Mexico

Highlights Spread Product Valuation: Corporate bond spreads don’t look especially cheap relative to average historical levels. But they are far too elevated for the current phase of the economic cycle. Valuations in other spread products are not nearly as attractive. Investors should remain overweight corporate bonds (both investment grade and junk) within U.S. fixed income portfolios. Corporate Defaults: Slowing corporate profit growth during the next 12 months will cause corporate leverage to flatten-off and will lead to a slightly higher default rate than most baseline forecasts suggest. Junk spreads currently offer adequate compensation for the extra default risk, but that cushion will evaporate quickly if spreads tighten during the next few months. Mexican Sovereign Bonds: Mexico’s USD-denominated sovereign debt is attractively priced relative to similarly-rated U.S. corporate credit. U.S. fixed income investors should take the opportunity to add USD-denominated Mexican bonds to their portfolios. Feature Corporate bonds have been on fire since the start of the year. High-yield excess returns have already made back all of their lost ground from 2018, and investment grade credits are on their way (Chart 1). With the Fed’s rate hike cycle on hold and some signs of credit easing in China, the near-term backdrop is amenable to further spread compression. Especially from current elevated levels. Chart 1Corporate Bonds Having A Good Run In 2019 Corporate Bonds Having A Good Run In 2019 Corporate Bonds Having A Good Run In 2019 On the flipside, some indicators of corporate default risk are starting to deteriorate and we can easily envision a more difficult environment for corporate spreads in the second half of this year. Especially if the Fed re-starts rate hikes, as we expect.1 In this week’s report we illustrate the extent of undervaluation in corporate spreads, and also detail our concerns related to budding default risk. We conclude that investors should maintain an overweight allocation to corporate bonds (both investment grade and high-yield) for now, but be prepared to trim exposure once spreads reach more reasonable levels. Finally, we identify an opportunity in USD-denominated Mexican sovereign bonds. Too Cheap For Phase 2 In our Special Report from mid-December that laid out our key themes for 2019, we described how we split the economic cycle into different phases based on the slope of the yield curve (Chart 2).2 We define the three phases of the cycle as follows: Chart 2Expect To Stay In Phase 2 For Most (If Not All) Of 2019 Expect To Stay In Phase 2 For Most (If Not All) Of 2019 Expect To Stay In Phase 2 For Most (If Not All) Of 2019 Phase 1: From the end of the prior recession until the 3-year / 10-year Treasury slope flattens to below 50 bps Phase 2: When the 3/10 slope is between 0 bps and 50 bps Phase 3: From when the 3/10 slope inverts until the start of the next recession Dividing the cycle this way reveals a reliable pattern in corporate bond excess returns versus Treasuries. Excess returns tend to be highest in Phase 1. They tend to be quite low but still positive in Phase 2, and they tend not to turn negative until Phase 3. We argued in December that we are currently in Phase 2 and that we will probably stay there for most, if not all, of 2019. The main reason that excess returns are lower in Phase 2 than in Phase 1 is that corporate bond spreads are much tighter in Phase 2. Most of the cyclical spread compression occurs in Phase 1, in the immediate aftermath of the recession. With that in mind, consider the data presented in Chart 3. The chart shows 12-month breakeven spreads for each corporate bond credit tier as a percentile rank relative to history.3 For example, a percentile rank of 50% means that the breakeven spread has been tighter than its current level half of the time throughout history. Chart 3 also divides the historical data into two samples, showing how breakeven spreads rank relative to the entire history of available data, and also how they rank relative to other Phase 2 periods only. Chart 3 When the full historical sample is considered, only the B-rated and Caa-rated credit tiers have breakeven spreads above their historical medians. However, when we focus exclusively on Phase 2 environments we see that spreads for every credit tier other than Aaa look extremely cheap. Essentially, Chart 3 shows that today’s spread levels are more consistent with periods when the economy is either just exiting or entering a recession. Absent that sort of macro environment, there would appear to be an obvious buying opportunity in corporate bonds. Interestingly, other spread products don’t look nearly as cheap as corporate bonds. Chart 4 shows the same data as Chart 3 but for all non-corporate U.S. spread products with available data prior to 2000. It shows that Agency MBS and Consumer ABS spreads are close to median Phase 2 levels. USD-denominated Sovereign debt looks somewhat cheap. Meanwhile, Domestic Agencies and Supranationals both look expensive. What’s clear is that right now corporate credit offers the most attractive opportunity in U.S. fixed income. Chart 4 Bottom Line: Corporate bond spreads don’t look especially cheap relative to average historical levels. But they are far too elevated for the current phase of the economic cycle. Valuations in other spread products are not nearly as attractive. Investors should remain overweight corporate bonds (both investment grade and junk) within U.S. fixed income portfolios. Default Cycle At A Turning Point?  Another valuation tool in our arsenal is the High-Yield default-adjusted spread. This is the excess spread available in the high-yield index after accounting for expected 12-month default losses. It can also be thought of as the 12-month return earned by the High-Yield index in excess of a position in duration-matched Treasuries, assuming that default losses match expectations and that there are no capital gains (losses) from spread tightening (widening). Expected default losses are calculated using the Moody’s baseline default rate forecast and our own forecast of the recovery rate. Combining the Moody’s baseline default rate forecast of 2.4% and our recovery rate forecast of 45% gives expected 12-month default losses of 1.3%. Those expected default losses are then subtracted from the average High-Yield index option-adjusted spread to get a default-adjusted spread of 274 bps. This is slightly above the historical average of 250 bps (Chart 5). In other words, junk investors are currently being compensated at slightly above average levels to bear default risk. Chart 5A Look At The Default-Adjusted Spread A Look At The Default-Adjusted Spread A Look At The Default-Adjusted Spread Another way to conceptualize the default-adjusted spread is to ask what default rate would have to prevail over the next 12 months for junk investors to earn average historical excess compensation. This spread-implied default rate is denoted by the ‘X’ in the second panel of Chart 5. It is currently 2.8%, slightly above Moody’s baseline expectation. Is The Baseline Default Rate Forecast Reasonable? If we view the Moody’s 2.4% default rate forecast as reasonable, then we should conclude that junk bonds are attractively valued. However, some macro indicators suggest that 2.4% might be too optimistic. Chart 6 shows a model of the 12-month trailing speculative grade default rate based on gross leverage, which we define as total debt over pre-tax profits, and C&I lending standards. Chart 6A Simple Model Of The 12-Month Trailing Speculative Grade Default Rate A Simple Model Of The 12-Month Trailing Speculative Grade Default Rate A Simple Model Of The 12-Month Trailing Speculative Grade Default Rate Gross leverage has improved during the past few quarters as profit growth has outpaced corporate debt growth (Chart 6, panel 2). This has acted to push down the fair value reading from our default rate model. On the other hand, commercial & industrial (C&I) lending standards tightened in the fourth quarter of last year (Chart 6, bottom panel). A net tightening in C&I lending standards is consistent with a higher default rate. Overall, the fair value reading from our default rate model is currently 3.5%, above the current 12-month trailing default rate of 2.6%. For the purposes of valuation, where the default rate will be 12 months from now is more important than where it is currently. To get a sense of where the fair value from our model is headed we need forecasts for corporate profit and debt growth. Profit growth will almost certainly moderate from its current lofty levels (Chart 7). Pressures on revenues and expenses both point in that direction. Total business sales and the ISM Manufacturing PMI have both fallen sharply from their recent highs (Chart 7, panel 2), suggesting lower corporate revenue growth going forward. Meanwhile, wages continue to accelerate (Chart 7, bottom panel). Chart 7Forecasting Profit Growth Forecasting Profit Growth Forecasting Profit Growth Using a model based on nominal GDP growth, wage growth, industrial production and the trade-weighted dollar, if we forecast that nominal GDP growth slows to the same rate as wage growth over the next 12 months, then the model predicts that profit growth will fall into the mid-single digits (Chart 7, top panel). This would be more or less consistent with the recent growth rate in corporate debt, meaning that gross leverage would flatten-off and the fair value reading from our default rate model would stabilize near 3.5%. In summary, if profit growth moderates in line with our expectations during the next 12 months, then it is likely that the corporate default rate will be somewhat higher than the current Moody’s forecast of 2.4%, possibly as high as 3.5%. But even a 3.5% default rate would still translate to a default-adjusted junk spread of 211 bps. Positive compensation for default risk, though less than average historical levels. In that case we would still expect solid positive excess returns from junk bonds. However, it will be important to monitor our default-adjusted spread during the next few months. If junk spreads tighten in the near-term, as we anticipate, then the excess compensation for default risk will evaporate quickly. Bottom Line: Slowing corporate profit growth during the next 12 months will cause corporate leverage to flatten-off and will lead to a slightly higher default rate than most baseline forecasts suggest. Junk spreads currently offer adequate compensation for the extra default risk, but that cushion will evaporate quickly if spreads tighten during the next few months. Buy Mexican Bonds While most spread products have benefited from the Fed’s pause, delivering excellent year-to-date returns. We notice that the spreads on Mexico’s USD-denominated sovereign debt have not tightened alongside other comparable credits (Chart 8). This presents an attractive opportunity. Chart 8Mexican Bonds: An Attractive Opportunity Mexican Bonds: An Attractive Opportunity Mexican Bonds: An Attractive Opportunity When we compare 12-month breakeven spreads between the USD-denominated sovereign debt of different emerging market countries versus the spreads on equivalently-rated U.S. corporate bonds, we see that Mexico has now joined Argentina, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, UAE and Poland as the only countries that offer attractive compensation relative to the U.S. corporate sector (Chart 9). Chart 9 Why has this happened? Our Emerging Markets Strategy service postulates that many investors fear that the new political regime will bring fiscal profligacy, but in fact, the AMLO administration is proving to be less populist and more pragmatic than expected.4 The 2019 budget, for example, targets a primary surplus of 1% of GDP, and envisages a decline in nominal expenditures in 29 out of 56 categories. This commitment to sound fiscal policy should benefit Mexican sovereign bond spreads. More fundamentally, our Emerging Markets strategists note that the Mexican peso is very cheap as measured by the real effective exchange rate based on unit labor costs. This is not surprising given that the peso has been relatively flat versus the dollar during the past two years, despite interest rates being much higher in Mexico than in the U.S. The Mexican 10-year real yield is currently 4.1%, well above real GDP growth which was 2.6% during the past four quarters (Chart 10). Contrast that with the U.S., where the 10-year real yield is a meagre 0.8% versus real GDP growth of 3% during the past four quarters. In other words, interest rate differentials favor a stronger peso, which is positive for USD-denominated sovereign spreads. Chart 10Good Time To Add USD-Denominated Mexican Bonds To A Portfolio Good Time To Add USD-Denominated Mexican Bonds To A Portfolio Good Time To Add USD-Denominated Mexican Bonds To A Portfolio Though the Mexican/U.S. interest rate differential remains wide, it is likely to compress going forward. Elevated Mexican interest rates relative to growth signal that monetary policy is restrictive. A fact that is already evident in decelerating Mexican money supply (Chart 10, bottom panel). Meanwhile, low U.S. real yields relative to GDP suggest that further Fed tightening is necessary before U.S. rates are similarly restrictive. Bottom Line: Mexico’s USD-denominated sovereign debt is attractively priced relative to similarly-rated U.S. corporate credit. U.S. fixed income investors should take the opportunity to add USD-denominated Mexican bonds to their portfolios. Ryan Swift, Vice President U.S. Bond Strategy rswift@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1      Please see U.S. Bond Strategy Weekly Report, “Caught Offside”, dated February 12, 2019, available at usbs.bcaresearch.com 2      Please see U.S. Bond Strategy Special Report, “2019 Key Views: Implications For U.S. Fixed Income”, dated December 11, 2018, available at usbs.bcaresearch.com 3      The 12-month breakeven spread is the spread widening required over the next 12 months for the corporate bond to break even with a duration-matched position in Treasury securities. We use the breakeven spread instead of the average index spread because it takes into account the changing duration of the bond indexes. 4      Please see Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report, “Dissecting China’s Stimulus”, dated January 17, 2019, available at ems.bcaresearch.com Fixed Income Sector Performance Recommended Portfolio Specification

Chart II-1Fiscal Tightening In 2019 Fiscal Tightening In 2019 Fiscal Tightening In 2019 Mexican financial markets have rebounded, outperforming their EM counterparts since mid-December. This outperformance has further upside because the AMLO administration is proving to be less populist and more pragmatic, especially relative to investors’ expectations. We are reiterating our recommendations to overweight Mexican markets, especially the currency, local fixed-income and sovereign credit, within respective EM portfolios due to the following considerations: The 2019 budget is a prime example of sensible rather than populist policies by the AMLO administration. The budget targets a primary surplus of 1% of GDP versus 0.8% of GDP in 2018 (Chart II-1). Notably, the 2019 budget envisages an absolute decline in nominal expenditures in 29 out of 56 categories. Such a restrained budget follows the conservative fiscal policy of the previous administration. In brief, the nation’s fiscal policy and public debt profile remain sound. Public spending will be increased mostly in the areas that are critical to boosting productivity. These include infrastructure spending, vocational training, promoting “financial deepening” and competition, eliminating graft and improving security. These efforts are critical to boosting business confidence, investment and ultimately productivity. On the revenue side, the budget has become much less reliant on oil revenues than before. The share of oil revenues in total government revenues historically hovered around 30%, but in 2018 it declined to 18%. The 2019 budget assumes an average oil price of $55 per barrel, a conservative projection. Investors have also been somewhat alarmed by the 16% hike in minimum wages, but this should be put into historical context. Chart II-2 illustrates that the minimum wage in real terms (deflated by consumer price inflation) dropped by 70% since its peak in 1976, before rising in the recent years. Importantly, Mexico’s competitiveness problem does not stem from high wages but from a lack of productivity gains. Productivity has been stagnant, and wages in real terms have not risen in many years. Hence, the true test for the nation is to raise productivity, not curb wages. Remarkably, the Mexican peso is very cheap, as measured by the real effective exchange rate based on unit labor costs (Chart II-3). Hence, the minimum wage hike can be viewed as payback after decades of dramatic declines in the minimum wage in real terms. Chart II-2Historical Perspective On Minimum Wage Historical Perspective On Minimum Wage Historical Perspective On Minimum Wage Chart II-3The Mexican Peso Is Cheap The Mexican Peso Is Cheap The Mexican Peso Is Cheap   The central bank has overdone it with hiking interest rates: interest rates are currently among the highest of the mainstream EM economies, both in nominal and real terms (Chart II-4). Hence, local rates offer great value relative to other EMs (Chart II-4, bottom panel). Tight fiscal and monetary policies will curb domestic demand and promote disinflation. Money and credit growth remain very sluggish (Chart II-5). This is negative for consumer and business spending, but positive for investors in local currency bonds. Chart II-4High Real And Nominal Interest Rates High Real And Nominal Interest Rates High Real And Nominal Interest Rates Chart II-5Monetary Growth Is Weak Monetary Growth Is Weak Monetary Growth Is Weak   The basis is that a retrenchment in domestic demand and thereby imports will help stabilize the trade balance amid low oil prices. Hence, this is on the margin a positive for the peso as well as for local currency bonds relative to their EM counterparts. Finally, Mexico will benefit from its ties to the U.S. economy, unlike many other EMs that are more exposed to China. Chart II-6Remain Overweight Mexican Currency And Fixed-Income Remain Overweight Mexican Currency And Fixed-Income Remain Overweight Mexican Currency And Fixed-Income Investment Recommendation We continue to recommend overweighting the peso and local currency bonds within an EM fixed-income portfolio. Currency traders should maintain our long MXN / short ZAR trade (Chart II-6, top two panels). Credit market investors should continue to overweight Mexican sovereign credit within an EM credit portfolio (Chart II-6, bottom panel). Finally, we are also reiterating our long Mexico position within an EM equity portfolio. While domestic demand growth and corporate profits will continue to disappoint, the declining risk premium on Mexican assets due to a re-assessment among investors of AMLO’s policies warrants a mild overweight in large caps and a sizable overweight in small caps relative to their EM peers.

Highlights Please note that country sections on Mexico and Colombia published below. The policy stimulus in China could produce a growth revival in the second half of 2019, but there are no signs of an imminent bottom in China’s growth over the next several months. The lack of policy support for real estate is the key difference between the current stimulus program and previous ones. Crucially, the property market holds the key to consumer and business sentiment and hence, their willingness to spend. Continue to overweight Mexico within EM currency, fixed-income and equity portfolios. Colombia warrants a neutral weighting. A new trade: bet on yield curve flattening. Feature China has been undertaking both fiscal and monetary stimulus since last summer. A key question among investors is: At what point will the cumulative effects of these efforts become sufficient to revive the mainland’s business cycle and produce a rally in China-related plays akin to 2016-’17? This report helps investors dissect China’s stimulus, and reviews the indicators that will likely help identify the turning point in the mainland’s business cycle, as well as in China-exposed financial markets. Chart I-1 conveys the main message: Our credit and fiscal spending impulse is still falling, indicating that the slump in the Chinese industrial sector will persist for now with negative ramifications for EM corporate profits and other segments of the global economy that are leveraged to China. Chart I-1 Looking forward, odds are reasonably high that the credit and fiscal spending impulse will bottom sometime in the first half of 2019. Yet, a bottom in China-plays in global financial markets is likely be several months away from now and potential downside could still be substantial. Monetary Stimulus On the monetary policy front, there has been multifaceted easing: Several cuts to banks’ reserve requirement ratios (RRRs) have been implemented; Lower interest rates for SME borrowers and a reduction in funding costs for the banks that originate these loans; The use of preferential liquidity provisions to encourage banks to purchase bonds issued by private companies. Monetary easing in of itself is not a sufficient condition to produce an economic revival. There are two variables standing between easing liquidity/lower borrowing costs, on the one hand, and the performance of the economy on the other: The first one is the money multiplier, which is calculated as a ratio of broad money supply (or banks assets) to excess reserves. It measures the willingness of banks to expand their balance sheets at a given level of excess reserves, assuming there is loan demand. Chart I-2 shows that China’s money multiplier has risen substantially since 2008 but has recently rolled over. A further drop in the money multiplier could offset the positive effect of monetary easing. Chart I-2China: Money Multiplier Is Falling China: Money Multiplier Is Falling China: Money Multiplier Is Falling In other words, the central bank is injecting more liquidity into the banking system and interbank rates are falling, but commercial banks may be unwilling or unable to originate more loans due to financial regulations, lack of loan demand or for other reasons. Notably, the growth rate of bank assets (including policy banks) remains lackluster, while non-bank (shadow) credit is decelerating (Chart I-3). Chart I-3China: Bank Credit And Non-Bank Credit China: Bank Credit And Non-Bank Credit China: Bank Credit And Non-Bank Credit The second variable is the willingness of companies and households to spend. This is captured by our proxies for marginal propensity to spend by companies and consumers. Chart I-4 denotes that both propensity measures are dropping, signifying a diminishing willingness to spend among these two sectors. Chart I-4China: Diminishing Propensity To Spend By Consumers And Companies China: Diminishing Propensity To Spend By Consumers And Companies China: Diminishing Propensity To Spend By Consumers And Companies If economic sentiment among businesses and households remains downbeat – which has been the case in China over the past six to nine months – their reduced expenditures could offset any positive impulse from increased credit origination. Economists think of nominal GDP (aggregate spending) as money supply times the velocity of money (Nominal GDP = Money Supply x Velocity of Money). New lending activity among banks increases money supply, while economic agents’ spending raises the velocity of money. If the velocity of money drops more than the rise in money supply, aggregate expenditure (nominal GDP growth) will decline. Chart I-5 illustrates that the velocity of money rose in 2017, supporting robust growth during this period, despite very lackluster money growth. The opposite phenomenon – a decline in the velocity of money offsetting faster money expansion – could be a risk to the positive view on Chinese growth in 2019. Chart I-5Velocity Of Money: Will It Resume Its Decline? Velocity Of Money: Will It Resume Its Decline? Velocity Of Money: Will It Resume Its Decline? Bottom Line: There is so far no clear evidence that the credit cycle has bottomed. Besides, a bottom in the credit impulse is not in and of itself sufficient to herald an economic recovery. Fiscal Stimulus Unlike in previous easing episodes, policymakers this time around have prioritized fiscal over monetary stimulus because of the already high leverage. In the past six months or so, the government has announced the following fiscal measures: A reduction in the personal income tax rate; Subtraction of certain household expenses from taxable personal income; A reduction in taxes and fees paid by small businesses; A potential VAT cut. These measures will certainly have a positive impact on small businesses and consumer spending. This is why we do not foresee a deepening slump in consumer spending. Nevertheless, the tax reductions and other policies benefiting small businesses and households are unlikely to boost industrial output and construction in China. The latter two are crucial for global investors because many countries are leveraged to China’s industrial and construction activity. For the industrial part of the economy, the most pertinent stimulus measure announced so far has been the issuance of local government special bonds. These bonds are used for infrastructure/public welfare projects. Chart I-6A shows the growth rates of aggregate fiscal spending and its components, which are expenditures by central and local governments as well as by government managed funds (GMFs). GMF spending – a form of quasi-government (off-balance sheet) spending – has surged in recent years and now accounts for 8.5% of GDP, which is more than twice larger than central government spending (Chart I-6B). Chart I-6AChina: Fiscal Spending Annual Growth... China: Fiscal Spending Annual Growth... China: Fiscal Spending Annual Growth... Chart I-6B…And As % Of Nominal GDP chart 6b ...And As % Of Nominal GDP ...And As % Of Nominal GDP Although the 2019 budget has not yet been released – it will be announced in March during the National People's Congress – there have been some announcements that we can use to gauge the potential fiscal spending impulse in 2019. On the positive side, Beijing has recently authorized local governments to begin issuing bonds in early 2019 before the overall budget is released in March. Local governments are sanctioned to issue RMB 810 trillion of special bonds, which is 60% of their 2018 quotas. This contrasts with the previous years' practice, when local governments only started to issue bonds in April after obtaining directives from Beijing. The earlier-than-usual quota authorization will allow local governments to issue bonds from the beginning of the year. There is no timeline as to when these bonds will be issued, but it is safe to assume that their issuance will occur in the first half of 2019. This, in turn, should boost infrastructure investments throughout 2019. On the negative side, government managed funds (GMFs) derive 85% of their revenues from land sales. Land sales are tumbling due to previous credit tightening and scarce access to financing among property developers. Chart I-7 demonstrates that land sales lag the credit cycle by nine months. As developers are no longer acquiring land, GMF revenues and spending are set to shrink over the next 12 months. This will, to a certain degree, offset the augmented special bonds issuance. Chart I-7China: Credit Leads Land Sales And Quasi-Fiscal Spending China: Credit Leads Land Sales And Quasi-Fiscal Spending China: Credit Leads Land Sales And Quasi-Fiscal Spending We performed a simulation on what would be the aggregate fiscal impulse in 2019 using the following assumptions: Central and local government spending growth rates are held constant at 2018 levels. Local government special bond issuance is RMB 1.62 trillion. This is twice the recently authorized quota. Hence, our simulation assumes a 20% increase in local government special bond issuance in 2019 over 2018, respectively. GMF land revenues drop by 25% – a comparable drop in land sales occurred in 2015. Table I-1 reveals that using these assumptions, the fiscal spending impulse in 2019 will be 0.1% of GDP down from 4% in 2018 (Chart I-8, bottom panel). Chart I-   Chart I-8China: Credit And Fiscal Spending Impulse China: Credit And Fiscal Spending Impulse China: Credit And Fiscal Spending Impulse The next step is to combine this with our credit impulse forecast. We assume the 2019 year-end growth rate of credit to companies and households will be 9% in our pessimistic scenario, 10% in our baseline scenario and 11% in our optimistic scenario, compared with the December 2018 recorded rate of 10%. This entails no deleveraging at all. Under these assumptions, our forecasts for aggregate credit and fiscal impulses are 0.2% of GDP (pessimistic), 2.3% (baseline) and 4.4% (optimistic) (Table I-1). Presently, the credit and fiscal impulse is close to zero (Chart I-8). Bottom Line: China’s credit and fiscal spending impulse will bottom in the first half of 2019 (Chart I-8). However, this does not mean that EM/China plays have already bottomed and investors should chase the latest rebound in China-plays worldwide. We discuss the historical correlation between the credit and fiscal impulse and China-related financial markets below. What Is Different From Previous Stimulus Programs? The lack of stimulus targeting the real estate sector is the key difference between the current stimulus programs and those implemented in the past 10 years. The central government has so far abstained from stimulating the property market due to already existing speculative excesses there. This is very different from the policy easing that took place in 2008-‘09, 2012 and 2015-’16, when the authorities boosted property markets along with other sectors of the economy. Chart I-9 reveals that the 2015-‘17 residential property market revival and following boom was facilitated by the Pledged Supplementary Lending (PSL) program conducted by the People’s Bank of China (PBoC) – which was de-facto the outright monetarization of real estate by the central bank.1 The authorities have so far been reluctant to use this PSL program again, and the odds are that housing sales and new construction will continue to decline (Chart I-10). Chart I-9Residential Property Market Is Deteriorating Residential Property Market Is Deteriorating Residential Property Market Is Deteriorating Chart I-10China: Construction Volumes Are Shrinking China: Construction Volumes Are Shrinking China: Construction Volumes Are Shrinking Importantly, the property market holds the key to consumer and business sentiment and, hence, their willingness to spend. The latter is crucial to the growth outlook. Overall, a deepening slump in real estate demand and prices could dent consumer and small business confidence as well as their spending. Meanwhile, shrinking construction volumes will dampen industrial sectors (Chart I-10). Investment Implications: A Replay Of 2016-‘17? How does the credit and fiscal impulse relate to financial markets globally that are leveraged to the Chinese economy? The top two panels of Chart I-11 show our money impulse as well as credit and fiscal spending impulse (CFI), while the bottom two panels contain EM share prices and industrial metals prices. There are a few observations to be made: Chart I-11China: Money And Credit/Fiscal Impulses, EM Stocks And Metals Prices China: Money And Credit/Fiscal Impulses, EM Stocks And Metals Prices China: Money And Credit/Fiscal Impulses, EM Stocks And Metals Prices First, the CFI has not yet bottomed – i.e., it has not confirmed the upturn in the money impulse. Second, as illustrated in this Chart, the bottoms in the money impulse as well as the CFI in July 2015 preceded the bottom in EM and commodities by six months, and their peaks led the top in financial markets - in January 2018 - by about 15 months. Besides, in 2012-‘13, the rise in both the money impulse and CFI did not do much to help EM stocks or industrial commodities prices. Third, the credit and fiscal impulse leads the global manufacturing PMI by several months as illustrated in Chart I-1 on page 1, as well as mainland’s capital goods imports (Chart I-12). Chart I-12China's Impact On Industrial Goods And Commodities China's Impact On Industrial Goods And Commodities China's Impact On Industrial Goods And Commodities On the whole, investors should consider buying China-related plays only after both the money impulse and the CFI bottom together which has not yet occurred. Besides, even if these indicators rise in tandem, the bottom in China-related financial market plays could be a few months later because these impulses have historically led markets. This is why we believe a final down leg in EM and China-related plays still lies ahead. Typically, the last/capitulation phase in bear markets is considerable and being early can be very painful. Bottom Line: We continue to recommend underweighting/playing EM and China-related risk assets on the short side. Arthur Budaghyan, Senior Vice President Emerging Markets Strategy arthurb@bcaresearch.com Lin Xiang, Research Analyst linx@bcaresearch.com Mexico: Reiterating Our Overweight Stance Mexican financial markets have rebounded, outperforming their EM counterparts since mid-December. This outperformance has further upside because the AMLO administration is proving to be less populist and more pragmatic, especially relative to investors’ expectations. We are reiterating our recommendations to overweight Mexican markets, especially the currency, local fixed-income and sovereign credit, within respective EM portfolios due to the following considerations: The 2019 budget is a prime example of sensible rather than populist policies by the AMLO administration. The budget targets a primary surplus of 1% of GDP versus 0.8% of GDP in 2018 (Chart II-1). Notably, the 2019 budget envisages an absolute decline in nominal expenditures in 29 out of 56 categories. Chart II-1Fiscal Tightening In 2019 Fiscal Tightening In 2019 Fiscal Tightening In 2019 Such a restrained budget follows the conservative fiscal policy of the previous administration. In brief, the nation’s fiscal policy and public debt profile remain sound. Public spending will be increased mostly in the areas that are critical to boosting productivity. These include infrastructure spending, vocational training, promoting “financial deepening” and competition, eliminating graft and improving security. These efforts are critical to boosting business confidence, investment and ultimately productivity. On the revenue side, the budget has become much less reliant on oil revenues than before. The share of oil revenues in total government revenues historically hovered around 30%, but in 2018 it declined to 18%. The 2019 budget assumes an average oil price of $55 per barrel, a conservative projection. Investors have also been somewhat alarmed by the 16% hike in minimum wages, but this should be put into historical context. Chart II-2 illustrates that the minimum wage in real terms (deflated by consumer price inflation) dropped by 70% since its peak in 1976, before rising in the recent years. Chart II-2Historical Perspective On Minimum Wage Historical Perspective On Minimum Wage Historical Perspective On Minimum Wage Importantly, Mexico’s competitiveness problem does not stem from high wages but from a lack of productivity gains. Productivity has been stagnant, and wages in real terms have not risen in many years. Hence, the true test for the nation is to raise productivity, not curb wages. Remarkably, the Mexican peso is very cheap, as measured by the real effective exchange rate based on unit labor costs (Chart II-3). Hence, the minimum wage hike can be viewed as payback after decades of dramatic declines in the minimum wage in real terms. Chart II-3The Mexican Peso Is Cheap The Mexican Peso Is Cheap The Mexican Peso Is Cheap The central bank has overdone it with hiking interest rates: interest rates are currently among the highest of the mainstream EM economies, both in nominal and real terms (Chart II-4). Hence, local rates offer great value relative to other EMs (Chart II-4, bottom panel). Chart II-4High Real And Nominal Interest Rates High Real And Nominal Interest Rates High Real And Nominal Interest Rates Tight fiscal and monetary policies will curb domestic demand and promote disinflation. Money and credit growth remain very sluggish (Chart II-5). This is negative for consumer and business spending, but positive for investors in local currency bonds. Chart II-5Monetary Growth Is Weak Monetary Growth Is Weak Monetary Growth Is Weak The basis is that a retrenchment in domestic demand and thereby imports will help stabilize the trade balance amid low oil prices. Hence, this is on the margin a positive for the peso as well as for local currency bonds relative to their EM counterparts. Finally, Mexico will benefit from its ties to the U.S. economy, unlike many other EMs that are more exposed to China. Investment Recommendation We continue to recommend overweighting the peso and local currency bonds within an EM fixed-income portfolio. Currency traders should maintain our long MXN / short ZAR trade (Chart II-6, top two panels). Chart II-6Remain Overweight Mexican Currency And Fixed-Income Remain Overweight Mexican Currency And Fixed-Income Remain Overweight Mexican Currency And Fixed-Income Credit market investors should continue to overweight Mexican sovereign credit within an EM credit portfolio (Chart II-6, bottom panel). Finally, we are also reiterating our long Mexico position within an EM equity portfolio. While domestic demand growth and corporate profits will continue to disappoint, the declining risk premium on Mexican assets due to a re-assessment among investors of AMLO’s policies warrants a mild overweight in large caps and a sizable overweight in small caps relative to their EM peers. Colombia: Headed Into Another Downtrend The Colombian economy is set to undergo another phase of growth retrenchment: The government is planning to reduce the overall fiscal deficit from 4.5% to 2.4% of GDP by the end of 2019 (Chart III-1). Oil-related revenues make up under 10% of total government revenues, and they are shrinking as both oil production and prices have plunged. Chart III-1Fiscal Policy Will Tighten In 2019 Fiscal Policy Will Tighten In 2019 Fiscal Policy Will Tighten In 2019 As a result, the government should undertake major fiscal cutbacks and hike taxes to achieve the overall budget deficit target of 2.4%. Such substantial fiscal tightening will hurt domestic demand. Regarding the exchange rate, the central bank is pursuing a “hands-off” approach, which is likely to continue. Therefore, the currency is set to depreciate due to the large current account deficit and lack of sufficient foreign funding. Notably, the current account deficit excluding oil is -7% of GDP (Chart III-2, top panel), and the plunge in oil prices and weak domestic demand will cause FDI inflows to drop meaningfully (Chart III-2, bottom panel). Together, this points to further currency depreciation. Chart III-2BoP Dynamics Are Deteriorating BoP Dynamics Are Deteriorating BoP Dynamics Are Deteriorating Meanwhile, the central bank is not in a position to ease policy to offset the impact of fiscal tightening, as a weaker exchange rate historically leads to higher inflation (Chart III-3, top panel). In fact, given core inflation is at the upper end of the central bank’s target range (Chart III-3, bottom panel), a considerable currency depreciation could lead to rate hikes. Raising rates amid weakening growth is a recipe for considerable yield curve flattening. Chart III-3Weaker Currency = Higher Inflation Weaker Currency = Higher Inflation Weaker Currency = Higher Inflation Lending rates remain well above nominal GDP growth, and the banking system is still restructuring following years of a credit boom. Credit growth will remain weak, reinforcing weakness in domestic demand stemming from substantial fiscal tightening. Finally, consumer and business confidence seem to be faltering due to the negative attention surrounding Colombian President Iván Duque Márquez’s policies. The negative terms-of-trade shocks and the imminent fiscal tightening will reinforce worsening sentiment among economic agents. Profound cyclical headwinds to growth indicate that the economy is set to return to a growth recession – a very low but slightly positive growth rate. With respect to investment strategy, we recommend the following: First, we are downgrading this bourse from overweight to neutral within an EM equity portfolio. While overweighting Latin American stocks as a whole within an EM equity portfolio, we believe that Brazilian, Chilean and Mexican share prices offer a better risk-reward profile than Colombian ones (Chart III-4). Chart III-4Colombia Is Unlikely To Outperform LATAM Colombia Is Unlikely To Outperform LATAM Colombia Is Unlikely To Outperform LATAM Second, as to sovereign credit investors, we are reiterating an overweight stance because fiscal tightening and monetary policy orthodoxy as well as low government debt levels will help Colombian sovereign credit to outperform. Third, two opposing cross-currents will shape the domestic bond market. On the one hand, weak growth is positive for bonds. On the other hand, currency depreciation is negative. Net-net, investors in local currency government bonds should be slightly overweight or neutral this market within an EM local bond portfolio. For fixed-income investors, we recommend a new trade: position for yield curve flattening (Chart III-5). This is a bet on a considerable growth slowdown amid looming fiscal austerity. Chart III-5Colombia: Bet On Yield Curve Flattening Colombia: Bet On Yield Curve Flattening Colombia: Bet On Yield Curve Flattening Andrija Vesic, Research Analyst andrijav@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1      Please see Emerging Markets Strategy Special Report "China Real Estate: A Never-Bursting Bubble?" dated April 6, 2018, available on ems.bcaresearch.com   Equity Recommendations Fixed-Income, Credit And Currency Recommendations

Highlights So What? Global divergence will persist beyond the near term. Why? China’s stimulus will be disappointing unless things get much worse. U.S.-China trade war will reignite and strategic tensions will continue. European risks are limited short-term, but will surge without reform. U.S. assets will outperform; oil and the yen will rise; the pound is a long-term play; EM pain will continue. Feature The year 2019 will be one of considerable geopolitical uncertainty. Three issues dominate our Outlook, with low-conviction views on all three questions: Question 1: How much will China stimulate? Question 2: Will the trade war abate? Question 3: Is Europe a Black Swan or a Red Herring? U.S. Outperformance Should Be Bullish USD U.S. Outperformance Should Be Bullish USD The main story in 2018 was policy divergence. American policymakers ramped up stimulus – both through the profligate tax cuts and fiscal spending – at the same time that Chinese policymakers stuck to their guns on de-levering the economy. The consequence of this policy mix was that the synchronized global recovery of late 2016 and 2017 evolved into a massive outperformance by the U.S. economy (Chart 1). The Fed responded to the bullish domestic conditions with little regard for the global economy, causing the DXY to rally from a 2018 low of 88.59 in February to 97.04 today. Fiscal Conservatism Melts Away Fiscal Conservatism Melts Away Republicans Change Their Minds When In Power Republicans Change Their Minds When In Power While the policy divergence narrative appears to be macroeconomic in nature, it is purely political. There is nothing cyclical about the ‘U.S.’ economic outperformance in 2018. President Donald Trump campaigned on an economic populist agenda and then proceeded to deliver on it throughout 2017 and 2018. He faced little opposition from fiscal conservatives, mainly because fiscal conservativism melts away from the public discourse when budget deficits are low (Chart 2) and when the president is a Republican (Chart 3). Meanwhile, Chinese policymakers have decided to tolerate greater economic pain in an effort to escape the Middle Income Trap (Chart 4). They believe this trap will envelop them if they cannot grow the economy without expanding the already-massive build-up of leverage (Chart 5). 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge Debt Still Rising Debt Still Rising Geopolitics is not just about “things blowing up somewhere in the desert.” In today’s world, emblematized by paradigm shifts, politicians are more than ever in the driver’s seat. While technocrats respond to macroeconomic factors, politicians respond to political and geopolitical constraints. Few investment narratives last much longer than a year and policy divergence is coming to a close. Will the Fed pause given the turn in global growth? Will China respond with effective stimulus in 2019? If the answer to both questions is yes, global risk assets could light up in the next quarter and potentially beyond. Already EM has outperformed DM assets for a month and some canaries in the coal mine for global growth – like the performance of Swedish economic indicators – signal that the outperformance is real. Global Economic Divergence Will Continue Global Economic Divergence Will Continue 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge We are skeptical that the move is sustainable beyond a quarter or two (Chart 6). As our colleague Peter Berezin has highlighted, the market is pricing less than one hike in 2019 (Chart 7). Regardless, the impact on the U.S. dollar, remains muted, with the DXY at 97.04. This suggests that the backing off that the Fed may or may not have already done is still not enough from the perspective of weakening global growth (Chart 8). Global risk assets need more from the Fed than what the market is already pricing. And with U.S. inflationary pressures building (Chart 9), the BCA House View expects to see multiple Fed hikes in 2019, disappointing investors bullish on EM and global risk assets. Global Growth Leading Indicators Global Growth Leading Indicators Does The Fed Like It Hot? Does The Fed Like It Hot? With our Fed view set by the House View, we therefore turn to where we can add value. To this end, the most important question of 2018 largely remains the same in 2019: How much will China stimulate? Question 1: How Much Will China Stimulate In 2019? bca.gps_sr_2018_12_14_c10 bca.gps_sr_2018_12_14_c10 China is undoubtedly already stimulating, with a surge in local government bond issuance earlier this year and a bottoming in the broad money impulse (Chart 10). M2 is in positive territory. However, the effort can best be characterized as tepid, with a late-year collapse in bond issuance (Chart 11) and a still-negative total social financing (TSF) impulse (Chart 12). TSF is the broadest measure of private credit in China’s economy.   2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge China's Total Credit Is Weak China's Total Credit Is Weak We expect a surge in TSF in Q1, but this is a normal seasonal effect. A typical Q1 credit surge will not be enough to set global risk assets alight for very long, particularly if the market has already priced in as much of a “pause” from the Fed as we are going to get. Investors should specifically focus on new local government bond issuance and whether the “shadow financing” component of TSF gets a bid, since the primary reason for the weakness in TSF over the past year is the government’s crackdown on shadow lending. As Chart 13A & B shows, it was new local government bonds that led the way for stimulus efforts in 2015, followed by a surge in both bank lending and shadow lending in 2016. Don't Focus Just On TSF... Don't Focus Just On TSF... ...But Shadow Financing In Particular ...But Shadow Financing In Particular We would also expect further monetary policy easing, with extra RRR cuts or even a benchmark policy rate cut. However, monetary policy has been easy all year and yet the impact on credit growth has remained muted. This begs two important questions: Is the credit channel impaired? A slew of macroprudential reforms – which we have dubbed China’s “Preemptive Dodd-Frank” – may have impaired the flow of credit in the system. The official policy of “opening the front door, closing the back door” has seen bank loans pick up modestly but shadow lending has been curtailed (Chart 14A & B). This way of controlling the rise of leverage has its costs. For private enterprises – with poor access to the official banking sector – the shadow financial system was an important source of funding over the past several years. Opening The Front Door... Opening The Front Door... ...Closing The Back Door ...Closing The Back Door Is policy pushing on a string? An even more dire scenario would be if China’s credit channel is not technically, but rather psychologically, impaired. Multiple reasons may be to blame: a negative net return on the assets of state-owned enterprises (Chart 15); widespread trade war worries; mixed signals from policymakers; or a general lack of confidence in the political direction of the country. The rising M2/M1 ratio suggests that the overall economy’s “propensity to save” is rising (Chart 16). Old China Is A Zombie China Old China Is A Zombie China Propensity To Save Propensity To Save Why would Chinese policymakers keep their cool despite a slow pickup in credit growth? Are they not concerned about unemployment, social unrest, and instability? Of course, they are. But Chinese policymakers are not myopic. They also want to improve potential GDP over the long run. Table 1China: The Trend In Domestic Demand, And The Outlook For Trade, Is Negative 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge So far, the economy has weathered the storm relatively well. First, eight out of ten of our China Investment Strategy’s housing price indicators (Table 1) are flat-to-up – although it is true that the October deterioration in floor space started and especially floor space sold (Chart 17) is cause for concern. If and when the housing market weakens further, stimulus will be used to offset it, despite the fact that the government is attempting to prevent a sharp increase in prices at the same time. With so much of China’s middle-class savings invested in the housing market, the key pillar of socio-economic stability is therefore real estate. A Possible Clue For China Stimulusr A Possible Clue For China Stimulusr Second, credit has fueled China’s “old economy,” but policymakers want to buoy “new China” (Chart 18). This means that measures to boost consumption and the service sector economy will be emphasized in new rounds of stimulus, as has occurred thus far (tax cuts, tariff cuts, deregulation, etc). This kind of stimulus is not great news for global risk assets leveraged to “old China,” such as EM and industrial metals. Rebalancing Of The Chinese Economy Rebalancing Of The Chinese Economy Third, policymakers are not exclusively focused on day-to-day stability but are also focused on the decades-long perseverance of China’s political model. And that means moving away from leverage and credit as the sole fuel for the economy. This is not just about the Middle Income Trap, it is also about national security and ultimately sovereignty. Relying on corporate re-levering for stimulus simply doubles-down on the current economic model, which is still export-oriented given that most investment is geared toward the export sector. But this also means that China will be held hostage to foreign demand and thus geopolitical pressures, a fact that has been revealed this year through the protectionism of the White House. As such, moving away from the investment-led growth model and towards a more endogenous, consumer-led model is not just good macro policy, it makes sense geopolitically as well. Will the trade war – or the current period of trade truce – change Chinese policymakers’ decision-making? We do not see why it would. First, if the trade truce evolves into a trade deal, the expected export shock will not happen (Chart 19) and thus major stimulative measures would be less necessary. Second, if we understand correctly why policymakers have cited leverage as an “ill” in the first place, then we would assume that they would use the trade war as an excuse for the pain that they themselves have instigated. In other words, the trade war with the U.S. gives President Xi Jinping the perfect excuse for the slowdown, one that draws attention from the real culprit: domestic rebalancing. Trump's Initial Tariffs Soon To Be Felt Trump's Initial Tariffs Soon To Be Felt Bottom Line: Since mid-2018, we have been asking clients to focus on our “Stimulus Overshoot” checklist (Table 2). We give the first item – “broad money and/or total credit growth spike” – a premier spot on the list. If a surge in total credit occurs, we will know that policymakers are throwing in the towel and stimulating in a major way. It will be time to turn super-positive on global risk assets, beyond a mere tactical trade, as a cyclical view at that point. Note that if one had gone long EM in early February 2016, when January data revealed a truly epic TSF splurge, one would not have been late to the rally. Table 2Will China’s Stimulus Overshoot In 2019? 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge Our low-conviction view, at the moment, is that the increase in credit growth that we will see in Q1 will be seasonal – the usual frontloading of lending at the beginning of the year – rather than an extraordinary surge that would signal a policy change. A modest increase in credit growth will not be enough to spark a sustainable – year-long – rally in global risk assets. The Fed has already backed off as far as the market is concerned. As such, a pickup in Chinese credit could temporarily excite investors. But global stabilization may only embolden the Fed to refocus on tightening after a Q1 pause. Question 2: Will The Trade War Abate? The first question for investors when it comes to the trade war is “Why should we care?” Sure, trade policy uncertainty appears to have correlated with the underperformance of global equity indices relative to the U.S. (Chart 20). However, such market action was as much caused by our policy divergence story – being as it is deeply negative for EM assets – as by a trade war whose impact on the real economy has not yet been felt. U.S. Is 'Winning' The Trade War U.S. Is 'Winning' The Trade War Nonetheless, we do believe that getting the trade war “right” is a big call for 2019. First, while the impact of the U.S.-China trade war has been minimal thus far, it is only because China front-loaded its exports ahead of the expected tariffs, cut interbank rates and RRRs, accelerated local government spending, and allowed CNY/USD to depreciate by 10%. A restart of trade tensions that leads to further tariffs will make frontloading untenable over time, whereas further currency depreciation would be severely debilitating for EMs. We doubt the sustainability of the trade truce for three reasons: U.S. domestic politics: The just-concluded midterm election saw no opposition to President Trump on trade. The Democratic Party candidates campaigned against the president on a range of issues, but not on his aggressive China policy. Polling from the summer also shows that a majority of American voters consider trade with China unfair (Chart 21). In addition, President Trump will walk into the 2020 election with a wider trade deficit, due to his own stimulative economic policy (Chart 22). He will need to explain why he is “losing” on the one measure of national power that he campaigned on in 2016. Structural trade tensions: Ahead of the G20 truce, the U.S. Trade Representative Robert Lighthizer issued a hawkish report that concluded that China has not substantively changed any of the trade practices that initiated U.S. tariffs. Lighthizer has been put in charge of the current trade negotiations, which is a step-up in intensity from Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin, who was in charge of the failed May 2018 round. Geopolitical tensions: The G20 truce did not contain any substantive resolution to the ongoing strategic tensions between the U.S. and China, such as in the South China Sea. Beyond traditional geopolitics, tensions are increasingly involving high-tech trade and investment between the two countries and American allegations of cyber theft and spying by China. The recent arrest of Huawei’s CFO in Canada, on an American warrant, will likely deepen this high-tech conflict in the short term. 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge Trade Deficit To Rise Despite Tariffs Trade Deficit To Rise Despite Tariffs Since the G20 truce with Xi, President Trump has seen no significant pickup in approval ratings (Chart 23). Given that the median American voter has embraced protectionism – against China at least – we would not expect any. Meanwhile, U.S. equities have sold off, contrary to what President Trump, or his pro-trade advisors, likely expected in making the G20 decision to delay tariffs. Appeasing China Doesn't Pay Appeasing China Doesn't Pay At some point, President Trump will realize that he risks considerable political capital on a trade deal with China that very few voters actually want or that the U.S. intelligence and defense community supports. Democrats did not oppose his aggressive China policy in the midterm election because they know that the median voter does not want it. As such, it is guaranteed that Trump’s 2020 Democratic Party opponent will accuse him of “surrender,” or at least “weakness.” If, over the next quarter, the economic and market returns on his gambit are paltry, we would expect President Trump to end the truce. Furthermore, we believe that a substantive, and long-lasting, trade deal is unlikely given the mounting tensions between China and the U.S. These tensions are not a product of President Trump, but are rather a long-run, structural feature of the twenty-first century that we have been tracking since 2012.1 Tensions are likely to rise in parallel to the trade talks on the technology front. We expect 2019 to be the year when investors price in what we have called Bifurcated Capitalism: the segmentation of capital, labor, and trade flows into geopolitically adversarial – and yet capitalist in nature – economic blocs. Entire countries and sectors may become off-limits to Western investors and vice-versa for their Chinese counterparts. Countries will fall into either the Tencent and Huawei bloc or the Apple and Ericsson bloc. This development is different from the Cold War. Note our emphasis on capitalism in the term Bifurcated Capitalism. The Soviet Union was obviously not capitalist, and clients of BCA did not have interests in its assets in the 1970s and 1980s. Trade between Cold War economic blocs was also limited, particularly outside of commodities. The closest comparison to the world we now inhabit is that of the nineteenth century. Almost all global powers were quite capitalist at the time, but they engaged in imperialism in order to expand their economic spheres of influence and thus economies of scale. In the twenty-first century, Africa and Asia – the targets of nineteenth century imperialism – may be replaced with market share wars in novel technologies and the Internet. This will put a ceiling on how much expansion tech and telecommunication companies can expect in the competing parts of Bifurcated Capitalism. The investment consequences of this concept are still unclear. But what is clear is that American policymakers are already planning for some version of the world we are describing. The orchestrated effort by the U.S. intelligence community to encourage its geopolitical allies to ban the use of Huawei equipment in their 5G mobile networks suggests that there are limits to the current truce ever becoming a sustainable deal. So does the repeated use of economic sanctions originally designed for Iran and Russia against Chinese companies. President Trump sets short- and medium-term policies given that he is the president. However, the intelligence and defense communities have “pivoted to Asia” gradually since 2012. This shift has occurred because the U.S. increasingly sees China as a peer competitor, for the time being confined in East Asia but with intentions of projecting power globally. To what extent could President Trump produce a trade deal with Xi that also encompasses a change in the U.S. perception of China as an adversary? We assign a low probability to it. As such, President Xi has little reason to give in to U.S. pressure on trade, as he knows that the geopolitical and technology pressure will continue. In fact, President Xi may have all the reason to double-down on his transformative reforms, which would mean more pain for high-beta global plays. Bottom Line: What may have appeared as merely a trade conflict has evolved into a broad geopolitical confrontation. President Trump has little reason to conclude a deal with China by March. Domestic political pressures are not pushing in the direction of the deal, while America’s “Deep State” is eager for a confrontation with China. Furthermore, with President Trump “blinking” on Iranian sanctions, his administration has implicitly acknowledged the constraints discouraging a deeper involvement in the Middle East. This puts the geopolitical focus squarely on China. Question 3: Is Europe a Black Swan or a Red Herring? The last two years have been a dud in Europe. Since the Brexit referendum in mid-2016, European politics have not been a catalyst for global markets, save for an Italy-induced sell-off or two. This could substantively change in 2019. And, as with the first two questions, the results could be binary. On one hand, there is the positive scenario where the stalled and scaled-back reforms on the banking union and Euro Area budget get a shot in the arm in the middle of the year. On the other hand, the negative scenario would see European-wide reforms stall, leaving the continent particularly vulnerable as the next global recession inevitably nears. At the heart of the binary distribution is the broader question of whether populism in Europe is trending higher. Most commentators and our clients would say yes, especially after the protests and rioting in Paris over the course of November. But the answer is more complicated than that. While populists have found considerable success in the ballot box (Chart 24), they have not managed to turn sentiment in Europe against the currency union (Chart 25). Even in Italy, which has a populist coalition government in power, the support for currency union is at 61%, the highest since 2012. This number has apparently risen since populists took over. Anti-Establishment Parties Are Rising... Anti-Establishment Parties Are Rising... ...But Euroskepticism Is A Failed Strategy ...But Euroskepticism Is A Failed Strategy What explains this divergence? Effectively, Europe’s establishment parties are being blamed for a lot of alleged ills, liberal immigration policy first amongst them. However, European integration remains favored across the ideological spectrum. Few parties that solely focus on Euroskepticism have any chance of winning power, something that both Lega and Five Star Movement found out in Italy. Italy’s Deputy Prime Minister Matteo Salvini confirmed his conversion away from Euroskepticism by stating that he wants to “reform the EU from the inside” and that it was time to give the “Rome-Berlin axis” another go.2 Salvini is making a bet – correct in our view – that by moderating Lega’s populism on Europe, he can capture the center ground and win the majority in the next Italian election, which could happen as soon as 2019. As such, we don’t think that the “rise of populism” in Europe is either dramatic or market-relevant. In fact, mainstream parties are quickly adopting parts of the anti-establishment agenda, particularly on immigration, in a bid to recoup lost voters. A much bigger risk for Europe than populism is stagnation on the reform front, a perpetual Eurosclerosis that leaves the bloc vulnerable in the next recession. What Europe needs is the completion of a backstop to prevent contagion. Such a backstop necessitates greatly enhancing the just-passed banking union reforms. The watered-down reforms did not include a common backstop to the EU’s single resolution fund nor a deposit union. A working group will report on both by June 2019, with a potential legislative act set for some time in 2024. What could be a sign that the EU is close to a grand package of reforms in 2019? We see three main avenues. First, a political shift in Germany. Investors almost had one, with conservative Friedrich Merz coming close to defeating Merkel’s hand-picked successor Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer (also known as AKK) for the leadership of the ruling Christian Democratic Union (CDU). Merz combined a right-leaning anti-immigrant stance with staunch pro-European integration outlook. It is unclear whether AKK will be willing to make the same type of “grand bargain” with the more conservative factions of the CDU electorate. However, AKK may not have a choice, with both Alternative for Germany (AfD) and the Green Party nibbling at the heels of the right-of-center CDU and left-of-center Social-Democratic Party (SPD) (Chart 26). The rise of the Green party is particularly extraordinary, suggesting that a larger portion of the German electorate is radically Europhile rather than Euroskeptic. AKK may have to adopt Merz’s platform and then push for EU reforms. Challengers To The Established Parties Challengers To The Established Parties Second, French President Emmanuel Macron may have to look abroad for relevance. With his reform agenda stalled and political capital drained, it would make sense for Macron to spend 2019 and beyond on European reforms. Third, a resolution of the Brexit debacle. The longer the saga with the U.K. drags on, the less focus there will be in Europe on integration of the Euro Area. If the U.K. decides to extend the current negotiating period, it may even have to hold elections for the European Parliament. As such, we are not focusing on the budget crisis in Italy – our view that Rome is “bluffing” is coming to fruition –or a potential early election in Spain. And we are definitely not focusing on the EU Parliamentary election in May. These will largely be red herrings. The real question is whether European policymakers will finally have a window of opportunity for strategic reforms. And that will require Merkel, AKK, and Macron to expend whatever little political capital they have left and invest it in restructuring European institutions. Finally, a word on Europe’s role in the global trade war. While Europe is a natural ally for the U.S. against China – given its institutional connections, existing alliance, and trade surplus with the latter and deficit with the former (Chart 27) – we believe that the odds are rising of a unilateral tariff action by the U.S. on car imports. EU Surplus With U.S. Pays For Deficit With China EU Surplus With U.S. Pays For Deficit With China This is because the just-concluded NAFTA deal likely raised the cost of vehicle production in the trade bloc, necessitating import tariffs in order for the deal to make sense from President Trump’s set of political priorities. The Trump administration may not have the stomach for a long-term trade war with Europe, but it can shake up the markets with actions in that direction. Bottom Line: In the near term, there are no existential political risks in Europe in 2019. As such, investors who are bullish on European assets should not let geopolitics stand in the way of executing on their sentiment. We remain cautious for macroeconomic reasons, namely that Europe is a high-beta DM play that needs global growth to outperform in order to catch a bid. However, 2019 is a make-or-break year on key structural reforms in Europe. Without more work on the banking union – and without greater burden sharing, broadly defined – the Euro Area will remain woefully unprepared for the next global recession. Question 4: Will Brexit Happen? Given the volume of market-relevant geopolitical issues, we have decided to pose (and attempt to answer) five additional questions for 2019. We start with Brexit. Prime Minister Theresa May has asked for a delay to the vote in the House of Commons on the Withdrawal Treaty, which she would have inevitably lost. The defeat of the subsequent leadership challenge is not confidence-inspiring as the vote was close and a third of Tory MPs voted against her. May likely has until sometime in January to pass the EU Withdrawal Agreement setting out the terms of Brexit, given that all other EU member states have to get it through their parliaments before the Brexit date on March 29. The real question is whether any deal can get through Westminster. The numbers are there for the softest of soft Brexits, the so-called Norway+ option where the U.K. effectively gets the same deal as Norway, if May convinces the Labour Party to break ranks. Such a deal would entail Common Market access, but at the cost of having to pay essentially for full EU membership with no ability to influence the regulatory policies that London would have to abide by. The alternative is to call for a new election – which may usher the even less pro-Brexit Labour Party into power – or to delay Brexit for a more substantive period of time, or simply to buckle under the pressure and call for a second referendum. We disagree that the delay signals that the “no deal Brexit,” or the “Brexit cliff,” is nigh. Such an outcome is in nobody’s interest and both May and the EU can offer delays to ensure that it does not happen. Whatever happens, one thing is clear: the median voter is turning forcefully towards Bremain (Chart 28). It will soon become untenable to delay the second referendum. And even if the House of Commons passes the softest of Soft Brexit deals, we expect that the Norway+ option will prove to be unacceptable when Westminster has to vote on it again in two or three year’s time. Bremain Surging Structurally Bremain Surging Structurally Is it time to buy the pound, particularly cable, which is cheap on a long-term basis (Chart 29)? It is a tough call. On one hand, our confidence that the U.K. ultimately has to remain in the EU is rising. However, to get there, the U.K. may need one last major dose of volatility, either in the form of a slow-burn crisis caused by Tory indecision or in the form of a far-left Labour government that tries its own hand at Brexit while pursuing a 1970s style left-wing economic agenda. Can any investor withstand this kind of volatility in the short and potentially long-ish term? Only the longest of the long-term investors can.  Start Buying The Pound Start Buying The Pound Question 5: Will Oil Prices Rally Substantively In 2019? Several risks to oil supply remain for 2019. First, there is little basis for stabilization in Venezuelan oil production, and further deterioration is likely (Chart 30). Second, sectarian tensions in Iraq remain unresolved. Third, supply risks in other geopolitical hot spots – like Nigeria and Libya – could surprise in 2019. Venezuela: On A Downward Spiral Venezuela: On A Downward Spiral The most pressing geopolitical issue, however, is a decision on the Iranian sanction waivers. President Trump induced considerable market-volatility in 2019 by signaling that he would use “maximum pressure” against Iran. As a result, the risk premium contribution to the oil price – illustrated in Chart 31 by the red bar – rose throughout 2018, only to collapse as the White House offered six-month sanction waivers. Not only did the risk premium dissipate, but Saudi Arabia then scrambled to reverse the production surge it had instituted to offset the Iran sanctions. 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge We agree with BCA’s Commodity & Energy Strategy that oil market fundamentals are tight and numerous supply risks loom. We also struggle to see why President Trump will seek to pick a fight with Iran in the summer of 2019. Our suspicion is that if President Trump was afraid of a gasoline-price spike right after the midterm election, why would he not “blink” at the end of the spring? Not only will the U.S. summer driving season be in full swing – a time of peak U.S. gasoline demand – but the 2020 election primaries will only be six months away. Furthermore, it is highly unlikely that OPEC and Russia will do the U.S. president’s bidding by turning on the taps to offset any unforeseen supply losses in 2019. They did not do so even when President Trump asked, very nicely, ahead of the just-concluded Vienna meeting. Once Trump prioritized domestic politics over Saudi geopolitical interests – by backing away from his maximum pressure tactic against Iran – he illustrated to Riyadh that his administration is about as reliable of an ally as the Obama White House. Meanwhile, his ardent defense of Riyadh in the Khashoggi affair, at a cost of domestic political capital, means that he lost the very leverage that he could have used to pressure Saudi Arabia. We therefore remain cautiously bullish on oil prices in 2019, but with the caveat that a big-bang surge in prices due to a U.S.-Iran confrontation – our main risk for 2019 just a few months ago – is now less likely. Question 6: Will Impeachment Become A Risk In 2019? While we have no way to forecast the Mueller investigation, it is undoubtedly clear that risks are rising on the U.S. domestic front. President Trump’s popularity among GOP voters is elevated and far from levels needed to convince enough senators to remove him from power (Chart 32). However, a substantive finding by Mueller may leave the moderate Democrats in the House with no choice but to pursue impeachment. 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge This may rattle the market for both headline and fundamental reasons. The headline reasons are obvious. The fundamental reasons have to do with the looming stimulus cliff in 2020. A pitched battle between the House Democrats and the White House would make cooperation on another substantive stimulus effort less likely and thus a recession in 2020 more likely. The market may start pricing in such an outcome at some point in 2019. Furthermore, sentiment could be significantly impacted by a protracted domestic battle that impairs Trump’s domestic agenda. President Bill Clinton sought relevance abroad amidst his impeachment proceedings by initiating an air war against Yugoslavia. President Trump may do something similar. There is also an unclear relationship between domestic tensions and trade war. On one hand, President Trump may want a clear win and so hasten a deal. On the other hand, he may want to extend the trade war to encourage citizens to “rally around the flag” and show his geopolitical mettle amidst a distracting “witch hunt.” While we have faded these domestic risks in 2017 and 2018, we think that it may be difficult to do so in 2019. We stick by our view that previous impeachment bouts in the U.S. have had a temporary effect on the markets. But if market sentiment is already weakened by global growth and end of cycle concerns, a political crisis may become a bearish catalyst.  Question 7: What About Japan? Japan faces higher policy uncertainty in 2019, after a period of calm following the 2015-16 global turmoil. We expect to see “peak Shinzo Abe” – in the sense that after this year, his political capital will be spent and all that will remain will be for him to preside over the 2020 Tokyo Olympics. The primary challenge for Abe is getting his proposed constitutional revisions passed despite economic headwinds. Assuming he goes forward, he must get a two-thirds vote in both houses of parliament plus a majority vote in a popular referendum. The referendum is unscheduled but could coincide with the July upper house elections. This will be a knife’s edge vote according to polling. If he holds the referendum and it passes, he will have achieved the historic goal of making Japan a more “normal” country, i.e. capable of revising its own constitution and maintaining armed forces. He will never outdo this. If he fails, he will become a lame duck – if he does not retire immediately like David Cameron or Matteo Renzi. And if he delays the revisions, he could miss his window of opportunity.   This uncertain domestic political context will combine with China/EM and trade issues that entail significant risks for Japan and upward pressure on the yen. Hence government policy will resume its decidedly reflationary tilt in 2019. It makes little sense for Abe, looking to his legacy, to abandon his constitutional dream while agreeing to raise the consumption tax from 8% to 10% as expected in October. We would take the opposite side of the bet: he is more likely to delay the tax hike than he is to abandon constitutional revision. If Abe becomes a lame duck, whether through a failed referendum, a disappointing election, or a consumption tax hike amid a slowdown, it is important for investors to remember that “Abenomics” will smell just as sweet by any other name. Japan experienced a paradigm shift after a series of “earthquakes” from 2008-12. No leader is likely to raise taxes or cut spending aggressively, and monetary policy will remain ultra-easy for quite some time. The global backdrop is negative for Japan but its policy framework will act as a salve. Question 8: Are There Any Winners In EM? We think that EM and global risk assets could have a window of outperformance in early 2019. However, given the persistence of the policy divergence narrative, it will be difficult to see EM substantively outperforming DM over the course of 2019. Mexico Over Brazil That said, we do like a few EM plays in 2019. In particular, we believe that investors are overly bullish on Brazil and overly bearish on Mexico. In both countries, we think that voters turned to anti-establishment candidates due to concerns over violence and corruption. However, Brazilian President-elect Jair Bolsonaro has a high hurdle to clear. He must convince a traditionally fractured Congress to pass a complex and painful pension reform. In other words, Bolsonaro must show that he can do something in order to justify a rally that has already happened in Brazilian assets. In Mexico, on the other hand, Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) remains constrained by the constitution (which he will be unable to change), the National Supreme Court of Justice, and political convention that Mexico is right-of-center on economic policy (an outwardly left-wing president has not won an election since 1924). In other words, AMLO has to show that he can get out of his constraints in order to justify a selloff that has already happened. To be clear, we are not saying that AMLO is a positive, in the absolute, for Mexico. The decision to scrap the Mexico City airport plans, to sideline the finance ministry from key economic decisions, and to threaten a return to an old-school PRI-era statism is deeply concerning. At the same time, we are not of the view that Bolsonaro is, in the absolute, a negative for Brazil. Rather, we are pointing out that the relative investor sentiment is overly bullish Bolsonaro versus AMLO. Especially given that both presidents remain constrained by domestic political intricacies and largely campaigned on the same set of issues that have little to do with their perceived economic preferences. They also face respective median voters that are diametrically opposed to their economic agendas – Bolsonaro, we think, is facing a left-leaning median voter, whereas the Mexican median voter is center-right. The macroeconomic perspective also supports our relative call. If our view on China and the Fed is correct, high-beta plays like Brazil will suffer, while an economy that is tied-to-the-hip of the U.S., like Mexico, ought to outperform EM peers. Mexico Finally Has Some Positive Carry Mexico Finally Has Some Positive Carry As such, we are putting a long MXN/BRL trade on, to capture this sentiment gap between the two EM markets. Investors will be receiving positive carry on Mexico relative to Brazil for the first time in a long time (Chart 33). The relative change in the current account balance also favors Mexico (Chart 34). Finally, the technicals of the trade look good as well (Chart 35). Mexico Looks Good On Current Account Mexico Looks Good On Current Account Technicals Look Good Too Technicals Look Good Too South Korea Over Taiwan  Diplomacy remains on track on the Korean peninsula, despite U.S.-China tensions in other areas. Ultimately China believes that peace on the peninsula will remove the raison d’être of American troops stationed there. Moreover, Beijing has witnessed the U.S.’s resolve in deterring North Korean nuclear and missile tests and belligerent rhetoric. It will want to trade North Korean cooperation for a trade truce. By contrast, if Trump’s signature foreign policy effort fails, he may well lash out. We view deeply discounted South Korean equities as a long-term buy relative to other EMs. Taiwan, by contrast, is a similar EM economy but faces even greater short-term risks than South Korea. In the next 13-month period, the Tsai Ing-wen administration, along with the Trump administration, could try to seize a rare chance to upgrade diplomatic and military relations. This could heighten cross-strait tensions and lead to a geopolitical incident or crisis. More broadly, U.S.-China trade and tech tensions create a negative investment outlook for Taiwan. Thailand Over India Five state elections this fall have turned out very badly for Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his National Democratic Alliance (NDA). These local elections have a negative impact, albeit a limited one, on Modi’s and the NDA’s reelection chances in the federal election due in April (or May). Nevertheless, it is entirely possible to lose Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, and Rajasthan while still winning a majority in the Lok Sabha – this is what happened to the Indian National Congress in 2004 and 2009. So far federal election opinion polling suggests anything from a hung parliament to a smaller, but still substantial, BJP majority. Modi was never likely to maintain control of 20 out of 29 states for very long, nor to repeat his party’s sweeping 2014 victory. He was also never likely to continue his reform push uninhibited in the lead up to the general election. Nevertheless, the resignation of Reserve Bank of India Governor Urjit Patel on December 10 is a very worrisome sign. Given that Indian stocks are richly valued, and that we expect oil prices to drift upwards, we remain negative on India until the opportunity emerges to upgrade in accordance with our long-term bullish outlook. By contrast, we see the return to civilian rule in Thailand as a market-positive event in the context of favorable macro fundamentals. Thai elections always favor the rural populist “red” movement of the Shinawatra family, but presumably the military junta would not hold elections if it thought it had not sufficiently adjusted the electoral system in favor of itself and its political proxies. Either way, the cycle of polarization and social unrest will only reemerge gradually, so next year Thailand will largely maintain policy continuity and its risk assets will hold up better than most other EMs.   Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Chief Geopolitical Strategist marko@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken, Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Roukaya Ibrahim, Editor Strategist roukayai@bcaresearch.com Ekaterina Shtrevensky, Research Analyst ekaterinas@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1      Please see Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, “Power And Politics In East Asia: Cold War 2.0?” dated September 25, 2012, Global Investment Strategy Special Report, “Searing Sun: Japan-China Conflict Heating Up,” dated January 25, 2013, “Sino-American Conflict: More Likely Than You Think, Part II,” dated November 6, 2015, and “The South China Sea: Smooth Sailing?” dated March 28, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 2      Yes. He literally said that.   Geopolitical Calendar

Highlights So What? Global divergence will persist beyond the near term. Why? China’s stimulus will be disappointing unless things get much worse. U.S.-China trade war will reignite and strategic tensions will continue. European risks are limited short-term, but will surge without reform. U.S. assets will outperform; oil and the yen will rise; the pound is a long-term play; EM pain will continue. Feature The year 2019 will be one of considerable geopolitical uncertainty. Three issues dominate our Outlook, with low-conviction views on all three questions: Question 1: How much will China stimulate? Question 2: Will the trade war abate? Question 3: Is Europe a Black Swan or a Red Herring? Chart 1U.S. Outperformance Should Be Bullish USD U.S. Outperformance Should Be Bullish USD U.S. Outperformance Should Be Bullish USD The main story in 2018 was policy divergence. American policymakers ramped up stimulus – both through the profligate tax cuts and fiscal spending – at the same time that Chinese policymakers stuck to their guns on de-levering the economy. The consequence of this policy mix was that the synchronized global recovery of late 2016 and 2017 evolved into a massive outperformance by the U.S. economy (Chart 1). The Fed responded to the bullish domestic conditions with little regard for the global economy, causing the DXY to rally from a 2018 low of 88.59 in February to 97.04 today. Chart 2Fiscal Conservatism Melts Away Fiscal Conservatism Melts Away Fiscal Conservatism Melts Away Chart 3Republicans Change Their Minds When In Power Republicans Change Their Minds When In Power Republicans Change Their Minds When In Power While the policy divergence narrative appears to be macroeconomic in nature, it is purely political. There is nothing cyclical about the ‘U.S.’ economic outperformance in 2018. President Donald Trump campaigned on an economic populist agenda and then proceeded to deliver on it throughout 2017 and 2018. He faced little opposition from fiscal conservatives, mainly because fiscal conservativism melts away from the public discourse when budget deficits are low (Chart 2) and when the president is a Republican (Chart 3). Meanwhile, Chinese policymakers have decided to tolerate greater economic pain in an effort to escape the Middle Income Trap (Chart 4). They believe this trap will envelop them if they cannot grow the economy without expanding the already-massive build-up of leverage (Chart 5). Chart 4Policymakers Fear The Middle Income Trap 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge Chart 5Debt Still Rising Debt Still Rising Debt Still Rising Geopolitics is not just about “things blowing up somewhere in the desert.” In today’s world, emblematized by paradigm shifts, politicians are more than ever in the driver’s seat. While technocrats respond to macroeconomic factors, politicians respond to political and geopolitical constraints. Few investment narratives last much longer than a year and policy divergence is coming to a close. Will the Fed pause given the turn in global growth? Will China respond with effective stimulus in 2019? If the answer to both questions is yes, global risk assets could light up in the next quarter and potentially beyond. Already EM has outperformed DM assets for a month and some canaries in the coal mine for global growth – like the performance of Swedish economic indicators – signal that the outperformance is real. Chart 6Global Economic Divergence Will Continue Global Economic Divergence Will Continue Global Economic Divergence Will Continue Chart 7The Market Has Already Priced-In A Fed Pause 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge We are skeptical that the move is sustainable beyond a quarter or two (Chart 6). As our colleague Peter Berezin has highlighted, the market is pricing less than one hike in 2019 (Chart 7). Regardless, the impact on the U.S. dollar, remains muted, with the DXY at 97.04. This suggests that the backing off that the Fed may or may not have already done is still not enough from the perspective of weakening global growth (Chart 8). Global risk assets need more from the Fed than what the market is already pricing. And with U.S. inflationary pressures building (Chart 9), the BCA House View expects to see multiple Fed hikes in 2019, disappointing investors bullish on EM and global risk assets. Chart 8Global Growth Leading Indicators Global Growth Leading Indicators Global Growth Leading Indicators Chart 9Does The Fed Like It Hot? Does The Fed Like It Hot? Does The Fed Like It Hot? With our Fed view set by the House View, we therefore turn to where we can add value. To this end, the most important question of 2018 largely remains the same in 2019: How much will China stimulate? Question 1: How Much Will China Stimulate In 2019? Chart 10A Ray Of Hope From Broad Money bca.gps_sr_2018_12_14_c10 bca.gps_sr_2018_12_14_c10 China is undoubtedly already stimulating, with a surge in local government bond issuance earlier this year and a bottoming in the broad money impulse (Chart 10). M2 is in positive territory. However, the effort can best be characterized as tepid, with a late-year collapse in bond issuance (Chart 11) and a still-negative total social financing (TSF) impulse (Chart 12). TSF is the broadest measure of private credit in China’s economy.   Chart 11Fiscal Policy Becomes More Proactive? 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge Chart 12China's Total Credit Is Weak China's Total Credit Is Weak China's Total Credit Is Weak We expect a surge in TSF in Q1, but this is a normal seasonal effect. A typical Q1 credit surge will not be enough to set global risk assets alight for very long, particularly if the market has already priced in as much of a “pause” from the Fed as we are going to get. Investors should specifically focus on new local government bond issuance and whether the “shadow financing” component of TSF gets a bid, since the primary reason for the weakness in TSF over the past year is the government’s crackdown on shadow lending. As Chart 13A & B shows, it was new local government bonds that led the way for stimulus efforts in 2015, followed by a surge in both bank lending and shadow lending in 2016. Chart 13ADon't Focus Just On TSF... Don't Focus Just On TSF... Don't Focus Just On TSF... Chart 13B...But Shadow Financing In Particular ...But Shadow Financing In Particular ...But Shadow Financing In Particular We would also expect further monetary policy easing, with extra RRR cuts or even a benchmark policy rate cut. However, monetary policy has been easy all year and yet the impact on credit growth has remained muted. This begs two important questions: Is the credit channel impaired? A slew of macroprudential reforms – which we have dubbed China’s “Preemptive Dodd-Frank” – may have impaired the flow of credit in the system. The official policy of “opening the front door, closing the back door” has seen bank loans pick up modestly but shadow lending has been curtailed (Chart 14A & B). This way of controlling the rise of leverage has its costs. For private enterprises – with poor access to the official banking sector – the shadow financial system was an important source of funding over the past several years. Chart 14AOpening The Front Door... Opening The Front Door... Opening The Front Door... Chart 14B...Closing The Back Door ...Closing The Back Door ...Closing The Back Door Is policy pushing on a string? An even more dire scenario would be if China’s credit channel is not technically, but rather psychologically, impaired. Multiple reasons may be to blame: a negative net return on the assets of state-owned enterprises (Chart 15); widespread trade war worries; mixed signals from policymakers; or a general lack of confidence in the political direction of the country. The rising M2/M1 ratio suggests that the overall economy’s “propensity to save” is rising (Chart 16). Chart 15Old China Is A Zombie China Old China Is A Zombie China Old China Is A Zombie China Chart 16Propensity To Save Propensity To Save Propensity To Save Why would Chinese policymakers keep their cool despite a slow pickup in credit growth? Are they not concerned about unemployment, social unrest, and instability? Of course, they are. But Chinese policymakers are not myopic. They also want to improve potential GDP over the long run. Table 1China: The Trend In Domestic Demand, And The Outlook For Trade, Is Negative 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge So far, the economy has weathered the storm relatively well. First, eight out of ten of our China Investment Strategy’s housing price indicators (Table 1) are flat-to-up – although it is true that the October deterioration in floor space started and especially floor space sold (Chart 17) is cause for concern. If and when the housing market weakens further, stimulus will be used to offset it, despite the fact that the government is attempting to prevent a sharp increase in prices at the same time. With so much of China’s middle-class savings invested in the housing market, the key pillar of socio-economic stability is therefore real estate. Chart 17A Possible Clue For China Stimulusr A Possible Clue For China Stimulusr A Possible Clue For China Stimulusr Second, credit has fueled China’s “old economy,” but policymakers want to buoy “new China” (Chart 18). This means that measures to boost consumption and the service sector economy will be emphasized in new rounds of stimulus, as has occurred thus far (tax cuts, tariff cuts, deregulation, etc). This kind of stimulus is not great news for global risk assets leveraged to “old China,” such as EM and industrial metals. Chart 18Rebalancing Of The Chinese Economy Rebalancing Of The Chinese Economy Rebalancing Of The Chinese Economy Third, policymakers are not exclusively focused on day-to-day stability but are also focused on the decades-long perseverance of China’s political model. And that means moving away from leverage and credit as the sole fuel for the economy. This is not just about the Middle Income Trap, it is also about national security and ultimately sovereignty. Relying on corporate re-levering for stimulus simply doubles-down on the current economic model, which is still export-oriented given that most investment is geared toward the export sector. But this also means that China will be held hostage to foreign demand and thus geopolitical pressures, a fact that has been revealed this year through the protectionism of the White House. As such, moving away from the investment-led growth model and towards a more endogenous, consumer-led model is not just good macro policy, it makes sense geopolitically as well. Will the trade war – or the current period of trade truce – change Chinese policymakers’ decision-making? We do not see why it would. First, if the trade truce evolves into a trade deal, the expected export shock will not happen (Chart 19) and thus major stimulative measures would be less necessary. Second, if we understand correctly why policymakers have cited leverage as an “ill” in the first place, then we would assume that they would use the trade war as an excuse for the pain that they themselves have instigated. In other words, the trade war with the U.S. gives President Xi Jinping the perfect excuse for the slowdown, one that draws attention from the real culprit: domestic rebalancing. Chart 19Trump's Initial Tariffs Soon To Be Felt Trump's Initial Tariffs Soon To Be Felt Trump's Initial Tariffs Soon To Be Felt Bottom Line: Since mid-2018, we have been asking clients to focus on our “Stimulus Overshoot” checklist (Table 2). We give the first item – “broad money and/or total credit growth spike” – a premier spot on the list. If a surge in total credit occurs, we will know that policymakers are throwing in the towel and stimulating in a major way. It will be time to turn super-positive on global risk assets, beyond a mere tactical trade, as a cyclical view at that point. Note that if one had gone long EM in early February 2016, when January data revealed a truly epic TSF splurge, one would not have been late to the rally. Table 2Will China’s Stimulus Overshoot In 2019? 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge Our low-conviction view, at the moment, is that the increase in credit growth that we will see in Q1 will be seasonal – the usual frontloading of lending at the beginning of the year – rather than an extraordinary surge that would signal a policy change. A modest increase in credit growth will not be enough to spark a sustainable – year-long – rally in global risk assets. The Fed has already backed off as far as the market is concerned. As such, a pickup in Chinese credit could temporarily excite investors. But global stabilization may only embolden the Fed to refocus on tightening after a Q1 pause. Question 2: Will The Trade War Abate? The first question for investors when it comes to the trade war is “Why should we care?” Sure, trade policy uncertainty appears to have correlated with the underperformance of global equity indices relative to the U.S. (Chart 20). However, such market action was as much caused by our policy divergence story – being as it is deeply negative for EM assets – as by a trade war whose impact on the real economy has not yet been felt. Chart 20U.S. Is 'Winning' The Trade War U.S. Is 'Winning' The Trade War U.S. Is 'Winning' The Trade War Nonetheless, we do believe that getting the trade war “right” is a big call for 2019. First, while the impact of the U.S.-China trade war has been minimal thus far, it is only because China front-loaded its exports ahead of the expected tariffs, cut interbank rates and RRRs, accelerated local government spending, and allowed CNY/USD to depreciate by 10%. A restart of trade tensions that leads to further tariffs will make frontloading untenable over time, whereas further currency depreciation would be severely debilitating for EMs. We doubt the sustainability of the trade truce for three reasons: U.S. domestic politics: The just-concluded midterm election saw no opposition to President Trump on trade. The Democratic Party candidates campaigned against the president on a range of issues, but not on his aggressive China policy. Polling from the summer also shows that a majority of American voters consider trade with China unfair (Chart 21). In addition, President Trump will walk into the 2020 election with a wider trade deficit, due to his own stimulative economic policy (Chart 22). He will need to explain why he is “losing” on the one measure of national power that he campaigned on in 2016. Structural trade tensions: Ahead of the G20 truce, the U.S. Trade Representative Robert Lighthizer issued a hawkish report that concluded that China has not substantively changed any of the trade practices that initiated U.S. tariffs. Lighthizer has been put in charge of the current trade negotiations, which is a step-up in intensity from Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin, who was in charge of the failed May 2018 round. Geopolitical tensions: The G20 truce did not contain any substantive resolution to the ongoing strategic tensions between the U.S. and China, such as in the South China Sea. Beyond traditional geopolitics, tensions are increasingly involving high-tech trade and investment between the two countries and American allegations of cyber theft and spying by China. The recent arrest of Huawei’s CFO in Canada, on an American warrant, will likely deepen this high-tech conflict in the short term. Chart 21Americans Are Focused On China As Unfair 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge Chart 22Trade Deficit To Rise Despite Tariffs Trade Deficit To Rise Despite Tariffs Trade Deficit To Rise Despite Tariffs Since the G20 truce with Xi, President Trump has seen no significant pickup in approval ratings (Chart 23). Given that the median American voter has embraced protectionism – against China at least – we would not expect any. Meanwhile, U.S. equities have sold off, contrary to what President Trump, or his pro-trade advisors, likely expected in making the G20 decision to delay tariffs. Chart 23Appeasing China Doesn't Pay Appeasing China Doesn't Pay Appeasing China Doesn't Pay At some point, President Trump will realize that he risks considerable political capital on a trade deal with China that very few voters actually want or that the U.S. intelligence and defense community supports. Democrats did not oppose his aggressive China policy in the midterm election because they know that the median voter does not want it. As such, it is guaranteed that Trump’s 2020 Democratic Party opponent will accuse him of “surrender,” or at least “weakness.” If, over the next quarter, the economic and market returns on his gambit are paltry, we would expect President Trump to end the truce. Furthermore, we believe that a substantive, and long-lasting, trade deal is unlikely given the mounting tensions between China and the U.S. These tensions are not a product of President Trump, but are rather a long-run, structural feature of the twenty-first century that we have been tracking since 2012.1 Tensions are likely to rise in parallel to the trade talks on the technology front. We expect 2019 to be the year when investors price in what we have called Bifurcated Capitalism: the segmentation of capital, labor, and trade flows into geopolitically adversarial – and yet capitalist in nature – economic blocs. Entire countries and sectors may become off-limits to Western investors and vice-versa for their Chinese counterparts. Countries will fall into either the Tencent and Huawei bloc or the Apple and Ericsson bloc. This development is different from the Cold War. Note our emphasis on capitalism in the term Bifurcated Capitalism. The Soviet Union was obviously not capitalist, and clients of BCA did not have interests in its assets in the 1970s and 1980s. Trade between Cold War economic blocs was also limited, particularly outside of commodities. The closest comparison to the world we now inhabit is that of the nineteenth century. Almost all global powers were quite capitalist at the time, but they engaged in imperialism in order to expand their economic spheres of influence and thus economies of scale. In the twenty-first century, Africa and Asia – the targets of nineteenth century imperialism – may be replaced with market share wars in novel technologies and the Internet. This will put a ceiling on how much expansion tech and telecommunication companies can expect in the competing parts of Bifurcated Capitalism. The investment consequences of this concept are still unclear. But what is clear is that American policymakers are already planning for some version of the world we are describing. The orchestrated effort by the U.S. intelligence community to encourage its geopolitical allies to ban the use of Huawei equipment in their 5G mobile networks suggests that there are limits to the current truce ever becoming a sustainable deal. So does the repeated use of economic sanctions originally designed for Iran and Russia against Chinese companies. President Trump sets short- and medium-term policies given that he is the president. However, the intelligence and defense communities have “pivoted to Asia” gradually since 2012. This shift has occurred because the U.S. increasingly sees China as a peer competitor, for the time being confined in East Asia but with intentions of projecting power globally. To what extent could President Trump produce a trade deal with Xi that also encompasses a change in the U.S. perception of China as an adversary? We assign a low probability to it. As such, President Xi has little reason to give in to U.S. pressure on trade, as he knows that the geopolitical and technology pressure will continue. In fact, President Xi may have all the reason to double-down on his transformative reforms, which would mean more pain for high-beta global plays. Bottom Line: What may have appeared as merely a trade conflict has evolved into a broad geopolitical confrontation. President Trump has little reason to conclude a deal with China by March. Domestic political pressures are not pushing in the direction of the deal, while America’s “Deep State” is eager for a confrontation with China. Furthermore, with President Trump “blinking” on Iranian sanctions, his administration has implicitly acknowledged the constraints discouraging a deeper involvement in the Middle East. This puts the geopolitical focus squarely on China. Question 3: Is Europe a Black Swan or a Red Herring? The last two years have been a dud in Europe. Since the Brexit referendum in mid-2016, European politics have not been a catalyst for global markets, save for an Italy-induced sell-off or two. This could substantively change in 2019. And, as with the first two questions, the results could be binary. On one hand, there is the positive scenario where the stalled and scaled-back reforms on the banking union and Euro Area budget get a shot in the arm in the middle of the year. On the other hand, the negative scenario would see European-wide reforms stall, leaving the continent particularly vulnerable as the next global recession inevitably nears. At the heart of the binary distribution is the broader question of whether populism in Europe is trending higher. Most commentators and our clients would say yes, especially after the protests and rioting in Paris over the course of November. But the answer is more complicated than that. While populists have found considerable success in the ballot box (Chart 24), they have not managed to turn sentiment in Europe against the currency union (Chart 25). Even in Italy, which has a populist coalition government in power, the support for currency union is at 61%, the highest since 2012. This number has apparently risen since populists took over. Chart 24Anti-Establishment Parties Are Rising... Anti-Establishment Parties Are Rising... Anti-Establishment Parties Are Rising... Chart 25...But Euroskepticism Is A Failed Strategy ...But Euroskepticism Is A Failed Strategy ...But Euroskepticism Is A Failed Strategy What explains this divergence? Effectively, Europe’s establishment parties are being blamed for a lot of alleged ills, liberal immigration policy first amongst them. However, European integration remains favored across the ideological spectrum. Few parties that solely focus on Euroskepticism have any chance of winning power, something that both Lega and Five Star Movement found out in Italy. Italy’s Deputy Prime Minister Matteo Salvini confirmed his conversion away from Euroskepticism by stating that he wants to “reform the EU from the inside” and that it was time to give the “Rome-Berlin axis” another go.2 Salvini is making a bet – correct in our view – that by moderating Lega’s populism on Europe, he can capture the center ground and win the majority in the next Italian election, which could happen as soon as 2019. As such, we don’t think that the “rise of populism” in Europe is either dramatic or market-relevant. In fact, mainstream parties are quickly adopting parts of the anti-establishment agenda, particularly on immigration, in a bid to recoup lost voters. A much bigger risk for Europe than populism is stagnation on the reform front, a perpetual Eurosclerosis that leaves the bloc vulnerable in the next recession. What Europe needs is the completion of a backstop to prevent contagion. Such a backstop necessitates greatly enhancing the just-passed banking union reforms. The watered-down reforms did not include a common backstop to the EU’s single resolution fund nor a deposit union. A working group will report on both by June 2019, with a potential legislative act set for some time in 2024. What could be a sign that the EU is close to a grand package of reforms in 2019? We see three main avenues. First, a political shift in Germany. Investors almost had one, with conservative Friedrich Merz coming close to defeating Merkel’s hand-picked successor Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer (also known as AKK) for the leadership of the ruling Christian Democratic Union (CDU). Merz combined a right-leaning anti-immigrant stance with staunch pro-European integration outlook. It is unclear whether AKK will be willing to make the same type of “grand bargain” with the more conservative factions of the CDU electorate. However, AKK may not have a choice, with both Alternative for Germany (AfD) and the Green Party nibbling at the heels of the right-of-center CDU and left-of-center Social-Democratic Party (SPD) (Chart 26). The rise of the Green party is particularly extraordinary, suggesting that a larger portion of the German electorate is radically Europhile rather than Euroskeptic. AKK may have to adopt Merz’s platform and then push for EU reforms. Chart 26Challengers To The Established Parties Challengers To The Established Parties Challengers To The Established Parties Second, French President Emmanuel Macron may have to look abroad for relevance. With his reform agenda stalled and political capital drained, it would make sense for Macron to spend 2019 and beyond on European reforms. Third, a resolution of the Brexit debacle. The longer the saga with the U.K. drags on, the less focus there will be in Europe on integration of the Euro Area. If the U.K. decides to extend the current negotiating period, it may even have to hold elections for the European Parliament. As such, we are not focusing on the budget crisis in Italy – our view that Rome is “bluffing” is coming to fruition –or a potential early election in Spain. And we are definitely not focusing on the EU Parliamentary election in May. These will largely be red herrings. The real question is whether European policymakers will finally have a window of opportunity for strategic reforms. And that will require Merkel, AKK, and Macron to expend whatever little political capital they have left and invest it in restructuring European institutions. Finally, a word on Europe’s role in the global trade war. While Europe is a natural ally for the U.S. against China – given its institutional connections, existing alliance, and trade surplus with the latter and deficit with the former (Chart 27) – we believe that the odds are rising of a unilateral tariff action by the U.S. on car imports. Chart 27EU Surplus With U.S. Pays For Deficit With China EU Surplus With U.S. Pays For Deficit With China EU Surplus With U.S. Pays For Deficit With China This is because the just-concluded NAFTA deal likely raised the cost of vehicle production in the trade bloc, necessitating import tariffs in order for the deal to make sense from President Trump’s set of political priorities. The Trump administration may not have the stomach for a long-term trade war with Europe, but it can shake up the markets with actions in that direction. Bottom Line: In the near term, there are no existential political risks in Europe in 2019. As such, investors who are bullish on European assets should not let geopolitics stand in the way of executing on their sentiment. We remain cautious for macroeconomic reasons, namely that Europe is a high-beta DM play that needs global growth to outperform in order to catch a bid. However, 2019 is a make-or-break year on key structural reforms in Europe. Without more work on the banking union – and without greater burden sharing, broadly defined – the Euro Area will remain woefully unprepared for the next global recession. Question 4: Will Brexit Happen? Given the volume of market-relevant geopolitical issues, we have decided to pose (and attempt to answer) five additional questions for 2019. We start with Brexit. Prime Minister Theresa May has asked for a delay to the vote in the House of Commons on the Withdrawal Treaty, which she would have inevitably lost. The defeat of the subsequent leadership challenge is not confidence-inspiring as the vote was close and a third of Tory MPs voted against her. May likely has until sometime in January to pass the EU Withdrawal Agreement setting out the terms of Brexit, given that all other EU member states have to get it through their parliaments before the Brexit date on March 29. The real question is whether any deal can get through Westminster. The numbers are there for the softest of soft Brexits, the so-called Norway+ option where the U.K. effectively gets the same deal as Norway, if May convinces the Labour Party to break ranks. Such a deal would entail Common Market access, but at the cost of having to pay essentially for full EU membership with no ability to influence the regulatory policies that London would have to abide by. The alternative is to call for a new election – which may usher the even less pro-Brexit Labour Party into power – or to delay Brexit for a more substantive period of time, or simply to buckle under the pressure and call for a second referendum. We disagree that the delay signals that the “no deal Brexit,” or the “Brexit cliff,” is nigh. Such an outcome is in nobody’s interest and both May and the EU can offer delays to ensure that it does not happen. Whatever happens, one thing is clear: the median voter is turning forcefully towards Bremain (Chart 28). It will soon become untenable to delay the second referendum. And even if the House of Commons passes the softest of Soft Brexit deals, we expect that the Norway+ option will prove to be unacceptable when Westminster has to vote on it again in two or three year’s time. Chart 28Bremain Surging Structurally Bremain Surging Structurally Bremain Surging Structurally Is it time to buy the pound, particularly cable, which is cheap on a long-term basis (Chart 29)? It is a tough call. On one hand, our confidence that the U.K. ultimately has to remain in the EU is rising. However, to get there, the U.K. may need one last major dose of volatility, either in the form of a slow-burn crisis caused by Tory indecision or in the form of a far-left Labour government that tries its own hand at Brexit while pursuing a 1970s style left-wing economic agenda. Can any investor withstand this kind of volatility in the short and potentially long-ish term? Only the longest of the long-term investors can.  Chart 29Start Buying The Pound Start Buying The Pound Start Buying The Pound Question 5: Will Oil Prices Rally Substantively In 2019? Several risks to oil supply remain for 2019. First, there is little basis for stabilization in Venezuelan oil production, and further deterioration is likely (Chart 30). Second, sectarian tensions in Iraq remain unresolved. Third, supply risks in other geopolitical hot spots – like Nigeria and Libya – could surprise in 2019. Chart 30Venezuela: On A Downward Spiral Venezuela: On A Downward Spiral Venezuela: On A Downward Spiral The most pressing geopolitical issue, however, is a decision on the Iranian sanction waivers. President Trump induced considerable market-volatility in 2019 by signaling that he would use “maximum pressure” against Iran. As a result, the risk premium contribution to the oil price – illustrated in Chart 31 by the red bar – rose throughout 2018, only to collapse as the White House offered six-month sanction waivers. Not only did the risk premium dissipate, but Saudi Arabia then scrambled to reverse the production surge it had instituted to offset the Iran sanctions. Chart 31Trump Sanctions Boosted Risk Premium 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge We agree with BCA’s Commodity & Energy Strategy that oil market fundamentals are tight and numerous supply risks loom. We also struggle to see why President Trump will seek to pick a fight with Iran in the summer of 2019. Our suspicion is that if President Trump was afraid of a gasoline-price spike right after the midterm election, why would he not “blink” at the end of the spring? Not only will the U.S. summer driving season be in full swing – a time of peak U.S. gasoline demand – but the 2020 election primaries will only be six months away. Furthermore, it is highly unlikely that OPEC and Russia will do the U.S. president’s bidding by turning on the taps to offset any unforeseen supply losses in 2019. They did not do so even when President Trump asked, very nicely, ahead of the just-concluded Vienna meeting. Once Trump prioritized domestic politics over Saudi geopolitical interests – by backing away from his maximum pressure tactic against Iran – he illustrated to Riyadh that his administration is about as reliable of an ally as the Obama White House. Meanwhile, his ardent defense of Riyadh in the Khashoggi affair, at a cost of domestic political capital, means that he lost the very leverage that he could have used to pressure Saudi Arabia. We therefore remain cautiously bullish on oil prices in 2019, but with the caveat that a big-bang surge in prices due to a U.S.-Iran confrontation – our main risk for 2019 just a few months ago – is now less likely. Question 6: Will Impeachment Become A Risk In 2019? While we have no way to forecast the Mueller investigation, it is undoubtedly clear that risks are rising on the U.S. domestic front. President Trump’s popularity among GOP voters is elevated and far from levels needed to convince enough senators to remove him from power (Chart 32). However, a substantive finding by Mueller may leave the moderate Democrats in the House with no choice but to pursue impeachment. Chart 32Barometer Of Trump’s Survival 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge This may rattle the market for both headline and fundamental reasons. The headline reasons are obvious. The fundamental reasons have to do with the looming stimulus cliff in 2020. A pitched battle between the House Democrats and the White House would make cooperation on another substantive stimulus effort less likely and thus a recession in 2020 more likely. The market may start pricing in such an outcome at some point in 2019. Furthermore, sentiment could be significantly impacted by a protracted domestic battle that impairs Trump’s domestic agenda. President Bill Clinton sought relevance abroad amidst his impeachment proceedings by initiating an air war against Yugoslavia. President Trump may do something similar. There is also an unclear relationship between domestic tensions and trade war. On one hand, President Trump may want a clear win and so hasten a deal. On the other hand, he may want to extend the trade war to encourage citizens to “rally around the flag” and show his geopolitical mettle amidst a distracting “witch hunt.” While we have faded these domestic risks in 2017 and 2018, we think that it may be difficult to do so in 2019. We stick by our view that previous impeachment bouts in the U.S. have had a temporary effect on the markets. But if market sentiment is already weakened by global growth and end of cycle concerns, a political crisis may become a bearish catalyst.  Question 7: What About Japan? Japan faces higher policy uncertainty in 2019, after a period of calm following the 2015-16 global turmoil. We expect to see “peak Shinzo Abe” – in the sense that after this year, his political capital will be spent and all that will remain will be for him to preside over the 2020 Tokyo Olympics. The primary challenge for Abe is getting his proposed constitutional revisions passed despite economic headwinds. Assuming he goes forward, he must get a two-thirds vote in both houses of parliament plus a majority vote in a popular referendum. The referendum is unscheduled but could coincide with the July upper house elections. This will be a knife’s edge vote according to polling. If he holds the referendum and it passes, he will have achieved the historic goal of making Japan a more “normal” country, i.e. capable of revising its own constitution and maintaining armed forces. He will never outdo this. If he fails, he will become a lame duck – if he does not retire immediately like David Cameron or Matteo Renzi. And if he delays the revisions, he could miss his window of opportunity.   This uncertain domestic political context will combine with China/EM and trade issues that entail significant risks for Japan and upward pressure on the yen. Hence government policy will resume its decidedly reflationary tilt in 2019. It makes little sense for Abe, looking to his legacy, to abandon his constitutional dream while agreeing to raise the consumption tax from 8% to 10% as expected in October. We would take the opposite side of the bet: he is more likely to delay the tax hike than he is to abandon constitutional revision. If Abe becomes a lame duck, whether through a failed referendum, a disappointing election, or a consumption tax hike amid a slowdown, it is important for investors to remember that “Abenomics” will smell just as sweet by any other name. Japan experienced a paradigm shift after a series of “earthquakes” from 2008-12. No leader is likely to raise taxes or cut spending aggressively, and monetary policy will remain ultra-easy for quite some time. The global backdrop is negative for Japan but its policy framework will act as a salve. Question 8: Are There Any Winners In EM? We think that EM and global risk assets could have a window of outperformance in early 2019. However, given the persistence of the policy divergence narrative, it will be difficult to see EM substantively outperforming DM over the course of 2019. Mexico Over Brazil That said, we do like a few EM plays in 2019. In particular, we believe that investors are overly bullish on Brazil and overly bearish on Mexico. In both countries, we think that voters turned to anti-establishment candidates due to concerns over violence and corruption. However, Brazilian President-elect Jair Bolsonaro has a high hurdle to clear. He must convince a traditionally fractured Congress to pass a complex and painful pension reform. In other words, Bolsonaro must show that he can do something in order to justify a rally that has already happened in Brazilian assets. In Mexico, on the other hand, Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) remains constrained by the constitution (which he will be unable to change), the National Supreme Court of Justice, and political convention that Mexico is right-of-center on economic policy (an outwardly left-wing president has not won an election since 1924). In other words, AMLO has to show that he can get out of his constraints in order to justify a selloff that has already happened. To be clear, we are not saying that AMLO is a positive, in the absolute, for Mexico. The decision to scrap the Mexico City airport plans, to sideline the finance ministry from key economic decisions, and to threaten a return to an old-school PRI-era statism is deeply concerning. At the same time, we are not of the view that Bolsonaro is, in the absolute, a negative for Brazil. Rather, we are pointing out that the relative investor sentiment is overly bullish Bolsonaro versus AMLO. Especially given that both presidents remain constrained by domestic political intricacies and largely campaigned on the same set of issues that have little to do with their perceived economic preferences. They also face respective median voters that are diametrically opposed to their economic agendas – Bolsonaro, we think, is facing a left-leaning median voter, whereas the Mexican median voter is center-right. The macroeconomic perspective also supports our relative call. If our view on China and the Fed is correct, high-beta plays like Brazil will suffer, while an economy that is tied-to-the-hip of the U.S., like Mexico, ought to outperform EM peers. Chart 33Mexico Finally Has Some Positive Carry Mexico Finally Has Some Positive Carry Mexico Finally Has Some Positive Carry As such, we are putting a long MXN/BRL trade on, to capture this sentiment gap between the two EM markets. Investors will be receiving positive carry on Mexico relative to Brazil for the first time in a long time (Chart 33). The relative change in the current account balance also favors Mexico (Chart 34). Finally, the technicals of the trade look good as well (Chart 35). Chart 34Mexico Looks Good On Current Account Mexico Looks Good On Current Account Mexico Looks Good On Current Account Chart 35Technicals Look Good Too Technicals Look Good Too Technicals Look Good Too South Korea Over Taiwan  Diplomacy remains on track on the Korean peninsula, despite U.S.-China tensions in other areas. Ultimately China believes that peace on the peninsula will remove the raison d’être of American troops stationed there. Moreover, Beijing has witnessed the U.S.’s resolve in deterring North Korean nuclear and missile tests and belligerent rhetoric. It will want to trade North Korean cooperation for a trade truce. By contrast, if Trump’s signature foreign policy effort fails, he may well lash out. We view deeply discounted South Korean equities as a long-term buy relative to other EMs. Taiwan, by contrast, is a similar EM economy but faces even greater short-term risks than South Korea. In the next 13-month period, the Tsai Ing-wen administration, along with the Trump administration, could try to seize a rare chance to upgrade diplomatic and military relations. This could heighten cross-strait tensions and lead to a geopolitical incident or crisis. More broadly, U.S.-China trade and tech tensions create a negative investment outlook for Taiwan. Thailand Over India Five state elections this fall have turned out very badly for Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his National Democratic Alliance (NDA). These local elections have a negative impact, albeit a limited one, on Modi’s and the NDA’s reelection chances in the federal election due in April (or May). Nevertheless, it is entirely possible to lose Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, and Rajasthan while still winning a majority in the Lok Sabha – this is what happened to the Indian National Congress in 2004 and 2009. So far federal election opinion polling suggests anything from a hung parliament to a smaller, but still substantial, BJP majority. Modi was never likely to maintain control of 20 out of 29 states for very long, nor to repeat his party’s sweeping 2014 victory. He was also never likely to continue his reform push uninhibited in the lead up to the general election. Nevertheless, the resignation of Reserve Bank of India Governor Urjit Patel on December 10 is a very worrisome sign. Given that Indian stocks are richly valued, and that we expect oil prices to drift upwards, we remain negative on India until the opportunity emerges to upgrade in accordance with our long-term bullish outlook. By contrast, we see the return to civilian rule in Thailand as a market-positive event in the context of favorable macro fundamentals. Thai elections always favor the rural populist “red” movement of the Shinawatra family, but presumably the military junta would not hold elections if it thought it had not sufficiently adjusted the electoral system in favor of itself and its political proxies. Either way, the cycle of polarization and social unrest will only reemerge gradually, so next year Thailand will largely maintain policy continuity and its risk assets will hold up better than most other EMs.   Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Chief Geopolitical Strategist marko@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken, Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Roukaya Ibrahim, Editor Strategist roukayai@bcaresearch.com Ekaterina Shtrevensky, Research Analyst ekaterinas@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1      Please see Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, “Power And Politics In East Asia: Cold War 2.0?” dated September 25, 2012, Global Investment Strategy Special Report, “Searing Sun: Japan-China Conflict Heating Up,” dated January 25, 2013, “Sino-American Conflict: More Likely Than You Think, Part II,” dated November 6, 2015, and “The South China Sea: Smooth Sailing?” dated March 28, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 2      Yes. He literally said that.   Geopolitical Calendar

Highlights Structurally, EM corporate leverage is elevated and the interest coverage ratio is low. Cyclically, China/EM growth slowdown will lead to corporate spread widening. Rising U.S. dollar corporate bond yields in EM herald lower share prices. The recent underperformance in Mexican financial markets versus their EM peers is not sustainable. We reiterate our overweight position in Mexico. In Indonesia, the central bank is attempting to fight the Impossible Trinity, a battle that by definition cannot be won. Investors should keep underweighting this market. Feature This report focuses on the corporate health of emerging market (EM) companies, as well as the outlook for corporate bonds. We review the key drivers behind credit spreads and provide an up-to-date snapshot of overall corporate health. We also illustrate the travails in China's offshore corporate bond market, which are of high importance to the broad EM outlook. With respect to scope of coverage and data comparability, please refer to Box 1. BOX 1 Data Relevance And Its Application As there is no aggregate financial dataset for EM corporate bond issuers, we use corporate financial data provided by Worldscope for the EM equity universe - the constituents of the MSCI EM equity index. While from an individual country perspective this makes a difference, from an EM sector perspective the differences are not substantial. Excluding the technology sector, it is often the case that the same companies have both publicly traded stocks and bonds. This is especially true in sectors such as basic materials, energy, industrials, telecom, utilities and financials. This is why, in this report, we focus our attention on sectors rather than countries, and why we examine the EM companies' financial health excluding technology and banks. Banks' relevant financial ratios vary greatly from those of non-banks. For the technology sector, the largest tech names in the equity space have minimal bonds outstanding, so using financial data from the equity space for credit analysis is inappropriate. In short, the analysis below on corporate health is pertinent to both equity and corporate bond investors. However, its emphasis is on creditworthiness and ability to service debt, which is more attuned to credit investors. Drivers Of EM Credit Spreads Cyclical swings in EM corporate and sovereign credit spreads are driven by changes in borrowers' revenues, cash flow and profits. Hence, the business cycle is one of the important drivers of corporate creditworthiness. When global and EM growth accelerate, revenue and free cash flow improve, causing credit spreads to narrow (Chart I-1). The EM business cycle drives EM sovereign spreads too (Chart I-2). Chart I-1EM Corporates: Cash Flow From Operations And Credit Spreads bca.ems_sr_2018_11_22_s1_c1 bca.ems_sr_2018_11_22_s1_c1 Chart I-2EM Sovereign Spreads Move In Tandem With Business Cycle EM Sovereign Spreads Move In Tandem With Business Cycle EM Sovereign Spreads Move In Tandem With Business Cycle This is why we spend a lot of time gauging the global business cycle outlook and cover this topic extensively in our reports. For now, the growth outlook for China/EM and global trade remains gloomy: Chart I-3China Is A Major Risk For EM Profits China Is A Major Risk For EM Profits China Is A Major Risk For EM Profits China's credit and fiscal spending impulse projects further weakness in the mainland's business cycle and EM corporate earnings (Chart I-3). China's slowdown is no longer limited to the industrial sector - household spending growth has downshifted considerably since early this year, as we discussed in last week's report.1 Weakening sales of consumer goods and autos in China are one of the primary reasons behind the ongoing slump in the global technology and semiconductor sectors. Consistently, plunging growth in Taiwanese electronics exports points to both weaker global trade and EM tech earnings in the months ahead (Chart I-4). In short, even though we have excluded technology from our analysis of corporate financial health, hardware tech companies' profits remain at risk. The latter is not relevant for EM corporate bond investors, but it is critical for the EM equity space. Chart I-4Taiwanese Shipments Foreshadow A Relapse In EM Tech Earnings Taiwanese Shipments Foreshadow A Relapse In EM Tech Earnings Taiwanese Shipments Foreshadow A Relapse In EM Tech Earnings Other pertinent financial market indicators for EM credit spreads are commodities prices, EM exchange rates and EM local rates. The basis is as follows: (1) Energy and materials make up 25% of the J.P. CEMBI EM corporate bond index, and commodities prices drive their revenues and in turn credit spread fluctuations (Chart I-5, top panel); (2) Outside the resource sector, corporate bond issuers by and large do not feature exporters, and their capacity to service foreign currency debt is greatly affected by exchange rate movements (Chart I-5, bottom panel); (3) Financials make up 30% of the J.P. CEMBI EM corporate bond index, and their credit spreads are greatly influenced by domestic interest rates and banking system health (Chart I-6). We exclude financials from our corporate health analysis because their financial ratios differ vastly from those of non-financials. Chart I-5Drivers Of Credit Spreads: Commodities And Currencies Drivers Of Credit Spreads: Commodities And Currencies Drivers Of Credit Spreads: Commodities And Currencies Chart I-6EM Bank Credit Spreads Will Widen If Local Bond Yields Rise EM Bank Credit Spreads Will Widen If Local Bond Yields Rise EM Bank Credit Spreads Will Widen If Local Bond Yields Rise Overall, we expect global trade to weaken, commodities prices to drop further and EM currencies to depreciate. The latter will push up local interest rates. In turn, several EM banking systems remain saddled with bad assets from previous credit booms that have not been recognized, and banks have not been recapitalized. These factors point to a widening in bank credit spreads. All in all, EM corporate and sovereign spreads will widen further. A Snapshot Of EM Corporate Health The following financial ratios - which are calculated for EM companies excluding technology and financials - do not justify currently tight corporate spread. Leverage measured as net debt (total debt minus cash assets) divided either by EBITDA or cash flow from operation2 (CFO) remains elevated (Chart I-7, top panel). Among 9 sectors, only energy, basic materials and consumer discretionary have seen their leverage fall over the past two years. Chart I-7EM Corporate Health: Leverage And Interest Coverage Ratios EM Corporate Health: Leverage And Interest Coverage Ratios EM Corporate Health: Leverage And Interest Coverage Ratios Interest coverage ratios computed as EBITDA- or CFO- to- interest expense are well below their 2007 and 2011 levels (Chart I-7, middle panel). These figures corroborate that neither EM corporate indebtedness nor companies' ability to service debt using cash from operations is back to levels that prevailed before the global financial crisis in 2008 when EM financial markets were in a secular uptrend. Crucially, this is inconsistent with presently still-tight EM corporate spreads (Chart I-7, bottom panel). This mispricing, in our opinion, reflects the global search for yield that was induced by the crowding out of investors from DM bond markets by global central banks' QE programs. A contraction in corporate profits and cash flows from operation - for the reasons discussed above - will cause issuers' credit matrixes to deteriorate. With respect to cross-sectional analysis, Table I-1 presents interest coverage ratios (computed as an average of EBITDA- and CFO-to-interest expense ratios) for mainstream countries and all sectors. The cells in red present pockets of distress where the interest coverage ratio is below 3. The cells in blue illustrate segments where moderate financial stress is present: these are sectors with an interest coverage ratio of above 3 but below 5.5. Table I-1Interest Coverage Ratios EM Corporate Health And Credit Spreads EM Corporate Health And Credit Spreads On a positive note, the rally in commodities and cutbacks in capex have allowed energy and basic materials companies to drastically improve their leverage and interest coverage ratios in the past 2 years. However, even though their present financial health is great, their cash flow from operations is set to deteriorate again as commodities prices continue to relapse. The key motive behind our negative view on credit markets in Latin America, Russia, the Middle East and Africa - which is de facto the EM universe excluding emerging Asia - is because with the exception of Turkey, they are very exposed to commodities prices. As commodities prices drop and these nations' currencies depreciate, their sovereign and corporate credit spreads will widen. We are not implying that these issuers are facing default risks. Simply, lower revenues from commodities and higher debt servicing costs due to currency depreciation warrant a re-pricing of risk. Within credit portfolios, we recommend favoring defensive low-beta credit, excluding banks, versus riskier high-beta ones. We are underweight EM banks within the EM equity space and recommend the same strategy for the EM credit universe. Based on the matrix in Table I-1, credit portfolios should overweight consumer services, tech, energy and basic materials and underweight industrials, utilities and healthcare. China's Corporate Health And Credit Market There has been little deleveraging among Chinese companies. On the contrary, the country's massive credit and fiscal stimulus in 2016 bailed out many indebted companies, lifting corporate debt levels and augmenting the misallocation of capital. In particular: Chart I-8China's Corporate Debt Is Enormous China's Corporate Debt Is Enormous China's Corporate Debt Is Enormous China's corporate debt remains enormous, at $19.5 trillion, or RMB 140 trillion. It is the highest in the history of any country (Chart I-8). Some 95% of corporate debt is in local currency terms. My colleague Jonathan LaBerge from China Investment Strategy has calculated that Chinese state-owned enterprises' adjusted return on assets, has fallen below the cost of capital (Chart I-9). This indicates that these companies have for now exhausted profitable investment opportunities and should arguably scale back on their investment expenditures. Further borrowing and investing by these enterprises will augment the amount of bad assets held by Chinese banks and reduce the country's overall productivity and hence, potential growth. Yet, denying these debtors financing will result in a major slump in capex, and probably labor market weakness. Chart I-9Chinese SOEs: Capital Misallocation Chinese SOEs: Capital Misallocation Chinese SOEs: Capital Misallocation Chart I-10Leverage And Interest Coverage For Chinese Companies Leverage And Interest Coverage For Chinese Companies Leverage And Interest Coverage For Chinese Companies Dissecting sectoral data, indebtedness is elevated for industrials, utilities and property developers. Consistently, the interest coverage ratio is extremely low for industrials, utilities and property developers (Chart I-10). Financial health of Chinese materials has improved tremendously due to de-capacity reforms - the shutdown of excess capacity that has boosted both steel and coal prices. Interestingly, this has occurred at the expense of utilities and some other heavy consumers of steel and coal. Notably, steel and coal prices are beginning to relapse (Chart I-11). For reasons discussed in our previous report,3 these commodities prices will drop further and will hurt producers' cash flow and profits, causing their creditworthiness to deteriorate. Chart I-11Steel And Thermal Coal Prices Steel And Thermal Coal Prices Steel And Thermal Coal Prices Offshore corporate bond yields and spreads are surging, foreshadowing rising borrowing costs and reduced availability of financing (Chart I-12A). The problem is especially acute for property developers (Chart I-12B). In a nutshell, Chinese corporate U.S. dollar bond yields are at their highest levels of the past five-six years. The same is true for emerging Asian corporate bond issuers. Chart I-12AChinese Offshore Aggregate Corporate Bonds Chinese Offshore Aggregate Corporate Bonds Chinese Offshore Aggregate Corporate Bonds Chart I-12BChinese Offshore Property Developers Chinese Offshore Property Developers Chinese Offshore Property Developers Not only do Chinese corporate bonds now account for 32.5% of EM and 56% of emerging Asian corporate bond indexes, but investment expenditures by Chinese companies are also critical to companies elsewhere in Asia and globally. Chinese gross fixed capital formation accounts for 6% and 5.4% of global GDP in nominal and real terms, respectively. By contrast, these numbers are 4.6% and 4.3% for the U.S. We have deliberated at great length on why China's growth will likely continue to downshift, despite the policy stimulus, and we will not repeat our arguments today.4 The financial health of Chinese companies will worsen due to dwindling sales and cash generation. This, along with less credit/financing available onshore and offshore, will erode their capacity to undertake large investment expenditures. Consequently, capital expenditures in general and construction in particular will suffer substantially. This is the main rationale behind our negative view on resources, raw materials and industrials worldwide. Investment Observations And Conclusions Apart from Turkey and Argentina, there has been no liquidation and capitulation in EM assets in general and the credit space in particular. It would be unusual if this extended selloff ends without capitulation. EM credit markets appear technically vulnerable. In particular, the excess returns on EM sovereign and corporate bonds are splintering below their 200-day moving averages (Chart I-13). Odds are there will be more downside. Chart I-13A Bad Signal A Bad Signal A Bad Signal Rising U.S. dollar corporate bond yields in both EM overall and in emerging Asia herald lower share prices (Chart I-14). So long as the drop in U.S. Treasury yields is offset by widening EM credit spreads, EM corporate bond yields will continue to rise and EM share prices will sell off. However, as and when EM corporate (or sovereign) yields start falling, irrespective of whether because of declining U.S. Treasury yields or narrowing EM credit spreads, EM equity prices will rally. EM sovereign and corporate bond yields are an imperative indicator to watch for equity investors. Chart I-14Rising Corporate Yields = Lower Share Prices Rising Corporate Yields = Lower Share Prices Rising Corporate Yields = Lower Share Prices We continue to recommend defensive positioning in EM sovereign and corporate bonds. In terms of asset allocation, EM dollar-denominated sovereign and corporate bonds should not be compared with EM local currency bonds or equities or U.S. Treasurys.5 These are credit instruments, and they should be a part of a credit portfolio with U.S. and European corporate bonds. Credit portfolios should presently be underweight EM sovereign and corporate bonds relative to U.S. corporate bonds (Chart I-15A & Chart I-15B). Chart I-15AEM Sovereign Credit Versus U.S. Credit: Relative Excess Returns EM Credit Versus U.S. Credit: Relative Excess Returns EM Credit Versus U.S. Credit: Relative Excess Returns Chart I-15BEM Corporate Credit Versus U.S. Credit: Relative Excess Returns EM Credit Versus U.S. Credit: Relative Excess Returns EM Credit Versus U.S. Credit: Relative Excess Returns Arthur Budaghyan, Senior Vice President Emerging Markets Strategy arthurb@bcaresearch.com Andrija Vesic, Research Analyst andrijav@bcaresearch.com Mexico: Is The Underperformance Overdone? Despite having a sound macroeconomic backdrop,6 Mexican financial markets have lately substantially underperformed their emerging market peers due in large part to domestic politics. Odds are that Mexican risk assets will continue to sell off in absolute terms, especially given the broad turmoil in the EM universe, which we expect to continue. That said, the recent underperformance of Mexican markets versus their EM peers is overdone, and odds are that Mexican stocks, local bonds and sovereign credit will outperform their EM peers over the coming six to 12 months: First, the Mexican authorities have been pursuing orthodox macro policies, including very tight monetary and fiscal policies. The central bank hiked its policy rate again last week in the face of a currency relapse, and the fiscal stance has been tight. Currently, the real policy rate is 4% and the 10-year local currency government bond yield is 5.5%, both deflated by core consumer price inflation (Chart II-1, top and middle panel). Real rates are very high by historical standards and are now above most other EMs. Chart II-1Mexico: Tight Monetary And Fiscal Policies Mexico: Tight Monetary And Fiscal Policies Mexico: Tight Monetary And Fiscal Policies The government's non-interest expenditures deflated by core consumer price inflation have been contracting (Chart II-1, bottom panel). Such a tight monetary and fiscal policy mix will not change considerably with AMLO taking the office and it should benefit the currency. We expect the peso to start outperforming its EM peers on a total-return basis. Second, the Mexican peso is very cheap - close to one standard deviation below fair value, according to the unit labor cost-based real effective exchange rate (Chart II-2). The latter is our favorite currency valuation measure. Chart II-2The Mexican Peso Is Cheap The Mexican Peso Is Cheap The Mexican Peso Is Cheap Third, economic growth is improving, as the effects from monetary and fiscal tightening are diminishing (Chart II-3). This should at the margin support Mexican financial markets versus their EM peers where growth is slowing. Chart II-3Mexico: A Moderate Cyclical Recovery Mexico: A Moderate Cyclical Recovery Mexico: A Moderate Cyclical Recovery Fourth, Mexico's business cycle is much more leveraged to the U.S. economy than to China's. In line with our view that U.S. growth will fare better than China's growth, the Mexican economy will likely outperform other EMs that are more leveraged to China. Finally, an important rationale behind our recommendation to maintain an overweight stance on Mexico is that Mexican risk assets are defensive plays within the broad EM universe. In other words, whenever there is broad EM turbulence and an ensuing flight to quality, Mexican risk assets tend to outperform their EM peers. This is even more likely to happen now that Mexican sovereign spreads are already elevated and local currency government bonds offer a very attractive yield relative to other EMs (Chart II-4). Chart II-4Mexican Domestic And U.S. Dollar Bonds Offer Value Mexican Domestic And U.S. Dollar Bonds Offer Value Mexican Domestic And U.S. Dollar Bonds Offer Value Still, a few words are warranted on the recent domestic political developments. Our view is that the latest measures announced by the incoming administration regarding the new airport and banking fees are more indicative of a strategy to test the markets before the AMLO administration takes office, rather than declaring war against both markets and investors. It is noteworthy how fast the AMLO government came out after each of these announcements to calm investors. This suggests to us that fears of Mexico taking an irreversible sharp political turn to the left are overblown. AMLO is likely to be pragmatic and deliberate in the way he pushes forward his policies. In a nutshell, our bias is that these announcements represent an attempt by the AMLO administration to promote competition and reduce rent-seeking activities in the economy. This can be negative for shareholders of incumbent large companies, as it will hurt corporate profits of oligopolies. However, in the long term these polices will be positive for overall economic growth as they will reduce the cost of doing business, appease structural inflation and boost the nation's competitiveness. From a structural perspective, these policies are positive for the currency and local bonds. One way to play this theme is to favor small-cap over large-cap companies. Given the oligopolistic structure of some industries, Mexican large-cap companies are much more likely to be hurt by the incoming administration's open competition policies than small-cap companies. As such, small-caps will likely outperform large-caps in Mexico over at least the next six to 12 months (Chart II-5). Moreover, small-caps are currently trading at a significant discount compared to large-caps, with the former trading at multiples that are half of the latter. Chart II-5Mexico: Small-Caps Will Outperform Large-Caps Mexico: Small-Caps Will Outperform Large-Caps Mexico: Small-Caps Will Outperform Large-Caps Investment Conclusion Dedicated EM investors should overweight Mexican equities, local currency bonds and sovereign credit within their respective universes. Concerning the exchange rate, we are maintaining our long MXN / short ZAR position. Stephan Gabillard, Senior Analyst stephang@bcaresearch.com Indonesia: Defying The Impossible Trinity? Indonesian stocks are attempting to rally and have lately outperformed the EM equity benchmark. The outlook for this bourse remains negative and we recommend investors to fade this rally and outperformance. Critically, Indonesian domestic interbank rates and corporate U.S. dollar bond yields are rising. Historically, this is a negative signal for share prices (Chart III-1, rates and yields are shown inverted). Chart III-1Rising Rates/Yields = Falling Stocks Rising Rates/Yields = Falling Stocks Rising Rates/Yields = Falling Stocks Weakening rupiah and rising interest rates are forcing the central bank (BI) into a policy dilemma: Should it defend the currency and allow interest rates to rise further or should it cap interest rates and let the currency find a market equilibrium? It appears the BI is trying to do both - to stop the currency from depreciating, while also capping or bringing down interbank rates simultaneously. This defies the Impossible Trinity thesis which stipulates that a central bank of a country with an open capital account has to choose between controlling either the exchange rate or interest rates. On the surface, it would seem that the BI has been focused on targeting a stable rupiah. The monetary authorities have sold foreign exchange reserves (Chart III-2, top panel), and raised the key policy rate. Chart III-2Aggressive Monetary Policy Tightening... Aggressive Monetary Policy Tightening... Aggressive Monetary Policy Tightening... Selling of foreign exchange reserves is a form of tightening as it drains the banking system's excess reserves at the central bank. Shrinking interbank liquidity, however, pushes up interbank rates and borrowing costs (Chart III-2, bottom panel). Higher borrowings costs not only make the currency more appealing to investors, but they also curb domestic demand and, thereby, improve the current account balance. This is an ultimate mechanism of how policy tightening leads to exchange rate stability. Yet the full picture of BI's policies is a lot murkier. While on the one hand, the central bank has sold its foreign exchange reserves and hiked policy rates to defend the rupiah, it has also offset some of the tightening by injecting local currency reserves into the banking system. Chart III-3 shows that the BI purchased/redeemed back central bank certificates from commercial banks, which has led to a sharp increase in commercial banks' excess reserves. Chart III-3... And Liquidity Injections By Central Bank ... And Liquidity Injections By Central Bank ... And Liquidity Injections By Central Bank Central bank liquidity injections are akin to monetary easing aimed at capping or even bringing down interbank rates. Hence, they come as a contradiction to the central bank's restrictive policies. If the BI chooses to stabilize the rupiah, then interbank rates and borrowing costs in general will have to rise and the economy will take a hit. Corporate earnings will then contract which will be bearish for the equity market. If the central bank opts to cap interbank rates, it has to inject as much liquidity (excess reserves) into the banking system as required. In this scenario, the currency could depreciate triggering capital flight and selloffs in equity and local bond markets. The BI can continue the muddle-through policy - offsetting or sterilizing its foreign exchange interventions by turning the backdoor liquidity taps on. These injections of local currency liquidity into the banking system could encourage speculation against the rupiah and allow banks to lend more, maintaining robust imports and a large current account deficit. It is not certain, but if the market perceives that interest rates are lower than warranted, the currency could very well depreciate amid this policy mix. In this scenario, the result could be a mix of gradual currency depreciation and somewhat higher interest rates. Financial markets will still do poorly in dollar terms. Overall, odds are high that the rupiah will resume its depreciation and interest rates will move higher. Indonesia's balance of payment dynamics remain a risk to the exchange rate. The current account deficit is still large and exports are heading south (Chart III-4). Chart III-4Current Account Deficit Is Large Current Account Deficit Is Large Current Account Deficit Is Large First, Chart III-5 illustrates that the sharp slowdown in the average manufacturing PMIs of Japan, Korea, Taiwan and Germany are pointing to an imminent contraction in Indonesian export volumes. Chart III-5Exports Are Heading South Exports Are Heading South Exports Are Heading South Second, thermal coal prices seem to be breaking down. Chart III-6 shows that the stock price of Adaro - a large Indonesian coal producing company - has already fallen by 45% in U.S. dollar terms since January, and is heralding a dismal outlook for coal prices. Chart III-6Coal Prices Are To Break Down Coal Prices Are To Break Down Coal Prices Are To Break Down Lower coal prices will shrink Indonesia's coal export revenues. The latter accounts for 12% of total Indonesian exports. In terms of the outlook for banks, which is a key equity sector, their share prices have been surprisingly resilient. Rising interest rates, however, will cause their NPLs to move higher hurting banks' profits, and pulling their share prices down (Chart III-7). Chart III-7Bank Stocks Are At Risk Bank Stocks Are At Risk Bank Stocks Are At Risk Finally, overall Indonesian equity valuations are still not attractive either in absolute terms or relative to the EM benchmark. Meanwhile, foreigners own 32% of the equity market and 37% of local currency bonds. As the rupiah slides, foreigners will rush to the exits, amplifying the currency depreciation. Bottom Line: The path of least resistance for the rupiah is down. Continue underweighting Indonesian equities and bonds and continue shorting the rupiah versus the U.S. dollar. Ayman Kawtharani, Associate Editor ayman@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Please see Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report, "On Domino Effects And Portfolio Outflows," dated November 15, 2018, available at ems.bcaresearch.com. 2 Cash flow from operations represents net cash flow from operating activities & excludes net cash flow financing and investing activities. 3 Please see China Investment Strategy Special Report, "Revisiting China's De-Capacity Reforms," dated October 17, 2018, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 4 Please see Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report, "China: Stimulus, Deleveraging And Growth," dated October 25, 2018, available at ems.bcaresearch.com. 5 Please see Emering Markets Strategy Weekly Report, "Strategic Asset Allocation For Emerging Markets," dated May 7 2013, available at ems.bcaresearch.com. 6 Please see Emerging Markets Strategy Special Report, "A Mexican Standoff - Markets Vs. AMLO," dated June 28 2018, available at ems.bcaresearch.com. Equity Recommendations Fixed-Income, Credit And Currency Recommendations

This week we are publishing Part 1 of an overview of the cyclical profiles of emerging market (EM) economies. This all-in-charts presentation illustrates the business cycle conditions of the largest EMs. The aim of this report is to provide investors with a quick assessment of where each EM economy stands. In addition, we provide our view on each market. The rest of the countries will be covered in next week’s Part 2. Chart A CHART A CHART A Chart B CHART B CHART B Korea: Overweight Equities Korea: Overweight Equities CHART 1 CHART 1 Korea: Overweight Equities CHART 2 CHART 2 Korea: Overweight Equities CHART 3 CHART 3 ...But Negative On Currency ...But Negative On Currency CHART 6 CHART 6 ...But Negative On Currency CHART 4 CHART 4 ...But Negative On Currency CHART 5 CHART 5 ...But Negative On Currency CHART 7 CHART 7 Taiwan: Overweight Equities But... Taiwan: Overweight Equities... CHART 8 CHART 8 Taiwan: Overweight Equities... CHART 10 CHART 10 Taiwan: Overweight Equities... CHART 9 CHART 9 Taiwan: Overweight Equities... CHART 11 CHART 11 ...Absolute Return Investors Should Mind Cracks In Semi Sector ...Absolute Return Investors Should ##br##Mind Cracks In Semi Sector CHART 12 CHART 12 ...Absolute Return Investors Should ##br##Mind Cracks In Semi Sector CHART 13 CHART 13 India: Remain Overweight India: Remain Overweight CHART 14 CHART 14 India: Remain Overweight CHART 17 CHART 17 India: Remain Overweight CHART 15 CHART 15 India: Remain Overweight CHART 16 CHART 16 India: Strong Domestic Growth & Advanced NPL Recognition India: Strong Domestic Growth & ##br##Advanced NPL Recognition CHART 18 CHART 18 India: Strong Domestic Growth & ##br##Advanced NPL Recognition CHART 20 CHART 20 India: Strong Domestic Growth & ##br##Advanced NPL Recognition CHART 19 CHART 19 India: Strong Domestic Growth & ##br##Advanced NPL Recognition Cyclical Profiles Of EM Economies: Part 1 Cyclical Profiles Of EM Economies: Part 1 South Africa: On Shaky Foundations - Underweight South Africa: On Shaky Foundations CHART 22 CHART 22 South Africa: On Shaky Foundations CHART 23 CHART 23 South Africa: On Shaky Foundations CHART 24 CHART 24 South Africa: On Shaky Foundations CHART 25 CHART 25 South Africa: Strong Consumption, No CAPEX And No Competitiveness South Africa: Strong Consumption, ##br##No CAPEX And No Competitiveness CHART 26 CHART 26 South Africa: Strong Consumption, ##br##No CAPEX And No Competitiveness CHART 28 CHART 28 South Africa: Strong Consumption, ##br##No CAPEX And No Competitiveness CHART 27 CHART 27 South Africa: Strong Consumption, ##br##No CAPEX And No Competitiveness CHART 29 CHART 29 Brazil: Heading Towards A Fiscal Debacle - Underweight Brazil: Heading Towards A Fiscal Debacle CHART 30 CHART 30 Brazil: Heading Towards A Fiscal Debacle CHART 31 CHART 31 Brazil: Heading Towards A Fiscal Debacle CHART 32 CHART 32 Brazil: More Downside In Financial Assets Brazil: More Downside In Financial Assets CHART 33 CHART 33 Brazil: More Downside In Financial Assets CHART 35 CHART 35 Brazil: More Downside In Financial Assets CHART 34 CHART 34 Brazil: More Downside In Financial Assets CHART 36 CHART 36 Mexico: Domestic Fundamentals Are Improving - Overweight Mexico: Domestic Fundamentals Are Improving CHART 44 CHART 44 Mexico: Domestic Fundamentals Are Improving CHART 45 CHART 45 Mexico: Domestic Fundamentals Are Improving CHART 46 CHART 46 Mexico: External Sector Is Faring Well Mexico: External Sector Is Faring Well CHART 47 CHART 47 Mexico: External Sector Is Faring Well CHART 49 CHART 49 Mexico: External Sector Is Faring Well CHART 48 CHART 48 Russia: Orthodox Monetary And Fiscal Policies Russia: Orthodox Monetary And Fiscal Policies CHART 37 CHART 37 Russia: Orthodox Monetary And Fiscal Policies CHART 38 CHART 38 Russia: Orthodox Monetary And Fiscal Policies CHART 39 CHART 39 Russia: Orthodox Monetary And Fiscal Policies CHART 40 CHART 40 Russia: Gradual Cyclical Improvements - On Upgrade Watchlist Russia: Gradual Cyclical Improvements CHART 40 CHART 40 Russia: Gradual Cyclical Improvements CHART 42 CHART 42 Russia: Gradual Cyclical Improvements CHART 43 CHART 43 Turkey: A Genuine Inflation Breakout Amidst Credit Excesses Turkey: A Genuine Inflation ##br##Breakout Amidst Credit Excesses CHART 50 CHART 50 Turkey: A Genuine Inflation ##br##Breakout Amidst Credit Excesses CHART 51 CHART 51 Turkey: A Genuine Inflation ##br##Breakout Amidst Credit Excesses CHART 54 CHART 54 Turkey: A Genuine Inflation ##br##Breakout Amidst Credit Excesses CHART 52 CHART 52 Turkey: A Genuine Inflation ##br##Breakout Amidst Credit Excesses CHART 53 CHART 53 Turkey: Still In Dangerous Territory - Underweight Turkey: Still In Dangerous Territory CHART 55 CHART 55 Turkey: Still In Dangerous Territory CHART 58 CHART 58 Turkey: Still In Dangerous Territory CHART 56 CHART 56 Turkey: Still In Dangerous Territory CHART 57 CHART 57 Equity Recommendations Fixed-Income, Credit And Currency Recommendations

Highlights Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) will most likely win the upcoming presidential election; His rising popularity has increased the likelihood that his left-wing party MORENA wins the lower Chamber of Congress; That said, his agenda is more "nationalist" than outright socialist; Moreover, there is no evidence that the Mexican median voter has abandoned their long-held centrist outlook; While the election and NAFTA renegotiations represent serious headwinds to Mexican assets, dedicated EM investors should stay overweight across all asset classes. Feature "I believe it is time to say that neither Chavismo... nor Trump... yes Mexicanism." Andrés Manuel López Obrador, March 2018 Mexican voters go to the polls on July 1 to elect a new president and Congress. The leading candidate for President, Andrés Manuel López Obrador (also known as AMLO), is likely to win. Our aggregate poll-of-polls shows that AMLO now has a 25% lead against his two challengers, Ricardo Anaya of the center-right National Action Party (PAN) and José Antonio Meade Kuribreña of the centrist (formerly center-left, now also center-right) Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI). At this point, it is safe to call the presidential election for AMLO (Chart 1). A win for López Obrador will be an unprecedented political event in modern Mexican history. Although the roots of the PRI - Mexico's long-time ruling party - lie in labor, anti-Catholic, and socialist politics, no outwardly left-wing leader has won a national election since Plutarco Elías Calles in 1924. Over the past two decades, the main line of political competition in Mexico has been between the centrist PRI and center-right PAN, which ruled Mexico from 2000 to 2012 under the presidencies of Vicente Fox and Felipe Calderón. The outgoing President Enrique Peña Nieto shifted PRI towards the center-right to compete with PAN. In some way, this makes sense given that the median Mexican voter has traditionally been center, if not center-right, on economic policies (Chart 2). However, by shifting PRI so far to the right, Nieto has left space on the left for AMLO and his new party, the National Regeneration Movement (MORENA). Chart 1AMLO Is The Next President Of Mexico... A Mexican Standoff - Markets Vs. AMLO A Mexican Standoff - Markets Vs. AMLO Chart 2...But Mexicans Are Not Left-Wing A Mexican Standoff - Markets Vs. AMLO A Mexican Standoff - Markets Vs. AMLO Chart 3MORENA Can Win A Majority... A Mexican Standoff - Markets Vs. AMLO A Mexican Standoff - Markets Vs. AMLO What should investors expect from AMLO and MORENA? First, much will depend on whether MORENA will be able to garner a majority in Congress - both the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies. Polls are starting to show that the left-wing MORENA is surging and that there is a chance that it captures a majority (Chart 3). Second, there is a major question regarding what MORENA actually stands for, politically and economically. We argue that AMLO and MORENA's rise has more to do with the ongoing drug war and corruption problems and less with the economy. As such, the Mexican median voter will remain a constraint against overly left-leaning policy. Meanwhile, the judicial branch and the market itself will retain an important role in disciplining AMLO's most left-leaning tendencies. We do not expect AMLO to veer towards socialism, but rather to remain pragmatic in his decision making. We believe him when he says that he will neither emulate Hugo Chavez of Venezuela nor Donald Trump of the U.S. Can AMLO Dominate Mexico? The short answer to the critical question is that yes, AMLO can dominate Mexican politics. Given current polling, political constraints to the AMLO presidency may be weak. For the first time in twenty years, a Mexican president may not face pluralism in Congress. BCA's geopolitical methodology focuses on constraints over preferences. Investors often focus on policymaker preferences - largely because the media reports on them enthusiastically - but what generates geopolitical alpha are constraints. This is because preferences are ephemeral, optional, and subject to constraints. Constraints, on the other hand, are real, material, not optional, and definitely not subject to preferences. For most of his career, AMLO has campaigned on a policy platform that harkens to traditional left-wing Latin American politics. Before we examine his commitment to those policies, we would have to ask whether constitutional and legislative constraints will allow AMLO and MORENA to dominate Mexican politics. The Mexican constitution designates Congress as the primary legislative body. This includes power to promulgate laws, levy taxes, declare war, and regulate trade.1 The Mexican president can veto legislation, but the veto can be overturned by a two-thirds majority. In 2011, President Felipe Calderon ended the practice of a "pocket veto," which allowed presidents to kill legislation by simply refusing to sign them. Were AMLO to face an opposition-led Congress, he would have two strategies. First would be to veto - or threaten to veto - legislation and force Congress to work with him. Given current polling, it is unlikely that Congress would have a two-thirds majority to overturn AMLO's vetoes. However, this strategy would ensure that the constitutional reforms passed under Nieto remain in place, as the president would struggle to pass his own agenda. Second would be to try to bring one of the opposition parties on board with his legislative agenda, which would ensure its passage but also ensure that the resultant legislation was modified. Lower House - The Chamber Of Deputies What are the chances that AMLO can operate with a MORENA majority? There has not been a governing majority in the Mexican Chamber of Deputies since 1994 (Chart 4), with the share of votes by the largest party normally coming in under 40% (Chart 5). According to our calculations, based on previous elections, a party would need to get at least 42% of the vote share to achieve a majority (Chart 6). Chart 4...Breaking With Recent Tradition Of Pluralism A Mexican Standoff - Markets Vs. AMLO A Mexican Standoff - Markets Vs. AMLO Chart 5Can MORENA Be First To 40% In Two Decades? A Mexican Standoff - Markets Vs. AMLO A Mexican Standoff - Markets Vs. AMLO Chart 642%: The Magic Number For The Chamber Of Deputies A Mexican Standoff - Markets Vs. AMLO A Mexican Standoff - Markets Vs. AMLO Chart 7AMLO Can Lift MORENA Fortunes A Mexican Standoff - Markets Vs. AMLO A Mexican Standoff - Markets Vs. AMLO Can AMLO lift the fortunes of MORENA? Yes. According to our calculations, the relationship between the vote share for the presidential candidate and his party is strong (Chart 7). The coefficient is around 1, so 1% vote share for the presidential candidate means 1% vote share for his respective party (or parties, if they are in a coalition). Given that AMLO is currently polling at 47% in the latest polls, it is conceivable that MORENA - along with its coalition partners the left-wing Labor Party and socially conservative Social Encounter Party - could win a majority in the Chamber of Deputies. We would assign this scenario, given current polling, a 70% probability (Table 1). Especially given that, in Mexico, polls tend to underestimate the performance of the winning candidate (Chart 8). Table 1MORENA Is Set For A Majority In The Chamber Of Deputies A Mexican Standoff - Markets Vs. AMLO A Mexican Standoff - Markets Vs. AMLO Chart 8Polling Tends To Underestimate Winning Candidate A Mexican Standoff - Markets Vs. AMLO A Mexican Standoff - Markets Vs. AMLO Upper House - The Senate What about the Mexican Senate? Electoral rules make it more difficult for the dominant party to win the upper chamber because they guarantee representation for the party that comes in second in state-by-state races. MORENA is currently leading in the polls in 19 out of 32 Mexican states and trailing as second in another five. The electoral system awards two Senate seats to the outright winner of each state. The second-placed party gets one seat. The remaining thirty-two senators are distributed based on the party's national vote, irrespective of the state-specific elections. As such, MORENA is likely to capture, at minimum, around 56 seats in the Senate, were it to garner around 40% of the overall vote.2 This would be nine short of the 65-seat majority in the upper chamber. To win those extra nine seats, the hurdles are considerable. Even if we give MORENA victories in every state in which it is currently trailing and raise its national vote to 50%, it still comes one short of the 65-seat majority (Chart 9). Chart 9MORENA Will Face A Tougher Path In The Senate A Mexican Standoff - Markets Vs. AMLO A Mexican Standoff - Markets Vs. AMLO Our forecast for a MORENA-held Senate is therefore considerably lower than for the Chamber of Deputies. At this moment, the Senate is a "too-close-to-call" election. Much will depend on whether MORENA and AMLO can get more than 50% of the vote on July 1 and whether MORENA translates some specific state races into wins. The left-wing MORENA sits on the edge of a majority, but state-by-state polling in Mexico is woefully poor and thus the variability of the final result is great. Winning the Senate will require a genuine "wave" election that Mexico has not seen in years. If AMLO's party fails to win the majority in the Senate, the chamber will remain a hurdle to him throughout his six-year term as Mexico does not elect Senators in midterm elections. Judicial - Supreme Court Of Justice The final branch of government that can impose checks on the executive is the Mexican Supreme Court, officially referred to as the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation. The Supreme Court has 11 judges who are appointed for 15 years. Given the current roster of judges on the Court, the new president of Mexico will have the opportunity to appoint only three new members of the Court over the next six years of his mandate. President López Obrador would have the first opportunity to do so already in late 2018, with another in 2019, and final one in 2021. And that only holds if MORENA has a majority in the Senate, as the president has to rely on a Senate vote to ultimately appoint his preferred court picks. This is important because the president of Mexico can call a referendum on his own. López Obrador and MORENA have in the past called for a referendum on energy reforms. Frequent appeals to voters on policy matters is also a fundamental thesis of the MORENA manifesto. According to the 2014 Mexican Federal Law of Popular Consultation, reforms can be called by the president, one third of either chamber plus a majority of the other, or support of at least 2% of voters through a mail-in campaign. As such, the hurdle for calling a referendum in Mexico is extremely low, giving AMLO the potential route to avoid an intransigent Congress. This is where the Supreme Court comes in. The 2014 law prohibits referenda on any issue of human rights, national security, elections, or fiscal matters. This means that the ability of the president and Congress to call referendums is limited to largely non-investment relevant issues. In 2014, for example, the Supreme Court ruled that a referendum on energy reforms was unconstitutional and therefore could not be held. Given the current composition of the Court, and limited ability of AMLO to change it, it is unlikely that the Court would do AMLO's or MORENA's bidding in the future. Bottom Line: The Mexican president is constrained by the constitution to take Congress's lead on promulgating laws. However, AMLO's surging popularity makes it possible that his left-wing MORENA wins the lower Chamber of Congress. Forecasting the Senate election is much more difficult, where the election is currently too-close-to-call. Overall, AMLO has a very good chance of winning the majority in both chambers, making him potentially the first president since Ernesto Zedillo to control Congress (Zedillo famously lost PRI's legislative majority in the 1997 midterm election). Despite possible control of both Chambers of Mexican Congress, there is no way that AMLO will be able to capture the judicial branch during his limited, six-year, term in office. As such, the fear that AMLO will rule via popular referendums is overstated. However, if his MORENA captures Congress, AMLO will be able to pass laws through the legislative chamber and will not need to rule via referendum anyway.3 How Left Is The Mexican Left? Chart 2 (on page 2) suggests that Mexicans have traditionally seen themselves as centrist on economic matters. Why would this have changed, in such a dramatic fashion, so as to give both AMLO and the upstart MORENA a potential electoral sweep on July 1? Is the economy in such dire straits that voters are willing to contemplate an economic paradigm shift in 2018? Chart 10Misery Index Is Inconclusive Misery Index Is Inconclusive Misery Index Is Inconclusive Chart 11Central Bank Induced Pain Central Bank Induced Pain Central Bank Induced Pain The short answer is no. The unemployment rate has been steadily declining under Nieto, although inflation surged over the past two years as the peso collapsed and is only now showing signs of easing (Chart 10). To fight inflation, the central bank tightened monetary policy, contracting consumer spending and capital expenditure in the process (Chart 11). Both are now showing signs of tepid recovery as hawkish monetary policy takes a backseat. However, fiscal and monetary tightening - combined with surging inflation - caused weak real wage growth for the past three years (Chart 12). Economic performance has therefore been tepid, not disastrous. The problem is that Nieto promised real change, ushering in his term with several major economic reforms that culminated in the 2013 energy reforms. These reforms, however, have been followed by disappointing economic results while the persistent ills of corruption and violence have actually gotten worse. These two ills, which have plagued Mexico for decades, are the real game changer in the coming election. After a peak in 2011, drug-related deaths dropped off. However, there has been a major increase in drug-related homicides over the past two years, with a record 29,168 in 2017 (Chart 13). Year 2018 is on track to be the deadliest year ever, on pace for 32,000 deaths. Since President Calderon launched the drug war in 2007, more than 210,000 drug-related homicides have occurred in the country. Chart 12Real Wages In A Downturn Since 2016 Real Wages In A Downturn Since 2016 Real Wages In A Downturn Since 2016 Chart 13Drug-War Deaths Are Rising Again A Mexican Standoff - Markets Vs. AMLO A Mexican Standoff - Markets Vs. AMLO In December 2017, AMLO proposed giving amnesty for drug cartel kingpins, saying he wanted dialogue. The proposal caused outrage in the international and domestic press but has clearly not dented his popularity. At the time of his comments, AMLO was up just 7% on his opponents, with the gap today at 25%! Jorge Castañeda, campaign chief of Ricardo Anaya - the torchbearer of Calderon's center-right PAN that initiated the drug war - recently suggested that his candidate would ditch the "totally useless" 12-year war on drugs. This means that AMLO's initial comment has forced his opponents to similarly adjust their views on the drug war. Merely voicing tough rhetoric and doubling down on more security-oriented policies does not return political dividends anymore. It would appear that AMLO's focus on the drug war and general corruption has struck a nerve with the Mexican "median voter." Polls show that both issues are the most salient with Mexican voters (Chart 14). Corrupt leaders, drug cartel violence, and crime score higher than income inequality, immigration, employment, healthcare, and education. Rising prices do make the list of major problems but they are normally ubiquitous as a concern in emerging markets. This is not to say that Mexican voters do not want economic change. Rather, we are pointing out that AMLO's popularity is not merely a show of support for his economic policies. He and the newly launched MORENA have an incorruptible image in a country plagued by corruption and offer new solutions to the scourge of the drug war that two mainstream parties - the PRI and the PAN - have spent over a decade fighting with limited success. Chart 14Security & Corruption Dominate The Election A Mexican Standoff - Markets Vs. AMLO A Mexican Standoff - Markets Vs. AMLO In terms of actual economic policy proposals, AMLO's and MORENA's bark may be worse than their bite. There are three critical policy proposals where we expect considerable moderation following the election: Referendums: As we pointed out above, AMLO has promised a new referendum on the 2013 energy reforms. MORENA's manifesto argues that the use of referendums would prevent the continued hijacking of institutions by oligarchies. In other words, the message is that investors should prepare for a constant stream of referendums. However, this will only be possible in non-investment relevant fields, given the role of the Mexican Supreme Court in the process as discussed above. Energy reforms: The likely pick for the Energy Secretary, Rocío Nahle, has been a vociferous opponent of Nieto's energy reforms. However, he has since toned down the rhetoric and has focused on a MORENA proposal to build two state-run refineries in order to curb imports of refined petroleum products from the U.S. (Chart 15). Several of AMLO's key economic advisers - such as Alfredo Romo and Abel Hibert - have suggested that reversal of energy reforms will not be on the table. Nonetheless, AMLO's administration is likely to stall private auctions once he comes to power, given that it is a featured electoral promise. However, it is not clear that this would set the stage for a curbing of foreign investments in other areas. In fact, AMLO's opposition to domestic oligopolies could specifically benefit foreign investors by breaking up entrenched economic interests. Industrial policy: AMLO and his economic advisers - including the likely finance and economic ministers Carlos Manuel Urzúa Macias and Graciela Márquez Colín - appear to be in favor of an activist government industrial policy. This return to the "import substitution" model may appear to be a step back in Mexico's economic development. However, if it is combined with fiscal prudence, as AMLO and his advisors promise, and a pro-investor outlook, which they still have to prove, the policy may not be a major risk for financial markets. Investors should also look to the issue of NAFTA renegotiations for a lead on how AMLO intends to govern. He has been a vociferous critic of the trade deal for years. However, nearly 70% of Mexicans support the trade deal. This has forced AMLO to modify his view towards NAFTA. He has promised to renegotiate the deal with President Trump, although he has complained about the renegotiation process taking place ahead of the Mexican elections by the outgoing government. In addition, AMLO's track record as mayor of Mexico City (2000-2006) does not raise any red flags. During that period, the city saw its municipal debt decline, foreign investment surge, and good amount of infrastructure projects implemented. Granted, his term coincided with a global bull market, but he did not have an overt anti-business bias despite his perpetual left-wing rhetoric. Bottom Line: López Obrador and his left-wing MORENA could represent an economic paradigm shift in Mexico. However, his brand of economics is more "nationalist" than left-wing; more "Mexicanism" than outright socialism. Opposition to foreign investment in the energy sector is a clear red flag for investors, but it does not extend to any other sector of the economy, at least not rhetorically in the election campaign. As such, it is a vestige of Mexican history, where the capture of state energy resources was a crucial pillar of the country's independence and sovereignty movement. Meanwhile, there is no evidence that the Mexican median voter has abandoned their long-held centrist outlook. Seven out of ten Mexican voters support NAFTA, while a plurality still supports globalization - at a much higher clip than their neighbors to the north (Chart 16)! AMLO and MORENA's success in the election is therefore due to their strident anti-corruption stance and due to the failures of the previous PRI and PAN administrations to effectively deal with the ongoing drug war. This means that, were AMLO to deviate too much into left-wing economic policies, the electorate would act as a constraint. Chart 15Refined Petroleum##br## Imports Will Fall Refined Petroleum Imports Will Fall Refined Petroleum Imports Will Fall Chart 16Mexicans Are More Supportive Of ##br##Globalization Than Americans A Mexican Standoff - Markets Vs. AMLO A Mexican Standoff - Markets Vs. AMLO Investment Conclusions Tactically speaking, Mexican elections and NAFTA renegotiations represent serious headwinds to Mexican assets. There is a high probability that MORENA wins both the Chamber of Deputies (70%) and the Senate (50%, too-close-to-call). We do not think that this scenario is priced in by the market at the moment. Meanwhile, NAFTA renegotiations have stalled and could result in a failure. As we argued last year, the probability of abrogation of the deal is at 50%, higher than what the market thinks.4 This is because President Trump has no constraints - either legal or political - to withdrawing from the deal.5 Particularly if he intends to renegotiate bilateral deals with Canada and Mexico after the midterms. AMLO, however, will face three constraints in governing even if he were to gain a majority in both Chambers of Congress: Judicial branch: There is no way for AMLO to stack the Mexican supreme court with left-leaning, loyalist, judges. As such, his plan to use referendums to rule will fail. Median voter: The median voter in Mexico is certainly not thrilled with the economic performance of the country, but long-term polling suggests that Mexicans remain committed to a free market economy and even to globalization. We suspect that AMLO's and MORENA's stellar rise is therefore a product of government corruption, the dominance of oligopolies, and the ongoing drug-war, which has definitively failed. Correctly identifying the basis for AMLO's and MORENA's success is crucial as it suggests that there is a limit to how far left AMLO can take the country before imperiling his political capital. Mexican midterm elections, due in 2021, are an important constraint if he loses the faith of the median voter. The market: The Mexican peso will be the vehicle by which the market expresses its displeasure with any future government policies. A downleg in the peso could be non-trivial, especially given the current broad-based upturn in the U.S. dollar. As a result, inflation will remain elevated and real incomes depressed. Bank of Mexico will have to respond by maintaining tight monetary policy or tightening policy further with negative ramifications for growth. This is not a scenario that AMLO will want, as it would imperil his control of the Chamber of Deputies ahead of the 2021 midterms. Therefore, financial markets will act as a major constraint on AMLO adopting left-wing or populist policies. Given AMLO's track record as mayor of Mexico City, his mix of centrist economic advisors, and a penchant for reversing previous rhetoric (such as on NAFTA and the energy reforms), we suspect that he is well aware of the above constraints. The focus of the administration will likely be on corruption and the drug war, while energy reforms will get a token review early in his presidency. Considering the headline risks, however, investors may take time to buy into this view. As such, we do not recommend holding Mexican assets on an absolute basis. On a relative basis to other emerging market economies, Mexico does have several cyclical advantages over its peers. The Mexican economy has already been going through the natural path of adjustment - demand retrenchment - following monetary and fiscal tightening during the past couple of years. This stands in contrast to many other emerging markets economies which have avoided harsh medicine in recent years. Yet presently, with their currencies plummeting, these developing nations will have no choice but to tolerate domestic demand retrenchment themselves. While most emerging markets are leveraged to China and metals, Mexico is more exposed to U.S. domestic demand and oil. In line with our view that U.S. growth will do much better than that of China, Mexican exports to the U.S., which represents 30% of Mexican GDP, will remain strong, benefitting the nation's growth and balance of payments. Consequently, our view is that Mexican risk assets will outperform their EM peers in the next 6-12 months: Chart 17MXN Is A Positive Carry Trade Relative To EM MXN Is A Positive Carry Trade Relative To EM MXN Is A Positive Carry Trade Relative To EM Chart 18Mexican Peso Is Cheap Mexican Peso Is Cheap Mexican Peso Is Cheap First, the Mexican peso is attractive. For the first time in many years, Mexican short term interest rates are above the majority of EM economies, even among high yielding emerging markets like South Africa and Brazil (Chart 17), making the Mexican peso a positive carry trade relative to its EM counterparts. More importantly, the Mexican peso is cheap. As illustrated on Chart 18, according to the real effective exchange rate based on unit labor cost, the Mexican peso is well below its historic mean in absolute terms. Second, local currency bond yields and USD sovereign spreads are elevated and offer great value relative to their respective EM benchmarks (Chart 19). Even if AMLO favors some left-wing policies, Mexico's local bonds' and credit markets' relative pricing already reflect this and are unlikely to underperform much versus their EM peers. Third, Mexico's bourse has dramatically underperformed the EM overall index since 2016 and a lot of bad news in relative terms might already be priced in. In addition, consumer staples and telecom stocks together account for 50% of the MSCI Mexico market cap, while the same sectors make up only 11% of the overall EM market cap. EM consumer staples have massively underperformed the EM benchmark since early 2016 (Chart 20 top panel) and odds are that this sector will outperform in the next 12 months as defensives outperforms cyclicals. This will bode well for Mexico's relative performance in common currency terms versus the EM equity benchmark which seems to be forming a major bottom (Chart 20 bottom panel). Chart 19Local Currency And Dollar Bonds Offer Value Local Currency And Dollar Bonds Offer Value Local Currency And Dollar Bonds Offer Value Chart 20Mexican Equites Are A Defensive Play Mexican Equites Are A Defensive Play Mexican Equites Are A Defensive Play Bottom Line: Headline risk from NAFTA renegotiations and Mexican election could cause tactical downside to the country's FX, equity, and bond markets. However, these may present buying opportunities for longer-term investors given the combination of our political and macroeconomic views. Dedicated EM investors should overweight Mexican equities, local currency bonds as well as sovereign credit relative to their EM benchmarks. Currency traders should stay long MXN versus an equally-weighted basket of BRL and ZAR. Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Chief Geopolitical Strategist marko@bcaresearch.com Stephan Gabillard, Senior Analyst stephang@bcaresearch.com Jesse Anak Kuri, Senior Analyst jesse.kuri@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see Section III of the Constitution of Mexico, available at OAS.org. 2 We get this number if MORENA wins the 19 states where it is currently leading, giving it 38 assured Senate seats. In addition, Morena is trailing as second-placed in the polls in another five states, giving it an additional five seats. Finally, we assume that MORENA wins 40% of the vote, giving it an additional 12 seats (40% of 32 would be 12.8). This combines for a grand total of 56 seats, nine seats short of a 65-seat majority. 3 Modifying the constitution, however, still requires two-thirds of Congress, which MORENA has no mathematical chance of winning. 4 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy and Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "NAFTA - Populism Vs. Pluto-Populism," dated November 10, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 5 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Are You 'Sick Of Winning' Yet?" dated June 20, 2018, available at gps.bcaresearch.com.

Feature Valuations, whether for currencies, equities or bonds, are always at the top of the list of the determinants of any asset's long-term performance. This means that after large FX moves like those experienced so far this year, it is always useful to pause and reflect on where currency valuations stand. In this optic, this week we update our set of long-term valuation models for currencies that we introduced In February 2016 in a Special Report titled, "Assessing Fair Value In FX Markets". Included in these models are variables such as productivity differentials, terms-of-trade shocks, net international investment positions, real rate differentials and proxies for global risk aversion.1 These models cover 22 currencies, incorporating both G-10 and EM FX markets. Twice a year, we provide clients with a comprehensive update of all these long-term models in one stop. The models are not designed to generate short- or intermediate-term forecasts. Instead, they reflect the economic drivers of a currency's equilibrium. Their purpose is therefore threefold. First, they provide guideposts to judge whether we are at the end, beginning or middle of a long-term currency cycle. Second, by providing strong directional signals, they help us judge whether any given move is more likely to be a countertrend development or not, offering insight on its potential longevity. Finally, they assist us and our clients in cutting through the fog, and understanding the key drivers of cyclical variations in a currency's value. The U.S. Dollar Chart 1Dollar: Back At Fair Value Dollar: Back At Fair Value Dollar: Back At Fair Value 2017 was a terrible year for the dollar, but the selloff had one important positive impact: it erased the dollar's massive overvaluation that was so evident in the direct wake of U.S. President Donald Trump's election. In fact, today, based on its long-term drivers, the dollar is modestly cheap (Chart 1). Fair value for the dollar is currently flattered by the fact that real long-term yields are higher in the U.S. than in the rest of the G-10. Investors are thus betting that U.S. neutral interest rates are much higher than in other advanced economies. This also means that the uptrend currently evident in the dollar's fair value could end once we get closer to the point where Europe can join the U.S. toward lifting rates - a point at which investors could begin upgrading their estimates of the neutral rate in the rest of the world. This would be dollar bearish. For the time being, we recommend investors keep a bullish posturing on the USD for the remainder of 2018. Not only is global growth still slowing, a traditionally dollar-bullish development, but also the fed funds rate is likely to be moving closer to r-star. As we have previously showed, when the fed funds rate rises above r-star, the dollar tends to respond positively.2 Finally, cyclical valuations are not a handicap for the dollar anymore. The Euro Chart 2The Euro Is Still Cheap The Euro Is Still Cheap The Euro Is Still Cheap As most currencies managed to rise against the dollar last year, the trade-weighted euro's appreciation was not as dramatic as that of EUR/USD. Practically, this also means that despite a furious rally in this pair, the broad euro remains cheap on a cyclical basis, a cheapness that has only been accentuated by weakness in the euro since the first quarter of 2018 (Chart 2). The large current account of the euro area, which stands at 3.5% of GDP, is starting to have a positive impact on the euro's fair value, as it is lifting the currency bloc's net international investment position. Moreover, euro area interest rates may remain low relative to the U.S. for the next 12 to 18 months, but the 5-year forward 1-month EONIA rate is still near rock-bottom levels, and has scope to rise on a multi-year basis. This points toward a continuation of the uptrend in the euro's fair value. For the time being, despite a rosy long-term outlook for the euro, we prefer to remain short EUR/USD. Shorter-term fair value estimates are around 1.12, and the euro tends to depreciate against the dollar when global growth is weakening, as is currently the case. Moreover, the euro area domestic economy is not enjoying the same strength as the U.S. right now. This creates an additional handicap for the euro, especially as the Federal Reserve is set to keep increasing rates at a pace of four hikes a year, while the European Central Bank remains as least a year away from lifting rates. The Yen Chart 3Attractive Long-Term Valuation, But... Attractive Long-Term Valuation, But... Attractive Long-Term Valuation, But... The yen remains one of the cheapest major currencies in the world (Chart 3), as the large positive net international investment position of Japan, which stands at 64% of GDP, still constitutes an important support for it. Moreover, the low rate of Japanese inflation is helping Japan's competitiveness. However, while valuations represent a tailwind for the yen, the Bank of Japan faces an equally potent headwind. At current levels, the yen may not be much of a problem for Japan's competitiveness, but it remains the key driver of the country's financial conditions. Meanwhile, Japanese FCI are the best explanatory variable for Japanese inflation.3 It therefore follows that any strengthening in the yen will hinder the ability of the BoJ to hit its inflation target, forcing this central bank to maintain a dovish tilt for the foreseeable future. As a result, while we see how the current soft patch in global growth may help the yen, we worry that any positive impact on the JPY may prove transitory. Instead, we would rather play the yen-bullish impact of slowing global growth and rising trade tensions by selling the euro versus the yen than by selling the USD, as the ECB does not have the same hawkish bias as the Fed, and as the European economy is not the same juggernaut as the U.S. right now. The British Pound Chart 4Smaller Discount In The GBP Smaller Discount In The GBP Smaller Discount In The GBP The real-trade weighted pound has been appreciating for 13 months. This reflects two factors: the nominal exchange rate of the pound has regained composure from its nadir of January 2017, and higher inflation has created additional upward pressures on the real GBP. As a result of these dynamics, the deep discount of the real trade-weighted pound to its long-term fair value has eroded (Chart 4). The risk that the May government could fall and be replaced either by a hard-Brexit PM or a Corbyn-led coalition means that a risk premia still needs to be embedded in the price of the pound. As a result, the current small discount in the pound may not be enough to compensate investors for taking on this risk. This suggests that the large discount of the pound to its purchasing-power-parity fair value might overstate its cheapness. While the risks surrounding British politics means that the pound is not an attractive buy on a long-term basis anymore, we do like it versus the euro on a short-term basis: EUR/GBP tends to depreciate when EUR/USD has downside, and the U.K. economy may soon begin to stabilize as slowing inflation helps British real wages grow again after contracting from October 2016 to October 2017, which implies that the growth driver may move a bit in favor of the pound. The Canadian Dollar Chart 5CAD Near Fair Value CAD Near Fair Value CAD Near Fair Value The stabilization of the fair value for the real trade-weighted Canadian dollar is linked to the rebound in commodity prices, oil in particular. However, despite this improvement, the CAD has depreciated and is now trading again in line with its long-term fair value (Chart 5). This lack of clear valuation opportunity implies that the CAD will remain chained to economic developments. On the negative side, the CAD still faces some potentially acrimonious NAFTA negotiations, especially as U.S. President Donald Trump could continue with his bellicose trade rhetoric until the mid-term elections. Additionally, global growth is slowing and emerging markets are experiencing growing stresses, which may hurt commodity prices and therefore pull the CAD's long-term fair value lower. On the positive side, the Canadian economy is strong and is exhibiting a sever lack of slack in its labor market, which is generating both rapidly growing wages and core inflation of 1.8%. The Bank of Canada is therefore set to increase rates further this year, potentially matching the pace of rate increase of the Fed over the coming 24 months. As a result of this confluence of forces, we are reluctant to buy the CAD against the USD, especially as the former is strong. Instead, we prefer buying the CAD against the EUR and the AUD, two currencies set to suffer if global growth decelerates but that do not have the same support from monetary policy as the loonie. The Australian Dollar Chart 6The AUD Is Not Yet Cheap The AUD Is Not Yet Cheap The AUD Is Not Yet Cheap The real trade-weighted Australian dollar has depreciated by 5%, which has caused a decrease in the AUD's premium to its long-term fair value. The decline in the premium also reflects a small upgrade in the equilibrium rate itself, a side effect of rising commodity prices last year. However, despite these improvements, the AUD still remains expensive (Chart 6). Moreover, the rise in the fair value may prove elusive, as the slowdown in global growth and rising global trade tensions could also push down the AUD's fair value. These dynamics make the AUD our least-favored currency in the G-10. Additionally, the domestic economy lacks vigor. Despite low unemployment, the underemployment rate tracked by the Reserve Bank of Australia remains nears a three-decade high, which is weighing on both wages and inflation. This means that unlike in Canada, the RBA is not set to increase rates this year, and may in fact be forced to wait well into 2019 or even 2020 before doing so. The AUD therefore is not in a position to benefit from the same policy support as the CAD. We are currently short the AUD against the CAD and the NZD. We have also recommended investors short the Aussie against the yen as this cross is among the most sensitive to global growth. The New Zealand Dollar Chart 7NZD Vs Fair Value NZD Vs Fair Value NZD Vs Fair Value After having traded at a small discount to its fair value in the wake of the formation of a Labour / NZ first coalition government, the NZD is now back at equilibrium (Chart 7). The resilience of the kiwi versus the Aussie has been a key factor driving the trade-weighted kiwi higher this year. Going forward, a lack of clearly defined over- or undervaluation in the kiwi suggests that the NZD will be like the Canadian dollar: very responsive to international and domestic economic developments. This gives rise to a very muddled picture. Based on the output and unemployment gaps, the New Zealand economy seems at full employment, yet it has not seen much in terms of wage or inflationary pressures. As a result, the Reserve Bank of New Zealand has refrained from adopting a hawkish tone. Moreover, the populist policy prescriptions of the Ardern government are also creating downside risk for the kiwi. High immigration has been a pillar behind New Zealand's high-trend growth rate, and therefore a buttress behind the nation's high interest rates. Yet, the government wants to curtail this source of dynamism. On the international front, the kiwi economy has historically been very sensitive to global growth. While this could be a long-term advantage, in the short-term the current global growth soft patch represents a potent handicap for the kiwi. In the end, we judge Australia's problems as deeper than New Zealand's. Since valuations are also in the NZD's favor, the only exposure we like to the kiwi is to buy it against the AUD. The Swiss Franc Chart 8The SNB's Problem The SNB's Problem The SNB's Problem On purchasing power parity metrics, the Swiss franc is expensive, and the meteoric rise of Swiss unit labor costs expressed in euros only confirms this picture. The problem is that this expensiveness is justified once other factors are taken into account, namely Switzerland's gargantuan net international investment position of 128% of GDP, which exerts an inexorable upward drift on the franc's fair value. Once this factor is incorporated, the Swiss franc currently looks cheap (Chart 8). The implication of this dichotomy is that the Swiss franc could experience upward pressure, especially when global growth slows, which is the case right now. However, the Swiss National Bank remains highly worried that an indebted economy like Switzerland, which also suffers from a housing bubble, cannot afford the deflationary pressures created by a strong franc. As a result, we anticipate that the SNB will continue to fight tooth and nail against any strength in the franc. Practically, we are currently short EUR/CHF on a tactical basis. Nonetheless, once we see signs that global growth is bottoming, we will once again look to buy the euro against the CHF as the SNB will remain in the driver's seat. The Swedish Krona Chart 9What The Riksbank Wants What The Riksbank Wants What The Riksbank Wants The Swedish krona is quite cheap (Chart 9), but in all likelihood the Riksbank wants it this way. Sweden is a small, open economy, with total trade representing 86% of GDP. This means that a cheap krona is a key ingredient to generating easy monetary conditions. However, this begs the question: Does Sweden actually need easy monetary conditions? We would argue that the answer to this question is no. Sweden has an elevated rate of capacity utilization as well as closed unemployment and output gaps. In fact, trend Swedish inflation has moved up, albeit in a choppy fashion, and the Swedish economy remains strong. Moreover, the country currently faces one of the most rabid housing bubbles in the world, which has caused household debt to surge to 182% of disposable income. This is creating serious vulnerabilities in the Swedish economy - dangers that will only grow larger as the Riksbank keep monetary policy at extremely easy levels. A case can be made that with large exposure to both global trade and industrial production cycles, the current slowdown in global growth is creating a risk for Sweden. These risks are compounded by the rising threat of a trade war. This could justify easier monetary policy, and thus a weaker SEK. When all is said and done, while the short-term outlook for the SEK will remained stymied by the global growth outlook, we do expect the Riksbank to increase rates this year as inflation could accelerate significantly. As a result, we recommend investors use this period of weakness to buy the SEK against both the dollar and the euro. The Norwegian Krone Chart 10The NOK Is The Cheapest Commodity Currency In The G-10 The NOK Is The Cheapest Commodity Currency In The G-10 The NOK Is The Cheapest Commodity Currency In The G-10 The Norwegian krone has experienced a meaningful rally against the euro and the krona this year - the currencies of its largest trading partners - and as such, the large discount of the real trade-weighted krone to its equilibrium rate has declined. On a long-term basis, the krone remains the most attractive commodity currency in the G-10 based on valuations alone (Chart 10). While we have been long NOK/SEK, currently we have a tactical negative bias towards this cross. Investors have aggressively bought inflation protection, a development that tends to favor the NOK over the SEK. However, slowing global growth could disappoint these expectations, resulting in a period of weakness in the NOK/SEK pair. Nonetheless, we believe this is only a short-term development, and BCA's bullish cyclical view on oil will ultimately dominate. As a result, we recommend long-term buyers use any weakness in the NOK right now to buy more of it against the euro, the SEK, and especially against the AUD. The Yuan Chart 11The CNY Is At Equilibrium The CNY Is At Equilibrium The CNY Is At Equilibrium The fair value of the Chinese yuan has been in a well-defined secular bull market because China's productivity - even if it has slowed - remains notably higher than productivity growth among its trading partners. However, while the yuan traded at a generous discount to its fair value in early 2017, this is no longer the case (Chart 11). Despite this, on a long-term basis we foresee further appreciation in the yuan as we expect the Chinese economy to continue to generate higher productivity growth than its trading partners. Moreover, for investors with multi-decade investment horizons, a slow shift toward the RMB as a reserve currency will ultimately help the yuan. However, do not expect this force to be felt in the RMB any time soon. On a shorter-term horizon, the picture is more complex. Chinese economic activity is slowing as monetary conditions as well as various regulatory and administrative rules have been tightened - all of them neatly fitting under the rubric of structural reforms. Now that the trade relationship between the U.S. and China is becoming more acrimonious, Chinese authorities are likely to try using various relief valves to limit downside to Chinese growth. The RMB could be one of these tools. As such, the recent strength in the trade-weighted dollar is likely to continue to weigh on the CNY versus the USD. Paradoxically, the USD's strength is also likely to mean that the trade-weighted yuan could experience some upside. The Brazilian Real Chart 12More Downside In The BRL More Downside In The BRL More Downside In The BRL Despite the real's recent pronounced weakness, it has more room to fall before trading at a discount to its long-term fair value (Chart 12). More worrisome, the equilibrium rate for the BRL has been stable, even though commodity prices have rebounded. This raises the risk that the BRL could experience a greater decline than what is currently implied by its small premium to fair value if commodity prices were to fall. Moreover, bear markets in the real have historically ended at significant discounts to fair value. The current economic environment suggests this additional decline could materialize through the remainder of 2018. Weak global growth has historically been a poison for commodity prices as well as for carry trades, two factors that have a strong explanatory power for the real. Moreover, China's deceleration and regulatory tightening should translate into further weakness in Chinese imports of raw materials, which would have an immediate deleterious impact on the BRL. Additionally, as we have previously argued, when the fed funds rate rise above r-star, this increases the probability of an accident in global capital markets. Since elevated debt loads are to be found in EM and not in the U.S., this implies that vulnerability to a financial accident is greatest in the EM space. The BRL, with its great liquidity and high representation in investors' portfolios, could bear the brunt of such an adjustment. The Mexican Peso Chart 13The MXN Is A Bargain Once Again The MXN Is A Bargain Once Again The MXN Is A Bargain Once Again When we updated our long-term models last September, the peso was one of the most expensive currencies covered, and we flagged downside risk. With President Trump re-asserting his protectionist rhetoric, and with EM bonds and currencies experiencing a wave of pain, the MXN has eradicated all of its overvaluation and is once again trading at a significant discount to its long-term fair value (Chart 13). Is it time to buy the peso? On a pure valuation basis, the downside now seems limited. However, risks are still plentiful. For one, NAFTA negotiations are likely to remain rocky, at least until the U.S. mid-term elections. Trump's hawkish trade rhetoric is a surefire way to rally the GOP base at the polls in November. Second, the leading candidate in the polls for the Mexican presidential elections this summer is Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, the former mayor of Mexico City. Not only could AMLO's leftist status frighten investors, he is looking to drive a hard bargain with the U.S. on NAFTA, a clear recipe for plentiful headline risk in the coming months. Third, the MXN is the EM currency with the most abundant liquidity, and slowing global growth along with rising EM volatility could easily take its toll on the Mexican currency. As a result, to take advantage of the MXN's discount to fair value, a discount that is especially pronounced when contrasted with other EM currencies, we recommend investors buy the MXN versus the BRL or the ZAR instead of buying it outright against the USD. These trades are made even more attractive by the fact that Mexican rates are now comparable to those offered on South African or Brazilian paper. The Chilean Peso Chart 14The CLP Is At Risk The CLP Is At Risk The CLP Is At Risk We were correct to flag last September that the CLP had less downside than the BRL. But now, while the BRL's premium to fair value has declined significantly, the Chilean peso continues to trade near its highest premium of the past 10 years (Chart 14). This suggests the peso could have significant downside if EM weakness grows deeper. This risk is compounded by the fact that the peso's fair value is most sensitive to copper prices. Prices of the red metal had been stable until recent trading sessions. However, with the world largest consumer of copper - China - having accumulated large stockpiles and now slowing, copper prices could experience significant downside, dragging down the CLP in the process. An additional risk lurking for the CLP is the fact that Chile displays some of the largest USD debt as a percent of GDP in the EM space. This means that a strong dollar could inflict a dangerous tightening in Chilean financial conditions. This risk is even more potent as the strength in the dollar is itself a consequence of slowing global growth - a development that is normally negative for the Chilean peso. This confluence thus suggests that the expensive CLP is at great risk in the coming months. The Colombian Peso Chart 15The COP Is Latam's Cheapest Currency The COP Is Latam's Cheapest Currency The COP Is Latam's Cheapest Currency The Colombian peso is currently the cheapest currency covered by our models. The COP has not been able to rise along with oil prices, creating a large discount in the process (Chart 15). Three factors have weighed on the Colombian currency. First, Colombia just had elections. While a market-friendly outcome ultimately prevailed, investors were already expressing worry ahead of the first round of voting four weeks ago. Second, Colombia has a large current account deficit of 3.7% of GDP, creating a funding risk in an environment where liquidity for EM carry trades has decreased. Finally, Colombia has a heavy USD-debt load. However, this factor is mitigated by the fact that private debt stands at 65% of Colombia's GDP, reflecting the banking sector's conservative lending practices. At this juncture, the COP is an attractive long-term buy, especially as president-elect Ivan Duque is likely to pursue market-friendly policies. However, the country's large current account deficit as well as the general risk to commodity prices emanating from weaker global growth suggests that short-term downside risk is still present in the COP versus the USD. As a result, while we recommend long-term investors gain exposure to this cheap Latin American currency, short-term players should stay on the sidelines. Instead, we recommend tactical investors capitalize on the COP's cheapness by buying it against the expensive CLP. Not only are valuations and carry considerations favorable, Chile has even more dollar debt than Colombia, suggesting that the former is more exposed to dollar risk than the latter. Moreover, Chile is levered to metals prices while Colombia is levered to oil prices. Our commodity strategists are more positive on crude than on copper, and our negative outlook on China reinforces this message. The South African Rand Chart 16The Rand Will Cheapen Further The Rand Will Cheapen Further The Rand Will Cheapen Further Despite its more than 20% depreciation versus the dollar since February, the rand continues to trade above its estimate of long-term fair value (Chart 16). The equilibrium rate for the ZAR is in a structural decline, even after adjusting for inflation, as the productivity of the South African economy remains in a downtrend relative to that of its trading partners. This means the long-term trend in the ZAR will continue to point south. On a cyclical basis, it is not just valuations that concern us when thinking about the rand. South Africa runs a deficit in terms of FDI; however, portfolio inflows into the country have been rather large, resulting in foreign ownership of South African bonds of 44%. Additionally, net speculative positions in the rand are still at elevated levels. This implies that investors could easily sell their South African assets if natural resource prices were to sag. Since BCA's view on Chinese activity as well as the soft patch currently experienced by the global economy augur poorly for commodities, this could create potent downside risks for the ZAR. We will be willing buyers only once the rand's overvaluation is corrected. The Russian Ruble Chart 17The Ruble Is At Fair Value The Ruble Is At Fair Value The Ruble Is At Fair Value There is no evidence of mispricing in the rubble (Chart 17). Moreover the Russian central bank runs a very orthodox monetary policy, which gives us comfort that the RUB, with its elevated carry, remains an attractive long-term hold within the EM FX complex. On a shorter-term basis, the picture is more complex. The RUB is both an oil play as well as a carry currency. This means that the RUB is very exposed to global growth and liquidity conditions. This creates major risks for the ruble. EM FX volatility has been rising, and slowing global growth could result in an unwinding of inflation-protection trades, which may pull oil prices down. This combination is negative for both EM currencies and oil plays for the remainder of 2018. Our favorite way to take advantage of the RUB's sound macroeconomic policy, high interest rates and lack of valuation extremes is to buy it against other EM currencies. It is especially attractive against the BRL, the ZAR and the CLP. The only EM commodity currency against which it doesn't stack up favorably is the COP, as the COP possesses a much deeper discount to fair value than the RUB, limiting its downside if the global economy were to slow more sharply than we anticipate. The Korean Won Chart 18Despite Its Modest Cheapness, The KRW Is At Risk Despite Its Modest Cheapness, The KRW Is At Risk Despite Its Modest Cheapness, The KRW Is At Risk The Korean won currently trades at a modest discount to its long-term fair value (Chart 18). This suggests the KRW will possess more defensive attributes than the more expensive Latin American currencies. However, BCA is worried over the Korean currency's cyclical outlook. The Korean economy is highly levered to both global trade and the Chinese investment cycle. This means the Korean won is greatly exposed to the two largest risks in the global economy. Moreover, the Korean economy is saddled with a large debt load for the nonfinancial private sector of 193% of GDP, which means the Bank of Korea could be forced to take a dovish turn if the economy is fully hit by a global and Chinese slowdown. Moreover, the won has historically been very sensitive to EM sovereign spreads. EM spreads have moved above their 200-day moving average, which suggests technical vulnerability. This may well spread to the won, especially in light of the global economic environment. The Philippine Peso Chart 19Big Discount In The PHP Big Discount In The PHP Big Discount In The PHP The PHP is one of the rare EM currencies to trade at a significant discount to its long-term fair value (Chart 19). There are two main reasons behind this. First, the Philippines runs a current account deficit of 0.5% of GDP. This makes the PHP vulnerable in an environment where global liquidity has gotten scarcer and where carry trades have underperformed. The second reason behind the PHP's large discount is politics. Global investors remain uncomfortable with President Duterte's policies, and as such are imputing a large risk premium on the currency. Is the PHP attractive? On valuation alone, it is. However, the current account dynamics are expected to become increasingly troubling. The economy is in fine shape and the trade deficit could continue to widen as imports get a lift from strong domestic demand - something that could infringe on the PHP's attractiveness. However, on the positive side, the PHP has historically displayed a robust negative correlation with commodity prices, energy in particular. This suggests that if commodity prices experience a period of relapse, the PHP could benefit. The best way to take advantage of these dynamics is to not buy the PHP outright against the USD but instead to buy it against EM currencies levered to commodity prices like the MYR or the CLP. The Singapore Dollar Chart 20The SGD's Decline Is Not Over The SGD's Decline Is Not Over The SGD's Decline Is Not Over The Singapore dollar remains pricey (Chart 20). However, this is no guarantee of upcoming weakness. After all, the SGD is the main tool used by the Monetary Authority of Singapore to control monetary policy. Moreover, the MAS targets a basket of currencies versus the SGD. Based on these dynamics, historically the SGD has displayed a low beta versus the USD. Essentially, it is a defensive currency within the EM space. The SGD has historically moved in tandem with commodity prices. This makes sense. Commodity prices are a key input in Singapore inflation, and commodity prices perform well when global industrial activity and global trade are strong. This means that not only do rising commodity prices require a higher SGD to combat inflation, higher commodity prices materialize in an environment where this small trading nation is supported by potent tailwinds. Additionally, Singapore loan growth correlates quite closely with commodity prices, suggesting that strong commodity prices result in important amounts of savings from commodity producers being recycled in the Singaporean financial system. To prevent Singapore's economy from overheating in response to these liquidity inflows, MAS is being forced to tighten policy through a higher SGD. Today, with global growth softening and global trade likely to deteriorate, the Singaporean economy is likely to face important headwinds. Tightening monetary policy in the U.S. and in China will create additional headwinds. As a result, so long as the USD has upside, the SGD is likely to have downside versus the greenback. On a longer-term basis, we would expect the correction of the SGD's overvaluation to not happen versus the dollar but versus other EM currencies. The Hong Kong Dollar Chart 21The HKD Is Fairly Valued The HKD Is Fairly Valued The HKD Is Fairly Valued The troughs and peaks in the HKD follow the gyrations of the U.S. dollar. This is to be expected as the HKD has been pegged to the USD since 1983. Like the USD, it was expensive in early 2017, but now it is trading closer to fair value (Chart 21). Additionally, due to the large weight of the yuan in the trade-weighted HKD, the strength in the CNY versus the USD has had a greater impact on taming the HKD's overvaluation than it has on the USD's own mispricing. Moreover, the HKD is trading very close to the lower bound of its peg versus the USD, which has also contributed to the correction of its overvaluation. Even when the HKD was expensive last year, we were never worried that the peg would be undone. Historically, the Hong Kong Monetary Authority has shown its willingness to tolerate deflation when the HKD has been expensive. The most recent period was no different. Moreover, the HKMA has ample fire power in terms of reserves to support the HKD if the need ever existed. Ultimately, the stability created by the HKD peg is still essential to Hong Kong's relevance as a financial center for China, especially in the face of the growing preeminence of Shanghai and Beijing as domestic financial centers. As a result, while we could see the HKD become a bit more expensive over the remainder of 2018 as the USD rallies a bit further, our long-term negative view on the USD suggests that on a multiyear basis the HKD will only cheapen. The Saudi Riyal Chart 22The SAR Remains Expensive The SAR Remains Expensive The SAR Remains Expensive Like the HKD, the riyal is pegged to the USD. However, unlike the HKD, the softness in the USD last year was not enough to purge the SAR's overvaluation (Chart 22). Ultimately, the kingdom's poor productivity means that the SAR needs more than a 15% fall in the dollar index to make the Saudi economy competitive. However, this matters little. Historically, when the SAR has been expensive, the Saudi Arabia Monetary Authority has picked the HKMA solution: deflation over devaluation. Ultimately, Saudi Arabia is a country that imports all goods other than energy products. With a young population, a surge in inflation caused by a falling currency is a risk to the durability of the regime that Riyadh is not willing to test. Moreover, SAMA has the firepower to support the SAR, especially when the aggregate wealth of the extended royal family is taken into account. Additionally, the rally in oil prices since February 2016 has put to rest worries about the country's fiscal standing. On a long-term basis, the current regime wants to reform the economy, moving away from oil and increasing productivity growth. This will be essential to supporting the SAR and decreasing its overvaluation without having to resort to deflation. However, it remains to be seen if Crown Prince Mohamed Bin Salman's ambitious reforms can in fact be implemented and be fruitful. Much will depend on this for the future stability of the riyal. Mathieu Savary, Vice President Foreign Exchange Strategy mathieu@bcaresearch.com 1 For a more detailed discussion of the various variables incorporated in the models, please see Foreign Exchange Strategy Special Report, "Assessing Fair Value In FX Markets", dated February 26, 2016, available at fes.bcaresearch.com 2 For a more detailed discussion of the various variables incorporated in the models, please see Foreign Exchange Strategy Special Report, "Assessing Fair Value In FX Markets", dated February 26, 2016, available at fes.bcaresearch.com 3 Please see Foreign Exchange Strategy Weekly Report, titled "Yen: QQE Is Dead! Long Live YCC!", dated January 12, 2018, available at fes.bcaresearch.com Trades & Forecasts Forecast Summary

Highlights BCA's Geopolitical Power Index (GPI) confirms that we live in a multipolar world; Most of President Trump's policies are designed to strike out against this structural reality; Trade war with China is real and presents the premier geopolitical risk in 2018; President Trump's aggression towards G7 allies boils down to greater NAFTA risk; We remain bullish USD, bearish EM, maintain our short U.S. China-exposed equities and closing all our "bullish" NAFTA trades; Remain short GBP/USD, Theresa May's days appear numbered. Feature "We're going to win so much, you're going to be so sick and tired of winning." Candidate Donald Trump, May 26, 2016 In 2013, BCA's Geopolitical Strategy introduced the concept of multipolarity into our financial lexicon.1 Multipolarity is a term in political science that denotes when the number of states powerful enough to pursue an independent and globally relevant foreign policy is greater than one (unipolarity) or two (bipolarity). At the time, the evidence that U.S. global hegemony was in retreat was plentiful, but the idea of a U.S. decline was still far from consensus. By late 2016, however, President Donald Trump was overtly campaigning on it. His campaign slogan, "Make America Great Again," promised to reverse the process by striking out at the perceived causes of the decline: globalization, unchecked illegal immigration, and the ineffective foreign policy of the D.C. establishment. How can we quantitatively prove that the world is multipolar? We recently enhanced the classic National Capability Index (NCI) with our own measure, the Geopolitical Power Index (GPI). The original index, created for the Correlates of War project in 1963, had grown outdated. Its reliance on "military personnel" and "iron and steel production" harkened back to the late nineteenth century and overstated the power of China (Chart 1). Chart 1The National Capability Index Overstates China's Power The National Capability Index Overstates China's Power The National Capability Index Overstates China's Power Our own index avoids these pitfalls, while retaining the parsimony of the NCI, by focusing on six key factors: Population: We adapted the original population measure by penalizing countries with large dependency ratios. Yes, having a vast population matters, but having too many dependents (the elderly and youth) can strain resources otherwise available for global power projection. Global Economic Relevance: The original index failed to capture a country's relevance for the global economy. Designed at the height of the Cold War, the NCI did not foresee today's globalized future. As such, we modified the original index by introducing a measure that captures a country's contribution to global final demand. The more an economy imports, the greater its bargaining power in terms of trade and vis-à-vis its geopolitical rivals. Arms Exports: Having a large army is no longer as relevant now that wars have become a high-tech affair. To capture that reality, we replaced the NCI's focus on the number of soldiers with arms exports as a share of the global defense industry. We retained the original three variables that measure primary energy consumption, GDP, and overall military expenditure. Chart 2 shows the updated data. As expected, the U.S. is in decline, having lost nearly a third of its quantitatively measured geopolitical power since 1998. Over the same period, China has gone from having just 30% of U.S. geopolitical power to over 80%. Other countries, like Russia, India, Turkey, Iran, and Pakistan, have also seen an increase in geopolitical power over the same period, confirming their roles as regional powers (Chart 3). Chart 2BCA's Geopolitical Power Index Illustrates A Multipolar World BCA's Geopolitical Power Index Illustrates A Multipolar World BCA's Geopolitical Power Index Illustrates A Multipolar World Chart 3China Was Not The Only EM To Rise Are You "Sick Of Winning" Yet? Are You "Sick Of Winning" Yet? President Trump was elected with the mandate of changing the trajectory of American power and getting the country back on a "winning" path. Investors can perceive nearly all the moves by the administration - from protectionist actions against China and traditional allies, to applying a "Maximum Pressure" doctrine against North Korea and Iran - as a fight against the structural decline of U.S. power. Isn't President Trump "tilting at windmills"? Fighting a vain battle against imaginary adversaries? Yes. The decline of the U.S. is a product of classic imperial overstretch combined with the natural lifecycle of any global hegemon. U.S. policymakers have made decisions that have hastened the decline, but the overarching American geopolitical trajectory would have been negative regardless: Global peace brought prosperity which strengthened Emerging Markets (EM), particularly China, relative to the U.S. That said, Trump is not as crazy as the media often imply. Chaos is not necessarily bad for a domestically driven economy secured by two oceans. The U.S. tends to outperform the rest of the world - economically, financially, and geopolitically - amid turbulence. Our own updated GPI shows that both World Wars were massively favorable for U.S. hegemony (Chart 4), although this time around the chaos is mostly self-inflicted. Chart 4America Profits From Chaos America Profits From Chaos America Profits From Chaos Similarly, Trump's economic populism at home is buoying sentiment and assuaging the negative consequences - real or imagined - of his protectionism. Meanwhile, the threat of tariffs is souring the mood abroad. This policy mix is causing U.S. assets to outperform (Chart 5). Most importantly, the U.S. dollar is now up 2.7% since the beginning of the year, putting pressure on EM assets. When combined with continued counter-cyclical structural reforms in China, we maintain that the overall macro and geopolitical context remains bearish for global risk assets. This is not the first time that an American president has deployed both an aggressive trade policy and an aggressive foreign policy. The difference, this time around, is that the world is multipolar. A defining feature of multipolarity is that it is less predictable and more likely to produce inter-state conflict (Chart 6). As more countries matter - geopolitically, economically, financially - the number of "veto players" rises, making stable equilibria more difficult to produce. As such, bullying as a negotiating tactic worked when used by Presidents Nixon, Reagan, Bush Jr., and Clinton, but may not work today. Investors should therefore prepare for a long period of uncertainty this summer as the world responds to a U.S. administration focused on "winning." Chart 5U.S. Assets Outperform U.S. Assets Outperform U.S. Assets Outperform Chart 6Multipolarity Produces Uncertainty Multipolarity Produces Uncertainty Multipolarity Produces Uncertainty Bottom Line: There is a clear logic behind President Trump's foreign and trade policy. He is trying to reverse a decline in U.S. hegemony. The problem is that his policy decisions are unlikely to address the structural causes of America's decline. What is much more likely is that his policy will cause the rest of the world to react in unpredictable ways. The U.S. may benefit, but that is not a forgone conclusion. Investors should position themselves for a volatile summer. Below we review three key issues, two negative and one positive. The U.S. Vs. China: The Trade War Is Real The Trump administration has announced that it will go ahead with tariffs on $50 billion worth of Chinese imports in retaliation for forced technology transfer and intellectual property theft under Section 301 of the 1974 Trade Act. The tariffs will come in two tranches beginning on July 6. China will respond proportionately, based on both its statements and its response to the steel and aluminum tariffs (Chart 7). If the two sides stop here, then perhaps the trade war can be delayed. But Trump is already saying he will impose tariffs on a further $200 billion worth of goods. At that point, if Beijing re-retaliates, China's proportionate response will cover more goods than the entire range of U.S. imports (Chart 8). Retaliation will have to occur elsewhere. Chart 7Trump's Steel/Aluminum Tariffs Are You "Sick Of Winning" Yet? Are You "Sick Of Winning" Yet? Chart 8Trump's Tariffs On China Are You "Sick Of Winning" Yet? Are You "Sick Of Winning" Yet? We would expect the CNY/USD to weaken as negotiations fail. We would also expect tensions to continue spilling over into the South China Sea and other areas of strategic disagreement.2 The South China Sea or Taiwan could produce market-moving "black swan" geopolitical events this year or next.3 Chart 9Downside Risks Continue Downside Risks Continue Downside Risks Continue It is critical to distinguish between the U.S. trade conflict with China and the one with the G7. In the latter case, the U.S. political establishment will push against the Trump administration, encouraging him to compromise. With China, however, Congress is becoming the aggressor and we certainly do not expect the Defense Department or the intelligence community to play the peacemaker with Beijing. In particular, members of Congress are trying to cancel Trump's ZTE deal while expanding the powers of the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS) to restrict Chinese investments.4 These congressional factors underscore our theme that U.S.-China tensions are structural and secular.5 Would China stimulate its economy to negate the effects of tariffs? We see nothing yet on the policy side to warrant a change in our fundamental view, which holds that any stimulus will be limited due to the agenda of containing systemic financial risk. Credit growth remains weak and fiscal spending has not yet perked up (Chart 9), portending weak Chinese imports and negative outcomes for EM. The risk to Chinese growth remains to the downside this year (and likely next year) as the government continues with the reforms. Critically, stimulus is not the only possible Chinese response to trade war. A trade war with the United States will provide Xi with a "foreign devil" on whom he can blame the pain of structural reforms. As such, it is entirely possible that Beijing doubles-down on reforms in light of an aggressive U.S. Bottom Line: The U.S.-China trade war is beginning and will cause additional market volatility and, potentially, a "black swan" event, especially ahead of the U.S. midterm elections. We do not expect 2015-style economic stimulus from Beijing. Stay long U.S. small caps relative to large caps; short U.S. China-exposed equities; and remain short EM equities relative to DM. The U.S. Vs. The G6: This Is About NAFTA There was little rhyme or reason to President Trump's smackdown of traditional U.S. allies at the G7 summit in Quebec. As our colleague Peter Berezin recently pointed out, the U.S. is throwing stones while living in a glass house.6 While the overall level of tariff barriers within developed countries is low, the U.S. actually stands at the top end of the spectrum (Chart 10). The decision to launch an investigation into whether automobile imports "threaten to impair the national security" of the U.S. - under Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 - falls into the same rubric of empty threats. The U.S. has had a 25% tariff on imported light trucks since 1964, a decision that likely caused its car companies to become addicted to domestic pickup truck demand to the detriment of global competitiveness. Meanwhile, only 15% of U.S. autos shipped to the EU were subject to the infamous European 10% surcharge on auto imports. This is because U.S. autos containing European parts are exempt from the tariff. Many foreign auto manufacturers have already adjusted to the U.S. market, setting up manufacturing inside the country (Chart 11). Tariffs would hurt luxury brands like BMW, Daimler, Volvo, and Jaguar.7 As such, we doubt the investment-relevance of Trump's threat against autos. Either way, the investigation is unlikely to be completed until the tail-end of Q1 2019. Chart 10Tariffs: Who Is Robbing The U.S.? Are You "Sick Of Winning" Yet? Are You "Sick Of Winning" Yet? Chart 11Car Imports? What Imports? Are You "Sick Of Winning" Yet? Are You "Sick Of Winning" Yet? Instead, investors should take Trump's aggressive comments from the G7 in the context of the ongoing NAFTA negotiations and the closing window for a deal. President Trump wants to get a NAFTA deal ahead of the U.S. midterms in November and prior to the new Mexican Congress being inaugurated on September 1.8 This means that a deal has to be concluded by late July, or early August, giving the "old" Mexican Congress enough time to ratify it before the new president - likely Andrés Manuel López Obrador - comes to power on December 1. This would conceivably give the U.S. Congress enough time to ratify a deal by December, assuming Republicans can remove some procedural hurdles before then. The rising probability of no resolution before the U.S. midterm election will increase the risk that Trump will trigger Article 2205 and announce the U.S.'s withdrawal. Trump has always had the option of triggering the six-month withdrawal period as a negotiating tactic to increase the pressure on Canada and Mexico. Withdrawing might fire up the base, while major concessions from Canada or Mexico might be presented as "victories" to voters. Anything short of these binary outcomes is useless to Trump on November 6. Therefore, if Canada and Mexico do not relent in the next month or two, the odds of Trump triggering Article 2205 will shoot up. The key is that Trump faces limited legal or economic constraints in withdrawing: Legal Constraints: Not only can Trump unilaterally withdraw from the agreement, triggering the six-month exit period, but Congress is unlikely to stop him. Announcing withdrawal automatically nullifies much of the 1993 NAFTA Implementation Act.9 Some provisions of NAFTA under this act may continue to be implemented, but the bulk would cease to have effect, and the White House could refuse to enforce the rest. Economic Constraints: The U.S. economy has far less exposure to Canada and Mexico than vice- versa (Chart 12). Certain states and industries would be heavily affected - ironically, the U.S. auto industry would be most severely impacted (Chart 13) - and they would lobby aggressively to save the agreement. But with the American economy hyper-charged with stimulus, the drag from leaving NAFTA is not prohibitive to Trump. Voters will feel any pocketbook consequences about three months late i.e., after the election. Chart 12U.S. Economy:##br## Largely Unaffected By NAFTA U.S. Economy: Largely Unaffected By NAFTA U.S. Economy: Largely Unaffected By NAFTA Chart 13NAFTA Has Made U.S. Auto ##br##Manufacturing More Competitive Are You "Sick Of Winning" Yet? Are You "Sick Of Winning" Yet? The potential saving grace for Canada is the Canada-U.S. Free Trade Agreement (CUSFTA), which took effect in 1989 and was incorporated into NAFTA. The U.S. and Canada agreed through an exchange of letters to suspend CUSFTA's operation when NAFTA took effect, but the suspension only lasts as long as NAFTA is in effect. However, reinstating CUSFTA is not straightforward. The NAFTA Implementation Act suspends some aspects of the CUSFTA and amends others (for instance, on customs fees), so there will not be an easy transition from NAFTA to a fully operational CUSFTA.10 Trump may well walk away from both CUSFTA and NAFTA in the same proclamation, or he could walk away from NAFTA while leaving CUSFTA in limbo. The latter would mitigate the negative impact on Canada, but it would still see rising tariffs, customs fees, and rising policy uncertainty. Bottom Line: We originally assigned a high probability to the abrogation of NAFTA.11 Subsequently, we lowered the probability due to positive comments from the White House and Trump's negotiating team. This was a mistake. As we initially posited, there are few constraints to abrogating NAFTA, particularly if President Trump intends to renegotiate the deal later, or conclude two separate bilateral deals that effectively maintain the same trade relationship. We are closing our trade favoring an equally-weighted basket of CAD/EUR and MXN/EUR. We are also closing our trade favoring Mexican local government bonds relative to EM. North Korea: A Geopolitical Opportunity, Not A Risk Not every move by the Trump administration is increasing geopolitical volatility. Trump's Maximum Pressure doctrine may have elevated risks on the Korean Peninsula in 2017, but it ultimately worked. The media is missing the big picture on the Singapore Summit. Diplomacy is on track and geopolitical risk - namely the risk of war on the peninsula - is fading. It is false to claim that President Trump got nothing in return for the summit. Since November 28, North Korea has moderated its belligerent threats, ceased conducting missile tests, released three U.S. political prisoners, and largely blocked off access to the Punggye-ri nuclear testing site. Now, North Korean leader Kim Jong-un has held the summit with Trump, reaffirmed his longstanding promise of "complete denuclearization," reaffirmed the peace-seeking April 2018 Panmunjom Declaration with South Korea, and pledged to dismantle a ballistic missile testing site and continue negotiations. In response, President Trump has given security guarantees to the North Korean regime and has pledged to discontinue U.S.-South Korea military drills for the duration of the negotiations. Trump has not yet eased economic sanctions and his administration has ruled out troop withdrawals from South Korea for now. There is much diplomatic work to be done. But the summit was undoubtedly a positive sign, dialogue is continuing at lower levels, and Kim is expected to visit the White House in the near future. Table 1 shows that the Singapore Summit is substantial when compared with major U.S.-North Korea agreements and inter-Korean summits - and it is unprecedented in that it was agreed between American and North Korean leaders. Table 1How The Singapore Summit Stacks Up To Previous Pacts With North Korea Are You "Sick Of Winning" Yet? Are You "Sick Of Winning" Yet? Because Trump demonstrated a credible military threat, and China enforced sanctions, the foundation is firmer than that of President Barack Obama's April 2012 agreement to provide food aid in payment for a cessation of nuclear and missile activity. It is much more similar to that of President Clinton and the "Agreed Framework" of 1994, which lasted until 2002, despite many serious failures on both the U.S. and North Korean sides. We should also bear in mind that it was originally U.S. Congress, not North Korea, which undermined the 1994 agreement. Aside from removing war risk, Korean diplomacy is of limited global significance. It marginally improves the outlook for South Korean industrials, energy, telecoms, and consumer staples relative to their EM peers (Chart 14). In the long run it should also be positive for the KRW. Chart 14Winners And Losers Of Inter-Korean Engagement Winners And Losers Of Inter-Korean Engagement Winners And Losers Of Inter-Korean Engagement We maintain that a U.S.-China trade war will not be prevented because of a Korean deal. But we do not expect China to spoil the negotiations. Geopolitically, China benefits from reducing the basis for U.S. forces to be stationed in South Korea. Bottom Line: Go long a "peace dividend" basket of South Korean equity sectors (industrials, energy, consumer staples, and telecoms) and short South Korean "loser" sectors (financials, IT, consumer discretionary, and health care), both relative to their EM peers. Stick to our Korean 2-year/10-year sovereign bond curve steepener trade. Brexit Update: A New Election Is Now In Play Prime Minister Theresa May is fending off a revolt within her Conservative Party this week that could set the course for a new election this year. May reneged on a "compromise" with soft-Brexit/Bremain Tory backbenchers on an amendment that would have given the House of Commons a meaningful vote on the final U.K.-EU Brexit deal. According to the press, the compromise was killed by her own Brexit Secretary, David Davis. There is a fundamental problem with Brexit. The current path towards a hard Brexit, pushed on May by hard-Brexit members of her cabinet and articulated in her January 2017 speech, is incompatible with her party's preferences. According to their pre-referendum preferences, a majority of Tory MPs identified with the Bremain campaign ahead of the referendum (Chart 15). That would suggest that a vast majority prefer a soft Brexit today, if not staying in the EU. We would go further. The current trajectory is incompatible with the democratic preferences of the U.K. public. First, polls are showing rising opposition to Brexit (Chart 16). Second, most voters who chose to vote for Brexit in 2016 did so under the assumption that the Conservative Party would pursue a soft Brexit, including continued membership in the Common Market. Boris Johnson, the most prominent supporter of Brexit ahead of the vote and now the foreign minister, famously stated right after the referendum that "there will continue to be free trade and access to the single market."12 Chart 15Westminster MPs Support Bremain! Are You "Sick Of Winning" Yet? Are You "Sick Of Winning" Yet? Chart 16Bremain On The Rise Bremain On The Rise Bremain On The Rise So what happens now? We expect the government to be defeated on the crucial amendment giving Westminster the right to vote on the final EU-U.K. deal. If that happens, PM May could be replaced by a hard-Brexit prime minister, most likely Davis. Given the lack of support for an actual hard-Brexit outcome - both in Westminster and among the public - we believe that a new election remains likely by March 2019. Bottom Line: Political risk remains elevated in the U.K. A new election could resolve this risk, but the potential for a Jeremy Corbyn-led Labour Party to win the election could add additional political risk to U.K. assets. We remain short GBP/USD. Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Chief Geopolitical Strategist marko@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken, Associate Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "The Great Risk Rotation," dated December 11, 2013; and "Multipolarity And Investing," dated April 9, 2014, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Pyongyang's Pivot To America," dated June 8, 2018, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Taiwan Is A Potential Black Swan," dated March 30, 2018, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 4 The Senate has passed a version of the National Defense Authorization Act with a rider that would boost CFIUS and maintain stringent restrictions on ZTE's business with the U.S. These restrictions have crippled the company but would have been removed under the Trump administration's snap deal in June. The White House claims it will remove the rider when the House and Senate hold a conference to resolve differences between their versions of the defense bill, but it is not clear that the White House will succeed. Congress could test Trump's veto. If Trump does not veto he will break a personal promise to Xi Jinping and escalate the trade war further than perhaps even he intended. 5 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Trump, Day One: Let The Trade War Begin," dated January 18, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 6 Please see BCA Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Piggy Bank No More? Trump And The Dollar's Reserve Currency Status," dated June 15, 2018, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 7 We do not include Porsche in this list as we would gladly pay the 25% tariff on top of its current price. 8 Mexican elections for both president and Congress will take place on July 1, but the new Congress will sit on September 1 while the new president will take office on December 1. 9 Please see Lori Wallach, "Presidential Authority to Terminate NAFTA Without Congressional Approval," Public Citizen's Global Trade Watch, November 13, 2017, available at www.citizen.org. 10 The National Customs Brokers and Forwarders Association of America, "Issues Surrounding US Withdrawal From NAFTA," available from GHY International at www.ghy.com. See also Dan Ciuriak, "What if the United States Walks Away From NAFTA?" C. D. Howe Institute Intelligence Memos, dated November 27, 2017, available at www.cdhowe.org. 11 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy and Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "NAFTA - Populism Vs. Pluto-Populism," dated November 10, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 12 Please see "U.K. will retain access to the EU single market: Brexit leader Johnson," Reuters, dated June 26, 2016, available at uk.reuters.com. Geopolitical Calendar