsonaro is pursuing a pension reform that is universally acknowledged as necessary to straighten out Brazil’s fiscal books, but that the previous government tried and failed to pass. On this front the news is market-positive: having cleared the lower Chamber of Deputies, the pension reforms are now likely to pass the senate. This will lift investor confidence and give Bolsonaro an initial success that he may then be able to translate into additional economic reforms. The Brazilian economy and financial markets are moving in opposite directions. The currency and equities staged a mid-year rally despite negative data releases – shrinking retail sales and industrial production amid high unemployment (Chart 9). More recently these assets relapsed despite tentative signs of improvement on the economic front (Chart 10). All the while, chaos and controversies surrounding Bolsonaro’s government have weighed on his approval rating, ending the honeymoon period after election (Chart 11). Chart 9Brazil: Signs Of Improvement Brazil: Signs Of Improvement Brazil: Signs Of Improvement   Chart 10Brazil: Markets Sold Despite Pension Progress Brazil: Markets Sold Despite Pension Progress Brazil: Markets Sold Despite Pension Progress Chart 11Bolsonaro’s Honeymoon Is Long Gone Four Ghosts Of 2016 - GeoRisk Update: August 30, 2019 Four Ghosts Of 2016 - GeoRisk Update: August 30, 2019 The mid-year equity re-rating was driven by an improvement in sentiment on the back of the government’s pension reform. The relapse occurred despite the passage of the pension reform bill in the lower house, indicating that global economic pessimism has dominated. The bill’s next step goes to the senate where it faces two rounds of voting before enactment (Diagram 2). It should clear this hurdle by a large margin, though we expect delays. Diagram 2Brazil: Pension Reform Timeline Four Ghosts Of 2016 - GeoRisk Update: August 30, 2019 Four Ghosts Of 2016 - GeoRisk Update: August 30, 2019 In the second round vote in the lower house on August 6 – which had a smaller margin of victory than the first round – deputies voted largely in line with party alliances (Charts 12A & 12B). Assuming legislators in the senate behave in the same way, the reform should gain the support of 64 of the 81 senators – easily surpassing the 49 votes needed. Even in a more pessimistic scenario where all opposition parties and all independent parties vote against the bill – along with two defecting senators from government-allied parties – the reform would pass by 56-25. Chart 12APension Bill Sailed Through Lower House ... Four Ghosts Of 2016 - GeoRisk Update: August 30, 2019 Four Ghosts Of 2016 - GeoRisk Update: August 30, 2019 Chart 12B... And Should Pass Senate In Time Four Ghosts Of 2016 - GeoRisk Update: August 30, 2019 Four Ghosts Of 2016 - GeoRisk Update: August 30, 2019 This favorable outlook is also supported by popular opinion, which indicates that the majority of those polled agree that pension reforms are necessary (Chart 13). This leaves two questions: How soon will the bill clear the senate? According to senate party leaders’ proposed timetable, the bill will undergo its first upper house vote on September 18 with the second round slated for October 2. This is ambitious. The strategy of Senator Tasso Jereissati – who has been appointed senate pension reform rapporteur – is to approve the text in its current form and create a parallel proposed amendment to the constitution (PEC) which will bring together the amendments that senators make to the original text. Dozens of amendments have been filed with the Commission on Constitution and Justice. These will prolong the enactment of the final bill and dilute its impact. We doubt the senate will let Jereissati have his way entirely and hence expect delays and dilution. Chart 13Brazil: Public Now Favors Pension Reform Four Ghosts Of 2016 - GeoRisk Update: August 30, 2019 Four Ghosts Of 2016 - GeoRisk Update: August 30, 2019 Chart 14Brazil: Pension Reform Not Enough Brazil: Pension Reform Not Enough Brazil: Pension Reform Not Enough How much savings will the bill generate? Will the reforms be sufficient to improve public debt dynamics in Brazil? The Independent Fiscal Institute of the senate estimates that the reform will generate BRL 744 billion of savings. This is significantly less than the BRL 1.2 trillion initially proposed, and lower than the BRL 860 billion that Economy Minister Paulo Guedes has indicated as the minimum fiscal savings required. Our Emerging Markets strategists argue that the bill falls short of what is needed. While the plan will reduce the fiscal deficit and slow debt accumulation, it will be insufficient to generate primary surpluses over the coming years (Chart 14).1 Moreover, estimated savings in the final bill will likely be further revised down as the bill undergoes more amendments in the senate. What comes after pension reform? The market has focused almost exclusively on this issue to the neglect of Bolsonaro’s wider economic reform agenda. The agenda includes privatization, trade liberalization, tax reforms, and deregulation. Here we are more skeptical. First, Bolsonaro will have spent a lot of political capital on pensions. Second, while the economy and unemployment are always important, they are not the foremost concern for Brazilians (Chart 15). Chart 15Bolsonaro Will Lose Political Capital After Pension Bill Four Ghosts Of 2016 - GeoRisk Update: August 30, 2019 Four Ghosts Of 2016 - GeoRisk Update: August 30, 2019 Third, the economic agenda is often at odds with Bolsonaro’s social, foreign, and environmental policies: The new Mercosur-European Union trade agreement and ongoing trade negotiations between Mercosur and Canada are positive developments. However the G7 summit in France highlighted that the deal with the EU is at risk due to dissatisfaction with Bolsonaro’s response to the Amazon fires. France and Ireland have threatened to withhold support of the ratification. With world leaders concerned about the political risks of trade liberalization, and with Trump having issued a license to foreign leaders for trade weaponization, an escalation of tensions between the Europeans and Bolsonaro could lead to punitive measures even beyond the delay to the Mercosur-EU deal. Brazil’s China problem: Bolsonaro has been cozying up to President Donald Trump while striking a more aggressive tone with China. This is a risky strategy as it may undermine Brazil’s economic interests. The country’s exports are much more leveraged to China than to the U.S. and have been benefitting on the back of the trade war as China substitutes away from the U.S. (Chart 16). The president’s planned trip to China in October reveals an attempt to mend ties after having accused China of dominating key Brazilian sectors during his election campaign. But it is not clear yet that Bolsonaro will stage a retreat. And if President Trump backtracks on his trade war in order to clinch a deal, Bolsonaro may have lost some goodwill with China without receiving the benefit of China’s substitution effects. Hence Bolsonaro will have to soften his approach to China to make progress on the trade aspect of the reform agenda. Chart 16Brazil: Time To Mend Ties With China Brazil: Time To Mend Ties With China Brazil: Time To Mend Ties With China Bottom Line: We expect the passage of a diluted pension reform bill that will slow the growth of public debt to some extent. However global headwinds are persisting. And any success on pensions should not be extrapolated to other items on the economic reform agenda. Bolsonaro’s trade liberalization faces difficulties on the surface. Other domestic reforms are even more difficult to achieve in the wake of painful pension cuts. Reforms that enjoy public support and do not require a complicated legislative process are the most likely to be implemented, but even then, legislation and implementation are likely to be long-in-coming in Brazil’s highly fractured congress. As a result we share the view with our Emerging Markets Strategy that the pension reform is a “buy the rumor, sell the news” phenomenon. Housekeeping We are booking gains on our long BCA global defense basket for a 17% gain since inception in October 2018. The underlying thesis for this trade remains strong and we will reinstitute it at an appropriate time, though likely on a relative basis to minimize headwinds to cyclical sectors. We are also finally throwing in the towel on our long rare earth / strategic metals equity trade. The logic behind the trade is intact but it was very poorly timed and the basket has depreciated 24% since inception.   Matt Gertken, Vice President Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Roukaya Ibrahim, Editor/Strategist Geopolitical Strategy RoukayaI@bcaresearch.com Ekaterina Shtrevensky, Research Analyst ekaterinas@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1      Please see BCA Research’s Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report “On Chinese Banks And Brazil,” dated July 18, 2019, available at ems.bcaresearch.com. France: GeoRisk Indicator Four Ghosts Of 2016 - GeoRisk Update: August 30, 2019 Four Ghosts Of 2016 - GeoRisk Update: August 30, 2019 U.K.: GeoRisk Indicator Four Ghosts Of 2016 - GeoRisk Update: August 30, 2019 Four Ghosts Of 2016 - GeoRisk Update: August 30, 2019 Germany: GeoRisk Indicator Four Ghosts Of 2016 - GeoRisk Update: August 30, 2019 Four Ghosts Of 2016 - GeoRisk Update: August 30, 2019   Italy: GeoRisk Indicator Four Ghosts Of 2016 - GeoRisk Update: August 30, 2019 Four Ghosts Of 2016 - GeoRisk Update: August 30, 2019 Spain: GeoRisk Indicator Four Ghosts Of 2016 - GeoRisk Update: August 30, 2019 Four Ghosts Of 2016 - GeoRisk Update: August 30, 2019 Russia: GeoRisk Indicator Four Ghosts Of 2016 - GeoRisk Update: August 30, 2019 Four Ghosts Of 2016 - GeoRisk Update: August 30, 2019   Korea: GeoRisk Indicator Four Ghosts Of 2016 - GeoRisk Update: August 30, 2019 Four Ghosts Of 2016 - GeoRisk Update: August 30, 2019 Taiwan: GeoRisk Indicator Four Ghosts Of 2016 - GeoRisk Update: August 30, 2019 Four Ghosts Of 2016 - GeoRisk Update: August 30, 2019 Turkey: GeoRisk Indicator Four Ghosts Of 2016 - GeoRisk Update: August 30, 2019 Four Ghosts Of 2016 - GeoRisk Update: August 30, 2019 Brazil: GeoRisk Indicator Four Ghosts Of 2016 - GeoRisk Update: August 30, 2019 Four Ghosts Of 2016 - GeoRisk Update: August 30, 2019 What's On The Geopolitical Radar? Four Ghosts Of 2016 - GeoRisk Update: August 30, 2019 Four Ghosts Of 2016 - GeoRisk Update: August 30, 2019 Geopolitical Calendar