Labor Market

Highlights Domestic and foreign supply-side constraints are now exerting a significant effect on the US economy. Consumer prices may increase at a faster pace than we initially expected over the coming 3-4 months, but supply-side constraints are likely to wane later this year and thus do genuinely appear to be transitory. The idea that even a temporary period of high inflation could persist over the longer term has legitimate grounding in macro theory, and is explicitly recognized in the Fed’s inflation framework. But it would necessitate a very large increase in inflation expectations, which have yet to rise to abnormal levels. The baseline for inflation has shifted back closer to the Fed’s target, but deviations above or below target over the coming 12-18 months are likely to be driven by demand-side rather than supply-side factors. The Fed’s checklist for liftoff now entirely depends on employment, and there are compelling arguments in favor of outsized jobs growth in the second half of the year that would move forward the timing of the first rate hike. But the reality for investors is that there is tremendous uncertainty concerning the magnitude of these job gains, given the likelihood of some lasting changes to consumer behavior following the pandemic. Visibility about the employment consequences of these changes will remain very low until investors receive more information about likely urban office footprint and downtown commuter presence, the speed at which international travel will return, and to what degree any pandemic control measures remain in place in the second half of the year. For now, investors should remain cyclically overweight stocks versus bonds, short duration, and invested in other procyclical positions, with an eye to reassess the monetary policy and growth outlook in the late summer / early fall. Feature Chart I-1Investors Have Focused On The April Jobs And Inflation Data Investors Have Focused On The April Jobs And Inflation Data Investors Have Focused On The April Jobs And Inflation Data Investors’ attention in May was focused squarely on two, ostensibly contradictory US data surprises: an extremely disappointing April jobs report, and a surge in consumer prices (Chart I-1). Abstracting from the typically lagging nature of consumer prices, a weak labor market is typically disinflationary / deflationary, not inflationary. But this is only to be expected in a typical environment where demand-side factors are predominantly driving the jobs market and the pricing decisions of firms, and the April data has made it clear that domestic and foreign supply-side constraints are now exerting a significant effect on the US economy, more forcefully than we initially thought. This warrants a further analysis of our prior view that supply-side effects would have a moderate effect on activity and prices this year, which we present below. A Deep Dive Into April’s Employment And Inflation Data Chart I-2 shows the difference between the April monthly gain in US jobs by industry compared with those of March. Almost all US industries saw a slower pace of jobs gains in April than March, but the slowdown was particularly acute in the professional & business services, transportation & warehousing, education & health services, construction, and manufacturing industries. By contrast, leisure & hospitality, the industry with the largest employment gap relative to pre-pandemic levels, saw a faster pace of April job gains relative to March. Chart I-2Breaking Down Disappointing April Payroll Gains June 2021 June 2021 In our view, several facts from the April jobs report characterize the labor market as being in a transition towards a post-pandemic state, but also legitimately impacted by labor supply constraints at the low-skilled and blue-collar levels: Within professional & business services, almost all of the slowdown in monthly job gains occurred within temporary help services. Temp help services is a cyclical employment category over the longer-term, but over short periods of time it can also be negatively correlated with gains in full-time positions. April saw a large decline in the number of employed persons at work part time, suggesting that the slowdown in temp help may reflect a shift back to full-time work. Within transportation & warehousing, the slowdown in jobs was entirely attributed to the couriers and messengers subsector, which includes delivery services. In combination with the acceleration in jobs in the leisure & hospitality sector, this likely reflects a shift away from home food delivery towards in-person restaurant orders and the use of aggressive hiring tactics by restaurant owners (including advertisements of cash bonuses following 90 days of completed work, paid vacations, health insurance, and other perks). The slowdown in jobs growth in the construction & manufacturing industries is likely due to two, separate supply constraints: the negative impact of higher input costs such as lumber, semiconductors, and other raw materials, as well as the disincentivizing effects of supplementary unemployment benefits that appears to be limiting the willingness of lower-wage workers to return to work. Chart I-3April's Rise In Core CPI Was Extreme, Even After Removing Some Outliers April's Rise In Core CPI Was Extreme, Even After Removing Some Outliers April's Rise In Core CPI Was Extreme, Even After Removing Some Outliers On the inflation front, Chart I-3 highlights that the April surge in core consumer prices did not just occur because of year-over-year base effects, but because of significant month-over-month increases in prices. Outsized gains in used car prices driven by the impact of the semiconductor shortage on new car production, as well as surging airline fares, did significantly contribute to April’s month-over-month gain, but the dotted line in the chart highlights that the monthly change would still have been extreme relative to history even if these components had increased instead at a 2% annual rate. Taken together, the April employment and inflation data, in conjunction with surveys of US firms as well as the trend in commodity prices, suggest that the labor market and consumer prices are being affected by four separate but related factors: An underlying demand effect, driven by extremely stimulative fiscal & monetary policy as well as economic reopening; A domestic labor shortage Coordination failures and bottlenecks impacting the production of key supply chain components and resource inputs Coordination failures and bottlenecks impacting the logistics of international trade Strong domestic aggregate demand is not likely to wane over the coming 6-12 months, which has been the basis for our view that inflation would rise to modestly above-target levels this year. Given this new evidence of their prominence and impact, it does seem likely that the remaining three supply-side factors will persist for a few more months, suggesting that core inflation may remain quite elevated over the near term. But several points underscore why it remains difficult to accept a view that supply-side factors will remain an important driver of employment and consumer price trends on a 1-year time horizon. Chart I-4Home Schooling Is Impacting The Labor Market June 2021 June 2021 First, domestic labor shortages are occurring in the context of a gap of 8.2 million jobs relative to pre-pandemic levels, underscoring that substantial barriers to returning to work exist. The three most cited barriers are an unwillingness to return to employment for health reasons, an unwillingness to return to work because of supplementary unemployment insurance benefits that are in excess of regular income, and an inability to return to work due to childcare requirements. For example, Chart I-4 highlights that the labor force participation rate has declined the most for women with young children, whose children in many cases are being schooled online rather that in person. But all three of these factors are clearly linked to the pandemic, and are likely to be greatly reduced (or eliminated) in the fall once schools have reopened and income support has ended. Federal supplementary UI benefits are set to expire by labor day, and several US states have already opted out of the program – with benefits set to end in June or July.1 Second, global producers of important commodity inputs (such as lumber) significantly cut production last year under the expectation that the pandemic would greatly reduce spending, only to be whipsawed by a surge in demand stemming from a combination of working from home effects and a massive policy response. Chart I-5 highlights that US industrial production of wood products fell to -10% on a year-over-year basis last April, but that it has subsequently rebounded to a new high. Unlike other supply chain inputs, global semiconductor sales did not decline last April (in the face of enormous PC, tablet, and server/data center demand), but Chart I-6 highlights that DRAM prices, lumber prices, and prices of raw industrial goods may be peaking or have already peaked. Chart I-5Lumber Prices Are Soaring, In Part, Because Supply Was Cut Last Year Lumber Prices Are Soaring, In Part, Because Supply Was Cut Last Year Lumber Prices Are Soaring, In Part, Because Supply Was Cut Last Year Chart I-6Costs of Key Inputs May Be Peaking (Or Have Peaked) Costs of Key Inputs May Be Peaking (Or Have Peaked) Costs of Key Inputs May Be Peaking (Or Have Peaked) Chart I-7Logistical Issues, Which Will Be Resolved, Are Driving Shipping Costs Logistical Issues, Which Will Be Resolved, Are Driving Shipping Costs Logistical Issues, Which Will Be Resolved, Are Driving Shipping Costs Third, while some market participants have attributed the enormous rise in global shipping costs entirely to the underlying demand effect that we noted above, Chart I-7 highlights that this is clearly not the case. The chart shows that the surge in loaded inbound container trade to the Los Angeles and Long Beach ports, to its strongest level since the inception of the data in the mid 1990s, could potentially explain a 75-100% year-over-year rise in shipping costs – less than half of the 250% surge that has occurred over the past 12 months. This strongly points to logistical issues such as the incorrect positioning of cargo containers amid pandemic-related port congestion (and other disruptions such as the temporary grounding of the Ever Given in the Suez canal) as the dominant driver of global shipping costs, which have likely pushed up US non-oil import prices by more than what would normally be implied by the decline in the US dollar (Chart I-8). Global shipping costs have yet to peak, but we expect that these logistical problems will likely be resolved sometime in Q3, or potentially over the summer. This view is underpinned by the fact that the number of global container ships arriving on time rose in March, the first month-over-month increase since June of last year.2 Chart I-8Rising Transport Costs Have Pushed Up US Import Prices Rising Transport Costs Have Pushed Up US Import Prices Rising Transport Costs Have Pushed Up US Import Prices For investors, the key conclusion of this review is that while consumer prices may increase at a faster pace than we initially expected over the coming 3-4 months, supply-side factors are clearly driving outsized gains, and have likely or definite end points before the end of the year. As such, despite the surprising magnitude of these supply-side factors, they do genuinely appear to be transitory. The “Transitory” Debate Most investors would agree that 3-4 months of outsized consumer price increases would not be, in and of themselves, economically significant or investment relevant. But the question of whether even a temporary period of high inflation could persist over a 12-month or multi-year time horizon has become prominent in the marketplace, with some investors believing that it has high odds of fueling an already-established, demand-side narrative supporting higher prices in a way that becomes self-reinforcing among consumers and firms. Indeed, this view has a legitimate grounding in macro theory, and is explicitly recognized in the Fed’s inflation framework – which is called the expectations-augmented or Modern-Day Phillips Curve (“MDPC”). In anticipation of the coming debate about inflation and its causes, we thoroughly reviewed the MDPC in our January report.3 One crucial takeaway from the MDPC framework is that economic activity relative to its potential determines the degree to which inflation deviates from expectations of inflation, not the Fed’s inflation target. If, for example, inflation expectations are meaningfully below target, then the Fed would need to aim for an unemployment rate below its natural rate for some period of time in an attempt to re-anchor expectations closer to its target rate (based on the view that inflation expectations adapt to the actual inflation experience). This is essentially what occurred in the latter half of the last economic expansion, and is what motivated the Fed’s shift to its average inflation targeting regime. The Modern-Day Phillips Curve is “modern” because of the experience of inflation in the late 1960s and 1970s, where ever-rising expectations for inflation (alongside extremely easy monetary policy) became self-reinforcing and caused core PCE inflation to rise to high single-digit territory in the second half of the decade. Thus, the notion that elevated consumer prices over the short-term could increase actual inflation over the longer term via higher expectations – meaning that it would not be transitory – is plausible. Chart I-9The Fed's New Index Of Common Inflation Expectations (CIE) The Fed's New Index Of Common Inflation Expectations (CIE) The Fed's New Index Of Common Inflation Expectations (CIE) Is it likely? In our view, while the odds have increased somewhat over the past month, the answer is no. Chart I-9 presents the Fed’s quarterly index of common inflation expectations (CIE), alongside a model designed to track movements in the index on a monthly frequency. While the Fed’s index includes over 21 inflation expectation indicators, our condensed model uses just six: the 10-year annualized rate of change in headline inflation, the 10-year annualized rate of change in the headline PCE deflator, 5-year/5-year forward and 10-year/10-year forward TIPS breakeven inflation rates, the 3-month moving average of long-term surveyed consumer expectations for inflation, and a proprietary measure of inflation expectations based on an adaptive expectations framework. Chart I-10 highlights that among these six series (shown standardized since mid 2004), three of them have risen quite significantly over the past year: long-dated TIPS breakeven inflation rates (5-5 and 10-10), and long-term consumer expectations for inflation. In our view, the latter series from the University of Michigan is one of the most important for investors to monitor over the coming year, as it is one of the few available measures of “main-street” inflation expectations with a long history. Chart I-10Important Drivers Of The CIE Index Have Risen, But From A Low Base Important Drivers Of The CIE Index Have Risen, But From A Low Base Important Drivers Of The CIE Index Have Risen, But From A Low Base Chart I-11A Deeply Negative Output Gap Last Cycle Made Inflation Expectations Vulnerable To Shocks A Deeply Negative Output Gap Last Cycle Made Inflation Expectations Vulnerable To Shocks A Deeply Negative Output Gap Last Cycle Made Inflation Expectations Vulnerable To Shocks But while the series in the top panel of Chart I-10 have risen sharply, they are rising from an extremely low base and are currently only fractionally above their average since 2004. As noted in our January report, inflation expectations fell significantly in 2014 first because they were highly vulnerable to shocks following a long period of a deeply negative output gap (Chart I-11), and second because they were catalyzed by a substantial US dollar / oil price shock that occurred in that year. We noted above that the odds of extreme near-term price changes ultimately becoming non-transitory have risen somewhat, and Chart I-12 highlights why. The chart presents the annual change in long-term consumer expectations of inflation alongside the annual change in 2-year government bond yields, and notes that the past three cases of a similar-sized spike in expectations were all ultimately met with either a significant rise in short-term interest rates or a major deflationary shock – neither of which we expect to occur over the coming year. Chart I-12Other Consumer Price Expectation Spikes Have Been Met By Rising Rates Or A Deflationary Shock Other Consumer Price Expectation Spikes Have Been Met By Rising Rates Or A Deflationary Shock Other Consumer Price Expectation Spikes Have Been Met By Rising Rates Or A Deflationary Shock However, the fact that the rise in expectations clearly has a mean-reversion component to it, and that the supply-side factors driving month-over-month price increases are temporary in nature, argues against the idea that expectations will rise above the average that prevailed from 2002 – 2014. This suggests that while the baseline for inflation has moved back closer to the Fed’s target, deviations above or below target are likely to be driven by demand-side rather than supply-side factors. The Fed’s Checklist: Focus On Employment Table I-1The Fed’s Checklist For Liftoff June 2021 June 2021 From an investment perspective, the outlook for inflation is important mostly because of its implications for Fed policy, and thus interest rates and equity valuation multiples. My colleague Ryan Swift, BCA’s US Bond Strategist, has presented the Fed’s checklist for liftoff in Table I-1. The Fed has been explicit that they will not raise interest rates until all three boxes are checked, regardless of what is occurring to inflation expectations or actual inflation. The first box in the list is essentially checked, as tomorrow’s April Personal Income and Outlays report will very likely confirm that the core PCE deflator rose in excess of 2% (the headline PCE deflator was already in excess of this in March). And the third criterion is essentially a derivative of the other two, barring the emergence of a significant deflationary shock at the time that the Fed would otherwise begin to raise rates. This means that investors should be entirely focused on labor market developments, and whether they are consistent with the Fed’s assessment of maximum employment. Table I-2 highlights the average monthly nonfarm payroll growth that will be required for the unemployment rate to reach 3.5-4.5%, the range of the Fed’s NAIRU estimates. The table underscores that large gains will be required for the Fed’s maximum employment criteria to be met by the end of this year or year-end 2022, on the order of 410-830k per month. Table I-2Calculating The Distance To Maximum Employment June 2021 June 2021 But the nature of the pandemic and the factors that drove what is still an 8.2 million jobs gap underscore the extreme difficulty in forecasting what monthly job gains are likely to occur on average over the coming 12-18 months. From March to August of last year, monthly changes in nonfarm payrolls exceeded +/-1 million per month, with 20.7 million jobs lost in the month of April 2020 alone. Payroll gains averaged 3.8 million per month in the two months that followed, and if that pace were to be repeated this fall as schools reopen and supplementary unemployment benefits draw to a close in all states it would close 93% of the outstanding jobs gap. This implies that monthly job growth will follow a bimodal distribution over the coming year, with large gains in Q3/Q4 followed by a much more normal pace of jobs growth in Q1/Q2 2022. In our view, the outlook for Fed policy depends significantly on the magnitude of those outsized gains in employment this fall, and there are three main arguments favoring a larger pace of monthly job growth during this period. First, Table I-3 highlights that the jobs gap is most prominent in the leisure & hospitality, government, education & health services, and professional & business services industries, and several observations suggest that Q3/Q4 job gains in these sectors may be sizeable: Table I-3Breaking Down The Pandemic Employment Gap By Industry June 2021 June 2021 70% of the government employment gap shown in Table I-3 can be attributed to education, as government employment also includes education employment at the state and local government level. Many of these jobs, along with those in the education & health services industry, are likely to recover in the fall as schools reopen across the country. As noted in our discussion of the April jobs data, the professional & business services industry includes the “administrative & support services” sector, which accounts for 85% of the overall job gap for the industry. These jobs have likely been impacted heavily by reduced office presence as well as business travel, and may recover further in the fall as many employees shift partially or fully away from working from home. Chart I-13Leisure & Hospitality Employment Is Closely Tracking Hotel Occupancy Leisure & Hospitality Employment Is Closely Tracking Hotel Occupancy Leisure & Hospitality Employment Is Closely Tracking Hotel Occupancy Chart I-13 highlights that the year-over-year growth rates of leisure & hospitality employment and the US hotel occupancy rate are tracking each other quite closely, and that the latter is in a solid uptrend.4 While international travel is likely to remain muted this summer, the rebound in hotel occupancy suggests that Americans are choosing to travel domestically this year and that further gains in occupancy may occur over the coming months. Chart I-14 highlights the second argument in favor of a larger pace of monthly job growth in the second half of the year. The chart shows the clear relationship between reopening and the employment gap, with states that have fully reopened having substantially smaller gaps than states that have not. It is true that some states that have fully reopened are still experiencing a sizeable gap, but this is at least in part due to leisure & hospitality employment that is dependent on the travel patterns of consumers. For example, Nevada still has a 10% employment gap despite having fully reopened, clearly reflecting the impact of reduced tourism to Las Vegas. Thus, as all states move towards being fully reopened later this year, including large states such as New York and California, Chart I-14 suggests that the US jobs gap is likely to narrow significantly. Chart I-14US States That Have Reopened Have A Smaller Employment Gap June 2021 June 2021 Chart I-15Real Output Per Worker Is Not Likely To Rise Further Real Output Per Worker Is Not Likely To Rise Further Real Output Per Worker Is Not Likely To Rise Further Finally, Chart I-15 highlights that the 2020 recession is the only one in which real output per person rose sharply during the recession. It is true that productivity tends to rise over time and that it usually increases in the early phase of an economic recovery, but the rise in real output per worker last year clearly reflects the massive decline in employment and services spending that resulted from pandemic-related control measures and lockdowns. Our sense is that this sharp rise in real output per worker is not likely to be sustained following full reopening and the elimination of barriers to employment, and if real output per worker were to even modestly converge to its prior trend (the dotted line in Chart I-15) it would more than fully close the jobs gap shown in Table I-3 by the end of the year based on consensus growth forecasts for this year. Investment Conclusions Despite compelling arguments for outsized jobs growth in the second half of the year, the bottom line for investors is that there is tremendous uncertainty concerning its magnitude. It seems likely that there will be some lasting changes to consumer behavior following the pandemic, and visibility about the employment consequences of these changes will remain very low until investors receive more information about the likely urban office footprint and downtown commuter presence, the speed at which international travel will return, and the degree to which any pandemic control measures remain in place in the second half of the year. Given the Fed’s criteria for liftoff, developments that imply a pace of jobs recovery that is in line with or slower than the Fed’s unemployment rate projections will ensure that the monetary policy regime will remain supportive of risky asset prices over the coming year. If the employment gap closes rapidly in Q3/Q4, then investor expectations for the timing of the first rate hike will move sharply closer, which could act as a negative inflection point for stock prices. This is now more probable than it was a month ago, as Chart I-16 highlights that the OIS curve has shifted towards expectations of an initial rate hike at the end of next year or early 2023, from mid 2022 previously. Chart I-16Market Rate Hike Expectations Have Shifted Back To Late 2022 / Early 2023 Market Rate Hike Expectations Have Shifted Back To Late 2022 / Early 2023 Market Rate Hike Expectations Have Shifted Back To Late 2022 / Early 2023 Still, abstracting from knee-jerk market reactions, it is the pace of hikes and investor expectations for the terminal Fed funds rate that are the more important fundamental drivers of 10-year Treasury yields, and investors would need to see a very large revision to the latter in order for yields to rise to a point that would restrict economic activity or threaten equity market multiples. Such a revision is highly unlikely over the summer unless incoming evidence strongly suggests that the employment gap will be closed by the end of the year. As highlighted above, this may indeed occur later in the year, but probably not over the coming 3 months. For now, investors should remain cyclically overweight stocks versus bonds, short duration, and invested in other procyclical positions, with an eye to reassess the monetary policy and growth outlook in the late summer / early fall. Jonathan LaBerge, CFA Vice President The Bank Credit Analyst May 27, 2021 Next Report: June 24, 2021 II. Global House Prices: A New Threat For Policymakers House prices are rising rapidly across the developed markets, in response to the extraordinary monetary and fiscal policy stimulus implemented to fight the pandemic. Evidence points to the house price surge being driven by monetary policy that has left real interest rates far below equilibrium levels. Supply factors are a secondary cause of the house price boom. Financial stability risks stemming from rising house prices are less acute than the pre-2008 experience, as overall household leverage has grown more slowly during the pandemic and global banks are better capitalized. Rapidly rising house prices are forcing some central banks to turn less accommodative earlier than expected. The recent hawkish turns by the Bank of Canada and Reserve Bank of New Zealand may be canaries in the coal mine for other central banks – perhaps even the Fed – if house prices and household leverage start rising together. The COVID-19 pandemic led to the sharpest economic recession since World War II, alongside an enormous rise in unemployment. Consensus expectations call for the output gap to be closed (or mostly closed) in most advanced economies by the end of this year, but it remains an open question how quickly these economies will be able to return to full employment amid potentially permanent shifts in demand for office space and goods sold at physical, “brick and mortar” retail locations. Despite this sizeable and swift economic shock, house price appreciation accelerated last year in the developed world. Chart II-1 highlights that US house prices rose at an 18% annualized pace in the second half of 2020, whereas they accelerated at a high-single digit pace in developed markets ex-US (on a GDP-weighted basis). This, in conjunction with a sharp rise in the household sector credit-to-GDP ratio (Chart II-2), has unnerved some investors while raising questions about the implications for monetary policy. Chart II-1House Prices Are Surging Around The World House Prices Are Surging Around The World House Prices Are Surging Around The World Chart II-2Rising Fears About Deteriorating Household Balance Sheets Rising Fears About Deteriorating Household Balance Sheets Rising Fears About Deteriorating Household Balance Sheets Before we discuss the investment implications of the global housing boom, however, we must first accurately determine the reasons why it is happening. The Work-From-Home Effect: Less Than Meets The Eye When analyzing the surprising behavior of the housing market last year, the working-from-home effect brought upon by the pandemic emerges as an obvious factor potentially explaining house price gains. Last year, following recommended or mandatory stay-at-home orders from governments, most office-based businesses rapidly shifted to work-from-home arrangements as an emergency response. However, in the month or two following the beginning of stay-at-home orders, several national US surveys found many office workers preferred the flexibility afforded by work-from-home arrangements. Many employers, correspondingly, found that the productivity of their employees did not suffer while working from home, or that it even improved. Several prominent corporations in the US have subsequently made some work-from-home options permanent, or even allowed employees to work from offices in a different city than they did prior to the pandemic. Newfound work-from-home options have undoubtedly created new demand for housing, and thus explained the surge in house prices seen over the past year in the minds of some investors. However, in our view, evidence from the US, the UK, and France suggests that the work-from-home effect better explains differences in price gains across housing types and within large metropolitan areas, rather than aggregate or national-level changes in house prices. Chart II-3 provides some quantification of the impact of work-from-home policies by plotting US resident migration patterns by city. This data has been compiled by CBRE, and the impact of COVID is shown as the change in net move-ins from 2019 to 2020 per 1000 people. This helps control for the underlying migration pattern that existed in US cities prior to the pandemic. Chart II-3Work From Home Policies Have Impacted Migration Trends… June 2021 June 2021 The chart highlights that the negative migration impact from COVID has been mostly concentrated in New York City and the three most populous cities on the West Coast (by metro area): Los Angeles, San Francisco, and Seattle. And yet, Chart II-4 highlights that house price inflation in these four cities has accelerated to a double-digit pace, only modestly below the national average. Chart II-4...But Cities With Outward Migration Still Have Very Strong House Price Gains ...But Cities With Outward Migration Still Have Very Strong House Price Gains ...But Cities With Outward Migration Still Have Very Strong House Price Gains The house price indexes shown in Chart II-4 represent aggregate, metro area trends, and clearly some regions within these metro areas have experienced house price deceleration or outright deflation versus gains in areas outside the urban core. But Chart II-5 highlights that house prices have declined in Manhattan basically in line with the change in net move-ins as a share of the population, underscoring that double-digit metro area-wide house price gains appear to be vastly disproportionate to changes in net migration. Similarly, Chart II-6 highlights that rents decelerated in the US over the past year but remained in positive territory and grew at a 3.5% annualized rate from February to April. Chart II-5In Manhattan, House Prices Have Tracked Net Migration June 2021 June 2021 Chart II-6Rent Costs Have Decelerated, But Have Not Contracted Rent Costs Have Decelerated, But Have Not Contracted Rent Costs Have Decelerated, But Have Not Contracted Evidence from Paris and London also suggests that a work-from-home effect is insufficient to explain broad house price gains. Panel 1 of Chart II-7 highlights that house prices in France have accelerated significantly, but that apartment prices have decelerated only fractionally in lockstep. Panel 2 shows that the acceleration in house prices does reflect a work-from-home effect, as prices have risen faster in inner Parisian suburbs. Panel 3, however, highlights that Parisian apartment prices, the dominant property type in the urban core, have decelerated modestly. Chart II-8 highlights that house price gains have not even decelerated in greater London; they have been merely been modestly outstripped by gains in Outer South East (outside of the Outer Metropolitan Area). Chart II-7In France, Parisian Apartment Prices Are Simply Lagging, Not Falling In France, Parisian Apartment Prices Are Simply Lagging, Not Falling In France, Parisian Apartment Prices Are Simply Lagging, Not Falling Chart II-8In The UK, Greater London Property Prices Are Accelerating In The UK, Greater London Property Prices Are Accelerating In The UK, Greater London Property Prices Are Accelerating     The Policy Effect: The Fundamental Driver Of The Housing Market Despite the broader location flexibility that work-from-home policies now provide to potential homeowners, it seems inconceivable that the housing market would have responded in the manner that it has over the past year given the size of the economic shock brought on by the pandemic without significant support from policy. Above-the-line fiscal measures to the pandemic have totaled in the double-digits in advanced economies (Chart II-9), and monetary policy has contributed to easier financial conditions via rate cuts, asset purchases, and sizeable programs to support financial market liquidity. Chart II-9There Has Been A Massive Fiscal Policy Response To The Crisis June 2021 June 2021 In fact, Charts II-10-II-13 present compelling evidence that fiscal and monetary policy have been the core drivers of significant house price gains over the past year. Charts II-10 and II-11 plot the above-the-line fiscal response of advanced economies against the year-over-year growth rate in house prices as well as its acceleration (the change in the year-over-year growth rate). The charts show a clearly positive relationship, with a stronger link between the pandemic fiscal response and the acceleration in house prices. Chart II-10Differences In Last Year’s Fiscal Response… June 2021 June 2021 Chart II-11…Help Explain Differences In House Price Gains June 2021 June 2021 Chart II-12Pre-Pandemic Differences In The Monetary Policy Stance… June 2021 June 2021 Chart II-13…Do An Even Better Job Of Explaining 2020 House Price Gains June 2021 June 2021   Charts II-12 and II-13 highlight the even stronger link between house prices and the pre-pandemic monetary policy stance in advanced economies, defined as the difference between each country’s 2-year government bond yield and its Taylor Rule-implied policy interest rate as of Q4 2019. We construct each country’s Taylor Rule using the original specification, with core consumer price inflation, a 2% inflation target, and real potential GDP growth as the definition of the real equilibrium interest rate. The charts make it clear that easy monetary policy strongly explains house price gains in 2020, particularly the year-over-year percent change rather than its acceleration. This makes sense, given that monetary policy was already quite easy in many countries at the onset of the pandemic – meaning that changes were less pronounced than they would have been had interest rates been higher. The explanation that emerges from Charts II-10-II-13 is that historic fiscal easing, combined with an easy starting point for monetary policy – that became even easier last year – enabled demand from work-from-home policies to manifest during an extremely severe recession. We agree that work-from-home policies have shifted the geographic preferences of some home buyers and likely provided a new source of net demand from renters in urban cores purchasing homes in outlying areas. But we strongly doubt that the net effect of work-from-home policies in the midst of an extreme shock to economic activity would have caused the rise in house prices that we have observed, certainly not to this level, without major support from policy. This underscores that policy, and not the work-from-home effect, has and will likely remain the core driver of the global housing market. The Supply Effect: Mostly A Red Herring Chart II-14Countries Fall Into Two Groups In Terms Of The Relative Trend In Real Residential Investment Countries Fall Into Two Groups In Terms Of The Relative Trend In Real Residential Investment Countries Fall Into Two Groups In Terms Of The Relative Trend In Real Residential Investment One perennial question that emerges when analyzing the housing market, particularly in markets with outsized house price gains, is the impact of constrained supply. It is frequently argued that constrained supply is squeezing prices higher in many markets, and that the appropriate policy solution to extreme house price gains is to enable widespread housing construction – not to raise interest rates. We do not rule out the potential impact of constrained supply in certain cities or regional housing markets, and we have highlighted in previous research that a positive relationship does exist between population density in urban regions and median house price-to-income ratios.5 But as a broad explanation for supercharged house price gains, the supply argument appears to fall flat. Chart II-14 presents the most standardized measure of cross-country housing supply available for several advanced economies, the trend in real residential investment relative to real GDP over time. These series are all rebased to 100 as of 1997, prior to the 2002-2007 US housing market boom. The chart makes it clear that advanced economies generally fall into two groups based on this metric: those that have seen declines in real residential investment relative to GDP, especially after the global financial crisis (panel 1), and those that have experienced either an uptrend in housing construction relative to output or have seen a flat trend (panel 2). If scarce housing supply was the core driver of outsized house price gains, then we would expect to see stronger gains in the countries shown in panel 1 and smaller gains in the countries shown in panel 2. In fact, mostly the opposite is true: Charts II-15 and II-16 highlight that the relationship between the level of these indexes today relative to their 1997 or 2005 levels is positively related to the magnitude of house price gains last year, suggesting that housing market supply has generally been responding to demand over the past decade. The US and possibly New Zealand stand as possible exceptions to the trend, suggesting that relatively scarce supply may be boosting prices even further in these markets beyond what fiscal and monetary policy would suggest. Chart II-15Countries That Have Seen A Stronger Pace Of Residential Investment… June 2021 June 2021 Chart II-16…Have Experienced Stronger House Price Gains June 2021 June 2021   Chart II-17Is This Not Enough Supply, Or Too Much Demand? June 2021 June 2021 As a final point about the inclination of investors to gravitate towards supply-side arguments related to the housing market, Chart II-17 presents a simple thought experiment. The chart shows a simple housing supply-demand curve diagram, in a scenario where the demand curve for housing has shifted out more than the supply curve has (thus raising house prices). Is this a scenario in which supply is too tight? Or is it a case in which demand is too strong? In our view, the tight supply answer is reasonable in circumstances where the increase in demand is normal or otherwise sustainable. But Charts II-10-II-13 clearly showed that housing demand is being boosted by easy policy, which in the case of some countries has occurred for years: interest rates have remained well below levels that macroeconomic theory would traditionally consider to be in equilibrium, and this has occurred alongside significant household sector leveraging (Chart II-18). As such, in our view, investors should be more inclined to view the global housing market as generally being driven by demand-side rather than supply-side factors. This Is Not 2007/08 … Yet We highlighted in Chart II-2 above that the household sector debt-to-GDP ratio increased sharply last year, which has raised some questions about debt sustainability among investors. For the most part, the rise in this ratio actually reflects denominator effects (namely a sharp contraction in nominal GDP) rather than a huge surge in household debt. Chart II-19 shows BIS data for the annual growth in total household debt in developed economies was roughly stable last year, at least until Q3 (the most recent datapoint available from the BIS). Chart II-18Low Interest Rates Have Fueled Household Leveraging Low Interest Rtaes Have Fueled Household Leveraging Low Interest Rtaes Have Fueled Household Leveraging Chart II-19Total Credit Growth Has Been Stable, But Mortgage Credit Growth Is Accelerating Total Credit Growth Has Been Stable, But Mortgage Credit Growth Is Accelerating Total Credit Growth Has Been Stable, But Mortgage Credit Growth Is Accelerating Chart II-20US Mortgage Growth Is Picking Up, As Repayments Slow Consumer Credit Growth US Mortgage Growth Is Picking Up, As Repayments Slow Consumer Credit Growth US Mortgage Growth Is Picking Up, As Repayments Slow Consumer Credit Growth But Chart II-19 shows the recent trend in total household debt, which masks diverging mortgage and non-mortgage debt trends. In the US, euro area, Canada, and Sweden, household mortgage debt has accelerated to varying degrees, underscoring that households have likely paid down non-mortgage debt with some of the savings that they have accumulated from a significant reduction in spending on services. Chart II-20 shows this effect directly in the case of the US; mortgage debt growth accelerated by roughly 1.5 percentage points in the second half of the year, whereas consumer credit growth (made up of student loans, auto loans, credit cards, and other revolving credit) decelerated significantly. This aligns with data showing that US households have used some of their savings windfall to pay down their credit card balances. This changing mix within household debt - less higher-interest-rate consumer credit, more lower-interest-rate collateralized mortgage debt – could, on the margin, help mitigate financial stability risks from the housing boom by moderating overall debt service burdens. The starting point for the latter matters, though, in accurately assessing the risks from rising house prices and increased mortgage debt, particularly in countries where household debt levels are already high. According to data from the BIS, the US already has one of the lowest household debt service ratios (7.6%) among the developed economies (Chart II-21).6 This compares favorably to the double-digit debt service ratios in the “higher-risk” countries like Canada (12.6%), Sweden (12.1%) and Norway (16.2%). On top of that, US commercial banks have become far more prudent with mortgage loan underwriting standards since the 2008 financial crisis. The New York Fed’s Household Debt and Credit report shows that an increasing majority of mortgage lending made by US banks since the 2008 crisis has been to those with very high FICO credit scores (Chart II-22). This is in sharp contrast to the steady lending to “subprime” borrowers with poor credit scores that preceded the 2008 financial crisis. The median FICO score for new mortgage originations as of Q1 2021 was 788, compared to 707 in Q4 2006 at the peak of the mid-2000s US housing boom. Chart II-21Diverging Trends In Global Household Debt Servicing Costs Diverging Trends In Global Household Debt Servicing Costs Diverging Trends In Global Household Debt Servicing Costs Chart II-22US Banks Have Become More Prudent With Mortgage Lending US Banks Have Become More Prudent With Mortgage Lending US Banks Have Become More Prudent With Mortgage Lending   US bank balance sheets are also now less directly exposed to a fall in housing values. Residential loans now represent only 10% of the assets on US bank balance sheets, compared to 20% at the peak of the last housing bubble (Chart II-23). This puts the US in the “lower-risk” group of countries in Europe, the UK and Japan where mortgages are less than 20% of bank balance sheets. This compares favorably to the “higher risk” group of countries where residential loans are a far larger share of bank assets (Chart II-24), like Canada (32%), New Zealand (49%), Sweden (45%) and Australia (40%). Chart II-23Banks Have Limited Direct Exposure To Housing Here Banks Have Limited Direct Exposure To Housing Here Banks Have Limited Direct Exposure To Housing Here Chart II-24Banks Are Far More Exposed To Housing Here Banks Are Far More Exposed To Housing Here Banks Are Far More Exposed To Housing Here   Like nature, however, the financial ecosystem abhors a vacuum. “Non-bank” mortgage lenders have filled the void from traditional US banks reducing their lending to lower-quality borrowers, and they now represent around two-thirds of all US mortgage origination, a big leap from the 20% origination share in 2007. Non-bank lenders have also taken on growing shares of new mortgage origination in other countries like the UK, Canada and Australia. Chart II-25Global Banks Can Withstand A Housing Shock June 2021 June 2021 Non-bank lenders do not take deposits and typically fund themselves via shorter-term borrowings, which raises the potential for future instability if credit markets seize up. These lenders also, on average, service mortgages with a higher probability of default, so they are exposed to greater credit losses when house prices decline. However, the risk of a full-blown 2008-style commercial banking crisis, with individual depositors’ funds at risk from a bank failure, are reduced with a greater share of riskier mortgage lending conducted by non-bank entities. This is especially true with global commercial banks far better capitalized today, with double-digit Tier 1 capital ratios (Chart II-25), thanks to regulatory changes made after the Global Financial Crisis. Net-net, we conclude that the overall financial stability implications of the current surge in house prices in the developed economies are relatively modest on average. The acceleration in mortgage growth has occurred alongside reductions in non-mortgage growth, at a time when banks are better able to withstand a shock from any sustained future downturn in house prices. However, if house prices continue to accelerate and new homebuyers are forced to take on ever increasing amounts of mortgage debt, financial stability issues could intensify in some countries. Services spending will recover in a vaccinated post-COVID world, as economies reopen and consumer confidence improves, which will likely end the trend of falling non-residential consumer debt offsetting rising mortgage debt in countries like the US and Canada. Overall levels of household debt could begin to rise again relative to incomes, building up future financial stability risks when central banks begin to normalize pandemic-related monetary policies – a process that has already started in some countries because of the housing boom. The Monetary Policy Implications Of Surging House Prices Rapidly appreciating house prices are becoming an area of concern for policymakers in countries like Canada and New Zealand, where the affordability of housing is becoming a political, as well as an economic, issue. In the case of New Zealand, the government has actually altered the remit of the Reserve Bank of New Zealand (RBNZ) to more explicitly factor in the impact of monetary policy on housing costs. The Bank of Canada announced in April that it would taper its pace of government debt purchases and signaled that its decision was based, at least in small part, on signs of speculative behavior in Canada’s housing market. Macroprudential measures like limiting loan-to-value ratios of new mortgage loans are a policy option that governments in those countries have already implemented to try and cool off housing demand. Yet while such measures can help alleviate demand-supply mismatches in certain cities and regions, the efficacy of such measures in sustainably slowing the ascent of house prices on a national scale is unclear. In the April 2021 IMF Global Financial Stability Report, researchers estimated that, for a broad group of countries, the implementation of a new macro-prudential measure designed to cool loan demand reduced national household debt/GDP ratios by a mere one percentage point, on average, over a period encompassing four years.7 If macroprudential measures are that ineffective in sustainably reducing demand for mortgage loans, then the burden of slowing house price appreciation will have to fall on the more blunt instruments of monetary policy. Importantly, surging house price inflation is not likely to give a boost to realized inflation measures – an important issue given the current backdrop of rapidly rising realized inflation rates in many countries. Housing costs do represent a significant portion of consumer price indices in many developed countries, ranging from 19% in New Zealand to 33% in the US (Chart II-26), with the euro area being the outlier with housing having a mere 2% weighting in the headline inflation index. Chart II-26A Limited Impact On Actual Inflation From Housing June 2021 June 2021 Yet those so-called “housing” categories overwhelmingly measure only housing rental costs and not actual house prices. This is an important distinction because rents – which are often imputed measures like in the US and not even actual rental costs - are rising at a far slower pace than actual house prices in most countries, so the housing contribution to realized inflation is relatively modest. So the good news is that booming house prices will not worsen the acceleration of realized global inflation that has concerned investors and policymakers in 2021. Yet that does not mean that central bankers will not be forced to tighten policy to cool off red-hot housing demand that is clearly being fueled by persistently negative real interest rates. In Chart II-27 and Chart II-28, we show both nominal and real policy interest rates for the “lower risk” and “higher risk” country groupings that we described earlier. The real policy rates are nominal policy rates versus realized headline CPI inflation. The dotted lines in the charts represent the future path of rates discounted by markets. Specifically, the projection for nominal rates is taken from overnight index swap (OIS) forward curves, while the projection for real rates is calculated by subtracting the discounted path of inflation expectations extracted from CPI swap forwards. Chart II-27Markets Discounting Negative Real Rates For The Next Decade Markets Discounting Negative Real Rates For The Next Decade Markets Discounting Negative Real Rates For The Next Decade Chart II-28Negative Real Rates Are Unsustainable During A Housing Bubble Negative Real Rates Are Unsustainable During A Housing Bubble Negative Real Rates Are Unsustainable During A Housing Bubble   There are two key takeaways from these charts: Real policy interest rates are at or very close to the most deeply negative levels seen since the 2008 financial crisis. Markets are discounting that real rates will be at or below 0% for most of the next decade. Admittedly, there is room for debate over what the equilibrium level of real interest rates (a.k.a. “r-star”) should be in the coming years. However, we deem it a major stretch to believe that real rates need to be persistently low or negative for the next ten years to support even trend growth across the developed economies. In our view, the current boom in housing demand and mortgage borrowing provides clear evidence that negative real rates are below equilibrium and, thus, are stimulating credit demand. Thus, the only way for a central bank to cool off housing demand will be to raise both nominal and, more importantly, real interest rates. Canada and New Zealand will be the “canaries in the coal mine” among developed market central banks for such a move. According to the latest Bank of Canada Financial Stability Review, nearly 22% of Canadian mortgages are highly levered, with a loan-to-value ratio greater than 450%, a greater share of such mortgages than during the 2016/17 housing boom (Chart II-29). Canadian house prices have risen to such an extent that home prices in major cities like Toronto, Vancouver and Montreal are among the most expensive in North America.8  Stunningly, a recent Bloomberg Nanos opinion poll revealed that nearly 50% of Canadians would support Bank of Canada rate hikes to cool off the red-hot housing market (Chart II-30). The central bank will be unable to resist the pressure to use monetary policy to slam on the brakes of the housing market – investors should expect more tapering and, eventually, rate hikes from the Bank of Canada over at least the next couple of years. Chart II-29Canadians Are Leveraging Up To Buy Expensive Homes Canadians Are Leveraging Up To Buy Expensive Homes Canadians Are Leveraging Up To Buy Expensive Homes Chart II-3050% Of Canadians Want A Rate Hike To Cool Housing June 2021 June 2021   In New Zealand, worsening housing affordability has reached a point where a 20% down payment on the median national house price is equal to 223% of median disposable income (Chart II-31). This is forcing more first-time home buyers to take on levels of mortgage debt that the RBNZ deems highly risky (top panel). Like the Bank of Canada, the RBNZ will prove to be one of the most hawkish central banks in the developed world over the next couple of years as the central bank follows their newly-revised remit to try and cool off housing demand in New Zealand. Who is next? Housing values, measured by the ratio of median national house prices to median national household incomes, are rising in the US and UK but are still below the peaks of the mid-2000s housing bubble (Chart II-32). Meanwhile, housing is becoming more expensive across the euro area, but not in a consistent manner, with valuations in Germany and Spain having increased far more than in France or Italy. Housing valuations have actually improved in Australia over the past couple of years on a price-to-income basis. The most likely candidates for a housing-related hawkish turn are in Scandinavia, with housing valuations in Sweden and Norway closing in on Canada/New Zealand levels. Chart II-31New Zealand Housing Is Wildly Unaffordable New Zealand Housing Is Wildly Unaffordable New Zealand Housing Is Wildly Unaffordable Chart II-32Global House Price/Income Ratios Are Trending Higher Global House Price/Income Ratios Are Trending Higher Global House Price/Income Ratios Are Trending Higher   Investment Conclusions The current acceleration in global house prices is an inevitable outcome of the extraordinary monetary and fiscal easing implemented during the pandemic. Higher realized inflation is pushing real rates deeper into negative territory in many countries, fueling the demand for housing. Central banks in countries with more stretched housing valuations will be forced to turn more hawkish sooner than expected, leading to tapering and, eventually, rate hikes to cool housing demand. This has negative implications for government bond markets in countries where housing is more expensive and real yields remain too low, like Canada, New Zealand and Sweden (Chart II-33). Investors should limit exposure to government bonds in those markets over the next 6-12 months. Chart II-33Negative Real Yields & Expensive Housing Valuations – An Unsustainable Mix June 2021 June 2021 Bond markets in countries where house prices are not rising rapidly enough to force policymakers to turn more hawkish more quickly – like core Europe, Australia and even Japan - are likely to be relative outperformers. The US and UK are “cuspy” bond markets, as housing valuations are becoming more expensive in those two countries but the Fed and Bank of England are not facing the same domestic political pressure to use monetary policy tools to fight the growing unaffordability of housing. That could change, though, if overall household leverage begins to rise alongside house price inflation as the US and UK economies emerge from the pandemic. Current pricing in OIS curves shows that markets expect the RBNZ and Bank of Canada to begin hiking rates in May 2022 and September 2022, respectively (Table II-1). This is well ahead of expectations for “liftoff” from other developed markets central banks, including the Fed in April 2023. The cumulative amount of rate hikes following liftoff to the end of 2024 is highest in Canada, New Zealand, the US and Australia. Those are also countries with currencies that are trading at or above the purchasing power parity levels derived from our currency strategists’ valuation models. This highlights the difficult choice that central bankers facing housing bubbles must confront, as the rate hikes that will help cool off housing demand will lead to currency appreciation that could impact other parts of their economies like exports and manufacturing. Table II-1Hawkish Central Banks Must Live With Currency Strength June 2021 June 2021 Tracking the second-round economic consequences of eventual monetary policy actions to control excessive house price inflation, particularly in “higher risk” countries, is likely to be the subject of future Bank Credit Analyst / Global Fixed Income Strategy reports. Jonathan LaBerge, CFA Vice President The Bank Credit Analyst Robert Robis, CFA Chief Fixed Income Strategist III. Indicators And Reference Charts BCA’s equity indicators highlight that the “easy” money from expectations of an eventual end to the pandemic have already been made. Our technical, valuation, and sentiment indicators are very extended, highlighting that investors should expect positive but more modest returns from stocks over the coming 6-12 months. Our monetary indicator has aggressively retreated from its high last year, reflecting a meaningful recovery in government bond yields since last August. The indicator remains above the boom/bust line, however, highlighting that monetary policy remains supportive for risky asset prices. Forward equity earnings already price in a complete earnings recovery, but for now there is no meaningful sign of waning forward earnings momentum. Net revisions remain positive, and positive earnings surprises have risen to their strongest levels on record. Within a global equity portfolio, there has been a modest tick up in global ex-US equity performance, led by European stocks. EM stocks had previously dragged down global ex-US performance, and they continue to languish. Japanese stocks have cratered in relative terms since the beginning of the year, seemingly driven by service sector underperformance resulting from a surge in COVID-19 cases since the beginning of March. While Japanese equity performance may stage a reversal over the coming 3 months as cases counts decline and progress continues on the vaccination front, we expect global ex-US performance to continue to be led by European stocks. The US 10-Year Treasury yield has traded sideways since mid-March, after having risen to levels that were extremely technically stretched. Despite this pause, our valuation index highlights that bonds are still expensive, and that yields could move higher over the cyclical investment horizon if employment growth in Q3/Q4 implies a faster return to maximum employment than currently projected by the Fed. We expect the rise to be more modest than our valuation index would imply, but we would still recommend a short duration stance within a fixed-income portfolio. Commodity prices, particularly copper, lumber, and agricultural commodities, have screamed higher over the past several months. This reflects bullish cyclical conditions, but also pandemic-induced supply shortages that are likely to wane later this year. Commodity prices are extremely technically stretched and sentiment is very bullish for most commodities, suggesting that a breather in commodity prices is likely at some point over the coming several months. US and global LEIs remain in a solid uptrend, and global manufacturing PMIs are strong. Our global LEI diffusion index has declined significantly, but this likely reflects the outsized impact of a few emerging market countries (whose vaccination progress is lagging). Strong leading and coincident indicators underscore that the global demand for goods is robust, and that output is below pre-pandemic levels in most economies because of very weak services spending. The latter will recover significantly later this year, as social distancing and other pandemic control measures disappear. EQUITIES: Chart III-1US Equity Indicators US Equity Indicators US Equity Indicators Chart III-2Willingness To Pay For Risk Willingness To Pay For Risk Willingness To Pay For Risk Chart III-3US Equity Sentiment Indicators US Equity Sentiment Indicators US Equity Sentiment Indicators   Chart III-4Revealed Preference Indicator Revealed Preference Indicator Revealed Preference Indicator Chart III-5US Stock Market Valuation US Stock Market Valuation US Stock Market Valuation Chart III-6US Earnings US Earnings US Earnings Chart III-7Global Stock Market And Earnings: Relative Performance Global Stock Market And Earnings: Relative Performance Global Stock Market And Earnings: Relative Performance Chart III-8Global Stock Market And Earnings: Relative Performance Global Stock Market And Earnings: Relative Performance Global Stock Market And Earnings: Relative Performance   FIXED INCOME: Chart III-9US Treasurys And Valuations US Treasurys And Valuations US Treasurys And Valuations Chart III-10Yield Curve Slopes Yield Curve Slopes Yield Curve Slopes Chart III-11Selected US Bond Yields Selected US Bond Yields Selected US Bond Yields Chart III-1210-Year Treasury Yield Components 10-Year Treasury Yield Components 10-Year Treasury Yield Components Chart III-13US Corporate Bonds And Health Monitor US Corporate Bonds And Health Monitor US Corporate Bonds And Health Monitor Chart III-14Global Bonds: Developed Markets Global Bonds: Developed Markets Global Bonds: Developed Markets Chart III-15Global Bonds: Emerging Markets Global Bonds: Emerging Markets Global Bonds: Emerging Markets   CURRENCIES: Chart III-16US Dollar And PPP US Dollar And PPP US Dollar And PPP Chart III-17US Dollar And Indicator US Dollar And Indicator US Dollar And Indicator Chart III-18US Dollar Fundamentals US Dollar Fundamentals US Dollar Fundamentals Chart III-19Japanese Yen Technicals Japanese Yen Technicals Japanese Yen Technicals Chart III-20Euro Technicals Euro Technicals Euro Technicals Chart III-21Euro/Yen Technicals Euro/Yen Technicals Euro/Yen Technicals Chart III-22Euro/Pound Technicals Euro/Pound Technicals Euro/Pound Technicals   COMMODITIES: Chart III-23Broad Commodity Indicators Broad Commodity Indicators Broad Commodity Indicators Chart III-24Commodity Prices Commodity Prices Commodity Prices Chart III-25Commodity Prices Commodity Prices Commodity Prices Chart III-26Commodity Sentiment Commodity Sentiment Commodity Sentiment Chart III-27Speculative Positioning Speculative Positioning Speculative Positioning   ECONOMY: Chart III-28US And Global Macro Backdrop US And Global Macro Backdrop US And Global Macro Backdrop Chart III-29US Macro Snapshot US Macro Snapshot US Macro Snapshot Chart III-30US Growth Outlook US Growth Outlook US Growth Outlook Chart III-31US Cyclical Spending US Cyclical Spending US Cyclical Spending Chart III-32US Labor Market US Labor Market US Labor Market Chart III-33US Consumption US Consumption US Consumption Chart III-34US Housing US Housing US Housing Chart III-35US Debt And Deleveraging US Debt And Deleveraging US Debt And Deleveraging   Chart III-36US Financial Conditions US Financial Conditions US Financial Conditions Chart III-37Global Economic Snapshot: Europe Global Economic Snapshot: Europe Global Economic Snapshot: Europe Chart III-38Global Economic Snapshot: China Global Economic Snapshot: China Global Economic Snapshot: China   Jonathan LaBerge, CFA Vice President The Bank Credit Analyst Footnotes 1 The New York Times “Texas, Indiana and Oklahoma join states cutting off pandemic unemployment benefits,” May 18, 2021. 2 The Wall Street Journal, “Shipments Delayed: Ocean Carrier Shipping Times Surge in Supply-Chain Crunch,” May 18, 2021 3 Please see The Bank Credit Analyst "The Modern-Day Phillips Curve, Future Inflation, And What To Do About It," dated December 18, 2020, available at bca.bcaresearch.com 4 To eliminate the pandemic base effect for both series, we adjust the year-over-year growth rates in March and April of this year by comparing them to March and April 2019. 5 Please see Global Investment Strategy "Canada: A (Probably) Happy Moment In An Otherwise Sad Story," dated July 14, 2017, available at gis.bcaresearch.com 6 Importantly, the BIS debt service ratios include the payment of both principal and interest, thus making it a true measure of debt service costs that includes repayment of borrowed funds – a critical issue in countries with high loan-to-value ratios for home mortgages. 7 Please see page 46 of Chapter 2 of the April 2021 IMF Global Financial Stability Report, which can be found here: https://www.imf.org/en/Publications/GFSR/Issues/2021/04/06/global-finan… 8 “Vancouver, Toronto and Hamilton are the least affordable cities in North America: report”, CBC News, May 20, 2021

Highlights A first Fed funds rate hike by early 2023 is cloud cuckoo land – because it will take years to meet the Fed’s pre-condition of full employment. More likely, the first rate hike will happen after mid-2024, and even this is a coin toss which assumes no further shock(s). Buy the March 2024 US interest rate future contract. An alternative expression is to buy the 5-year T-bond, or to go long the 5-year T-bond versus the 5-year German bund. For equity investors, the current overestimation of Fed rate hikes structurally favours growth sectors versus value sectors. Thereby, it also structurally favours the S&P500 versus the Eurostoxx50. Bitcoin has support at $32500, and then at $22750. The latest correction in cryptocurrencies is a good entry point into a diversified basket that includes ‘proof of stake’ coins, such as ethereum. Fragile iron ore prices confirm the onset of a commodity correction. Feature Chart of the WeekAfter A Recession, It Takes Many Years To Reabsorb The Unemployed After A Recession, It Takes Many Years To Reabsorb The Unemployed After A Recession, It Takes Many Years To Reabsorb The Unemployed After a recession, an economy takes years to reabsorb the unemployed. Here’s how long it took in the US after each of the last five recessions.1 1974-75 recession: 4 years Early-1980s recession: 6 years Early-1990s recession: 5 years Dot com bust: 3 years Global financial crisis: 8 years After the pandemic recession, reabsorbing the unemployed (that are not just on ‘temporary layoff’) will also take many years (Chart I-1). Full Employment Is Many Years Away There is a remarkable consistency in employment recoveries. The last five recessions were different in their severities and durations, and therefore in their peak unemployment rates. Yet in the recoveries that followed each of the last five recessions, the unemployment rate declined at a consistent pace of 0.4-0.5 percent per year. After the mild recessions of the early-1990s and the dot com bust, the pace of recovery in the unemployment rate was at the lower end of 0.4 percent per year. Whereas after the global financial crisis and its surge in permanent unemployment, the pace of recovery was at the upper end of 0.5 percent per year. But the difference in the pace of the five employment recovery was marginal (Table I-1). Table 1After Every Recession, The Pace Of Recovery In The Jobs Market Is Near-Identical A Fed Rate Hike By Early 2023 Is Pie In The Sky A Fed Rate Hike By Early 2023 Is Pie In The Sky Another near-constant through the past fifty years is the definition of ‘full employment’. It is achieved when the (permanent) unemployment rate reaches 1.5 percent. Combining the latest (permanent) unemployment rate of 2.7 percent, the unemployment rate at full employment, and the remarkably consistent recovery paces, we can deduce that: The US economy will reach full employment between September 2023 and June 2024. The Federal Reserve has promised that it will not raise the Fed funds rate until the economy has reached full employment. Based on the remarkably consistent pace of the past five employment recoveries, it means September 2023 at the earliest, but more likely closer to June 2024. Yet US interest rate futures are pricing the first Fed funds rate hike through December 2022-March 2023 (Chart I-2). Chart I-2Cloud Cuckoo Land: A First Rate Hike In Dec 22-Mar 23 Cloud Cuckoo Land: A First Rate Hike In Dec 22-Mar 23 Cloud Cuckoo Land: A First Rate Hike In Dec 22-Mar 23 This makes US interest rate future contracts from December 2022 to June 2024 a compelling buy (Chart I-3). Chart I-3Cloud Cuckoo Land: 4 Rate Hikes By June 24 Cloud Cuckoo Land: 4 Rate Hikes By June 24 Cloud Cuckoo Land: 4 Rate Hikes By June 24 Buy The March 2024 US Interest Rate Future The post-pandemic jobs market recovery will likely be at the lower end of its 0.4-0.5 percent a year pace, for two reasons. First, reducing the unemployment rate doesn’t only mean creating jobs for the currently unemployed. It also means creating jobs for those that have left the labour force but plan on re-joining. When these so-called ‘inactive’ people re-join the labour force they add to the number that are counted as unemployed. As the millions of inactives re-join the labour market, it will weigh on the pace of the recovery in the unemployment rate. During the pandemic, the number of inactive people surged by an unprecedented 8 million. Even now, the excess inactive stands at 5 million (Chart I-4). As these millions gradually re-join the labour market, it will weigh on the pace of the recovery in the unemployment rate. Chart I-4Massive Slack In The US Labour Market Massive Slack In The US Labour Market Massive Slack In The US Labour Market Second, after every recession, there is a surge in productivity (Chart I-5). This is because the period immediately after a recession is when the economy experiences the most intensive clearing out of dead wood, restructuring of capital and labour, and absorption of new technologies and ways of working. Chart I-5The Post-Pandemic Productivity Boom Will Be A Super-Boom The Post-Pandemic Productivity Boom Will Be A Super-Boom The Post-Pandemic Productivity Boom Will Be A Super-Boom If anything, the post-pandemic productivity boom will be even larger than normal. Whereas most recessions upend one or two sectors of the economy, the pandemic has forced all of us to adopt new technologies and ways of working and living. The unfortunate corollary of this post-pandemic productivity super-boom is that the pace of absorption of the excess unemployed and inactive will be slower. Moreover, even achieving full employment by June 2024 assumes blue skies through the next few years, which is to say no further shocks. Yet as we explained in The Shock Theory Of Bond Yields, deflationary shocks tend to come once every three years, meaning there is an evens chance that dark clouds ruin the blue skies. One complication is that the Fed will start tapering its asset purchases much sooner, and that this will be interpreted as the precursor of a rate hike. However, in the last cycle the taper of asset purchases in early 2014 preceded the first rate hike by two years (Chart I-6). On a similar timeframe, a taper at the end of 2021 would imply the first rate hike at the end of 2023, and not the start of 2023 as is implied by the interest rate futures. Chart I-6The First Rate Hike Came Two Years After The Taper The First Rate Hike Came Two Years After The Taper The First Rate Hike Came Two Years After The Taper Pulling all of this together, a first Fed funds rate hike by early 2023 is cloud cuckoo land. More likely it will happen after mid-2024, and even this is a coin toss which assumes no further shock(s) in the interim. The investment conclusion is to buy any of the US interest rate futures that expire from December 2022 out to June 2024. The earlier contracts have the higher probabilities of expiring in profit while the later contracts have the greater upside if the Fed stays pat. Our choice is the March 2024 contract. An alternative expression is to buy the 5-year T-bond, or to go long the 5-year T-bond versus the 5-year German bund. For equity investors, the current overestimation of Fed rate hikes structurally favours growth sectors versus value sectors. Thereby, it also structurally favours the S&P500 versus the Eurostoxx50. The 419th Time That Cryptos Have ‘Died’ Rumours of crypto’s death have been greatly exaggerated. Apparently, last week was the 419th time that cryptocurrencies have died. Get used to it. As we pointed out in Why Cryptocurrencies Are Here To Stay… cryptocurrencies can suffer deep corrections from which they fully resurrect. Since 2013, the bitcoin price has suffered 17 drawdowns of more than 50 percent and an additional 11 drawdowns of 25-50 percent.2  Rumours of crypto’s death have been greatly exaggerated. We will not repeat the arguments why cryptos are here to stay, which were detailed in our Special Report, but we will discuss the recent price action. Why did cryptos correct? The simple answer is that their fractal structure had become extremely fragile, making the price extremely vulnerable to the slightest negative catalyst (Chart I-7). Chart I-7The Fractal Structure Of Cryptos Had Become Very Fragile The Fractal Structure Of Cryptos Had Become Very Fragile The Fractal Structure Of Cryptos Had Become Very Fragile A fragile fractal structure signifies that longer-term investors have disappeared from the price setting process. This means that price evolution is the result of more and more short-term traders joining the trend. Eventually though, there are no more short-term traders left to buy at the current price. So, when somebody wants to sell – perhaps on some negative news – a longer-term investor must step in as the buyer. But the longer-term investor will only buy at a much lower price, meaning that the price suffers a deep correction. Empirically and theoretically, the price correction meets support at successive Fibonacci retracements of the preceding momentum-fuelled rally, because a new cohort of buyers enters at each retracement level. Hence, the key support levels in the current correction are the 23.6 percent and 38.2 percent retracements of the preceding rally. In the case of bitcoin, this equates to support at $32500 and $22750. Which of these support level will prevail? Our bias is the higher level, because successive crypto corrections are becoming less and less extreme – possibly because more and more institutional investors are now involved in the asset class (Chart I-8). Chart I-8Crypto Corrections Are Becoming Less Extreme Crypto Corrections Are Becoming Less Extreme Crypto Corrections Are Becoming Less Extreme Hence, the latest correction in cryptos offers a good entry point. Albeit it is important to own a diversified basket that includes ‘proof of stake’ coins, such as ethereum. The Onset Of A Commodity Correction Finally this week, we highlight that iron ore prices are at the same level of fractal fragility that has marked previous major turning points in 2015 and 2019 (Chart I-9). Chart I-9Iron Ore Is Very Fragile Iron Ore Is Very Fragile Iron Ore Is Very Fragile Combined with the fragility we have recently highlighted in lumber, agricultural commodities, industrial metals, and DRAM prices, it confirms the onset of a commodity correction. We have already discussed this theme in Don’t Panic About US Inflation and are exposed to it through short positions in PKB, CAD, and inflation expectations. Hence, there are no new trades this week.   Dhaval Joshi Chief Strategist dhaval@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Throughout this analysis, the unemployment rate is based on the unemployed that are ‘not on temporary layoff’. Full employment is defined as this unemployment rate reaching 1.5 percent, or the cycle low, whichever is the higher. 2 The drawdown is calculated versus the highest price in the preceding 6 months. Fractal Trading System Fractal Trades 6-Month Recommendations Structural Recommendations Closed Fractal Trades Closed Trades Asset Performance Equity Market Performance   Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Euro Area Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Euro Area Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Euro Area Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Europe Ex Euro Area Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Europe Ex Euro Area Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Europe Ex Euro Area Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Asia Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Asia Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Asia Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Other Developed Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Other Developed Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields - Other Developed   Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations  

Highlights The Seventh National Population Census highlights the seriousness of China’s demographic deterioration; apart from a shrinking working-age population, the nation’s fertility and birth rates have dropped meaningfully. China’s urbanization rate will likely slow in the second half of this decade. The country’s urban population growth is only slightly positive, while the rural population is declining and aging. Demand for housing will experience a structural downshift, particularly in less developed regions.  Competition for labor will become fiercer among regions and sectors, and wage growth will continue to accelerate. However, the manufacturing sector will remain competitive regardless of wage inflation, thanks to the rising quality of China’s labor force and innovation. Interest rates will structurally shift to a lower range, providing some tailwind to Chinese equities and government bonds. Feature The Seventh Population Census, conducted by the National Bureau of Statistics every 10 years, reinforced the magnitude of China’s demographic challenge. The nation’s population is not only aging but is set to start shrinking due to extremely low birth and fertility rates. The main implication is that China’s urbanization rate will slow and property market will likely encounter a structural downshift, tied to declining demand from both its working-age (age 15 to 64) and total population. Demand for housing will increasingly concentrate in top-tier cities because these metropolitan areas have more advantages attracting labor. Secondly, manufacturing will likely maintain its share of GDP, despite China’s push for consumption and growth in the service sector. Importantly, interest rates will continue to shift downward along with a decelerating potential growth; waning interest rates will create a tailwind to China’s capital market in the long term.  Highlights From The Census The Census showed three meaningful shifts in China’s demographics in the past decade:  1.  China is getting old before getting rich. China is experiencing a worse demographic transition than Japan in the early 1990s, with a lower level of per capita wealth than Japan attained when its working-age population peaked (Chart 1). Over the past ten years China’s population has only expanded by 5.4%, the lowest rate since the first census in 1953. Moreover, the country’s oldest cohort rose from 8.9% in 2010 to 13.5% and the working-age population is falling more quickly than in Japan. China’s working-age population peaked in 2010 and then fell by 6.79 percentage points in the next 10 years. In contrast, Japan’s working-age population peaked in 1992 and fell by 2.18 percentage points in the subsequent decade (Chart 1, top panel). 2.  China’s total population is set to start declining in five years. Some demographers project that China’s total population will peak in 2027,1 but a high-level Chinese official recently predicted that the country’s population will start to trend down as early as in 2025.2 The relaxation of the one-child policy in 2015 helped to lift the birthrate (births per 1,000 people) briefly in 2016, before falling sharply again in 2017. The population’s natural growth rate, calculated as birthrate minus deathrate, is rapidly approaching zero (Chart 2). Chart 1China's Working Population Falling Faster Than Japan's In 1990s China's Working Population Falling Faster Than Japan's In 1990s China's Working Population Falling Faster Than Japan's In 1990s Chart 2China's Population Growth Will Turn Negative In Mid-2020s China's Population Growth Will Turn Negative In Mid-2020s China's Population Growth Will Turn Negative In Mid-2020s The birthrate is the main determinant of the population’s natural growth rate given that China’s deathrate has been steady for decades.  If the birthrate continues to fall at the current rate, then China will undoubtedly reach a population turning point and will join nations such as Japan, Germany and South Korea, which have negative population growth.  3.  A low fertility trap. Chart 3China's Alarmingly Low Fertility Rate Is Set To Decline Even Further... China's Alarmingly Low Fertility Rate Is Set To Decline Even Further... China's Alarmingly Low Fertility Rate Is Set To Decline Even Further... China’s extremely low fertility rate3 is a major contributor to its falling birthrate.  The current 1.3 reading is less than in many developed countries, such as Japan with 1.4 and the US with 1.6, and it is far below the fertility rate of 2.1 needed to stabilize a population, according to the United Nations (Chart 3). China’s fertility rate is set to dive even further in the coming years due to structural factors such as a dwindling number of childbearing-age women linked to the one-child policy implemented in the 1980s (Chart 4). China’s high female labor participation rate and low propensity among young people to get married, and the high cost of raising children in urban areas, all are long-standing socio-economic issues hindering the Chinese from having more babies (Chart 5). Chart 4…Due To Fewer Childbearing-Age Women And… China’s Shifting Demographic Profile China’s Shifting Demographic Profile Chart 5...Structural Issues That Curb Chinese Propensity To Produce Babies ...Structural Issues That Curb Chinese Propensity To Produce Babies ...Structural Issues That Curb Chinese Propensity To Produce Babies Bottom Line: These structural trends will take decades to reverse. China faces a dramatic plunge in its population in the very near future if the authorities do not enact significant and immediate policy changes.   Urbanization Pace Will Slow The Census indicates that rapid urbanization continued through 2020, with the rate hitting 64% of the population, up 14 percentage points from 2010. However, the headline number in the urbanization rate understates China’s progress in industrialization, i.e. the country’s rural-to-urban transition has entered a late stage and the current pace cannot be sustained in the future. Significantly, China’s underlying demographic shifts will likely lead to a passive increase in the urbanization rate in the second half of this decade. This trend will curb rather than boost demand in urban areas.  The experience of developed countries suggests that the pace of urbanization begins to slow when the rate reaches around 70% (Chart 6). Based on China’s current level, the country should reach the 70% threshold in just six to seven years. Meanwhile, China is much more industrialized than generally perceived: the country’s industrialization rate is currently 85%, which means that 85% of jobs in China are in non-agricultural sectors (Chart 7). Chart 6Urbanization Progress Stabilizes When Reaching 70% Urbanization Progress Stabilizes When Reaching 70% Urbanization Progress Stabilizes When Reaching 70% Chart 7China Is Much More Industrialized Than Commonly Believed China Is Much More Industrialized Than Commonly Believed China Is Much More Industrialized Than Commonly Believed Furthermore, a higher urbanization reading may be the result of negative natural population growth. Given that the urbanization rate is calculated as a percentage of urban population in the total population, a decline in the absolute level of total population (the denominator) could lead to a passive increase in the numerator. Chart 8Japan Has Had A "Passive" Increase In Urbanization Since 2012 Japan Has Had A "Passive" Increase In Urbanization Since 2012 Japan Has Had A "Passive" Increase In Urbanization Since 2012 For example, Japan’s urbanization rate rose significantly during the 2000s, and maintained an upward momentum even as its total population peaked in 2010. However, its urban population growth rate dropped dramatically and turned negative in 2012 – suggesting the increase in the urbanization rate is due to a shrinking total population instead of expanding urbanities (Chart 8). The rising deathrate of the rural elderly population is another important reason for the accelerated increase in Japan's urbanization rate. China’s urban population growth is on a sharp down trend, although it is still slightly positive (Chart 9). However, the rural population has shrunk and aged, which limits future migration from rural to urban areas (Chart 10).  China’s rural population has shrunk by almost half from its peak in 1995 to 2020. The share of the rural population 50 years and older doubled in the same period. Chart 9China's Urban Population Growth Is On The Decline... China's Urban Population Growth Is On The Decline... China's Urban Population Growth Is On The Decline... Chart 10...While Rural Population Has Shrunk And Aged ...While Rural Population Has Shrunk And Aged ...While Rural Population Has Shrunk And Aged Thus, China’s rural-to-urban migration has slowed in the past decade (the trend turned negative last year due to the pandemic). The number of new migrant workers moving from the country to the city tumbled from 12.5 million a year to 2.5 million, and the number of younger migrants (50 years and younger) has contracted since 2017 (Chart 11). Chart 11The Number Of Young Migrant Workers Started Contracting In 2017 The Number Of Young Migrant Workers Started Contracting In 2017 The Number Of Young Migrant Workers Started Contracting In 2017 Bottom Line: Country-to-city migration will be smaller going forward based on a diminishing rural population, an increasing number of elders and a reduced proportion of young people in rural areas. When China’s population peaks, which is highly likely by 2025, its urbanization progress will turn passive and the aggregate population growth in urban areas may also turn negative. Aggregate Housing Demand Will Dwindle The demographic shifts described above will impact the demand for properties and accentuate regional divergences in housing demand and prices.   Historically, changes in the working-age population led residential home sales by five to six years. Home sales have fluctuated in a downward trend in the past five years along with a peak in the working-age population in 2015 (Chart 12). Moreover, the sharp deterioration in China’s birthrate means that home sales will be significantly reduced in the next 15-20 years. Chart 12Aggregate Demand For Housing Will Dwindle Along With Smaller Labor Force Aggregate Demand For Housing Will Dwindle Along With Smaller Labor Force Aggregate Demand For Housing Will Dwindle Along With Smaller Labor Force Chart 13Population Is An Important Driver For Urban Development Population Is An Important Driver For Urban Development Population Is An Important Driver For Urban Development The regional divergence in the demand for housing will also widen. Population, especially the labor force, is an important driver for urban development and housing (Chart 13 above). Population migration mainly occurs among 15-59-year-olds, and this cohort is also the main homeowner group. As China’s labor force increasingly flocks to developed areas, the economic development of less developed areas will face greater challenges (Chart 14). Those areas will encounter a combination of declining birthrate and outflow of labor force. This demographic shift is already evident in many two- and third-tier cities where housing prices have lagged far behind the tier-one cities (Chart 15). Chart 14Less Developed Regions Have Seen Net Population Losses In The Past Decade… China’s Shifting Demographic Profile China’s Shifting Demographic Profile Chart 15...And Softening Housing Prices ...And Softening Housing Prices ...And Softening Housing Prices Bottom Line: The drop in China’s birthrate and working-age population will lead to less demand for housing. However, China’s first-tier cities (and core metropolitan areas) will likely continue to outperform third- and fourth-tier cities in terms of labor growth, consumption and home prices. Labor Measures And Manufacturing Competitiveness Labor shortages in selected sectors and upward pressure on wages will likely intensify in the coming decade. While labor quantity will decrease, the quality of China’s labor force will remain competitive. From an aggregate economy perspective, improving labor productivity and automation can help to offset the smaller number of workers (Chart 16). Following two decades of rapid expansion in the industrial sector, China’s labor shortages began to multiply when the country’s urbanization ratio rose to between 50% and 60%. Looking at Japan and Korea, for example, a shortage in manufacturing labor emerged when the countries’ manufacturing/agricultural employment ratio climbed above one. China’s employment ratio likely have crossed this threshold in the mid-2010s, coinciding with a rollover in its working-age population and a massive jump in wage growth (Chart 17). Chart 16Improving Labor Quality To Offset Smaller Labor Quantity China’s Shifting Demographic Profile China’s Shifting Demographic Profile Chart 17Manufacturing Labor Shortage And Wage Pressure Intensified In Mid-2010s Manufacturing Labor Shortage And Wage Pressure Intensified In Mid-2010s Manufacturing Labor Shortage And Wage Pressure Intensified In Mid-2010s The manufacturing and service sectors will continue to compete with agriculture for labor. The wage gap between urban and rural areas is disappearing and there are signs of labor market tightness in urban settings (Chart 18).  While the demand for labor has been flat, labor supply peaked in 2013/14 and has been on the wane since that time, which has resulted in an ascending demand-to-supply ratio in China’s urban labor market (Chart 19). Chart 18Wage Gap Between Urban And Rural Areas Is Disappearing Wage Gap Between Urban And Rural Areas Is Disappearing Wage Gap Between Urban And Rural Areas Is Disappearing Chart 19Urban Labor Supply Can't Keep Up With Demand Urban Labor Supply Can't Keep Up With Demand Urban Labor Supply Can't Keep Up With Demand The bright side is that China’s labor shortage and escalating wages have not eroded the competitiveness of its manufacturing sector. Impressive labor productivity gains and progressively improving labor quality have trumped higher input costs (Chart 20). Consistent with improved productivity, China’s share of global trade continues to build regardless of higher wages, a stronger currency, and import tariffs from the US (Chart 21). The manufacturing sector has gradually climbed the value-added chain in recent years and mounting wage pressures will likely push the corporate sector, particularly in more developed coastal regions, to move further away from a labor-intensive model. Chart 20Rising Wages But Stable Unit Labor Costs Rising Wages But Stable Unit Labor Costs Rising Wages But Stable Unit Labor Costs Chart 21Chinese Exporters Have Maintained Their Global Market Share Despite Higher Costs Chinese Exporters Have Maintained Their Global Market Share Despite Higher Costs Chinese Exporters Have Maintained Their Global Market Share Despite Higher Costs The 14th Five-Year Plan outlined policymakers’ decision to maintain the share of manufacturing in GDP, which is around 30%. Labor productivity in the manufacturing sector is notably higher than in the service sector. In an environment of shrinking labor, keeping workers in a high-productivity sector may be a better way to stabilize potential growth. Bottom Line: The competition for labor between sectors will intensify. Meanwhile, manufacturing’s share of China’s economy will likely be sustained in this decade, which will help to mitigate the speed of the deceleration in China’s growth.  Implications On Policy Setting Chart 22AInterest Rates Drop With Aging Population Interest Rates Drop With Aging Population Interest Rates Drop With Aging Population The combination of a weak fertility/birthrate and a decline in the working-age population will weigh on consumption and investment growth, bringing deflationary headwinds to the economy. China’s interest rate regime will likely follow its Asian neighbors to downshift structurally (Chart 22). Despite moderating potential economic growth, a low interest rate environment may be positive for China’s financial asset prices.  Chart 22BInterest Rates Drop With Aging Population Interest Rates Drop With Aging Population Interest Rates Drop With Aging Population Chart 22CInterest Rates Drop With Aging Population Interest Rates Drop With Aging Population Interest Rates Drop With Aging Population Chart 23Support Ratios Are Declining Globally Support Ratios Are Declining Globally Support Ratios Are Declining Globally One could argue that a falling support ratio – measured by the number of workers relative to consumers – can lead to inflation (Chart 23). This could happen to the US where baby boomers retire but continue to spend particularly on healthcare, while production falls along with the available workers. As production falls in relation to consumption, inflation could rise. However, this is not the case in China where both production and consumption will fall. Demand from an aging population may increase pockets of inflationary pressures, such as healthcare and elderly care, but it is unlikely to fully offset weakening demand from a declining working-age population and total population. In other words, both the numerator (workers) and denominator (consumers) will be falling in China. While a weakening demographic profile is negative for economic growth, lower prices on capital will make corporate debt-servicing cheaper. Further industrial consolidation aimed at supply-side reforms will also improve corporate profitability. Cheaper capital, improving productivity and efficiency could provide tailwinds to Chinese stocks and government bonds in the long run.   Jing Sima China Strategist jings@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1As of 2020, China’s total population is at 1411.78 million. 2"China faces an economic crisis as a population peak nears," South China Morning Post, April 18, 2021. 3The total fertility rate is based on the number of newborns by women in child-bearing years, which is ages 15-44 or 15-49 by international statistical standards.  Cyclical Investment Stance Equity Sector Recommendations

Highlights Inflation is on everyone’s mind, … : Inflation has been a hot topic in our meetings with clients and in internal BCA discussions, but it has lately broken out among businesses and the general public. … but investors are mainly concerned with what it means for markets, … : When clients ask if and when inflation could become a problem, they really want to know if and when they should be repositioning their portfolios to prepare for it. … which ultimately brings the discussion back to the Fed: Inflation sensitivities vary among (and within) asset classes, but risk assets as a whole fare much worse when monetary policy settings are tight than when they are easy. If rising inflation drives the Fed to impose restrictive monetary policy, it will bring the curtain down on the equity bull market. Feature Inflation has been a hot topic with clients, for the internet-equipped public (Chart 1) and within BCA, where our latest monthly view meeting was entirely devoted to it. Client questions have addressed three broad themes: Chart 1Trending Trending Trending What constitutes too much inflation? How will you know too much inflation is on the way? How soon could too much inflation arrive? Economists have yet to establish exactly where inflation comes from and their attempts to build models that anticipate it have been woefully unsuccessful. The problem may be that prices are set at the micro level by a confluence of innumerable individual interactions. Just as Hayek pointed out that no top-down committee could determine how to allocate resources efficiently without the signals provided by prices, it’s fiendishly difficult to try to divine their aggregate future direction from macroeconomic inputs. Even if we can’t build an airtight model predicting consumer price moves, however, we can systematically assess several known contributors to inflation to try to gain some advance notice into its movements. Obtaining that advance notice is of great practical significance in the current market environment. In a Goldilocks-and-the-two-tails world where widespread vaccinations have rendered the too-cold left-tail outcome increasingly unlikely, overheating is the only obstacle to the potent-growth/easy-policy backdrop that would be just right for equities and other risk assets over the next twelve months. Troublesome inflation seems to be the only factor that could get the Fed to back off of its pledge to maintain ultra-easy monetary policy for an extended period and we see it as the biggest threat to the equity bull market. We are therefore introducing our inflation checklist and expect to revisit it regularly over the rest of the year and into 2022. It reveals what we’re watching to monitor inflation and how, with some interpretive discretion, we’ll know if it’s poised to break out. It will also allow US Investment Strategy readers to follow along with our thinking in real time. As long as the checklist does not point to a meaningful, persistent move higher in consumer prices, we will likely continue to be constructive on the prospects for financial markets and the economy. Checklist Design Table 1Inflation Checklist Tracking Inflation Tracking Inflation Our inflation checklist (Table 1) tracks price pressures in five broad categories: Labor Market Indicators, Price Indexes, Pipeline Pressures, Inflation Expectations and the Fed’s Reaction Function. We do not have a hard-and-fast scale of the categories’ relative importance, but we are especially alert to signals from the labor market and changes in inflation expectations. It will be hard to achieve persistently uncomfortable inflation readings without an upward inflection in the pace of wage growth and we do not see wage growth getting traction until inflation expectations rise enough to push workers to agitate for it. As we have previously stated, we do not think that core US inflation measures can break out of the range that has held them in check for three decades unless workers, households and businesses adopt a new inflation mindset (Chart 2). Chart 2Volcker's Gift Volcker's Gift Volcker's Gift We do not have a pre-determined rule for how many X’s it will take to signal that policy-altering inflation is on the way. Nor do we have pre-conceived notions about the various combinations of red flags that would herald the onset of a new inflation regime. The purpose of the checklist is to establish a consistent analytical framework for assessing the future direction of inflation and its impact on monetary policy settings. Interpreting the output of that framework will require judgment and we mean to maintain our flexibility in exercising it. The State Of The Labor Market The Phillips Curve, which posits an inverse relationship between unemployment and inflation, has fallen into disrepute with investors. Even the Fed has distanced itself from it, announcing last summer that it would no longer pursue a strategy of pre-emptively tightening policy when the labor market begins to heat up. Asserting that wage growth is inversely related to the unemployment rate simply applies the law of supply and demand to the labor market, and we have no problem with it, although it should be noted that the relationship is not linear. Wages only reliably rise once unemployment breaks below a minimum threshold level, such as NAIRU, the natural rate of unemployment (Chart 3). Chart 3The Unemployment Gap Matters For Wage Growth The Unemployment Gap Matters For Wage Growth The Unemployment Gap Matters For Wage Growth With that empirical relationship in mind, the category's components consider the available supply and utilization of labor inputs; demand for labor; and wage growth, which should reveal something about the current supply-demand balance. The 61.7% labor force participation rate remains far short of its 63.4% pre-pandemic level (Chart 4, top panel) while the prime-age employment-to-population ratio remains below its trough level of the two recessions that preceded the global financial crisis (Chart 4, bottom panel), making it clear that labor supply is still constrained. Chart 4A Lot Of Workers Are Still Idle ... A Lot Of Workers Are Still Idle ... A Lot Of Workers Are Still Idle ... Labor demand, on the other hand, is at levels topping the cyclical peaks of the last 20 years, according to the share of small businesses reporting job openings in the NFIB survey (Chart 5, solid line) and job openings as a share of total employment as reported by the Department of Labor’s Job Openings and Labor Turnover Survey (Chart 5, dashed line). One would expect that the combination of raging demand and constrained supply to lead to higher wages, yet the top wage measures remain quiet (Chart 6). We expect they will until the prime-age employment-to-population ratio starts to make a run at recovering its pre-pandemic level (Chart 7). Chart 5... Even Though Employers Are Looking For Help ... Even Though Employers Are Looking For Help ... Even Though Employers Are Looking For Help Chart 6Wage Growth Remains Subdued Wage Growth Remains Subdued Wage Growth Remains Subdued Chart 7The Labor Market Still Has A Lot Of Slack Tracking Inflation Tracking Inflation The bottom line is that the labor market is starkly bifurcated as vividly illustrated by the Atlanta Fed’s Labor Market Distributions spider chart (Chart 8). On the demand dimensions on the right side of the chart, the labor market is far ahead of where it was at the end of the last two expansions, but far behind on the supply dimensions at the top and bottom left and wages in the middle left. For now, we tick only the Labor Demand box, as it is the only element of the labor market that is back to full health. We expect that shadow supply, which will likely be released in earnest upon next term’s return of in-person instruction in schools across the country and the expiration of unusually generous unemployment insurance benefits, will keep wages from rising much higher until it is fully absorbed. Chart 8A Tale Of Two Markets Tracking Inflation Tracking Inflation Price Indexes The Fed’s preferred core PCE index remains in check, along with the headline PCE index (Chart 9, top panel), but the more widely followed CPI surprised to the upside in April (Chart 9, bottom panel), especially in month-over-month terms, with the headline index rising 0.8% and the core index rising 0.9% for its largest gain in 39 years. Last week’s report dove into the details of the core CPI print and concluded that it was driven by extreme outliers in a handful of categories that are unlikely to be sustained.1 The magnitude of the upside surprise nonetheless leaves us no choice but to check the Marquee Indexes box until the sequential increases settle down. Chart 9CPI Took Off In April CPI Took Off In April CPI Took Off In April The message from more refined measures like trimmed-mean CPI and PCE is more encouraging (Chart 10). Trimmed-mean indexes are akin to the Olympic judging method in which the top and bottom scores are discarded, and their proponents argue that they provide a truer measure of core inflation than the static series which exclude every food and energy category every month. The trimmed-mean CPI and PCE series are well behaved and suggest that the inflation genie has not yet gotten out of the bottle. Chart 10Outliers May Be Skewing The Core Indexes ... Outliers May Be Skewing The Core Indexes ... Outliers May Be Skewing The Core Indexes ... Pipeline Pressures Price increases across the commodity complex have drawn inflation watchers’ attention. Prices at the pump loom large in consumers’ perceptions of inflation and commodities are inputs in a range of manufactured goods; if manufacturers are able to pass price increases onto end users, commodity price increases may find their way into end-product prices. The BCA pipeline inflation indicator rolls the CRB raw industrials index, the ISM survey’s prices paid and supplier delivery time components, overtime hours worked and capacity utilization into a single measure that has moved in step with CPI. It is currently at its highest level in two decades (Chart 11). Chart 11... But Bottlenecks Are Inflicting Near-Term Upward Pressure ... But Bottlenecks Are Inflicting Near-Term Upward Pressure ... But Bottlenecks Are Inflicting Near-Term Upward Pressure Exchange rate moves are not as important for US inflation as they are in economies that are more reliant on trade, but they still matter at the margin. When the dollar weakens, the price of imports rises and when it strengthens, the price of imports falls. Trade-weighted indexes are our go-to series for gauging the dollar’s course (Chart 12, top panel), but the DXY index draws a lot of attention from market professionals and it is currently testing a multi-year technical support level (Chart 12, bottom panel). A break below 90 would presage a further fall and may push inflation expectations higher. Chart 12A Weaker Dollar Could Push US Import Prices Higher ... A Weaker Dollar Could Push US Import Prices Higher ... A Weaker Dollar Could Push US Import Prices Higher ... Services inflation is mainly a domestic phenomenon, but goods prices are globally determined. Inflation measures in major international economies can therefore provide some insight into the path of goods prices and the path of US inflation at the margin. Headline and core consumer prices in the Eurozone have yet to stir from their slumber (Chart 13, top panel) while consumer prices in China briefly deflated (Chart 13, bottom panel). The rest of the world is not yet exerting upward pressure on US consumer prices. Chart 13... But There Isn't Much Inflationary Pressure Outside The US ... But There Isn't Much Inflationary Pressure Outside The US ... But There Isn't Much Inflationary Pressure Outside The US Inflation Expectations Chart 14Investors Vote For Transitory Investors Vote For Transitory Investors Vote For Transitory Expectations inform behavior. If a widespread belief that troublesome inflation is going to return takes hold, individual workers and unions will demand higher wages to maintain their purchasing power, businesses up and down the supply chain will insist on price hikes to protect their margins and consumers may accelerate their big-ticket purchase decisions. Each of these actions adds fuel to the fire, and if economic participants come to believe that a new inflation regime has arrived, it could initiate a self-reinforcing dynamic in which higher prices beget higher prices. Think of it as the flip side of the deflation mindset that has left Japan with relentless disinflation in consumer prices and a relative plunge in asset prices. We are monitoring the inflation expectations curve very closely with the aim of detecting the arrival of a new inflation mindset. If the curve were to shift out – inflation expectations were higher across all time periods – and steepen, with inflation expectations rising across the entire time horizon, participants in the real economy might be on the cusp of changing their behavior to align with expectations. For now, we are encouraged that the inflation expectations curves as derived from the difference in TIPS and nominal Treasury yields (Chart 14, top two panels), and from the CPI swaps market (Chart 14, bottom two panels) suggest that investors agree that inflation pressures are likely to dissipate. We come to that conclusion from the fact that the 2-to-5-year and 5-to-10-year segments of the curve are inverted, which is to say that investors expect near-term inflation will exceed longer-term inflation. Inversion in both segments shows that investors expect a steady decline, with the inflation rate over the next two years exceeding the inflation rate over the next five years and the inflation rate over the next five years exceeding the inflation rate over the next ten years. We place greater reliance on market-determined measures of inflation expectations than survey measures, but we are monitoring a range of consumer and business surveys. The University of Michigan’s consumer sentiment survey shows that households also expect that near-term inflation pressures will not persist. Its respondents see inflation soaring over the next twelve months (Chart 15, top panel) but rising much more modestly over the next five years (Chart 15, bottom panel). Chart 15Households Also Think Acute Inflation Pressures Will Be Short Lived Households Also Think Acute Inflation Pressures Will Be Short Lived Households Also Think Acute Inflation Pressures Will Be Short Lived Fed Reaction Function The investment implications of higher inflation come down to how the Fed reacts to it. For now, the Fed is sticking to its pledge that it has reduced its propensity to tighten policy. It remains outwardly committed to pursuing an average inflation target and to eschewing proactive policy tightening when the labor market appears to be firming. Though we expect that markets will periodically test the Fed when inflation seems to be gathering momentum, we do not yet see any reason to doubt its resolve. We will only check either of the Fed boxes in the event that Fed speakers begin to telegraph a change of direction or if the summary of economic projections (“the dots”) indicates that the bias toward accommodative policy is shifting. We see that bias as nearly fixed in the near term, given that the Fed has gone to considerable lengths to outline its policy goals for participants in the financial markets and the economy. It is not etched in stone, but we don’t foresee a material change in the next few months. Until we do, or until we become convinced that the Fed has allowed itself to get helplessly behind the inflation curve, we expect to stick to our recommendation to overweight risk assets at the expense of Treasuries over the twelve-month cyclical timeframe.   Doug Peta, CFA Chief US Investment Strategist dougp@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Please see the May 17, 2021 US Investment Strategy report, "The Data That Cried Wolf," available at www.bcaresearch.com.

Dear Client, This week, the US Bond Strategy service is hosting its Quarterly Webcast (May 19 at 10:00 AM EDT, 3:00 PM BST, 4:00 PM CEST, 11:00 PM HKT). In addition, we are sending this Quarterly Chartpack that provides a recap of our key recommendations and some charts related to those recommendations and other areas of interest for US bond investors. Please tune in to the Webcast and browse the Chartpack at your leisure, and do let us know if you have any questions or other feedback. To view the Quarterly Chartpack PDF please click here. Best regards, Ryan Swift, US Bond Strategist

Highlights US growth has likely peaked. Economic momentum will slow over the coming quarters as the tailwind from stimulus fades and the vaccination campaign winds down. Historically, a slowdown in US growth, as proxied by a decline in the ISM manufacturing index, has been associated with lower overall equity returns, the outperformance of defensive stocks over cyclicals, large caps over small caps, and US equities over their overseas peers. A falling ISM has also been associated with a strengthening dollar, lower Treasury yields, wider credit spreads, a decline in the US Treasury/German bund spreads, falling oil prices, and an increase in the gold-to-copper price ratio. Compared to past episodes, there are three reasons to expect the coming US slowdown to be relatively benign: First, growth is slowing from exceptionally strong levels; second, growth in many other parts of the world is still speeding up; and third, monetary policy will remain highly accommodative in the face of what is likely to be a transitory increase in inflation. We continue to maintain a positive 12-month view on global equities. Nevertheless, with global growth momentum likely to slow later this year, investors who are maximally overweight risk should pare back cyclical exposure. Crypto update: We warned that “Bitcoin is on a collision course with ESG” two weeks ago. Elon Musk’s flip-flop on allowing customers to pay for Teslas in Bitcoin is yet another piece of evidence that ESG concerns will win out. With that in mind, we are going short Bitcoin. Beware The Second Derivative US growth has likely peaked. Economic momentum will slow over the coming quarters as the tailwind from fiscal stimulus fades and the vaccination campaign winds down. According to the Brookings Institution, fiscal easing contributed nearly seven percentage points to US growth in the first quarter (Chart 1). However, fiscal policy is set to detract from growth in the remainder of the year, reflecting the one-off nature of some of the stimulus measures. Chart 1After A Strong Boost, Fiscal Thrust Is Turning Negative Peak Growth And A Whiff Of Stagflation Peak Growth And A Whiff Of Stagflation On the pandemic front, the number of new cases continues to trend lower in the US, thanks mainly to a successful vaccination campaign. A falling infection rate has allowed states to dismantle lockdown measures. Conceptually, it is the change in social distancing measures that correlates with economic growth. While some restrictions remain in place (especially in the educational sector), we are now well past the point of maximum loosening. How have financial markets performed during episodes of slowing US economic growth? To answer this question, we looked at the performance of various assets during periods when the ISM manufacturing index was falling and when it was rising. To add a bit more granularity to the analysis, we also looked at cases when the ISM was trending up and above 50, trending down and above 50, trending down and below 50, and trending up and below 50. As summarized in Table 1 and the Appendix Charts, the key results are as follows: Stocks tend to do best when the ISM is rising. Since 1950, the S&P 500 has risen on average by 1.51% during months when the ISM was trending higher, compared to 0.49% during months when the ISM was trending lower. The results were virtually the same if one restricts the sample to the post-1995 period. While the change in the ISM generally matters more for the S&P 500, absolute levels matter too. Since 1995, the best period for the S&P 500 was when the ISM was below 50 but trending higher (S&P 500 up 2.07%), while the worst period was when the ISM was below 50 and trending lower (S&P 500 up 0.03%). This suggests that swings in the ISM have a bigger effect on the stock market during periods of economic contraction. During periods where the ISM was falling but still above 50, the S&P 500 has delivered a positive – though far from stellar – monthly return of 0.69%. US defensively-geared equities outperformed cyclicals when the ISM was trending lower. During periods when the ISM was falling but still above 50, defensives beat cyclicals by 0.45%. Defensives outperformed cyclicals by 0.84% during periods when the ISM was below 50 and trending lower. US small caps underperformed large caps during periods when the ISM was falling. Non-US stocks also underperformed their US counterparts in a falling ISM environment. The relationship between the ISM and value/growth performance is more ambiguous. To the extent that there is one, value generally outperforms growth when the ISM is below 50. Treasury yields tend to increase, while the yield curve tends to steepen, when the ISM is trending higher. Reflecting the higher beta that Treasuries have to the global business cycle, Treasury yields generally rise more than Germany bund yields when the ISM is on the upswing. Corporate credit spreads tend to widen when the ISM is falling. Spreads narrow the most when the ISM is below 50 but rising. As a countercyclical currency, the US dollar tends to weaken when the ISM is rising and strengthen when the ISM is falling. The prices of cyclically-sensitive commodities such as oil and copper normally decline when the ISM is trending lower, although in general, the bulk of the decline in commodity prices usually occurs only when the ISM has dipped below 50. There is not much of a relationship between gold prices and the ISM. Table 1The Economic Cycle And Financial Assets Peak Growth And A Whiff Of Stagflation Peak Growth And A Whiff Of Stagflation Implications For Today Assuming that the ISM has peaked but remains above 50, the analysis above suggests that the S&P 500 will rise modestly over the coming months; US stocks will edge out non-US stocks; defensives will outperform cyclicals; and large caps will perform slightly better than small caps. The analysis also suggests that Treasury yields will move lower; the Treasury-bund spread will narrow; corporate credit spreads will be flat-to-wider; the dollar will strengthen modestly; and commodities will move broadly sideways. Our own 12-month view is more pro-risk than implied by the ISM analysis. There are three reasons for this: First, US growth is slowing from exceptionally strong levels; second, growth in many other parts of the world is still accelerating; and third, monetary policy remains highly accommodative. Let’s examine each assumption in turn. Reason #1: US growth is slowing from exceptionally strong levels While payroll growth surprised sharply on the downside in April, we suspect this was mainly due to pandemic-induced distortions to the seasonal adjustment mechanism used by the Bureau of Labor Statistics. Seasonally unadjusted payrolls rose by 1.1 million in April, which is broadly consistent with the strong pace of GDP growth tracking estimates. The Atlanta Fed GDPNow model points to growth of 11% in Q2. Bloomberg consensus estimates have US real GDP rising by 8.1% in the second quarter. Growth will decline to 7% in Q3 and 4.7% in Q4, but still average 4% in 2022 (Table 2). Table 2Growth Is Peaking, But At A Very High Level Peak Growth And A Whiff Of Stagflation Peak Growth And A Whiff Of Stagflation Chart 2Firms Will Need To Rebuild Inventories Peak Growth And A Whiff Of Stagflation Peak Growth And A Whiff Of Stagflation US households were sitting on $2.2 trillion in excess savings as of the end of April. This is money they would not have had in absence of the pandemic. Slightly less than half of that stockpile can be attributed to transfer payments, mainly in the form of stimulus checks and unemployment benefits. The rest stems from decreased spending during the pandemic. Not all of this money will be spent immediately. However, given the large sums involved – $2.2 trillion is equivalent to 15% of annual personal consumption – even a partial depletion of these excess savings will be enough to power consumption for the foreseeable future. Meanwhile, firms will have to boost production in order to restore depleted inventories. The inventory-to-sales ratio stands at record low levels (Chart 2). The decline in inventories pushed up the ISM new orders-to-inventory ratio in April, even as the overall ISM index slid from 64.7 in March to 60.7. The new orders-to-inventory ratio tends to lead the ISM index, which suggests that any decline in the ISM index over the coming months will be gradual.    An easing of supply-side constraints should also support growth. Even though overall employment was still 5.2% below pre-pandemic levels in April, a record share of small firms surveyed by the NFIB reported difficulty in filling vacant positions (Chart 3). Enhanced unemployment benefits have eroded the incentive to find work. In addition, many schools remain partially shuttered. Chart 4 shows that mothers with young children have seen a much larger decline in labor force participation than other groups. Chart 3Firms Are Struggling To Find Workers Firms Are Struggling To Find Workers Firms Are Struggling To Find Workers Chart 4Mothers With Children Had To Leave The Labor Force Peak Growth And A Whiff Of Stagflation Peak Growth And A Whiff Of Stagflation Enhanced unemployment benefits will expire in September. As schools resume normal operations, more workers will flow back into the labor market. At the same time, some of the bottlenecks currently gripping the global supply chain should abate, allowing for increased output.   Reason #2: Growth in many other parts of the world is still accelerating Chart 5Over 40% Of S&P 500 Revenues Come From Abroad Peak Growth And A Whiff Of Stagflation Peak Growth And A Whiff Of Stagflation Chart 6Euro Area Data Has Surprised On The Upside Euro Area Data Has Surprised On The Upside Euro Area Data Has Surprised On The Upside S&P 500 constituent firms derive 43% of their revenues from abroad (Chart 5). While Bloomberg estimates suggest that US growth will peak in the second quarter, growth in the euro area is not expected to peak until the third quarter. Mathieu Savary, who heads BCA’s European Investment Strategy service, sees upside risks to European growth estimates for the second half of this year. Consistent with Mathieu’s observations, recent economic data has been surprising to the upside in the euro area (Chart 6). Just this week, economic expectations for both Germany and the wider euro area leaped to the highest level in more than 20 years, according to the ZEW economic research institute. Growth in Japan should also pick up in the remainder of the year. Japan’s vaccination campaign has gotten off to a very slow start, with less than 3% of the population being inoculated to date. The government imposed its third state of emergency on April 25 in response to rising viral case counts. It subsequently extended those restrictions on May 11. The authorities intend to vaccinate the country’s 36 million elderly people by July, when the Olympics are set to begin. This should permit some easing in lockdown measures. Investors are worried that the Chinese economy will slow this year. The Chinese PMIs peaked in November 2020, about the same time as the combined credit/fiscal impulse reached an apex (Chart 7). Jing Sima, BCA’s chief China strategist, expects the general government budget deficit to remain at a still-ample 8% of GDP this year, similar to where it was last year. She expects credit growth to slow by 2%-to-3%, converging towards the pace of nominal GDP growth. Keep in mind that China’s credit-to-GDP ratio stands at 270%. Thus, if credit grows in line with nominal GDP growth of about 10%, this would still leave the stock of credit roughly 27% of GDP higher at the end of 2021 compared to the end of 2020. This hardly constitutes “deleveraging”. A resilient Chinese economy should buoy other emerging markets. Progress on the pandemic front should also help. The UN estimates that as many as 15 billion vaccine doses could be produced by the second half of 2021, enough to inoculate most of the world’s population (Chart 8). The shortages of vaccines in emerging markets could turn into a surfeit by the end of this year, something that market participants do not seem to fully appreciate. Chart 7China: Peak Stimulus And Peak Growth China: Peak Stimulus And Peak Growth China: Peak Stimulus And Peak Growth The rotation in growth momentum from the US to the rest of the world should put downward pressure on the US dollar. A weaker dollar, in turn, has usually coincided with the outperformance of non-US stock markets (Chart 9). Chart 8Vaccine Production Set To Ramp Up Further Peak Growth And A Whiff Of Stagflation Peak Growth And A Whiff Of Stagflation Chart 9A Weaker Dollar Has Coincided With The Outperformance Of Non-US Stock Markets A Weaker Dollar Has Coincided With The Outperformance Of Non-US Stock Markets A Weaker Dollar Has Coincided With The Outperformance Of Non-US Stock Markets   Reason #3: Monetary policy remains highly accommodative The slowdown in US growth is coming at a time when inflation is rising. The core CPI increased by 0.9% month-over-month in April. This was the biggest monthly jump since August 1981. The year-over-year rate climbed to 3.0%, the highest in 25 years. The “whiff of stagflation” helped push the S&P 500 down this week. As we discussed last week, we are very much in the camp that expects inflation to rise significantly over the long haul. Over the next one or two years, however, we would fade inflationary fears. As the example of the 1960s illustrates, a long period of overheating is often necessary to push up inflation in a sustained manner. The US unemployment rate reached its full employment level in 1962. However, it was not until 1966 – when the unemployment rate was two full percentage points below equilibrium – that inflation finally took off (Chart 10). The official core CPI likely overstates underlying inflationary pressures. The pandemic threw all sorts of prices out of whack. Stripping out volatile food and energy prices from inflation is not enough. One needs more refined measures of inflation. Luckily, they exist. Chart 11 shows that median CPI, trimmed-mean CPI, and sticky price CPI all remain well contained. Similarly, relatively clean measures of wage growth, such as the Atlanta Fed Wage Tracker, do not point to an imminent wage-price spiral (Chart 12). Chart 10Inflation Started Accelerating Quickly Only When Unemployment Reached Very Low Levels In The 1960s Inflation Started Accelerating Quickly Only When Unemployment Reached Very Low Levels In The 1960s Inflation Started Accelerating Quickly Only When Unemployment Reached Very Low Levels In The 1960s Inflation Started Accelerating Quickly Only When Unemployment Reached Very Low Levels In The 1960s Inflation Started Accelerating Quickly Only When Unemployment Reached Very Low Levels In The 1960s Chart 11Cleaner Measures Of Inflation Are Telling A Different Story Cleaner Measures Of Inflation Are Telling A Different Story Cleaner Measures Of Inflation Are Telling A Different Story Chart 12Wage Growth Is Still Lackluster Wage Growth Is Still Lackluster Wage Growth Is Still Lackluster All this means that the Fed can afford to sustain exceptionally easy monetary policy. That should keep growth at an above-trend pace and continue to support to equity valuations.   Investment Conclusions My “golden rule” for investing is to stay bullish on stocks unless one thinks there is a recession around the corner (Chart 13). Seeing around the corner is not easy, of course, but it is not impossible either. Chart 13Recessions And Bear Markets Tend To Overlap Peak Growth And A Whiff Of Stagflation Peak Growth And A Whiff Of Stagflation Last year’s recession was caused by a true exogenous shock – the pandemic. Most recessions are endogenous in nature, however. They result from growing imbalances that are usually laid bare by tighter monetary policy. One can debate the extent to which the global economy is plagued by imbalances of one form or another. But one thing is clear, monetary policy is unlikely to turn contractionary any time soon. In this environment, one should remain positive on equities and other risk assets over a 12-month horizon. Nevertheless, with global growth momentum likely to slow later this year, investors who are maximally overweight risk should pare back cyclical exposure. Go Short Bitcoin We warned that “Bitcoin is on a collision course with ESG” two weeks ago in a report entitled “How To Short Bitcoin, Or Anything Else, Without Losing Your Shorts.” Elon Musk’s flip-flop on allowing Tesla customers to pay for Teslas in Bitcoin is yet another piece of evidence that ESG concerns will win out. News that Colonial Pipeline paid hackers 75 bitcoin (nearly $5 million) in ransom further cements Bitcoin’s status as the currency of choice for criminals around the world. With all that in mind, we are going short Bitcoin as of midnight Eastern Daylight Time (EDT) using the shorting technique described in that report. The technique flips the usual risk-reward from shorting on its head. Normally, when you short a stock, your gain is capped at 100% of the initial position whereas your potential loss is unlimited. With our shorting technique, your potential loss is capped at 100% while your potential gain is unlimited. This makes shorting as an investment strategy a lot safer. APPENDIX The Economic Cycle And Financial Assets APPENDIX CHART 1A Peak Growth And A Whiff Of Stagflation Peak Growth And A Whiff Of Stagflation APPENDIX CHART 1B Peak Growth And A Whiff Of Stagflation Peak Growth And A Whiff Of Stagflation Appendix Chart 1C Peak Growth And A Whiff Of Stagflation Peak Growth And A Whiff Of Stagflation Appendix Chart 1D Peak Growth And A Whiff Of Stagflation Peak Growth And A Whiff Of Stagflation Peter Berezin Chief Global Strategist pberezin@bcaresearch.com Global Investment Strategy View Matrix Peak Growth And A Whiff Of Stagflation Peak Growth And A Whiff Of Stagflation Special Trade Recommendations Peak Growth And A Whiff Of Stagflation Peak Growth And A Whiff Of Stagflation Current MacroQuant Model Scores   Peak Growth And A Whiff Of Stagflation Peak Growth And A Whiff Of Stagflation

Highlights Global stocks are very vulnerable to a correction. But cyclically the Fed is committed to an inflation overshoot and the global economy is recovering. China’s fiscal-and-credit impulse fell sharply, which leaves global cyclical stocks and commodities exposed to a pullback. Beyond the near term, China’s need for political stability should prevent excessive policy tightening. The risk is frontloaded. China’s population census underscores one of our mega-themes: China’s domestic politics are unstable and can bring negative surprises. India’s state elections, held amid a massive COVID-19 wave, suggest that the ruling party is still favored in 2024. This implies policy continuity. Stick with a bullish cyclical bias but be prepared to shift if China commits a policy mistake. Feature Chart 1Inflation Rears Its Head Inflation Rears Its Head Inflation Rears Its Head Global markets shuddered this week in the face of a strong core inflation print in the US as well as broader fears as inflation rears its head after a long slumber (Chart 1). Cyclically we still expect investors to rotate away from US stocks into international stocks and for the US dollar to fall as the global economy recovers (Chart 2). However, this view also entails that emerging market stocks should start outperforming their developed market peers, which has not panned out so far this year. Emerging markets are not only technology-heavy and vulnerable to rising US bond yields but also further challenged now by China’s stimulus having peaked. Chart 2Equity Market Trembles Equity Market Trembles Equity Market Trembles Chart 3Global Economy And Sentiment Recovering Global Economy And Sentiment Recovering Global Economy And Sentiment Recovering Chart 4Global Cyclicals Versus Defensives Wavering Global Cyclicals Versus Defensives Wavering Global Cyclicals Versus Defensives Wavering The one thing we can rely on is that the COVID-19 vaccine rollout will continue to enable a global growth recovery (Chart 3). The US dollar is signaling as much. The greenback bounced in the first quarter on US relative growth outperformance but it has since fallen back. A falling dollar is positive for cyclical stocks relative to defensives, although cyclicals are flagging that the reflation trade is overdone in the near term (Chart 4). China’s growth now becomes the critical focal point. A policy mistake in China would upset the bullish cyclical view. China’s tightening of monetary and fiscal policy is a major global policy risk that we have highlighted this year and it is now materializing. However, we have also highlighted the constraints to tightening. At present China is standing right on the threshold of overtightening according to our benchmarks. If China tightens further, we will take a fundamentally more defensive view. Also in this report we will review the results of China’s population census and the implications of India’s recent state elections in the face of the latest big wave of COVID-19 infections. We are not making any changes to our bullish view on India yet but we are putting it on watch. China: The Overtightening Risk China’s troubles stem from the ongoing change of its economic model from reliance on foreign trade to reliance on domestic demand. This was a strategic decision that the Communist Party made prior to the rise of President Xi Jinping. Xi also has come to embody it and reinforce it through his strategic vision and confrontation with the United States. Beijing’s goal was to manage a smooth and stable transition. The financial turmoil of 2015 and the trade war of 2018-19 jeopardized that goal but policymakers ultimately prevailed. Then COVID-19 broke out and caused the first real economic contraction since the 1970s. While China contained the virus and bounced back with another massive round of stimulus (13.8% of GDP from the onset of the trade war to the 2021 peak), it now faces an even more difficult transition. Chart 5China's Rising Propensity To Save China's Rising Propensity To Save China's Rising Propensity To Save The need to improve quality of life is more urgent given that potential GDP has slowed. The need to contain systemic financial risk is more urgent given the big new increase in debt. And the need to diversify the economy is more urgent given that the US is now creating a coalition of democracies to confront China over a range of policies. The spike in the “marginal propensity to save” among Chinese people and corporations – as measured by the ratio of long-term cash deposits to short-term deposits – is an indication that the country is beset by troubles and animal spirits are depressed (Chart 5). China’s fiscal-and-credit impulse is turning down after the large expansion in 2018-21. Policymakers have signaled since last year that they would withdraw emergency stimulus and now the impact is apparent in the hard data. China’s money, credit, and combined credit-and-fiscal impulses all correlate with economic growth after a six-to-nine-month lag. This is true regardless of which indicators one uses for China’s money and credit cycles and economic activity (Charts 6A and 6B). China’s economic momentum is peaking and will become a headwind for the global economy later this year and in 2022, even though the world is otherwise enjoying the tailwinds of vaccination and economic reopening. Chart 6AChina’s Fiscal-And-Credit Impulse Falls Sharply … China's Fiscal-And-Credit Impulse Falls Sharply... China's Fiscal-And-Credit Impulse Falls Sharply... Chart 6B… As Do Money-And-Credit Impulses ... As Do Money-And-Credit Impulses ... As Do Money-And-Credit Impulses The downshift in the fiscal-and-credit impulse portends a slowdown in demand for commodities, materials, and other goods that China imports, especially for domestic consumption. (Chinese imports of parts and inputs that go into its manufacturing exports to the rest of the world look healthier as the rest of the world recovers.) This shift will make it hard for high-flying metals prices and other China plays, such as Swedish stocks, to continue rising without a correction (Chart 7). Speculative positioning is heavily in favor of commodities at the moment. The divergence between China and the metals markets that it dominates looks untenable in the short run (Chart 8). Chart 7China Reflation Trades Near Peaks China Reflation Trades Near Peaks China Reflation Trades Near Peaks Chart 8Money Cycle And Commodity Prices Clash Money Cycle And Commodity Prices Clash Money Cycle And Commodity Prices Clash The global shift to green or renewable energy systems (i.e. de-carbonization) is bullish for metals, especially copper, but will not be able to make up for the fall in Chinese demand in the short run, as our Emerging Markets Strategy has shown. China’s domestic uses of copper for construction and industry make up about 56.5% of global copper demand while the green energy race – namely the production of solar panels, windmills, electric cars – makes up only about 3.5% of global demand. This number somewhat understates the green program since re-gearing and retrofitting existing systems and structures is also projected, such as with electricity grids. But the point is that a drop in China’s copper consumption will work against the big increase in American and European consumption – especially given that the US infrastructure program will not kick in until 2022 at the earliest. Hence global copper demand will slow over the next 12 months in response to China even though the rest of the world’s demand is rising. Chinese policymakers have not yet signaled that they are worried about overtightening policy or that they will ease policy anew. The Politburo meeting at the end of April did not contain a major policy change from the Central Economic Work Conference in December or the Government Work Report in March (Table 1). But if there was a significant difference, it lay in reducing last year’s sense of emergency further while projecting some kind of scheme to hold local government officials accountable for hidden debt. The implication is continued tight policy – and hence the risk of overtightening remains substantial. Table 1China’s Recent Macroeconomic Policy Statements: Removing Stimulus China Verges On Overtightening China Verges On Overtightening Chart 9Benchmarks For China's Policy Tightening Benchmarks For China's Policy Tightening Benchmarks For China's Policy Tightening True, the tea leaves of the April meeting can be read in various ways. The April statement left out phrases about “maintaining necessary policy support” from the overarching macroeconomic policy guidance, which would imply less support for the economy. But it also left out the goal of keeping money supply (M2) and credit growth (total social financing) in line with nominal GDP growth, which could be seen as enabling a new uptick in credit growth. However, the People’s Bank of China did maintain this credit goal in its first quarter monetary policy report, so one cannot be sure. Notice that according to this rubric, China is right on the threshold of “overtightening” policy that we have utilized to measure the risk (Chart 9). Based on Chinese policymaking over the past two decades, we would expect any major inflection point to be announced at the July Politburo meeting, not the April one. We do not consider April a major change from the preceding meetings – nor does our China Investment Strategy. Therefore excessive policy tightening remains a genuine risk for the Chinese and global economy over the next 12 months. Our checklist for excessive tightening underscores this point (Table 2). Table 2Checklist For Chinese Policy Tightening China Verges On Overtightening China Verges On Overtightening China’s fiscal-and-credit downshift is occurring in advance of the twentieth national party congress, which will take place throughout 2022 and culminate with the rotation of the top leadership (the Politburo Standing Committee) in the autumn. The economy is sufficiently stimulated for the Communist Party’s hundredth birthday on July 1 of this year, so policymakers are focused on preventing excesses. Financial risk prevention, anti-monopoly regulation, and tamping down on the property bubble are the orders of the day. The increase in corporate and government bond defaults and bankruptcies underscore the leadership’s willingness to push forward with economic restructuring and reform, which is well-attested in recent years (Chart 10). Chart 10Creative Destruction In China China Verges On Overtightening China Verges On Overtightening Investors cannot assume that the party congress in 2022 is a reason for the leadership to ease policy. The contrary occurred in the lead-up to the 2017 party congress. However, investors also cannot assume that China will overtighten and sink its own economy ahead of such an important event. Stability will be the goal – as was the case in 2017 and previous party congresses – and this means that policy easing will occur at some point if the current round of tightening becomes too painful financially and economically. China-linked assets are vulnerable in the short run until policymakers reach their inflection point. Incidentally, the approach of the twentieth national party congress will be a magnet for political intrigue and shocking events. The top leader normally sacks a prominent rival ahead of a party congress as a show of force in the process of promoting his faction. The government also tightens media controls and cracks down on dissidents, who may speak up or protest around the event. But in 2022 the stakes are higher. President Xi was originally expected to step down in 2022 but now he will not, which will arouse at least some opposition. Moreover, under Xi, China has undertaken three historic policy revolutions: it is adopting a strongman leadership model, to the detriment of the collective leadership model under the two previous presidents; it is emphasizing economic self-sufficiency, at the expense of liberalization and openness; and it is emphasizing great power status, at the expense of cooperation with the United States and its allies. Bottom Line: Global equities, commodities, and “China plays” stand at risk of a substantial correction as a result of China’s policy tightening. Our base case is that China will avoid overtightening but the latest money and credit numbers run up against our threshold for changing that view. Another sharp drop in these indicators will necessitate a change. China’s Disappearing Workforce Ultimately one of the constraints on overtightening policy is the decline in China’s potential GDP growth as a result of its shrinking working-age population. China’s seventh population census came out this week and underscored the deep structural changes affecting the country and its economy. Population growth over the past ten years slowed to 5.4%, the lowest rate since the first census in 1953. The fertility rate fell to 1.3 in 2020, lower than the 2.1 replacement rate and the 1.8 target set when Chinese authorities relaxed the one-child policy in 2016. The fertility rate is also lower than the World Bank’s estimates (1.7 in 2019) and even Japan’s rate. The birthrate (births per 1,000 people) also fell, with the number of newborns in 2020 at the lowest point since 1961, the year of the Great Famine. The birth rate has converged to that of high-income countries, implying that economic development is having the same effect of discouraging childbearing in China, although China is less developed than these countries. Chart 11China’s Working Population Falling Faster Than Japan’s In 1990s China Verges On Overtightening China Verges On Overtightening The youngest cohort rose from 16.6% to 17.95% of the population, the oldest cohort rose 8.9% in 2010 to 13.5% today, while the working-age cohort fell from 75.3% to 68.6%. The working-age population peaked in 2010 and fell by 6.79 percentage points over the past ten years. By contrast, Japan’s working-age population peaked in 1992 and fell 2.18 percentage points in the subsequent decade (Chart 11). In other words China is experiencing the demographic transition that hit Japan in the early 1990s – but China’s working-age population might fall even faster. The country is experiencing this tectonic socioeconomic shift at a lower level of per capita wealth than Japan had attained. The demographic challenge will put pressure on China’s socioeconomic and political system. The China miracle, like other Asian miracles, was premised on the use of export-manufacturing to generate large piles of savings that could be repurposed for national development. The decline in China’s working-age population coincides with economic development and a likely decline in the saving rate over the long run. This is shown in Chart 12, which shows two different pictures of China’s working population alongside the gross national saving rate. As China’s dependency ratio rises the saving rate will fall and fewer funds will be available for repurposing. The cost of capital will rise and economic restructuring will accelerate. In the case of Japan, the demographic shift coincided with the 1990 financial crisis and then a nationwide shift in economic behavior. The saving rate fell as the economy evolved but the savings that were generated still exceeded investment due to the shortfall in private demand and the pressure of large debt burdens. Companies focused on paying down debt rather than expanding investment and production (Chart 13). All of this occurred when the external environment was benign, whereas China faces a similar demographic challenge in the context of rising economic pressure due to geopolitical tensions. Chart 12Chinese Workers Getting Scarcer Chinese Workers Getting Scarcer Chinese Workers Getting Scarcer Chart 13High Savings Enable Debt Splurge Until Debt Overwhelms High Savings Enable Debt Splurge Until Debt Overwhelms High Savings Enable Debt Splurge Until Debt Overwhelms China has so far avoided a debilitating financial crisis and collapse in real estate prices that would saddle the country with a traumatizing liquidity trap. The Chinese authorities are painfully aware of the danger of the property bubble and are therefore eager to prevent financial excesses and curb bubble-like activity. This is what makes the risk of overtightening significant. But a mistake in either direction can lead to a slide into deflation. The Xi administration has stimulated the economy whenever activity slowed too much or financial instability threatened to get out of hand, as noted above, but this is a difficult balancing act, which is why we monitor the risk of excessive tightening so closely. A few other notable takeaways from China’s population census include: The two-child policy is not succeeding so far. COVID-19 might have had a negative effect on fertility but it could not have affected births very much due to the timing. So the trends cannot be distorted too much by the pandemic. Rapid urbanization continues, with the rate hitting 64% of the population, up 14 percentage points from 2010. Policy discussions are emphasizing lifting the retirement age; providing financial incentives for having babies; a range of price controls to make it more affordable to have babies, most notably by suppressing the property bubble; and measures to ensure that property prices do not fall too rapidly in smaller cities as migration from the country continues. China’s ethnic minority population, which consists of 9% of the total population, grew much faster (10% rate) over the past decade than the Han majority, which makes up 91% of the population (growing at a 5% rate). Minorities are exempt from the one-child (and two-child) policy. Yet ethnic tensions have arisen, particularly in autonomous regions like Xinjiang, prompting greater international scrutiny of China’s policies toward minorities. China’s demographic challenge is widely known but the latest census reinforces the magnitude of the challenge. China’s potential growth is falling while the rising dependency ratio underscores social changes that will make greater demands of government. Greater fiscal and social spending needs will require difficult economic tradeoffs and unpopular political decisions. Economic change and the movement of people will also deepen regional and wealth disparities. All of these points underscore one of our consistent Geopolitical Strategy mega-themes: China’s domestic political risks are underrated. Bottom Line: China’s 2020 census reinforces the demographic decline that lies at the root of China’s rising socioeconomic and political challenges. While China has a strong central government with power consolidated under a single ruling party, and a track record of managing its various challenges successfully in recent decades, nevertheless the magnitude of the changes happening are overwhelming and will bring negative economic and political surprises. India: State Elections Not A Turning Point Against Modi At the height of the second COVID-19 wave in India, elections were held in five Indian states. Results for the state of West Bengal were most important. West Bengal is a large state, accounting for nearly a-tenth of legislators at India’s national assembly, and the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) of Prime Minister Narendra Modi had declared that it would win nearly 70% of the 294 seats there. In the event West Bengal delivered a landslide victory for the All India Trinamool Congress (AITMC), a regional party. Despite the fact that the AITMC was facing a two term anti-incumbency, the AITMC seat count hit an all-time high. Few had seen this coming as evinced by the fact that AITMC’s performance exceeded forecasts made by most pollsters. What should investors make of the BJP’s loss in this key state? Was it a backlash against Modi’s handling of the pandemic? Does it portend a change of government and national policy in the general elections in 2024? Not really. Here we highlight three key takeaways: Takeaway #1: The BJP’s performance was noteworthy Chart 14India: BJP Gets Foot In Door In West Bengal China Verges On Overtightening China Verges On Overtightening Whilst the BJP fell short of its goals in West Bengal, the state is not a BJP stronghold. The BJP is known to have natural traction in Hindi-speaking regions of India and West Bengal is a non-Hindi speaking state where the BJP was traditionally seen as an outsider. Also, this state is known to be unusually unwilling to accept change. For instance, before AITMC, the Left was in power for a record spell of 34 years in this state. In such a setting, the BJP’s performance in 2021 in West Bengal is noteworthy: the party increased its seat count to 77 seats, compared to only 3 seats in 2016 (Chart 14). This performance now catapults the BJP into becoming the key opposition party in West Bengal. It also indicates that the BJP may take time but has what it takes to build traction in states that are not traditional strongholds. Given that it achieved this feat in a state where it has little historic strength, its performance is noteworthy as a sign that the BJP remains a force to be reckoned with. Takeaway #2: The BJP’s popularity slipped but it is still favored to retain power in 2024 Whilst discontent against the BJP is rising on account of its poor handling of COVID-19 and the accompanying economic distress, there remains no viable alternative to the BJP at the national level. The recent state elections, not only in West Bengal, confirm that the opposition Indian National Congress (INC) is yet to get its act in order. The Congress party collapsed from 44 seats in Bengal to 0 seats. More importantly, the Congress is yet to resolve two critical issues, i.e. the need to appoint or elect an internal leader with mass appeal, and the need to develop an identifiable policy agenda. The weakness of the Congress means that while the BJP’s seat count could diminish as against its 2019 peak performance, nevertheless our base-case scenario for 2024 remains that of a BJP-led government maintaining power in India. Policy continuity and the chance of some structural reform are still the base case. Takeaway #3: The rise and rise of India’s regional parties The rise of the BJP over the last decade has coincided with losses in seats by both the Congress party and India’s regional parties. However, the most recent round of state elections signals that the BJP cannot compress regional parties’ seat share drastically. For instance, in West Bengal, it managed to win 77 seats by itself but this was not at the expense of the AITMC, which is the dominant player in this state. In another large state where elections were held earlier this month, i.e. Tamil Nadu, control continues to fluctuate between two well-entrenched regional parties. Chart 15India: BJP Peaked In 2019 But Still Favored 2024 China Verges On Overtightening China Verges On Overtightening The 2019 general elections saw the share of regional parties (defined as all parties excluding the BJP and Congress) fall to 35% from the near 40% levels seen at the general elections of 2014 (Chart 15). The 2024 elections could in fact see regional parties’ seat share move up a notch as the BJP’s peak seat count could diminish from the highs of 2019. The coming rise of India’s regional parties is a trend rooted in a simple dynamic. With the BJP as a two-term incumbent in the 2024 elections, voters could choose to gratify regional parties at the margin, in the absence of any alternative to the BJP at the national level. The BJP remains in a position to be the single largest party in India in 2024 with a seat count in excess of the half-way mark. But could a situation arise where the ruling party pulls in a regional party to stay ahead of the half-way mark with a large buffer? Absolutely. But of course 2024 is a long way away. Managing COVID-19 and its economic fallout will make it harder than otherwise for the BJP to beat its 2019 performance. The next bout of key state elections in India are due in February 2022 and India’s largest state, Uttar Pradesh, will see elections. With the BJP currently in power in this Hindi-speaking state, the February 2022 elections will shed more light on BJP’s ability to mitigate the anti-incumbency effect of the pandemic and economic shock. Bottom-Line: BJP’s popularity in India has been shaken but not dramatically so. The BJP remains firmly in a position to be the single largest party in India with a seat count that should cross the half-way mark in 2024. So government stability is not a concern in this emerging market for now. In light of China’s domestic political risks, and India’s political continuity, we will maintain our India trades for the time being (Charts 16A and 16B). However, we are undertaking a review of India as a whole and will update clients with our conclusions in a forthcoming special report. Chart 16AStay Long Indian Bonds Versus EM Stay Long Indian Bonds Versus EM Stay Long Indian Bonds Versus EM Chart 16BStick To Long India / Short China Stick To Long India / Short China Stick To Long India / Short China Investment Takeaways Maintain near-term safe-haven trades. Close long natural gas futures for a 19.8% gain. Maintain cyclical (12-month) bullish positioning with a preference for value over growth stocks. Maintain long positions in commodities, including rare earth metals, and emerging markets. But be prepared to cut these trades if China overtightens policy according to our benchmarks. For now, continue to overweight Indian local currency bonds relative to emerging market peers and Indian stocks relative to Chinese stocks. But we are reviewing our bullish stance on India. Chart 17Cyber Security Stocks Perk Up Amid Tech Rout Cyber Security Stocks Perk Up Amid Tech Rout Cyber Security Stocks Perk Up Amid Tech Rout Stay long cyber security stocks – though continue to prefer aerospace and defense over cyber security as a geopolitical “back to work” trade. Cyber security stocks perked up relative to the tech sector during the general tech selloff over the past week. The large-scale Colonial Pipeline ransomware cyber attack in the US temporarily shuttered a major network that supplies about 45% of the East Coast’s fuel (Chart 17). Nevertheless the attack on critical infrastructure highlights that cyber security is a secular theme and investors should maintain exposure. Cyber stocks have outperformed tech in general since the vaccine discovery (Chart 18). Chart 18Cyber Security Is A Secular Theme Cyber Security Is A Secular Theme Cyber Security Is A Secular Theme Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Yushu Ma Research Associate yushu.ma@bcaresearch.com Ritika Mankar, CFA Editor/Strategist Ritika.Mankar@bcaresearch.com

Highlights Global Tapering: The Bank of England has joined the Bank of Canada as central banks tapering the pace of bond buying. Markets are now trying to sort out who is next and concluding that it will not be the Federal Reserve, with US employment still well below the pre-pandemic peak. US Treasury yields will continue trading sideways until there is greater clarity on the pace of US labor market improvement, especially after the big downside miss in the April jobs report. US Treasury Curve: We are adding a new recommended US butterfly trade to our Tactical Overlay portfolio, going long the 5-year bullet and short the 2/30 barbell using US Treasury futures. This trade should benefit with US Treasury curve steepening overshooting the pace of past cycles, while offering attractive carry if persistent Fed dovishness slows the cyclical transition to a bear-flattening curve regime. Feature Heading into 2021, one of our key investment themes for the year was that no major central bank would shift to a less dovish monetary policy stance before the Fed. Not even five months into the year, our theme has already been proven incorrect. Last week, the Bank of England (BoE) announced a slower pace of its asset purchases, following a similar tapering decision by the Bank of Canada (BoC) last month. Chart of the WeekUS Jobs Recovery Lagging, Despite Vaccine Success Who Tapers Next? Who Tapers Next? We had assumed that no central bank could tolerate the currency strength that would inevitably occur by tapering ahead of the Fed. That was clearly not the case in Canada, and the Canadian dollar has already appreciated 4.6% versus the greenback since the BoC taper announcement April 21. The British pound also rallied solidly against both the US dollar and euro immediately after the BoE taper announcement last week. Markets are beginning to speculate on future taper candidates, like the Reserve Bank of New Zealand (RBNZ), with the New Zealand dollar being one of the strongest currencies in the G10 versus the US dollar since the end of March (+4.4%). Investors had been debating the possibility that the Fed could begin tapering sometime in the second half of 2020, largely based on what has to date been a successful US vaccination campaign. Yet while that led to optimism that the US economy can quickly reopen and return to normal, the fact remains that the recovery in US employment from the COVID shock has lagged other major economies (Chart of the Week). The big downside miss on the April US payrolls report highlights how the Fed can be patient before joining the tapering club. US Treasury yields are likely to continue trading sideways, and the US dollar will trade soft, until markets can sort out the true state of US labor demand versus supply. Which Central Bank Could Follow The BoC And BoE? Back in March, we published a report that discussed what we called the “pecking order of global liftoff”.1 We looked at how interest rate markets were pricing in an increasingly diverse path out of the coordinated global monetary easing enacted last year during the COVID recession (Chart 2). We looked at both the timing of “liftoff” (the first rate hike) and the pace of hikes afterward to the end of 2024. We then ranked the countries by the market-implied timing of liftoff. Chart 2Sorting Out The Relative Hawks & Doves Among Global CBs Sorting Out The Relative Hawks & Doves Among Global CBs Sorting Out The Relative Hawks & Doves Among Global CBs At the time, overnight index swap (OIS) curves were discounting the earliest liftoff from the RBNZ (June 2022) and BoC (August 2022). The Fed was expected to hike in January 2023, followed by the BoE in June 2023 and Reserve Bank of Australia (RBA) in July 2023. The European Central Bank (ECB) and Bank of Japan (BoJ) were the laggards, with no rate hiked discounted until September 2023 and February 2025, respectively. In terms of the pace of rate hikes after liftoff through 2024, our list was broken into two groups. The more aggressive central banks were expected to be the BoC (+175bps), RBA (+156bps), RBNZ (+140bps) and the Fed (+139bps). Much smaller amounts of rate hikes were anticipated from the BoE (+63bps), ECB (+25bps) and BoJ (+9bps). In the two months since our March report, the market timing of liftoff, and the pace of subsequent hikes, has shifted for all those countries (Table 1). The BoC is now expected to move in September 2022, ahead of the RBNZ (October 2022). In 2023, the Fed is now priced for liftoff in March 2023, followed by the BoE and RBA (both in July 2023). The ECB liftoff date is little changed (now August 2023), while the market has dramatically pushed out the timing of any BoJ hike (now November 2025). The cumulative rate hikes through 2024 are moderately lower for all countries except Australia (a reduction in total tightening of 56bps). Table 1The Fed Is Sliding Down The “Pecking Order Of Liftoff” List Who Tapers Next? Who Tapers Next? What is interesting about these changes is that the market has pulled forward the timing of liftoff for the BoE and RBA, while pushing it out for the BoC, RBNZ, BoJ and, most importantly, the Fed. The Fed is now drifting down the “pecking order” for liftoff, expected to lift rates only a couple of months before the BoE or RBA. This is a major change from previous monetary policy cycles, when the Fed would typically be a first mover when it comes to tightening policy. Chart 3The Momentum Of Global QE Has Already Been Slowing The Momentum Of Global QE Has Already Been Slowing The Momentum Of Global QE Has Already Been Slowing While the BoC and BoE decisions to taper quantitative easing (QE) have garnered the headlines, the pace of global central bank balance sheet expansion had already peaked at the start of 2021 (Chart 3). The pace has slowed most dramatically in Canada and the US, but this was a result of certain emergency programs expiring – most notably the Fed’s corporate bond buying vehicles late last year and the BoC’s short-term repo facilities more recently. Greater financial market stability was the reason cited to end those programs, while still leaving government bond QE buying in place unchanged. The year-over-year pace of global QE was set to slow, simply from less favorable comparisons to 2020 after the surge in central bank balance sheet expansion last year. Yet now we are starting to see actual tapering of government bond purchases from some central banks. Is such “early tightening” warranted? Back in that same March report where we discussed the order of global liftoff, we gave our assessment of the most important factors that could drive central banks to consider a shift to a less dovish stance (like tapering). For the BoC, we cited booming house prices and robust business confidence as reasons the BoC could turn less dovish sooner (Chart 4). For the BoE, we noted a sharper-than-expected recovery in domestic investment and consumer spending, as the locked-down UK economy reopens, as reasons why the BoE could begin to tweak its policy settings. For both central banks, all those indicators were mentioned as factors leading to their decision to taper. For the Fed, we determined that rising inflation expectations and increasing labor market tightness would both be required for the Fed to turn less dovish. Only inflation expectations have reached that goal, with the US Employment/Population ratio still well below the pre-pandemic peak (Chart 5). For the RBA, we looked solely at realized inflation measures, as the RBA has explicitly noted that Australian wage growth must rise sustainably towards 3% - nearly double current levels - before realized CPI inflation could return to the 2-3% target range. For both the Fed and RBA, the necessary conditions for a change in current policy settings have not yet been met. Chart 4What The More Hawkish CBs Are Watching What The More Hawkish CBs Are Watching What The More Hawkish CBs Are Watching Chart 5What The More Dovish CBs Are Watching What The More Dovish CBs Are Watching What The More Dovish CBs Are Watching For the ECB, we noted that realized inflation (and the ECB’s inflation forecasts), along with the Italy-Germany government bond spread as a measure of financial conditions, were the most important indicators to watch before the ECB could consider any move to taper its QE programs (Chart 6). Italian spreads have widened a bit in recent months, while the latest set of ECB economic forecasts still call for headline euro area inflation to remain well south of the 2% target out to 2023. For the BoJ, we simply cited a rise in realized inflation as the only possible development that could lead to a BoJ taper. The BoJ now forecasts that Japanese inflation will not reach the 2% central bank target until at least 2024. So for both the ECB and BoJ, the conditions do not warrant any imminent tapering of bond buying. Chart 6What The Most Dovish CBs Are Watching What The Most Dovish CBs Are Watching What The Most Dovish CBs Are Watching As another way to determine who could taper next, we turn to our Central Bank Monitors, which are designed to measure the pressure on policymakers to ease or tighten monetary setting. All the Monitors have responded to the recovery in global growth and inflation, along with the easing of financial conditions implied by booming markets, over the past year. Yet only the RBA Monitor is calling for tightening (Chart 7), indicating that the RBA’s current focus on only wages and realized inflation is a departure from their behavior in the past. The Fed and BoE Monitors have risen to the zero line, suggesting no further pressure to ease policy but no tightening is needed either. The ECB, BoJ and RBNZ Monitors are all close, but just below, the zero line, suggesting diminishing need for more monetary stimulus (Chart 8). Chart 7Bond Yields Have Moved Ahead Of Our CB Monitors Bond Yields Have Moved Ahead Of Our CB Monitors Bond Yields Have Moved Ahead Of Our CB Monitors Chart 8Yields Overshooting Tightening Pressures Here Too Yields Overshooting Tightening Pressures Here Too Yields Overshooting Tightening Pressures Here Too Based on our assessment of the above indicators, we judge the RBNZ to be the next central bank most likely to taper, sometime in the 2nd half of 2021. We still see the Fed starting to signal tapering later this year, but with actual slowing of US Treasury (and Agency MBS) purchases not occurring until early 2022. The year-over-year momentum of bond yields correlates strongly with the Central Bank Monitors. The rise in global bond yields seen over the past year has exceeded the pace implied by the Monitors. This is unsurprising given how rapidly the global economy has recovered from pandemic-fueled recession in 2020. Supply chain disruptions and surging commodity prices have also given a lift to bond yields via rising inflation expectations, even as central banks have promised to keep rates on hold for at least the next couple of years. Yet purely from a monetary policy perspective, the surge in global bond yields looks to have gone a bit too far, too fast. Bottom Line: Markets are now trying to sort out who will taper next after the BoC and BoE, and have concluded that it will not be the Federal Reserve, with US employment still well below the pre-pandemic peak. US Treasury yields will continue trading sideways until there is greater clarity on the pace of US labor market improvement, especially after the big downside miss in the April jobs report. Bond yields in other developed markets appear to have overshot economic momentum, and a period of consolidation is needed before yields can begin moving higher again. US Treasury Curve: How Much Steepening Left? Chart 9A Pause In The UST Bear-Steepening Trend A Pause In The UST Bear-Steepening Trend A Pause In The UST Bear-Steepening Trend For most of the past year, the primary trend in the US Treasury curve has been one of bear steepening. Longer maturity yields have borne the brunt of the upward pressure stemming from the rapid recovery in US (and global) economic growth from the depths of the 2020 COVID-19 recession. In recent weeks, however, the surge in longer-maturity Treasury yields has stalled, as have the immediate steepening pressures (Chart 9). Purely from a fundamental economic perspective, a steepening Treasury curve is an expected result of the reflationary mix of growth, inflation and monetary policy currently at work in the US. For example, since the 2020 lows, 5-year/5-year forward inflation expectations from the TIPS market have risen 143bps while the ISM manufacturing index surged from a low of 41 to a high of 65 in March of this year (Chart 10). Combine that with the Fed cutting rates to 0% last year, while promising to keep rates unchanged through 2023 and reinforcing that commitment through QE, and it is no surprise to see a steeper US Treasury curve. Chart 10UST Curve Steepening Has Been Driven By Reflation UST Curve Steepening Has Been Driven By Reflation UST Curve Steepening Has Been Driven By Reflation Yet even despite these obvious steepening pressures, the pace of the Treasury curve steepening does seem to be a bit rapid compared to history. In Chart 11, we show a “cycle-on-cycle” analysis, comparing the slope of various US Treasury curve segments (2-year versus 5-year, 5-year versus 10-year, 10-year versus 30-year) to the average of the previous five US business cycles, dating back to the 1970s. The curves are lined up to the start date of the previous recession, with the vertical line in the chart representing that date. Thus, this chart allows us to see how the Treasury curve evolved heading into, and coming out of, economic downturns. Chart 11 shows that the current 2-year/5-year curve, with a steepness of 63bps, is in line with past steepening moves coming out of recession. For the curve segments at longer maturities, the pace of steepening has been much more rapid than in the past. In fact, the current 5-year/10-year slope of 82bps is already above the average past peak level, as is the 10-year/30-year curve of 72bps. If we do the same cycle-on-cycle analysis for the three previous US recessions dating back to 1990, the current curve slopes are more in line with levels seen one year into the economic expansion (Chart 12). During those previous cycles, the curve steepening trend ended around two years into the expansion. This suggests that the current curve steepening could continue into 2022, except for one major difference – the Fed cut rates to 0% very rapidly last year, far faster than in the previous easing cycles. This suggests that additional curve steepening from current levels can only occur through a surge in US inflation. Chart 11Current UST Steepening Has Moved Fast Compared To Past Cycles Current UST Steepening Has Moved Fast Compared To Past Cycles Current UST Steepening Has Moved Fast Compared To Past Cycles Chart 12Can More UST Curve Steepening Occur With A 0% Funds Rate? Can More UST Curve Steepening Occur With A 0% Funds Rate? Can More UST Curve Steepening Occur With A 0% Funds Rate? The slope of the Treasury curve is typically correlated to the level of the nominal fed funds rate, but is even more strongly correlated to the funds rate minus actual inflation, or the real fed funds rate. When the real funds rate is below the natural real rate of interest, a.k.a. r-star, the Treasury curve has historically exhibited its strongest steepening trend. That can be seen in Chart 13, where we show the real fed funds rate (adjusted by US core CPI inflation) compared to the New York Fed’s estimate of r-star. The gap between the two series is shown in the bottom panel, correlating very strongly to the 2-year/30-year Treasury curve slope. Chart 13Curve Steepening Results When Real Rates Are Below R* Curve Steepening Results When Real Rates Are Below R* Curve Steepening Results When Real Rates Are Below R* With the nominal funds rate at zero, that gap between r-star and the real fed funds rate can only widen in a fashion that would support more curve steepening if a) realized US inflation moves higher or b) r-star moves higher. Both outcomes are possible as the US economic recovery, fueled by expanding vaccinations and fiscal stimulus. Both real rates and r-star are much lower in the current cycle than in previous economic recoveries, although the r-star/real funds rate gap appears to be following a more typical path that suggests potential additional steepening pressure (Chart 14). The wild card in this analysis is the Fed itself. If US economic growth and inflation evolve in way that makes it more likely the Fed would have to begin tapering QE and, eventually, signal future rate hikes, the Treasury curve may shift to a more typical bear-flattening trend seen during tightening cycles. We saw an example of that after the release of the March US employment report, where over a million jobs were created in a single month, causing 5-year Treasury yields to jump higher than longer-maturity Treasuries (i.e. curve flattening). Looking ahead, it appears that the US yield curve is more likely to slowly transition to a bear-flattening/bull-steepening regime than continue the bear-steepening/bull-flattening: trend of the past twelve months. One way to position for this is to enter into butterfly curve trades that offer attractive carry or valuation. For that, we turn to our Treasury curve valuation models. We have been recommending a Treasury yield curve trade in our Tactical Overlay portfolio on page 19, going long a 7-year bullet versus going short a 5-year/10-year barbell (Chart 15). This barbell is now very cheap on our models, which measure value by regressing the butterfly spread on the underlying slope of the curve. In this case, the spread between the 5/7/10 butterfly is unusually wide compared to the slope of the 5/10 Treasury curve. According to our model, this butterfly spread discounts nearly 100bps of additional 5/10 steepening, an excessive amount compared to past cycles. Chart 14R* - Real Funds Rate Gap Below Previous Cyclical Peaks R* - Real Funds Rate Gap Below Previous Cyclical Peaks R* - Real Funds Rate Gap Below Previous Cyclical Peaks Chart 15Maintain Our Current 5/7/10 UST Butterfly Trade Maintain Our Current 5/7/10 UST Butterfly Trade Maintain Our Current 5/7/10 UST Butterfly Trade While the valuation is attractive on the 5/7/10 butterfly (Table 2), the carry on this position is a modest 12bps. A butterfly with more attractive carry is the 2/5/30 butterfly. Table 2US Butterfly Strategy Valuation: Standardized Residuals Who Tapers Next? Who Tapers Next? Table 3US Butterfly Strategies: Carry Who Tapers Next? Who Tapers Next? Chart 16Enter A New 2/5/30 UST Butterfly Trade Enter A New 2/5/30 UST Butterfly Trade Enter A New 2/5/30 UST Butterfly Trade This butterfly has a neutral valuation (Chart 16) on our model, but offers 35bps of carry - the most attractive among all butterflies involving a 5-year bullet (Table 3). With US Treasury yields, and the Treasury curve slope, likely to remain rangebound for the next few months, going for higher carry trades is an attractive strategy – particularly if used in conjunction with a below-benchmark duration stance, which we still advocate. The 2/5/30 butterfly represents an attractive near-term hedge to that more defensive duration posture. Bottom Line: We are adding a new recommended US Treasury butterfly trade to our Tactical Overlay portfolio, going long the 5-year bullet and short the 2/30 barbell. This trade should benefit with US Treasury curve steepening overshooting the pace of past cycles, while offering attractive carry if persistent Fed dovishness slows the cyclical transition to a bear-flattening curve regime.   Robert Robis, CFA Chief Fixed Income Strategist rrobis@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Please see BCA Research Global Fixed Income Strategy Report, "Harder, Better, Faster, Stronger", dated March 16, 2021, available at gfis.bcaresearch.com. Recommendations The GFIS Recommended Portfolio Vs. The Custom Benchmark Index Who Tapers Next? Who Tapers Next? ​​​​​​​ Duration Regional Allocation Spread Product Tactical Trades Yields & Returns Global Bond Yields Historical Returns

Highlights Duration: Despite last month’s weak employment growth, we continue to expect the economy to reach maximum employment in time for the Fed to lift rates in 2022. Maintain below-benchmark portfolio duration. TIPS: Long-maturity TIPS breakeven inflation rates have returned to levels that are consistent with the Fed’s target. Breakevens are also discounting a very rapid increase in near-term inflation at the front-end of the curve. Investors should take this opportunity to reduce TIPS exposure from overweight to neutral and to close inflation curve flattener and real yield curve steepener positions. Yield Curve: The Treasury curve has transitioned into a bear-flattening/bull-steepening regime beyond the 5-year maturity point, and as such, our recommended yield curve positioning must be re-considered. We recommend that investors position for maximum carry across the yield curve by going long the 5-year bullet and short a duration-matched 2/30 barbell. April Payrolls Shock The Bond Market In the current environment, there is probably nothing more important for US bond investors than keeping a close eye on the monthly employment data. The Federal Reserve has made the first rate hike contingent on a return to “maximum employment”, and bond yield fluctuations reflect the market’s changing assessment of the timing and pace of future Fed rate hikes. Chart 1A Big Miss On Payrolls A Big Miss On Payrolls A Big Miss On Payrolls With that in mind, investors got a shock last Friday when April’s employment report disappointed expectations by one of the widest margins ever. The economy added only 266 thousand jobs to nonfarm payrolls in April while the Bloomberg consensus estimate was calling for 1 million! At present, the market is looking for Fed liftoff in February 2023 (Chart 2). We calculate that monthly employment growth must average at least 412 thousand for the Fed to reach its maximum employment goal by the end of 2022, in time to lift rates in early-2023 (Chart 1 on page 1). Average monthly employment growth of at least 698 thousand is required to hit the Fed’s maximum employment target by the end of this year.1   Chart 2Market Priced For Liftoff In February 2023 Market Priced For Liftoff In February 2023 Market Priced For Liftoff In February 2023 The last section of this report (titled “Evidence Of A Labor Shortage In The April Payrolls Report”) explores possible reasons for the weaker-than-expected employment data and concludes that payroll growth will be stronger in the second half of this year. We continue to expect that the economy will reach maximum employment in time for the Fed to lift rates in 2022, and as such, we advise bond investors to maintain below-benchmark portfolio duration. Peak Inflation Last week, we downgraded our allocation to TIPS from overweight to neutral and closed two yield curve positions – an inflation curve flattener and a real yield curve steepener – that had been in place since April 2020.2 We made these moves for two reasons: There is a good chance that realized inflation won’t match the aggressive expectations that are already discounted in the front-end of the inflation curve. Long-maturity TIPS breakeven inflation rates are now consistent with the Fed’s target. In other words, they can’t rise much further without the Fed acting to bring them back down. On the first point, we continue to expect that inflation will be relatively strong between now and the end of the year, but the market has already more than priced-in this outcome. The 1-year CPI swap rate is currently 3.18% and the 2-year CPI swap rate sits at 2.99% (Chart 3). Even if we assume that core CPI increases by a robust +0.2% per month going forward, that will only cause 12-month core CPI inflation to reach 2.29% by the end of this year (Chart 4). Chart 3An Inflation Snapback Is Priced In An Inflation Snapback Is Priced In An Inflation Snapback Is Priced In Chart 4Inflation In 2021 Inflation In 2021 Inflation In 2021 Chart 5TIPS Are Very Expensive TIPS Are Very Expensive TIPS Are Very Expensive To further that point, this week we unveil our new TIPS Breakeven Valuation Indicator (Chart 5). The indicator is based on the theory of adaptive expectations – the theory that inflation expectations are formed based on recent trends in the actual inflation data. In essence, the indicator compares the current 10-year TIPS breakeven inflation rate to different measures of inflation and determines whether 10-year TIPS are currently cheap or expensive relative to 10-year nominal bonds. A negative reading indicates that TIPS are expensive, while a positive reading suggests that TIPS are cheap. At present, the indicator sits at -0.88. Historically, when TIPS are this expensive on our indicator there are strong odds that the 10-year TIPS breakeven inflation rate will fall during the next 12 months (Table 1). Table 1TIPS Breakeven Valuation Indicator Track Record Entering A New Yield Curve Regime Entering A New Yield Curve Regime On the second point, we have often noted that a range of 2.3% to 2.5% on long-maturity TIPS breakevens (levels seen during the mid-2000s) is consistent with the Fed’s inflation target. The 10-year and 5-year/5-year forward TIPS breakeven inflation rates haven’t spent much time near those levels during the past decade, but that is starting to change. The 10-year TIPS breakeven inflation rate recently shot up to 2.52%, above the top-end of our target band, while the 5-year/5-year forward TIPS breakeven inflation rate sits near the low-end of the range at 2.34% (Chart 6). Even Fed Chair Powell acknowledged that TIPS breakeven rates are “pretty close to mandate consistent” in the press conference that followed the April FOMC meeting.3 This is not to say that we expect the Fed to pivot quickly towards tightening. However, once the economy reaches maximum employment and the Fed starts to lift rates, the pace of rate hikes will be much quicker if long-maturity TIPS breakeven inflation rates are threatening to break above 2.5%. This puts a long-run ceiling on TIPS breakevens, one that we are quickly approaching. As for our inflation curve flattener and real yield curve steepener positions, neither makes sense unless TIPS breakeven rates continue to rise (Chart 7). Chart 6Long-Maturity Breakevens Are At Target Long-Maturity Breakevens Are At Target Long-Maturity Breakevens Are At Target Chart 7Exit Inflation Curve Flattener And Real Yield Curve Steepener Exit Inflation Curve Flattener And Real Yield Curve Steepener Exit Inflation Curve Flattener And Real Yield Curve Steepener   The cost of inflation compensation is much more volatile at the front-end of the curve than at the long end, which means that the inflation curve tends to flatten when breakevens rise and steepen when they fall. In other words, the inflation curve will not flatten further unless breakevens move higher. While we don’t see room for further inflation curve flattening, we also think that the curve will remain inverted. With the Fed targeting a temporary overshoot of its 2% inflation target, an inverted inflation curve is much more consistent with the Fed’s stated goals than a positively sloped one. As for the real yield curve, it’s easiest to think of a real yield curve steepener as the combination of a nominal curve steepener and an inflation curve flattener. If the inflation curve holds steady, then there is no difference between a real yield curve steepener and a nominal yield curve steepener. On that note, the next section of this report discusses why the case for a nominal yield curve steepener is also starting to break down. Bottom Line: Long-maturity TIPS breakeven inflation rates have returned to levels that are consistent with the Fed’s target. Breakevens are also discounting a very rapid increase in near-term inflation at the front-end of the curve. Investors should take this opportunity to reduce TIPS exposure from overweight to neutral and to close inflation curve flattener and real yield curve steepener positions. Nominal Treasury Curve: Pick Up Carry In Bullets The average yield on the Bloomberg Barclays Treasury Master Index troughed on August 4th 2020 and rose by 92 basis points until it peaked on April 2nd. The Treasury curve steepened dramatically during that period, with increases in the 10-year and 30-year yields far outpacing the rise in the 5-year yield (Table 2). Table 2Treasury Yield Changes Since The August 2020 Trough Entering A New Yield Curve Regime Entering A New Yield Curve Regime But the shape of the yield curve has behaved differently since yields peaked on April 2nd. The average index yield is down 11 bps since then, but the decline has been led by the 5-year while the 10-year and 30-year yields have been relatively sticky. We view this as evidence that, as we edge closer to an eventual rate hike cycle, the yield curve is entering a new regime. This is a natural progression. When rate hikes are only expected to occur far into the future, there will be very little volatility at the front-end of the curve and the yield curve will tend to steepen when yields rise and flatten when they fall. But over time, as we get closer to expected rate hikes, volatility will shift toward shorter and shorter maturities. This will eventually cause the yield curve to flatten when yields rise and steepen when they fall. Chart 8Buy 5-Year Versus 2/30 Buy 5-Year Versus 2/30 Buy 5-Year Versus 2/30 While there is still very little volatility in 1-3 year yields, it looks like the curve beyond the 5-year maturity point has transitioned into a bear-flattening/bull-steepening regime. That is, when yields rise we should expect the 5/30 slope to flatten and when yields fall we should expect the 5/30 slope to steepen. Indeed, we see that a gap has recently opened up between the trends in the 5/30 slope and the Treasury index yield, while the 2/5 slope remains tightly correlated with the level of yields (Chart 8). The big implication of this regime shift is that we should no longer expect our current recommended yield curve position, long the 5-year bullet and short a duration-matched 2/10 barbell, to perform well in a rising yield environment. To profit from rising yields, investors would be better off positioning for a flatter 5/30 curve by going short the 10-year bullet and long a duration-matched 5/30 barbell. However, this is not the strategy we’d recommend for investors who are already running below-benchmark portfolio duration and are thus already exposed to rising yields. The reason is that while we think the market’s current expected fed funds rate path is slightly too dovish, it is not that far from a reasonable forecast. Put differently, we see bond yields as biased higher but the near-term upside could be limited. For this reason, and since we are already exposed to higher yields through our portfolio duration call, we prefer to enter a yield curve position that will profit from an environment of stable yields. That is, a carry trade that offers a large amount of yield pick-up. The best trade in that regard is a position long the 5-year bullet and short a duration-matched 2/30 barbell (Chart 8, bottom panel). This position offers a positive yield pick-up of 31 bps, a nice cushion against the risk of capital losses from further 2/30 steepening. Bottom Line: The Treasury curve has transitioned into a bear-flattening/bull-steepening regime beyond the 5-year maturity point, and as such, our recommended yield curve positioning must be re-considered. We recommend that investors position for maximum carry across the yield curve by going long the 5-year bullet and short a duration-matched 2/30 barbell. Evidence Of A Labor Shortage In The April Payrolls Report Given the well-founded optimism about the pace of US economic recovery (real GDP grew 6.4% in the first quarter after all) it was very surprising that only 266 thousand jobs were added in April. One possible reason for the weak job growth is that a lack of labor supply is holding it back. We explored this issue in a recent report and concluded that there is a lot of evidence to support the claim.4 While it is a bad idea to read too much into any single datapoint, we think it’s likely that the labor shortage played a significant role in April’s poor employment number. At first blush, the industry breakdown of April’s employment report appears to refute the labor shortage narrative. For example, the Leisure & Hospitality sector added 331 thousand jobs on the month, by far the most of all the industry groups (Table 3). This is interesting because the Leisure & Hospitality sector – primarily restaurants and bars – is a close-contact service industry with low average wages, the exact sort of industry where we would expect to see evidence of a labor shortage. Table 3Employment By Industry Entering A New Yield Curve Regime Entering A New Yield Curve Regime But we don’t think strong Leisure & Hospitality job growth refutes the labor shortage narrative. For one thing, while +331k is a lot of new jobs in a single month, it could have been a lot more. The third column of Table 3 shows that the Leisure & Hospitality industry is still 2.8 million jobs short of where it was prior to COVID. Further, other indicators within the Leisure & Hospitality sector clearly point toward a lack of labor supply. The Job Openings Rate is much higher in the Leisure & Hospitality sector than in the economy as a whole (Chart 9) and Leisure & Hospitality wages have grown much more quickly during the past few months (Chart 9, bottom panel). It seems highly likely that Leisure & Hospitality job growth would be stronger if not for supply side constraints. More generally, economy-wide measures of labor demand have recovered much more quickly than the actual employment data (Chart 10). The job openings rate and the NFIB Jobs Hard To Fill survey have both surpassed their pre-COVID peaks, and more households describe jobs as “plentiful” than as “hard to get”. The one outlier is the unemployment rate which, after controlling for furloughed workers, has barely budged off its peak (Chart 10, bottom panel). This points strongly to labor supply being the limiting factor, not demand. Chart 9Leisure & Hospitality Wages Are Accelerating Leisure & Hospitality Wages Are Accelerating Leisure & Hospitality Wages Are Accelerating Chart 10Evidence Of A Labor Shortage Evidence Of A Labor Shortage Evidence Of A Labor Shortage   Bottom Line: There is a lot of evidence that a lack of labor supply is holding back job growth. However, we expect that supply constraints will be cleared up relatively soon as widespread vaccination makes people more comfortable re-entering the labor force, and as expanded unemployment benefits lapse. We expect that job growth will be much stronger in the second half of 2021 and into 2022.   Ryan Swift US Bond Strategist rswift@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 We define maximum employment as an unemployment rate of 4.5% and a labor force participation rate equal to its pre-COVID level of 63.3%. 2 Please see US Bond Strategy Weekly Report, “Negative Oil, The Zero Lower Bound And The Fisher Equation”, dated April 28, 2020. 3 https://www.federalreserve.gov/mediacenter/files/FOMCpresconf20210428.p… 4 Please see US Bond Strategy Weekly Report, “Making Money In Municipal Bonds”, dated April 27, 2021. Fixed Income Sector Performance Recommended Portfolio Specification

Highlights The modern-day version of the Phillips curve posits that core inflation is determined by long-term inflation expectations and the amount of slack in the economy. In practice, using the Phillips curve to forecast inflation is complicated by uncertainty over: 1) the true size of the output gap; 2) the degree to which changes in the output gap affect inflation; and 3) the drivers of long-term inflation expectations. While economists should be humble in forecasting inflation trends, the bulk of the evidence suggests that core inflation will remain subdued for the next two-to-three years. However, when inflation eventually does begin to rise, it could happen faster and more forcefully than expected. For the time being, inertia in inflation expectations will allow the Fed and other central banks to maintain a highly accommodative monetary stance. This will keep a lid on bond yields, while fueling further gains in equity prices. Today’s goldilocks environment will give way to a period of stagflation in the second half of the decade, however.  The Phillips Curve: Flat… For Now It has become fashionable to criticize the Phillips curve. The reason is understandable: Wild swings in the unemployment rate over the past few decades have failed to translate into meaningful changes in inflation. As we argue in this report, however, it is too early to write off the Phillips curve. Perhaps not today, perhaps not tomorrow, but at some point, it will come roaring back. Investors need to be on guard for when it happens. Conceptually, the modern-day version of the Phillips curve posits that core inflation is a function of long-term inflation expectations and the amount of slack in the economy. Mathematically, it can be written as: Dissecting The Phillips Curve Dissecting The Phillips Curve   Where πt is core inflation at time t, πe is expected long-term inflation, y is GDP, ȳ is the potential (or “full employment”) level of GDP, and α is a parameter specifying how sensitive inflation is to changes in the output gap, yt – ȳt. A positive output gap implies that output is above potential while a negative gap implies output is below potential. The equation reveals three sources of uncertainty about inflation: 1) the true size of the output gap; 2) the degree to which changes in the output gap affect inflation; and 3) the drivers of long-term inflation expectations. Let’s examine all three sources of uncertainty in order to gauge where the balance of risks to inflation lie over the coming months and years.   1. What Is The Current Size Of The Output Gap? Chart 1Prime-Age Employment-To-Population Ratios Remain Below Pre-Pandemic Levels Prime-Age Employment-To-Population Ratios Remain Below Pre-Pandemic Levels Prime-Age Employment-To-Population Ratios Remain Below Pre-Pandemic Levels The short answer is that no one knows. The employment-to-population ratio in the OECD for workers between the ages of 25-to-54 was still more than two percentage points below pre-pandemic levels as of the end of last year (Chart 1). The labor market has tightened since then, especially in the US. However, even if US payrolls rise by 1 million in April as per Bloomberg consensus estimates, total employment would still be down 4.7% from January 2020. Admittedly, other data point to a much tighter labor market. US small businesses surveyed by the NFIB have been reporting grave difficulty in finding qualified workers (Chart 2). The job openings rate is at an all-time high, while the quits rate is near pre-pandemic levels (Chart 3). Chart 2US: Temporary Labor Shortage (I) US: Temporary Labor Shortage (I) US: Temporary Labor Shortage (I) Chart 3US: Temporary Labor Shortage (II) US: Temporary Labor Shortage (II) US: Temporary Labor Shortage (II)     How does one square widespread stories of labor shortages with the fact that total employment remains depressed? A pessimistic interpretation is that the pandemic pushed up structural unemployment. We are skeptical of this thesis. A similar narrative was invoked shortly after the Great Recession to justify tighter fiscal policy and an early start to rate hikes. In the end, not only did the unemployment rate return to pre-GFC levels, but it dropped to a 50-year low. A more plausible explanation is that many service sector workers are currently reluctant to re-enter the labor market due to lingering fears about the pandemic, and in some cases, the need to remain home to look after young children studying remotely. In addition, generous unemployment benefits – which for more than half of US workers exceed their take-home pay – have reduced the incentive to work. Expanded unemployment benefits will expire in September. As the pandemic winds down and schools fully reopen, more workers will rejoin the labor force. Bottom Line: Temporary dislocations are curbing labor supply. However, the level of employment will probably not return to its pre-pandemic trend for another 12 months in the US. It will take even longer to get back to full employment in the euro area and Japan. 2. How Do Changes In The Output Gap Affect Inflation? The Phillips curve was reasonably steep between the mid-1960s and mid-1980s. As such, a falling output gap generally corresponded to rising inflation and vice versa. The result was a series of “clockwise spirals” in inflation-unemployment space, as illustrated in Charts 4A & 4B. Chart 4AThe Phillips Curve Was Steep In The 1960s-1980s Dissecting The Phillips Curve Dissecting The Phillips Curve Chart 4BThe Phillips Curve Has Been Flat In Recent Decades Dissecting The Phillips Curve Dissecting The Phillips Curve Starting in the 1990s, the Phillips curve flattened out. By the time of the Great Recession, the slope of the curve was indistinguishable from zero. Will the Phillips curve remain flat? Over the next two years, the answer is probably yes. However, looking beyond then, it is likely to re-steepen again. Chart 5 shows that the “wage version” of the Phillips curve never became very flat. Even after the mid-1980s, there was still a consistently strong negative correlation between wage growth and the unemployment rate. Chart 5The Wage Version Of The Phillips Curve Is Alive And Well The Wage Version Of The Phillips Curve Is Alive And Well The Wage Version Of The Phillips Curve Is Alive And Well Chart 6Inflation Started Accelerating Quickly Only When Unemployment Reached Very Low Levels In The 1960s Inflation Started Accelerating Quickly Only When Unemployment Reached Very Low Levels In The 1960s Inflation Started Accelerating Quickly Only When Unemployment Reached Very Low Levels In The 1960s Inflation Started Accelerating Quickly Only When Unemployment Reached Very Low Levels In The 1960s Inflation Started Accelerating Quickly Only When Unemployment Reached Very Low Levels In The 1960s   Why, then, did stronger wage growth fail to translate into rising price inflation over the past three decades? To a large extent, the answer is that the Fed began to hike interest rates every time the labor market showed signs of overheating. Higher rates, in turn, led to asset busts. During the 1991 recession, it was the commercial real estate bust; in 2001, it was the dotcom bust; and in 2008, it was the housing bust. All three asset busts led to recessions and higher unemployment before wage growth could seep into inflation. What is different this time is that the Fed is a lot more patient. This means that the economy may eventually overheat to a degree not seen in recent history. How long will that take? Probably a few more years. Consider the case of the 1960s. The unemployment rate was at or below its full employment level for four straight years before inflation took off in 1966 (Chart 6). The shortage of workers spawned a major wage-price spiral. Workers demanded higher wages in response to rising prices, which forced firms to further lift prices in order to defend profit margins. Chart 7US Wage Barometers Disaggregated US Wage Barometers Disaggregated US Wage Barometers Disaggregated The US is nowhere near that point now. While some measures of wage growth have accelerated, this mainly reflects a “composition bias” in the way wage indices are constructed. The pandemic led to significant job losses in low-wage sectors such as retail and hospitality, which skewed the calculation of average hourly wages and median weekly earnings to the upside. Cleaner measures of wage growth, such as the Employment Cost Index or the Atlanta Fed Wage Tracker, have been fairly stable over the course of the pandemic1 (Chart 7). Bottom Line: There is good reason to think that the Phillips curve is “kinked”, meaning that inflation might not rise much until the labor market has severely overheated. For now, no major economy is near the kink.   3. Will Long-Term Inflation Expectations Stay Well Anchored? One of the distinguishing features of the clockwise spirals in Chart 4 is that they trace out a series of “higher highs” and “higher lows” for inflation during the period between the mid-1960 and early-1980s. In essence, what happened back then was that inflation would rise, prompting the Fed to step on the brakes ever so gingerly. Inflation would then decline modestly, but not by enough to bring it back to its original level. The “stickiness” of inflation during that era highlights the importance of inflation expectations. In the context of the Phillips curve, a change in long-term inflation expectations could, at least theoretically, affect realized inflation independent of what happens to the output gap. In practice, however, the size of the output gap is likely to influence inflation expectations and vice versa. A persistently positive output gap will cause inflation to consistently exceed its long-term expected value. As Milton Friedman and Edmund Phelps pointed out more than four decades ago, this will eventually prompt businesses and the public to revise up their expectations of inflation. Unless the central bank lifts interest rates by enough, a rise in inflation expectations could spur people to increase spending in advance of higher prices. This could cause the economy to further overheat, leading to even higher inflation expectations. In other words, a positive output gap could lead to higher inflation expectations, and higher inflation expectations, in turn, could push aggregate demand even further above potential. Suppose that people jettison the expectation of a stable long-term inflation rate and adopt an “adaptive” approach whereby they assume that inflation this year simply will be what it was last year. This is equivalent to replacing πe in the Phillips curve equation with πt-1, yielding:   Dissecting The Phillips Curve Dissecting The Phillips Curve This is the “accelerationist” version of the Phillips curve. It says that the output gap determines the change in inflation rather than the level of inflation. With an accelerationist Phillips curve, inflation can increase without bound if the central bank tries to keep output above its potential level. The transition to an accelerationist Phillips curve appears to have happened in the 1970s. As my colleague Jonathan Laberge has argued, and as recent empirical work has emphasized, changes in inflation expectations generally have a larger impact on realized inflation than changes in the output gap. In particular, it is difficult to explain the Volcker disinflation solely based on the movement in the unemployment rate. Inflation continued to fall even after the unemployment rate peaked in December 1982. The surprising decline in inflation following the recession even prompted two young economists working at the Council of Economic Advisors, Paul Krugman and Larry Summers, to pen a memo entitled “The Inflation Timebomb?” in which they predicted a “significant reacceleration of inflation in the near future”. Chart 8Long-Term Inflation Expectations Remain Well Anchored Today Long-Term Inflation Expectations Remain Well Anchored Today Long-Term Inflation Expectations Remain Well Anchored Today Why did inflation keep falling in the 1980s as the economy recovered? A plausible theory is that Paul Volcker’s appointment to Fed chair marked a “regime shift” in the conduct of monetary policy. No longer would the Fed stand idly by as inflation galloped higher. Even if it took double digit interest rates and a deep recession, the Fed would do what was needed to break the back of inflation. This allowed the accelerationist Phillips curve of the 1970s to transition to its modern-day version characterized by low and stable inflation expectations. What does all this mean for today? Both survey and market-based measures of long-term inflation expectations remain well anchored (Chart 8). Given that inflation expectations have been low and stable for the past few decades, it may take even more overheating than what occurred in the 1960s to unmoor them. Such an unmooring of inflation expectations is not impossible, however. The Fed seems eager to overheat the economy. Fiscal policy is likely to remain highly accommodative long after the pandemic restrictions ease. Meanwhile, as we discussed in an earlier report, many of the structural factors that have suppressed inflation could go into reverse. Bottom Line: Inflation expectations are likely to remain well anchored for the next two years. However, they could become unmoored later on if monetary and fiscal policy remain highly accommodative. Concluding Thoughts There is a lot of concern over inflation these days. We would fade these concerns, at least for the time being. The much-discussed spike in manufacturing input prices is nothing new. The exact same thing happened in 2008 and 2011 (Chart 9). Pundits who hyperventilated about soaring inflation were proven wrong back then and they are likely to be proven wrong again this year. Chart 9Wholesale Inflation Rose (Briefly) In 2008 And 2011 Too Wholesale Inflation Rose (Briefly) In 2008 And 2011 Too Wholesale Inflation Rose (Briefly) In 2008 And 2011 Too Chart 10The Most Refined Measures Of Core Inflation Paint A Benign Picture The Most Refined Measures Of Core Inflation Paint A Benign Picture The Most Refined Measures Of Core Inflation Paint A Benign Picture   The pandemic distorted prices in all sorts of unprecedented ways. This means that looking at standard measures of core inflation may be misleading. It is much better to consider more refined measures of core inflation that go beyond simply stripping out the effects of volatile food and energy prices. Chart 10 shows that trimmed-mean inflation, median price inflation, and sticky price inflation all suggest that underlying inflation remains well contained. Continued low inflation will allow the Fed to maintain a highly accommodative monetary policy. This will keep a lid on bond yields, while fueling further gains in equity prices. When will it be time to worry? When the labor market starts to overheat to the point that a wage-price spiral erupts. As discussed above, that is not a near-term risk. However, such a spiral could occur in two-to-three years, setting the stage for a period of stagflation in the second half of the decade.   Peter Berezin Chief Global Strategist pberezin@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1 Unlike the widely followed average hourly wage series published every month in the payrolls report, the quarterly Employment Cost Index (ECI) does control for shifts in the weights of different industries in total employment. Thus, an increase in the relative number of low-paid hospitality workers would depress average hourly wages, but would not affect the ECI. Nevertheless, the ECI does not control for the possibility that the composition of the workforce within industries may change over time. The Atlanta Fed's Wage Tracker does overcome this bias because it uses the same sample of workers from one period to the next.   Global Investment Strategy View Matrix Dissecting The Phillips Curve Dissecting The Phillips Curve Special Trade Recommendations Dissecting The Phillips Curve Dissecting The Phillips Curve Current MacroQuant Model Scores Dissecting The Phillips Curve Dissecting The Phillips Curve