Money/Credit/Debt

Executive Summary Inflationary Pressures To Fade Inflationary Pressures To Fade Inflationary Pressures To Fade The biggest problem for the European economy is surging inflation. Inflation has eroded household real disposable income and is hurting consumption. Inflation is set to roll over this summer, which should allow European economies to begin recovering in the fourth quarter of 2022. The ECB is likely to pause after exiting negative interest rates in Q3. European credit is becoming more attractive, but the risks to our view of European growth could still cause major problems for this asset class. Swiss stocks are vulnerable to a pullback relative to German ones. In France, President Emmanuel Macron is likely to get a legislative majority in June.     Bottom Line: European growth should recover after inflation rolls over this summer. The peak in inflation will allow the ECB to pause after its deposit rate gets to zero. Despite this positive view, the large risks hanging over Europe suggest prudence is still warranted.   European assets are rebounding in conjunction with the decline in risk aversion visible around global markets. The euro is catching a welcome bid too. However, as we wrote last week, while the conditions are falling in place to see a rally in Europe, too many risks continue to lurk in the background.  Therefore, we maintain our conservative approach to European markets, and we still recommend a defensive portfolio. Related Report  European Investment StrategyDon’t Be A Hero To shift to a less defensive stance, we want first to observe a peak in European inflation. Inflation represents the greatest problem for the European economy. If inflation continues to surge, the purchasing power of households will deteriorate further and the ECB will ratchet up its hawkish rhetoric, which will cause considerable mayhem in the European economy.   A Reprieve For Europe? Only when the income suppressing impact of inflation recedes will European growth strengthen. Chart 1Paying More For The Same Paying More For The Same Paying More For The Same Higher prices continue to hurt European consumption. As witnessed in the US, European retail sales are rising in nominal terms (Chart 1). However, households are not consuming more; they are spending more to purchase the same amount of goods, which is illustrated by the stagnation in retail sales volumes over the past twelve months. Households are not increasing the size of their consumption baskets, because their incomes are not keeping up with inflation. Unlike in the US, Eurozone households never saw their real disposable income spike during the pandemic because European governments focused on preserving jobs rather than distributing large handouts to households. As a result, European real disposable income began to lag its pre-pandemic trend (Chart 2). As the economy recovered, disposable income did not converge back to trend. Now that food and energy prices have spiked, the gap between real disposable income and its trend is only widening. Wages are not coming to the rescue either. The European labor market has been incapable of generating the same kind of wage growth that the US labor market has enjoyed. Even the recent uptick in negotiated wages is not as strong as it seems. German workers benefited from a one-off payment that caused wages to spike by 6.7%, elevating the Euro Area average to 2.8% from 1.6%. However, without that adjustment, German underlying wage growth fell from 3.9% to 1.6% (Chart 3), which means that the underlying European wage only rose by 2%. Chart 2Inflation Destroys Purchasing Power Inflation Destroys Purchasing Power Inflation Destroys Purchasing Power Chart 3Not As Strong As It Seems Not As Strong As It Seems Not As Strong As It Seems The distinction between one-off payments and underlying wages matters. As per Milton Friedman’s permanent income hypothesis, households are unlikely to shift their consumption pattern based on a temporary boost to income. They will save it, or in today’s case, use their one-off payment to cover their food and energy price increases. If today’s wage boost is not repeated, but inflation remains elevated, consumption will suffer. Europe’s tourism industry would be another major beneficiary from the peak in inflation. Prior to the pandemic, tourism contributed to 13%, 14% and 9% of the Italian, Spanish, and French economies, respectively. This sector was decimated during the pandemic after travel came to a halt. We are seeing positive signs emerge on this front. In the spring of 2021, nights spent at hotels were 80% below their spring 2019 levels for the Euro Area (Chart 4). As of March 2022, this variable is now between 15% and 30% below their March 2019 levels in Italy and France, respectively. Moreover, Google Mobility indices for the retail and recreation sectors have almost fully recovered (Chart 5). Thus, we can expect these trends to gather steam once inflation slows, because it will free up household disposable income. Europe’s periphery is particularly well placed to benefit from this eventual positive development. Chart 4Improving Tourism Sector Improving Tourism Sector Improving Tourism Sector Chart 5Mobility Pick-Up Mobility Pick-Up Mobility Pick-Up Positively, European inflation will peak soon. Commodity prices remain elevated, but commodity inflation has decelerated significantly. Hence, the commodity impulse is consistent with an imminent decline in Euro Area HICP (Chart 6). A simulation using BCA’s Commodity & Energy forecast for Brent, which also assumes that European natural gas prices will continue to hover around EUR100/MWh and that EUR/USD will hit 1.1 by year-end, confirms that energy inflation will swoon (Chart 7). Even if we assume a sudden surge in energy prices due to a Russian natural gas cutoff, energy inflation will recede in the second half of 2022 after spiking this summer. Chart 6Peak Inflation? Peak Inflation? Peak Inflation? Chart 7Beware The Russia Cutoff Risk Beware The Russia Cutoff Risk Beware The Russia Cutoff Risk Chart 8Less Pressure From The Consumer Of Last Resort Less Pressure From The Consumer Of Last Resort Less Pressure From The Consumer Of Last Resort Beyond the energy market, global forces also point toward a peak in European inflation in the coming months. The surge in US goods consumption over the past 24 months was felt globally and generated inflationary pressures in Europe as well. However, US durable goods consumption is declining (Chart 8). As a result, this important driver of European inflation will recede. Bottom Line: European consumption will not recover until inflation peaks. Without a deceleration in inflation, household disposable income will remain weak and consumers will remain careful. The good news is that European inflation is still on track to begin its descent this summer, which will boost the prospect for consumer spending and tourism. ECB Update: A Fall Pause? In a blog post last Monday, ECB president Christine Lagarde confirmed that the central bank will lift interest rates in July and will push the deposit rate to zero by September. Chart 9Too Much Priced In Too Much Priced In Too Much Priced In The economy is likely able to handle those two rate hikes. Our ECB monitor highlights the need to remove monetary accommodation in the Eurozone (Chart 9). Moreover, the German 2-/10-year yield curve has steepened this year, despite the hawkish shift in the ECB’s rhetoric, which confirms that monetary conditions are extremely accommodative. We expect the ECB to pause its rate hike campaign after exiting negative rates this fall to reassess economic conditions. Constraints on the ECB remain potent. If the central bank ignores these limiting factors, a policy mistake will ensue. Inflation is likely to decelerate by the end of the summer, which will undercut the hawks driving the consensus at the Governing Council today. Inflation is the factor pushing the ECB Monitor higher right now, not growth conditions (Chart 9, second panel). Thus, the case for lifting rates will weaken considerably when inflation slows. Growth is unlikely to have recovered enough by September to justify additional rate hikes after inflation slows. The expected improvement in consumption and household finances discussed earlier will be embryonic by the end of the summer and will not offer a clear case to lift rates further. Instead, the ECB will still have to juggle the tightening in financial conditions created by wider bond spreads in the European periphery and the impact of China’s slowdown on European exports. Meanwhile, capex is unlikely to strengthen meaningfully as long as global trade softens. As a result, we stay long the June 2023 Euribor futures. An extended pause after the September meeting will prevent the ECB from hiking rates as much as money markets expect over the coming twelve months (Chart 9, bottom panel). If the ECB goes ahead and continues to lift rates in the fall and early winter, the European economy will weaken considerably more and the previous rate hikes will have to be undone. Both scenarios are bullish for the June 2023 Euribor contract. Bottom Line: The ECB is likely to pause after pushing its deposit rate to zero in the third quarter in order to reassess economic conditions. Inflation is the main factor behind higher rates, and it will peak this summer. Meanwhile, the economy is still not strong enough to justify significantly higher interest rates. The market’s pricing in the ESTR curve is much too aggressive considering this context. Stay long June 2023 Euribor futures. Credit Update: Don’t Be A Hero Chart 10Cautious In Absolute Terms, Positive On Relative Performance Cautious In Absolute Terms, Positive On Relative Performance Cautious In Absolute Terms, Positive On Relative Performance Credit markets are experiencing a second episode of spread widening this year. The first episode was triggered by the invasion of Ukraine by Russia. The current one reflects strong inflation, weaker growth prospects, and the ECB’s policy shift. Year-to-date, European investment grade and high-yield corporate bond option-adjusted spreads have widened by 74bps and 188bps, respectively (Chart 10, top panel). As we wrote last week, if the global economic situation were to stabilize, then European assets would be a buy at current levels. This is especially true for European credit. Beyond attractive valuations, corporate bond issuers’ balance sheets are in good shape and the default risk is low.   However, the same risks that prevent us from being buyers of the euro and European stocks today also hang over the credit market. Specifically, a further deterioration of the energy flows between Russia and the EU and/or a policy mistake, whereby the ECB delivers the seven rate hikes priced in the overnight index swap market, would cause spreads to widen meaningfully from their current elevated levels. Therefore, we recommend investors remain on the sidelines and wait for a safer entry point over the coming weeks. Once inflation has peaked and stagflation/recession fears recede, then credit spreads will have ample room to narrow, especially if the ECB decides to pause after lifting the deposit rate to 0% (Chart 10, second panel). In the meantime, expected policy rate differentials are still supportive of an overweight on European credit relative to US credit (Chart 10, bottom panel). Bottom Line: European spreads are most likely peaking. However, the same risks that hang over EUR/USD and European equities prevent us from buying this asset class just yet. Swiss Stocks Are Getting Expensive Chart 11Swiss Stocks Getting Ahead Of Earnings Swiss Stocks Getting Ahead Of Earnings Swiss Stocks Getting Ahead Of Earnings The defensive Swiss market has greatly outperformed its Euro Area counterpart this year. However, the recent bout of Swiss outperformance has been completely dissociated from the trend in Swiss EPS relative to those of the Euro Area (Chart 11). Now, Swiss equities are particularly expensive and sport multiples 45% greater than the P/E ratio of the Eurozone MSCI benchmark. This bifurcation between the relative performance of Swiss stocks and their relative earnings represents a trading opportunity. Specifically, Swiss shares look vulnerable against German ones, which have been seriously beaten down in recent years. Chart 12Priced For The Apocalypse Priced For The Apocalypse Priced For The Apocalypse Swiss stocks have been re-rated on the back of many forces. First, the valuations of Swiss stocks relative to German ones have risen in tandem with the Eurozone’s headline and core inflation (Chart 12, top and second panel). Swiss relative valuations have also benefited from the significant tailwind created by higher 2-year rates in the Eurozone (Chart 12, third panel) and from the weakness in the euro (Chart 12, fourth panel). Finally, Swiss relative valuations seem to have already priced in a significant deterioration in European manufacturing activity, which would have lifted their appeal as a defensive play (Chart 12, bottom panel). We recommend selling Swiss stocks against German ones. We anticipate European inflation to peak this summer. Our ECB view is consistent with a decline in Germany’s 2-year bond yields. We also expect the euro to bottom and, even though we have written about a deterioration in European manufacturing activity, the recent explosion of Swiss multiples relative to German ones looks overdone. This trade may be seen as our first attempt to dip our toe into cyclical assets, even if we generally favor capital preservation over risk taking at this juncture. Bottom Line: The outperformance of Swiss equities is overextended and is already pricing in a dire outcome for European economies. Selling Swiss shares relative to German stocks is an attractive way to add tentatively some risk to a European portfolio. France Update: Likely Legislative Majority For Macron Chart 13French Polls Suggest Macron Will Get His Legislative Majority Looking Beyond Europe’s Inflation Peak Looking Beyond Europe’s Inflation Peak President Emmanuel Macron’s political party, Renaissance (previously En Marche!), may surprise to the upside in this year’s legislative election. An aggregate of recent polls (Chart 13) suggests that the presidential coalition (which includes Renaissance and its allies) will obtain between 295 and 340 seats in the Assemblée Nationale, more than the 289 seats needed to achieve a majority. The odds of seeing an historically low voter turnout should also play in the French president’s favor. Chart 14Favor French Small-Caps & Avoid Consumer Stocks Favor French Small-Caps & Avoid Consumer Stocks Favor French Small-Caps & Avoid Consumer Stocks Macron will not have to compromise to build a coalition in favor of his reform agenda, which bodes well for French productivity and trend growth. This election should not have an impact on French assets beyond that. We continue to recommend investors favor French small-caps, as they will benefit from an improvement in domestic consumer confidence and an eventual strengthening in the euro (Chart 14). Meanwhile, we still see more downside for French consumer stocks (Chart 14, bottom panel).   Mathieu Savary, Chief European Strategist Mathieu@bcaresearch.com Jeremie Peloso, Editor/Strategist JeremieP@bcaresearch.com Tactical Recommendations Cyclical Recommendations Structural Recommendations

Executive Summary Villains Still Lurking Villains Still Lurking Villains Still Lurking European assets and the euro already discount a significant worsening of Europe’s economic outlook. If the global economic situation were to stabilize, then European assets would be a buy at current levels. However, there remain very large risks lurking over the outlook. First, a further deterioration in energy flows between Russia and the EU is a major threat to the European economic outlook. Second, the ECB delivering the seven rate hikes priced in the June 2023 Euribor contract would be painful for the European economy. Third, further selloff in the US equity market could translate into more pain for European equities. And fourth, the weakness in the Chinese economy and aggressive monetary tightening in the broader EM space outside China are additional risks. These risks loom large enough, so that investors should avoid bottom-fishing the market. Wait until greater clarity emerges or valuations improve further. Bottom Line: Don’t be a hero. European assets and the euro are probably in the process of bottoming. However, the probability of a very significant additional decline is large enough that investors should continue to emphasize capital preservation over return maximization. Also, continue to favor defensives over cyclical assets.      After declining nearly 8% since its January 2021 peak, the euro is down another 7% so far this year. Meanwhile, the Dow Jones Euro STOXX 50, which has plunged 17% since its January 5, 2022 apex, or 22% in US dollar terms, trades at 11.2 times 2023 earnings estimates. At these valuations, European assets already discount a major growth slump in Europe. Is it time to buy European assets, to favor cyclicals versus defensives, and to buy the euro? At face value, the answer is “yes,” but uncertainty abounds, which means that capital preservation remains paramount. As a result, we recommend investors avoid bottom-fishing European assets. They should wait for a safer entry point, rather than trying to pick through the market trough. Plenty Of Risks Four main risks cast a long shadow on the performance of European assets: The evolution of the energy crisis, the potential for an ECB policy mistake, the threat of a worsening US selloff, and the instability in EM. The Energy Crisis It’s official: Sweden and Finland are applying to join NATO. Turkey’s objection will create delays in the process, but it will not stop it. Turkey needs protection against Russia, and it needs help to support the lira. Turkey’s acquiescence, therefore, will be bought. What is genuinely surprising is Russia’s silence. President Putin threatened to flex Russia’s military muscles if Sweden and Finland were to abandon their neutrality. Yet, he now has “no problem” with their bid to join the alliance. We are skeptical, especially as the EU is aiming to ban Russian oil imports by the end of the year. Based on these observations, we continue to see a further deterioration in energy flows between Russia and the EU as a major threat to the European economic outlook. It is far from a guaranteed outcome, but its probability is elevated enough (more than 30%) and so impactful that any investment strategy must account for it. Chart 1Rebuilding Nat Gas Stocks Is A Must Don’t Be A Hero Don’t Be A Hero Chart 2Low-Income Households Are At Risk Don’t Be A Hero Don’t Be A Hero Moreover, European nations continue to pay a premium for their energy and are trying to rebuild their natural gas inventory ahead of winter (Chart 1). Thus, the energy market continues to carry a significant recession risk for the Eurozone. Lower-income households already spend a substantial portion of their income on utilities and transportation costs, and their consumption is highly sensitive to the evolution of energy prices (Chart 2). A Policy Mistake We consider a rate hike in July a policy mistake, but it would be a true error if the ECB ratified the pricing currently embedded in the €STR curve (Chart 3). Why would a rate hike constitute a policy mistake? The EU’s inflation spike is not a reflection of strong domestic demand. It reflects foreign factors over which the ECB has no control. Energy prices drive European inflation and are passing-through to core CPI (Chart 4). Yet, wage growth remains tepid at 2.6%. Hiking rates will not bring about the additional energy supply Europe needs to tame inflation. Chart 3Too Far Too Fast Too Far Too Fast Too Far Too Fast Chart 4European Inflation Is Energy inflation European Inflation Is Energy inflation European Inflation Is Energy inflation Chart 5The US Is Lifting Prices Around The World The US Is Lifting Prices Around The World The US Is Lifting Prices Around The World Even the analysis of the ECB is conflicted. On May 11, Executive Board Member Isabel Schnabel highlighted the need for an imminent interest rate hike, yet she also underscored the global nature of the current inflation outbreak. Goods prices in Europe not only reflect higher input costs, but they also bear the imprint of the excess demand in the US, which is lifting the price of goods prices around the world (Chart 5). However, an ECB rate hike will do little to tame US demand for manufactured goods. In the monetary policy realm, only aggressive tightening by the Fed will have the desired effect, which will trickle down to lower European inflation. Thus, European interest rate hikes will accentuate consumption weaknesses already visible across the region more than they will slow inflation. While a few rate hikes will not have a major impact, the seven rate hikes priced in the June 2023 Euribor contract would be disastrous as long as Europe is hamstrung by the current relative price shock. We remain long this contract. Worsening US Equity Selloff Investors seem to be waking up to the reality that US consumers are facing the same difficult predicament as European consumers: rising energy and food prices and contracting real incomes. The recent earnings call by Walmart was a shock that caused an 8% drubbing for consumer staples and a 7% fall in consumer discretionary equities. Until US inflation clearly peaks, investors will have to evaluate how much deeper the pain for consumers may run. Moreover, since consumers have begun to cut their discretionary spending in response to strained budgets, the ability of firms to pass on rising input costs is dwindling. Hence, investors will have to handicap the risks to margins as well. Chart 6Fed Put Not Exercised Fed Put Not Exercised Fed Put Not Exercised US inflation also impacts the Fed’s outlook. Until inflation has decelerated for a few months, the Fed will remain comfortable with tighter financial conditions. This means that the strike price of the so-called Fed put is inversely proportional to inflation, especially since FCIs are far from tight (Chart 6). As a result, inflation or energy prices must soften before the Fed can begin to send comforting signals to the market. Chart 7Where Walmart Goes, So Does The Market? Where Walmart Goes, So Does The Market? Where Walmart Goes, So Does The Market? The US market has cheapened significantly, and a floor should be close; but the risks remain considerable. A very smart investor with whom we regularly chat highlighted that we have not yet seen a full-fledged liquidation. Only once energy stocks have also been purged will the necessary condition for a bottom be met (since only then will all the speculative activity have been cleared). In fact, the recent poor performance of Walmart highlights the risk that the S&P 500 could suffer one last down leg to 3500, since over the past 12 years, WMT often leads the SPX (Chart 7). Another 300 points decline in the US benchmark could translate into significant selling pressure in the Euro STOXX, because it sports an elevated beta. EM Instability EM are still facing ample risks, which could easily dislodge the prospects of European firms servicing these economies. As a result, EM constitute another major threat for European equities. Chart 8Less COVID In Shanghai and Jilin Less COVID In Shanghai and Jilin Less COVID In Shanghai and Jilin The outlook for China remains fraught with risks. National COVID cases are declining as a result of the collapse in cases in the Shanghai and Jilin provinces (Chart 8). However, Omicron is spreading around the nation, with broadening lockdowns in Beijing and Tianjin. The one certainty is that the Chinese Communist Party remains wedded to its zero-COVID policy. Considering the size of the country and how contagious the various Omicron variants are, rolling lockdowns and their deleterious impact on activity are here to stay. China therefore remains a source of downside risk for global goods demand. Unemployment is surging, and the PMIs are extremely weak, suggesting a contraction in GDP is coming. Moreover, households continue to deleverage (Chart 9). The CNY’s weakness confirms the risks to earnings growth in Europe, and the yield spread between China and the US points to further downside in the RMB (Chart 10, top panel). Interestingly, the weakness of the yen could also drag the CNY lower because of competitive pressures. Chester Ntonifor, BCA’s Chief Foreign Exchange strategist recommends investors sell CNY/JPY. Historically, a depreciating CNY/JPY portends weakness in European stock prices (Chart 10, bottom panel). Chart 9Chinese Growth Problems Chinese Growth Problems Chinese Growth Problems Chart 10A Weaker CNY Augurs Poorly For European Stocks A Weaker CNY Augurs Poorly For European Stocks A Weaker CNY Augurs Poorly For European Stocks The broader EM space outside of China is also a source of risk. EM countries are tightening monetary policy, which is slowing economic activity in nations already exposed to declining Chinese imports. Additionally, as Arthur Budaghyan shows, the strength in the dollar is tightening EM financial conditions and invites further increases in EM policy rates because of the inflationary impact of depreciating currencies.  An additional tightening in EM financial conditions in response to this toxic mix will invite greater downside for European equities (Chart 11). Bottom Line: European equities already reflect enough of a valuation cushion to compensate for a significant slowdown in European growth. However, ample risks to global growth still lurk in the background. If these risks materialize, European stocks could selloff another 15% or so. Moreover, the overvaluation of cyclical stocks relative to defensive ones has now been purged, but China’s economic weakness remains a major handicap (Chart 12). Consequently, don’t be hero: avoid bottom-fishing European assets, especially cyclical ones. Chart 11Brewing EM Troubles Brewing EM Troubles Brewing EM Troubles Chart 12Cyclicals At Risk From China Cyclicals At Risk From China Cyclicals At Risk From China Is it Time to Buy the Euro? After falling below 1.04, EUR/USD has rebounded to 1.055. Is it time to buy the euro? The euro now embeds a large discount that reflects fears of a recession and stagflation in the Eurozone. A purchasing power parity model developed by BCA’s Foreign Exchange Strategy team that accounts for the differences in consumption baskets in Europe and the US shows that EUR/USD is trading at its deepest discount to fair value since 2001. Moreover, BCA’s Intermediate-term timing model, which is based on an augmented interest rate parity framework, confirms that EUR/USD is cheap. Additionally, BCA’s Intermediate-Term Technical Indicator is massively oversold (Chart 13). For the euro to bottom durably, the dollar needs to reverse its rally. The combination of net speculative positions on the DXY and BCA’s Dollar Capitulation Index point to elevated chances of an imminent peak (Chart 14). Chart 13The Euro's Large Risk Premium The Euro's Large Risk Premium The Euro's Large Risk Premium Chart 14The Over Extended Dollar The Over Extended Dollar The Over Extended Dollar Despite this backdrop, three of the aforementioned risks to European stocks translate into threats to the euro: A Russian energy embargo would cause a much more severe European recession. Two weeks ago, we highlighted a Bundesbank study which showed that such a cutoff would curtail German growth by 5% point for 2022.  We also highlighted that this shock would cause a temporary but significant increase in inflation. This combination would be poisonous for the euro, and it carries a roughly 30% probability. A policy mistake in the Euro Area would cause a period of significant spread widening in the periphery. Such shocks often prompt a widening in the breakup risk-premium for the euro. This risk premium pushes EUR/USD lower. Chart 15Chinese Assets Matter To The Euro Chinese Assets Matter To The Euro Chinese Assets Matter To The Euro Chinese growth problems often hurt the euro as well as European stocks. A fall in the Chinese stock-to-bond ratio often leads to a weaker EUR/USD, since both variables are correlated to Chinese economic activity. Additionally, a depreciating CNY is also synonymous with a softer euro because a declining renminbi hurts European exporters (Chart 15). Further weaknesses in the S&P 500 no longer guarantee a fall in EUR/USD. Investors are worried about the US equity outlook because they are extrapolating the impact on consumers of rising energy and food prices. They are applying the template of what is going on in Europe to US households, which means that they are pricing in a convergence of US growth toward European growth (barring the three additional shocks highlighted in the bullet points above). Related Report  European Investment StrategyIs UK Stagflation Priced In? Bottom Line: From a technical and valuation perspective, the rebound in the euro that began this week could last longer. However, several exceptional risks could prevent this bounce from morphing into a durable rally. The significant odds of a Russian energy embargo stand at the top of the list of concerns, but so does the possibility of a policy mistake in Europe as well China’s problems. Thus, even if the euro is bottoming, don’t be a hero and wait on a safer entry point to focus on capital preservation. In fact, BCA’s Foreign Strategy team is now selling EUR/JPY. Within a European context, a short GBP/CHF position is attractive as a portfolio hedge. The Swiss National Bank seems more tolerant of a higher CHF as a vehicle to tame growing inflationary pressures, while the UK faces significant risks.    Mathieu Savary, Chief European Strategist Mathieu@bcaresearch.com Tactical Recommendations Cyclical Recommendations Structural Recommendations

Executive Summary Indian Voter’s Economic Miseries Are Ascendant Indian Voter's Economic Miseries Are Ascendant Indian Voter's Economic Miseries Are Ascendant India has a strong strategic geopolitical position but is likely to face turbulence in the short term. This is because India remains expensive, and investors worry if the record political stability shown by India since 2014 can last. We highlight that the ruling Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) may lose some seats in the near term. India’s most populous states could witness a few cases of social conflict as economic miseries grow. India may also temporarily resort to a degree of fiscal populism. But the BJP will be able to hold power for a third consecutive term in 2024, that too with a simple majority. The burst of fiscal populism will be temporary. Moreover, the next tier of India’s most populous states are well-positioned to drive India’s growth story in the long run. We urge investors to tactically short India / long Brazil financials given that India may see some turbulence in the short run. Strategic investors should consider long India tech / short China tech. Trade Recommendation Inception Date Return SHORT INDIA / LONG BRAZIL FINANCIALS 2022-02-10 12.5% Bottom Line: The ruling political party in India may face some political setbacks in the short term. It could even resort to fiscal populism. But the ruling party in a base case, should be able to retain power for a third term in 2024. On a tactical timeframe we advise caution on India but remain constructive on a strategic horizon. Feature The woods are lovely, dark and deep, But I have promises to keep, And miles to go before I sleep, And miles to go before I sleep. – Robert Frost, Stopping By Woods On A Snowy Evening (New Hampshire, 1923)   The protagonist in this famous poem is overwhelmed by the beauty of the wintry woods, but then must stay vigilant about the here and now. The situation that confronts an investor into India today, is surprisingly similar. India has a strong strategic geopolitical position, a position that has strengthened following the Ukraine war. However, Indian markets might face turbulence in the short term. This is because India remains expensive and its ability to keep promises (about high degrees of political stability or about its fiscal discipline) could be tested on a tactical time horizon. In specific, investors with exposure to India worry about three politico-economic challenges: The Anti-Incumbency Challenge Related Report  Geopolitical StrategyIndia's Politics: Know When To Hold 'Em, Know When To Fold 'Em 13 September 2013 is a key date in India’s modern history. On this day the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) announced Narendra Modi as BJP’s prime ministerial (PM) candidate just a few months ahead of the 2014 general elections. From 13 September 2013 till date, MSCI India has incidentally outperformed MSCI EM by a resounding 94.8%. In 2013, markets celebrated the rise of the Modi-led BJP government since such a dispensation was new, and it promised to deliver structural reform. But now when general elections will be held in 2024, the BJP must deal with a middling report card on reforms and a two-term anti-incumbency to boot. Given this clients worry if 2024 could see India go back to an era of coalition governments? The Fiscal Challenge India under BJP has displayed impressive degrees of fiscal discipline. With rising inflation now adding to Indian voters’ miseries and with a loaded state election calendar due in 2023, investors ask if India’s notable streak of fiscal fortitude can last? The Demographics Challenge As China’s weak demographic future becomes clearer, India’s youthful demographics keep attracting paeans. This is partially responsible for the fact that India has traded at a five-year average premium of 54.5% to China on forward price to earnings. With increasing reports of communal violence and inflation-related protests breaking out in India, investors also worry about India’s so-called demographic dividend and how best to play the game? In a foundational GPS Special Report published in 2018 we had made the point that, “Predicting political outcomes is difficult, but to generate geopolitical alpha investors should focus on ‘beating the spread’ not predicting the match winner”. At a time when there is much uncertainty about India’s immediate future, we highlight three key base case predictions with respect to India. By highlighting these key predictions, we hope investors can position themselves for generating geopolitical alpha. We conclude the report with actionable investment recommendations. India’s High Political Stability, Likely To Stay In 2024 Chart 1Bhartiya Janata Party’s (BJP) Win In India In 2014 Was Historic Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... The Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) stormed into power in 2014. Its assumption of power under PM Modi’s leadership was historic. This is because this was the first time since 1984 that a single political party had managed to secure a simple majority on its own steam (Chart 1). The rise of BJP in this resurrected avatar marked a structural break from the past, in three distinct ways: End To Instability Of Nineties: The rise of BJP 2.0 in 2014 marked an end to the political instability seen in the nineties when governments struggled to complete their full five-year terms. This is a problem that India’s South Asian neighbors like Sri Lanka and Pakistan are yet to overcome. End Of Coalition Politics Of Early 2000s: BJP’s rise in 2014 also marked an end to the coalition politics of the early 2000s. While three coalition governments in India managed to complete their five-year terms from 1999-2014, the reform agenda over this period was often held at ransom by smaller coalition partners. India’s ability to break away from coalition governments back in 2014 was commendable given that several developing countries as well as developed countries still have coalition governments at the helm. Regime Continuity: The BJP’s rise in 2014 and their re-election in 2019 meant that the same political party was able to hold power in India (that too with a simple majority) for a decade. Other EMs have not seen this quality of continuity over the last few years.  Owing to this streak of unprecedented political stability that India has been able to offer since 2014, India has attracted a high premium relative to democratic EM peers (Chart 2). But with India’s general elections due in 2024, investors into India are keen to know if India will continue to attract this high political stability premium. This worry is justified for two sets of reasons: (1)    The last time any government in India was able to pull off three consecutive full five-year terms, was way back in the sixties. There is no recent precedent to BJP’s pursuit for a third consecutive term in India. (2)   The most recent election held in India’s largest state i.e., Uttar Pradesh saw the BJP retain power but saw its seat count fall by 18%. This, investors worry could be an indicator of BJP losing traction in the politically critical region of northern India. Reading the tea leaves left behind after all recent elections suggests that India is most likely to see a single political party maintain a simple majority for a third consecutive term in 2024. BJP’s footprint northern in India will be dented owing to anti-incumbency. But despite this, the BJP should be able to maintain a simple majority at the national level in 2024. This is because the BJP appears to be working on deploying a crucial strategy i.e., to offset declines in north India with gains elsewhere. India’s northern states account for 45% of India’s population. Whilst the BJP’s rise in 2014 was pivoted on this geography, its ability to retain power beyond a decade will be dependent on its ability to offset losses in India’s sprawling north with gains in other large states. Interestingly, the BJP’s predecessor i.e., the Congress party had to deal with the reciprocal of this problem. The Congress party stayed in power for a decade (from 2004-14) owing to support from southern and western Indian states. But then the Congress party’s reign could not last beyond a decade because it failed to break into northern India (Chart 3); at a time when it was losing popularity in India’s west and south. Chart 2India Has Been Trading At A Premium To EM Democracies India Has Been Trading At A Premium To EM Democracies India Has Been Trading At A Premium To EM Democracies ​​​​​​ Chart 3Congress Party-Led UPA Alliance Could Not Break Into North India Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... ​​​​​​ The fact that the BJP is now working to straddle both i.e. (1) its traditional base in the north and west as well as (2) new geographies in the east and south is evident from the recent election results: 2019 General Elections: Even as BJP’s seat count in the north Indian states of Uttar Pradesh and Bihar fell in 2019 (Chart 3) it managed to offset this decline by increasing presence in India’s east (in states like West Bengal and Orissa) and in India’s south (in states like Karnataka and Telangana). Consequently, the share of BJP’s seats accounted for by major states outside north India notably increased in 2019 from 2014 (Chart 4). Recent State Elections: The BJP has evidently been able to offset losses in its core northern base (in states like Uttar Pradesh), by increasing its presence in India’s east (in states like West Bengal and Bihar) (Chart 5). Chart 4BJP Is Growing Its Influence Outside North India Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... ​​​​​​ Chart 5BJP Is Offsetting Losses In North With Gains In East Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... ​​​​​​ Chart 6In a Base Case, BJP Should Cross The Halfway Mark At 2024 General Elections Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... In fact, it is critical to note that state elections are due in Gujarat in December 2022, where the BJP is highly likely to lose seat share as it faces a five-term anti-incumbency. Given that Gujarat as a region too is part of BJP’s core voter base, BJP’s seat losses in Gujarat could trigger a wave of selling on India’s bourses. If this leads India’s expensive valuations to be driven down, then this could present a buying opportunity because as long as the BJP keeps compensating for losses in traditional constituencies with inroads into newer realms (like say Karnataka where state elections are due in May 2023 or in Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh where elections are due in end-2023); BJP’s standalone seat count in 2024 is highly likely to cross the half-way mark (Chart 6). To conclude, we re-iterate our constructive outlook on India on a strategic horizon, in view of the high probability of regime continuity lasting in this EM beyond a decade. In a worst-case scenario, we expect a BJP-led coalition to assume power in India in 2024 but this coalition too will be stable and should need the support of a maximum of two regional parties. Bottom Line: The BJP will lose seat share in parts of north and west India but should be able to retain power in 2024 by offsetting these losses with gains in India’s east and south. Most recent election results confirm that the BJP is working meticulously to make this formula work. If BJP’s political losses in its traditional constituencies triggers a market correction, then this should be used as a buying opportunity by strategic investors. Fiscal Risks In India Are Not Dead; They Will Surface, Before Receding Again In 1952 when India’s first national assembly was formed, left-leaning parties were the mainstay of India’s national politics. Back then a left-of-center party i.e., the Congress Party was in power with +70% seats in the national assembly. Then, the leftist Communist Party of India (CPI) was the second largest political party. As the decades went by left-leaning policies kept losing importance in India but the left-of-center national parties influenced Indian politics in a big way right up until 2014. Cut to 2014, the rise of the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) meant that the mainstay of Indian politics now became right-of-center politics. Left-leaning parties became too insignificant to matter at the national level with the Congress Party and the Communist Party of India (M) now cumulatively accounting for only about 11% seats in the national assembly. India’s political pendulum swinging to the right was accompanied by another key development i.e., India’s fiscal management became more prudent (Chart 7). Doles and transfer payments were restrained, and efforts were also made to shore-up tax revenues. But does the BJP-led transition to right-of-center politics mean that left-of-center politics in India are dead, as are the associated risks of fiscal populism? The Indian bond market seems to think so. India’s 10-year bond yield is up only 85 bps since 1 Jan 2020 to date, which is lower than a 106 bps increase seen in the US or 573 bps increase seen in a large emerging market like Brazil. Notwithstanding the superior fiscal discipline maintained by BJP-led governments so far, it is worth asking if this streak of fiscal resilience can last over the next two years? We highlight that even as the right-of-center BJP will remain a force to reckon with, we expect the BJP’s fiscal policy to temporarily swerve to the left owing to three sets of reasons: Miseries Breed Populism: It is true that recent BJP-led governments have maintained superior fiscal discipline (Chart 7). However high levels of inflation are known to feed populist tendencies of governments globally. India will be no exception to this trend because economic miseries of India’s median voter have worsened over the last six months (Chart 8). Chart 7BJP Led Governments Have Maintained Tighter Fiscal Deficits In India Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... ​​​​​​ Chart 8Economic Miseries Of India's Median Voter Have Been Worsening Economic Miseries Of India's Median Voter Have Been Worsening Economic Miseries Of India's Median Voter Have Been Worsening ​​​​​​ Chart 9Government Spends Tend To Pick Up In The Run-Up To General Elections Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Political Cycle: History also suggests that there is a cyclical element to fiscal laxity in India. Populism as a theme tends to become more defined in the two years leading to a general election (Chart 9). This cyclicality in fiscal expansion could also be driven by the fact that India tends to have a loaded state election calendar in the year just before a general election. Competition: As the BJP’s reign matures, it will increasingly face competition from regional parties (Chart 10). Given that most major regional political parties in India operate on the segment between the center and the left of political spectrum (Chart 10), BJP may see sense in metamorphosizing its fiscal policy into one which is closer to the left, albeit temporarily. Chart 10Regional Parties Like SP And AAP Could Grow Their National Footprint Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Chart 11India’s Debt Levels Are High And Rising Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... It is worth noting that as compared to major EMs, India’s debt levels are high today (Chart 11). Against this backdrop an expansion of India’s fiscal deficit could result in turbulence in Indian markets. Bottom Line: The BJP is highly likely to temporarily switch to an expansive fiscal policy stance in the run up to the 2024 general elections. This shift will be driven by the need to retain power in the face of rising miseries of its median voter and to overcome competition from influential regional players. Most Populous Regions, May Not Necessarily Be Drivers Of India’s Growth The ‘demographic dividend’ narrative is often used to justify a bullish stance on India. But such a narrative oversimplifies India’s investment case and may even yield poor investment outcomes. India’s demographics power its consumption engine, but the same demographics can also be a liability sometimes. This is because while India is young, its populace is also poor and large. The combination of a massive population (that creates pressure on limited resources) and nascent institutions (that are yet to ensure a fair use of resources) is at the heart of corruption in India. For instance, the coming to light of the 2G-spectrum scam a decade ago on 16 November 2010 saw Indian markets correct by 6% over the next ten days. Hence ‘corruption’ is one of the ways in which India’s demographics can end-up being a drag on India’s investment returns. Chart 12Six Indian States Account For India’s Political Nucleus Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... With China’s population likely to have peaked last year, India’s population which is likely to peak in the 2040s - keeps attracting investor interest. In this report we peel the onion around India’s demographics in a way that allows investors to make the most of its demographics, whilst avoiding pitfalls associated with the same. We highlight that paradoxically; India’s most populous states may not be the main drivers of India’s growth over the next decade. On the other hand, investing in the ‘next eight’ most populous states, could present a superior opportunity to profit from India’s demographics. Six Indian states account for more than half of India’s population (Chart 12) and each of these states are larger than Germany or Turkey in terms of population (Map 1). Despite being populous, these states could emerge as flashpoints of social conflict over the next decade. This is because it is possible that these states’ economic growth fails to be brisk enough to meet aspirations of its vast populace. Early signs of this phenomenon are evident from the fact that these states’ share in India’s population has been rising, but their share in national income has fallen (Chart 13). Today these six states account for more than half of India’s population but generate less than half of its national GDP (Chart 14). Map 1India’s Most Populous States, May Not Necessarily Lead On Growth Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Chart 13Most Populous States Of India, Are Not Necessarily Leading On Growth Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... ​​​​​​ Chart 14Next Eight Largest States Of India Are Economically Dynamic Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... ​​​​​​ Despite accounting for the lion’s share of India’s population, these six states’ growth potential could be compromised by: Economic Weakness: Primary sectors account for an unusually large share of the local economies of the most populous states today (Chart 15). Social Complexity: Most of the populous states are also characterized by greater social complexity as compared to other Indian states (Chart 16). In other words, their populations are young but are also poor and more heterogenous, which in turn exposes these states to a higher risk of social conflict. Chart 15Primary Activities Account For A Large Chunk Of Populous States’ GDP Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... ​​​​​​ Chart 16The Risk Of Social Conflict Is Higher, In The More Populous States Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... ​​​​​​ ​​​Leverage: The debt to GDP ratio of the more populous states often tends to be higher too (Chart 17).​​​​​​​ Now contrary to the situation in India’s most populous states, India’s ‘next eight’ largest states (by population) could emerge as hubs of economic dynamism (Map 1). This is because: Faster Growth: These states' share in national GDP is growing faster than the pace at which their share in India’s population is growing (Chart 13). As of today, the next eight states account for less than a third of India’s population but more than a third of India’s national income (Chart 14). Fewer Constraints: The next eight most populous states have more modern economic structures (Chart 15), lower risk of social conflict (Chart 16) and mildly superior public finances (Chart 17). Last but not the least, the ‘next eight’ states are poised favorably from a political perspective as well. This is because the Bhartiya Janta Party (i.e., BJP) has a weak footprint in these states (Chart 18) and will be keen to offer supportive economic policies to win over their median voter. Chart 17More Populous States, Also Can Be More Leveraged Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... ​​​​​​ Chart 18Next Eight Most Populous States Likely To Attract More Political Attention Going Forward Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... Indian Politics: The Woods Are Lovely... ​​​​​​ Bottom Line: While the demographic dividend that India enjoys is real, its benefits will not be spread uniformly across India’s geographies. For instance, some of the most populous states of India could lag on the growth front. To profit from India’s demographics and yet mitigate risks associated with the same, we urge investors to build portfolios that maximize exposure to the second tier of populous states in India. Investment Conclusion The Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP) in India appears set to emerge as the first party in India’s modern history to retain power beyond a decade with a simple majority. But to pull off this rare feat, it will have to metamorphosize and may exhibit some changes such as: Develop a focus on regions that are outside its core constituency, in a bid to offset anti-incumbency in its core constituencies. Sharpen its policy focus on the next tier of populous states, given that some of these states have greater growth potential and given that the BJP’s footprint in the second tier of populous states has room to grow. Adopt an expansive fiscal policy in the run up to the 2024 elections, to combat the rising economic miseries of India’s median voter. To play these dynamics, we urge clients to consider the following trades: Strategic Trades For clients with a holding period mandate of more than 12 months, we urge such investors to go strategically long Indian tech / short Chinese tech (Chart 19). The trade allows investors to play the unique and high degrees of political stability that India will offer on a strategic horizon. Chart 19Strategic Trade: Long Indian Tech / Short Chinese Tech Strategic Trade: Long Indian Tech / Short Chinese Tech Strategic Trade: Long Indian Tech / Short Chinese Tech ​​​​​​ Chart 20Tactical Trade: Short India / Long Brazilian Financials Tactical Trade: Short India / Long Brazilian Financials Tactical Trade: Short India / Long Brazilian Financials ​​​​​​ Moreover, it is notable the Indian tech industry’s key bases are concentrated in Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh and Telangana. All three states fall within the next tier of populous states of India. Thus, this trade allows investors to maximize exposure to both an economically vibrant region and sector of India. Tactical Trades For investors with a holding period mandate of less than 12 months, a trade that can be activated to profit from India’s short-term geopolitical risks is to short India / long Brazilian Financials (Chart 20). This allows investors to profit from the cyclical risks that will affect India (1) as commodity prices stay high and (2) as rising economic miseries fan fiscal risks.​​​​​​​   Ritika Mankar, CFA Editor/Strategist ritika.mankar@bcaresearch.com   Strategic Themes Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Regional Geopolitical Risk Matrix

Executive Summary Favor ASEAN And The Philippines Favor ASEAN And The Philippines Favor ASEAN And The Philippines Southeast Asia is suffering from fading macro and geopolitical tailwinds but there are still investment opportunities on a relative basis. The peace dividend, globalization dividend, and demographic dividend are all eroding and will continue to erode, though there are relative winners and losers. The Philippines and Thailand are most secure; the Philippines and Indonesia are least dependent on trade; and the Philippines and Vietnam have the highest potential GDP growth. Geopolitical risk premiums have risen for Russia, Eastern Europe, China, and will rise for the Middle East. This leaves ASEAN states as relatively attractive emerging markets. Trade Recommendation Inception Date Return LONG PHILIPPINES / EM EQUITIES 2022-05-12   LONG ASEAN / ACW EQUITIES 2022-05-12   Bottom Line: ASEAN’s geopolitical outlook is less ugly than many other emerging markets. Cyclically, go long ASEAN versus global equities and long Philippine equities versus EM. Feature Chart 1Hypo-Globalization A Headwind For Trading States Hypo-Globalization A Headwind For Trading States Hypo-Globalization A Headwind For Trading States The Philippines elected its second “strongman” leader in a row on May 9, provoking the usual round of editorials about the death of liberalism. Investors know well by now that such political narratives do as much to occlude economic reality as to clarify it. Still, there is a fundamental need to understand the changing global political order since it will ultimately impact the investment landscape. If the global order stabilizes – e.g. US-Russia and US-China relations normalize – then trade and investment may recover from recent shocks. A new era of “Re-Globalization” could ensue. Asia Pacific would be a prime beneficiary as it is full of trading economies (Chart 1). Related Report  Geopolitical StrategySecond Quarter Outlook 2022: When It Rains, It Pours By contrast, if Great Power Rivalry escalates further, then trade and investment will suffer, the current paradigm of Hypo-Globalization will continue, and East Asia’s frozen conflicts from 1945-52 will thaw and heat up. Asian states will have to shift focus from trade to security and their economies will suffer relative to previous expectations. How will Southeast Asia fare in this context? Will it fall victim to great power conflict, like Eastern Europe? Or will it keep a balance between the great powers and extract maximum benefits? Three Dividends Three dividends have underpinned Southeast Asia’s growth and prosperity in recent decades: 1.  Peace Dividend – A relative lack of war and inter-state conflict. 2.  Globalization Dividend – Advantageous maritime geography and access to major economies. 3.  Demographic Dividend – Young demographics and strong potential GDP growth. All three of these dividends are eroding, so the macro and geopolitical investment case for ASEAN has weakened relative to twenty years ago. Nevertheless in a world where Russia, China, and the Gulf Arab markets face a higher and persistent geopolitical risk premium, ASEAN still offers attractive investment opportunities, particularly if the most geopolitically insecure countries are avoided. Peace Dividend Favors The Philippines And Thailand Since the end of the US and Chinese wars with Vietnam, military conflicts in Southeast Asia have been low intensity. Lack of inter-state conflict encouraged economic prosperity and security complacency. The five major Southeast Asian nations saw military spending decline since the 1990s and only Vietnam spends more than 2% of GDP (Chart 2). Chart 2Peace Brought Prosperity Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines Unfortunately that is about to change. China has large import dependencies, an insufficient tradition of sea power, and feels hemmed in by its geography and the US alliance system. Beijing’s solution is to build and modernize its navy and prepare for potential conflict with the US, particularly over Taiwan. The result is rising tension across East Asia, including in Southeast Asia and the South China Sea. The ASEAN states fear China will walk over them, China fears they will league with the US against China, and the US tries to get them to do exactly that. Hence ASEAN’s defense spending has not kept up with its geopolitical importance and will have to rise going forward. Consider the following: Vietnam risks conflict with China. Vietnam has the most capable and experienced naval force within ASEAN due to its sporadic conflicts with China. Its equipment is supplied mainly by Russia, pitting it squarely against China’s Soviet or Soviet-inspired equipment. But Russia-China ties are tightening, especially after Russia’s divorce with Europe. While Vietnam will not reject Russia, it is increasingly partnering with the United States. The pandemic added to the Vietnamese public’s distrust of China, which is ancient but has ramped up in recent years due to clashes in the South China Sea. While Vietnam officially maintains that it will never host the US military, it is tacitly bonding with the US as a hedge against China. Yet Vietnam does not have a mutual defense treaty with the US, so it is vulnerable to Chinese military aggression over time. Indonesia distances itself from China. Rising security tensions are also forcing Indonesia to change its strategy toward China. Indonesia lacks experience in naval warfare and is not a claimant in the territorial disputes in the South China Sea. It is reluctant to take sides due to its traditionally non-aligned diplomatic status, its military culture of prioritizing internal stability (which is hard to maintain across thousands of islands), and China’s investment in its economy. However, China is encroaching on Indonesia’s exclusive economic zone and Indonesia has signaled its displeasure through diplomatic snubs and high-profile infrastructure contracts. Indonesia is trying to bulk up its naval and air capabilities, including via arms purchases from the West. Malaysia distances itself from China. Malaysia and the Philippines have the weakest naval forces and both face pressure from China’s navy and coast guard due to maritime-territorial disputes. But while the Philippines gets help from the US and its allies and partners, Malaysia has no such allies. Traditionally it was non-aligned. Instead it utilizes economic statecraft, as it has often done against more powerful countries. It recently paused Chinese economic projects in the country to conduct reviews and chose Ericsson over Huawei to build the 5G network. Ongoing maritime and energy disputes will motivate defense spending. The Philippines preserves alliance with United States. Outgoing President Rodrigo Duterte tried but failed to strengthen ties with China and Russia. Beijing continued to swarm the Philippines’ economic zone with ships and threaten its control of neighboring rocks and reefs. Ultimately Duterte renewed his country’s Visiting Forces Agreement with the US in July 2021. The newly elected President “Bong Bong” Marcos is even less likely to try to pivot away from the US. Instead the Philippines will work with the US to try to deter China. Thailand preserves alliance with United States. Thailand is the most insulated from the South China Sea disputes and often acts as mediator between China and other ASEAN states. However, Thailand is also a formal US defense ally and assisted with logistics during the Korean and Vietnamese wars. While US military aid was suspended after the 2014 military coup, non-military aid from the US continued. The State Department certified Thailand’s return to democracy in 2019, relations were normalized, and the annual Cobra Gold exercise resumed in 2020. The US’s hasty normalization shows Thailand’s importance to its regional strategy. On their own, the ASEAN states cannot counter China – they are simply outgunned (Chart 3). Hence their grand strategy of balancing Chinese trade relations with American security relations. Chart 3Outgunned By China Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines Chart 4Opinion Shifts Against China Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines In recent decades, with the US divided and distracted, they sought to entice China through commercial deals, in hopes that it would reduce its encroachments on the high seas. This strategy failed, as China’s expansion of economic and military influence in the region is driven by China’s own imperatives. Beijing’s lack of transparency about Covid-19 also sowed distrust. As a result, public opinion became more critical of China and defensive of national sovereignty (Chart 4). Southeast Asia will continue trading with China but changing public opinion, the US-China clash, and tensions in the South China Sea will inject greater geopolitical risk into this once peaceful and prosperous region. Military weakness will also lead the ASEAN states to welcome the US, EU, Japan, and Australia into the region as economic and security hedges against China. This trend risks inflaming regional tensions in the short run – and China may not be deterred over the long run, since its encroachments in the region are driven by its own needs and insecurities. Decades of under-investment in defense will result in ASEAN rearmament, which will weigh on fiscal balances and potentially economic competitiveness. Investors should not take the past three decades of peace for granted. Bottom Line: Vietnam (like Taiwan) is in a geopolitical predicament where it could provoke China’s wrath and yet lacks an American security guarantee. The Philippines and Thailand benefit from American security guarantees. Indonesia and Malaysia benefit from distance from China. All of these states will attempt to balance US and China relations – but in the future that means devoting more resources to national security, which will weigh on fiscal budgets and take away funds from human capital development. Waning Globalization Dividend Favors Indonesia And The Philippines All the ASEAN states rely heavily on both the US and China for export markets. This reliance grew as trade recovered in the wake of the global pandemic (Chart 5). Now global trade is slowing down cyclically, while US-China power struggle will weigh on the structural globalization process, penalizing the most trade-dependent ASEAN states relative to their less trade-dependent neighbors. So far US-China economic divorce is redistributing US-China trade in a way that is positive for Southeast Asia. China is rerouting exports through Vietnam, for example, while the US is shifting supply chains to other Asian states (Chart 6). The US will accelerate down this path because it cannot afford substantively to reengage with China’s economy for fear of strengthening the Russo-Chinese bloc. Chart 5Trade Rebounded But Hypo-Globalization Will Force Domestic Reliance Trade Rebounded But Hypo-Globalization Will Force Domestic Reliance Trade Rebounded But Hypo-Globalization Will Force Domestic Reliance ​​​​​ Chart 6ASEAN’s Exports To US Surge Ahead Of China’s ASEAN's Exports To US Surge Ahead Of China's ASEAN's Exports To US Surge Ahead Of China's Hence the US will become more reliant on Southeast Asian exporters. Whatever the US stops buying from China will have to be sourced from other countries, so countries that export a similar basket of goods will benefit from the switch. Comparing the types of goods that China and ASEAN export to the US, Thailand is the closest substitute for China, whereas Malaysia is the farthest (Chart 7). That is not to say that Malaysia will suffer from US-China divorce. It is already ahead of China in exporting high-tech goods to the US, which is the very reason its export profile is so different. In 2020, 58% of Malaysia’s exports to the US are high-tech versus 35% for China’s. At the same time, Southeast Asian exports to China may not grow as fast as expected – cyclically China’s economy may accelerate on the back of current stimulus efforts, but structurally China is pursuing self-sufficiency and import substitution via a range of industrial policies (“Made in China 2025,” “dual circulation,” etc). These policies aim to make Chinese industrials competitive with European, US, Japanese, and Korean industrials. But they will also make China more competitive with medium-tech and fledging high-tech exports from Southeast Asia. Thus while China will keep importing low value products and commodities, such as unrefined ores, from Southeast Asia, imports of high-tech products will be limited due to China’s preference for indigenous producers. US export controls will also interfere with ASEAN’s ability to export high-tech goods to China. (In order to retain their US trade, in the face of Chinese import substitution, ASEAN states will have to comply with US export controls at least partially.) Even the low-to-medium tech goods that China currently imports from Southeast Asia may not grow as fast in the coming years as they have in the past. The ten provinces in China with the lowest GDP per capita exported a total of $129 billion to the world in 2020, whereas China’s imports from the top five ASEAN states amounted to $154 billion USD in 2020 (Chart 8). If Beijing insists on creating a domestic market for its poor provinces’ exports, then Southeast Asian exports to China will suffer. China might do this not only for strategic sufficiency but also to avoid US and western sanctions, which could be imposed for labor, environmental, human rights, or strategic reasons. Chart 7The US Sees Thailand And Vietnam As Substitutes For China Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines ​​​​​​ Chart 8China Threatens ASEAN With Import Substitution Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines ​​​​​​ Chart 9Trade Rebound Increased Exposure To US, China Trade Rebound Increased Exposure To US, China Trade Rebound Increased Exposure To US, China China, unlike the US during the 1990s and 2000s, cannot afford to open up its doors and become a ravenous consumer and importer of all Asia’s goods. This would be a way to buy influence in the region, as the US has done in Latin America. But China still has significant domestic development left to do. This development must be done for the sake of jobs and income – otherwise the Communist Party will face sociopolitical upheaval. Malaysia, Vietnam, and Thailand are the most vulnerable to China’s dual circulation strategy because of their sizeable exports to China, which stand at 12%, 15% and 7.6% of GDP respectively (Chart 9). Even though the Southeast Asian states have formed into a common market, and have joined major new trade blocs such as the CPTPP and RCEP, they will not see unfettered liberalization within these agreements – and they will not be drawn exclusively into China’s orbit. Instead they will face a China that wishes to expand export market share while substituting away from imports. The US and India, which are not part of these new trade blocs, will still increase their trade with ASEAN, as they will seek to substitute ASEAN for China, and ASEAN will be forced to substitute them for China. Thus globalization will weaken into regionalization and will not provide as positive of a force for Southeast Asia as it did over the 1980s-2000s. Going forward, the new paradigm of Hypo-Globalization will weigh on trade-dependent countries like Malaysia, Vietnam, and Thailand relative to their neighbors. Within this cohort, Malaysia and the Philippines will benefit from selling high-tech goods to the US, while Thailand and Vietnam will benefit from selling low- and mid-tech goods. China will remain a huge and critical market for ASEAN states but its autarkic policies will drive them to pursue other markets. Those with large and growing domestic markets, like Indonesia and the Philippines, will weather hypo-globalization better than their neighbors. Vietnam, Malaysia, and Thailand are all extremely dependent on foreign trade and hence vulnerable if international trade linkages weaken. Bottom Line: Global trade is likely to slow on a cyclical basis. Structurally, Hypo-Globalization is the new paradigm and will remove a tailwind that super-charged Southeast Asian development over the past several decades. Indonesia and the Philippines stand to suffer least and benefit most. Potential Growth Dividend Favors The Philippines And Vietnam Countries that can generate endogenous growth will perform the best under hypo-globalization. Indonesia, the Philippines, and Vietnam have the largest populations within ASEAN. But we must also take into account population growth, which contributes directly to potential GDP growth. A domestic market grows through population growth and/or income growth. For example, China benefitted from its growing population but now must switch to income generation as its population growth is stagnating. In Southeast Asia, the Philippines, Malaysia, and Indonesia have the highest population growth, while Thailand has the lowest. Thai population growth is even weak compared to China. The total fertility rate reinforces this trend – it is highest in Philippines but lowest in Thailand (Chart 10). A population that is too young or too old needs significant support that diverts resources away from the most productive age group. Philippines and Indonesia have the lowest median age, while Thailand has the highest. The youth of Indonesia and Philippines will come of age in the next decade, augmenting labor force and potential GDP growth. By contrast, Vietnam and especially Thailand, like China, will be weighed down by a shrinking labor force in the coming decade (Chart 11). Chart 10Fertility Rates Robust In ASEAN Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines ​​​​​​ Chart 11Falling Support Ratio Weighs On Thailand, Vietnam Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines ​​​​​​ Hence Indonesia and Philippines will prosper while Thailand, and to some extent Vietnam, lack the ability to diversify away from trade through domestic market growth. Malaysia sits in the middle: it is trade dependent and has the smallest population, but it has a young and growing population, and its labor force is still growing. Yet falling population growth is not a disaster if productivity and income growth are high. Productivity trends often contrast with population trends: Indonesia had the weakest productivity growth despite having a large, young, and growing population, while Vietnam had the strongest growth, despite a population slowdown. In fact Vietnam has the strongest productivity growth in Southeast Asia, at a 5-year, pre-pandemic average of 6.3%, followed by the Philippines (Chart 12A). By comparison China’s productivity growth averaged between 3%-6.6%, depending on the data source. Chart 12AProductivity And Potential GDP Productivity And Potential GDP Productivity And Potential GDP ​​​​​​ Chart 12BProductivity And Potential GDP Productivity And Potential GDP Productivity And Potential GDP ​​​​​​ Chart 13Capital Formation Favors Philippines Capital Formation Favors Philippines Capital Formation Favors Philippines Productivity growth adds to labor force growth to form potential GDP. In 2019, Philippines had the highest potential GDP growth at 6.9%, followed by the Vietnam at 6.8%, Indonesia at 5.6%, Malaysia at 3.9% and Thailand at 2.3%. In comparison China’s potential GDP growth was 3.6%-5.9%, again depending on data. Thailand is undoubtedly the weakest from both a population and productivity standpoint, while the Philippines has strength in both (Chart 12B). Countries invest in their economies to increase productivity. In 2019, Vietnam recorded the highest growth in grossed fixed capital formation at around 10.6%, followed by Indonesia at 6.9%, Philippines at 6.3%, and Thailand at 2.2%. Gross fixed capital formation has rebounded from the contractions countries suffered during the pandemic lockdowns in 2020 (Chart 13). Bottom Line: The Philippines has strong potential GDP growth, but Indonesia is not far behind as it invests in its economy. Vietnam has the highest investment and productivity growth, but its demographic dividend is waning. Malaysia is slightly better than Thailand because it has a growing population, but it has stopped investing and it is as trade dependent as Thailand. Thailand is weak on all accounts: it is trade dependent, has a shrinking population, and has a low potential GDP growth. Investment Takeaways Bringing it all together, ASEAN is witnessing the erosion of key dividends (peace, globalization, and demographics). Yet it offers attractive investment opportunities on a relative basis, given the permanent step up in geopolitical risk premiums for other major emerging markets like Russia, eastern Europe, China, and (soon) the Gulf Arab states (Charts 14A & 14B). Indeed the long under-performance of ASEAN stocks as a bloc, relative to global stocks, has recently reversed. As investors recognize China’s historic confluence of internal and external risks, they increasingly turn to ASEAN despite its flaws. Chart 14AASEAN Will Continue To Outperform China ASEAN Will Continue To Outperform China ASEAN Will Continue To Outperform China The US and China will use rewards and punishments to try to win over ASEAN states as strategic and economic partners. Those that have a US security guarantee, or are most distant from potential conflict, will see a lower geopolitical risk premium. Chart 14BASEAN Will Continue To Outperform China ASEAN Will Continue To Outperform China ASEAN Will Continue To Outperform China ​​​​​​ Chart 15Favor The Philippines Favor The Philippines Favor The Philippines The Philippines is the most attractive Southeast Asian market based on our criteria: it has an American security guarantee, domestic-oriented growth, and high productivity. Populism in the Philippines has come with productivity improvements and yet has not overthrown the US alliance. Philippine equities can outperform their emerging market peers (Chart 15). Indonesia is the second most attractive – it does not have direct territorial disputes with China, maintains defense ties with the West, is not excessively trade reliant, and keeps up decent productivity growth. It is vulnerable to nationalism and populism but its democracy is effective overall and the regime has maintained general political stability after near-dissolution in 1998. Thailand is geopolitically secure but lacking in potential growth. Vietnam has high potential growth but is geopolitically insecure over the long run. Investors should only pursue tactical investments in these markets. We maintain our long-term favorable view of Malaysia, although it is trade dependent and productivity has weakened. In future reports we will examine ASEAN markets in greater depth and with closer consideration of their domestic political risks.   Jesse Anak Kuri Associate Editor Jesse.Kuri@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken Chief Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com   Strategic Themes Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Regional Geopolitical Risk Matrix

Executive Summary The US Still Dominates Economic Output The US Still Dominates Economic Output The US Still Dominates Economic Output While the Ukraine war has been positive for the greenback, there is a slow tectonic shift away from the dollar as China rethinks holding concentrated foreign currency reserves. In the near term, the dollar faces positive macro variables and still-rising geopolitical tensions. Longer term, as global trade slows and countries gravitate into regional trading blocs, the dollar will need to fall to narrow the US trade deficit. By the same token, the Chinese RMB could weaken in the near term but will stabilize longer term. China will promote its currency across Asia. Currency volatility will take a step-function higher in this new paradigm. Winners will be the currencies of small open economies, especially in resource-rich nations. Trade Recommendation Inception Date Return LONG GOLD 2019-12-06 27.7% Bottom Line: Cyclical forces continue to underpin the dollar, such as rising US interest rates, a slowdown in global growth, and a safe haven premium from still-high geopolitical tensions. That said, the dollar is overbought, expensive, and vulnerable to reserve diversification over the longer term. While tactical long positions make sense, strategic investors should not chase the dollar higher. Feature Currency market action this week focused on two key central bank meetings: the Federal Reserve and the Bank of England. The Fed raised rates by 50 basis points while the BoE raised by 25 points, yet the market expectation differs. In the US, markets imply that the Fed can keep real interest positive while engineering a soft landing in the economy. In the UK (and Euro Area), markets see more acute stagflationary risks and assign a higher probability to a policy error. This situation, together with rising geopolitical risk, has put a bid under the dollar. Related Report  Commodity & Energy StrategyDie Cast By EU: Inflation, Recession Risks Rise Brewing in the background is the prospect that the Ukraine war and US sanctions on Russia could have longer-term consequences on the dollar. Specifically, Russia and China are now locked into a geopolitical partnership to undermine US geopolitical dominance, including the dollar’s supremacy. While this discussion will inevitably come with some speculation about what will happen in the future, what does the evidence say so far? More importantly, what are some profitable investment opportunities that could arise from any shift? The Russo-Chinese Rebellion Chart 1The US Needs To Externally Finance Defense Spending The US Needs To Externally Finance Defense Spending The US Needs To Externally Finance Defense Spending From Russia’s and China’s point of view, the United States threatens to establish global hegemony. The US possesses the world’s largest economy and most sophisticated military. It has largely maintained its preponderance in these spheres despite the rise of China, the resurgence of Russia, and the formation of the European Union as a geopolitical entity (Chart 1). If the US succeeds in its current endeavor of crippling Russia’s economy and surrounding it with NATO military allies, the world will be even more imbalanced in terms of power, while China will be isolated and insecure. To illustrate this point, NATO’s military spending is much higher than that of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), which is not nearly as developed a military alliance (Chart 2). Hence Russia and China believe they must take action to counter the US and establish a global balance of power. When Presidents Vladimir Putin and Xi Jinping met on February 4 to declare that their strategic partnership will suffer “no limits,” which means no military limits, they declared a new multipolar era and warned against US domination under the guise of liberalism. If China allows Putin to fail in his conflict with the West, the Russian regime will eventually undergo a major leadership and policy change and China will become isolated. Whereas if China accepts Russia’s current strategic overture, China will be fortified. Russia can be immensely supportive of China’s Eurasian strategy to bypass US maritime dominance and improve supply security (Chart 3). Chart 2NATO Vs SCO: US Threat Of Dominance FX Consequences Of The US-Russia Conflict FX Consequences Of The US-Russia Conflict The consequence of this Russo-Chinese alliance will be to transact in a currency that falls outside sanctions by the US. This will be no easy feat. The US dollar still monopolizes the world’s monetary system, even though the US is likely to lose economic clout over time.  Chart 3China Cannot Reject Russia FX Consequences Of The US-Russia Conflict FX Consequences Of The US-Russia Conflict ​​​​​ De-Dollarization And A Brewing USD Crisis? Fact Versus Fiction A reserve currency must serve the three basic functions of money on a global scale – providing a store of value, unit of account, and accepted medium of exchange. This status gives the dominant reserve currency an “exorbitant privilege,” a range of advantages including the ability to run persistent current account deficits and impose devastating sanctions on geopolitical rivals. Since the turn of the century, the US has struggled to maintain domestic political stability and has failed to deter challenges to its global leadership posed by Russia, China, and lesser powers. Lacking public support for foreign military adventures after Iraq and Afghanistan, Washington turned to economic sanctions to try to influence the behavior of other states. The results have been mixed in terms of geopolitics but cumulatively they have been neutral or positive for the trade-weighted dollar. The US adopted harsh sanctions against North Korea in 2005, Iran in 2010, Russia in 2012, Venezuela in 2015, and China in 2018. The primary trend in the dollar was never altered (Chart 4). Chart 4A Chronicle Of Sanctions And The Dollar A Chronicle Of Sanctions And The Dollar A Chronicle Of Sanctions And The Dollar Yet sweeping sanctions against Russia and China are qualitatively different from other sanctions– as they are among the world’s great powers. The extraordinary sanctions on Russia in 2022 – including cutting off its access to US dollar reserves – have proven deeply unsettling for China and other nations that fear they might someday end up on the wrong side of the US’s foreign policy. Russia’s own experience proves that diversification away from the dollar is likely to occur. From a peak of 47% in 2007, Russia reduced its dollar-denominated foreign exchange reserves to 16%. It cut its Treasury holdings from a peak of over 35% of international reserves to less than 1% today. Meanwhile Russia increased its gold holdings from 2% in 2008 to 20% (Chart 5). The Russians accelerated their diversification away from the dollar after invading Ukraine in 2014 to reduce the impact of sanctions. However, the world is familiar with Russian economic isolation. The West embargoed the USSR throughout the Cold War from 1949-1991. The dollar rose to prominence during this period, so it is not intuitive that Russia’s latest withdrawal from the global economy will enable other countries to abandon the dollar when they have failed in the past due to lack of alternatives. What is clear is that there is no clean or easy exit today from a dollar-denominated financial system. But there are a few lessons from Russia: The ruble has recouped all the losses since the implementation of sanctions. It runs a large current account surplus and has stemmed capital outflows. Another factor has been a sharp reduction in its dependence on the dollar. This will cushion the inflationary impact of US sanctions. Going forward, Russia will be much more insulated from the US dollar but at a terrible cost to potential economic growth (Chart 6). A dearth of US dollar capex into Russia will cripple productivity growth. The lesson for other US rivals will be to take economic stability into account when engaging in geopolitical rivalry.  Chart 5Russia Was Able To Dump Treasurys... Russia Was Able To Dump Treasurys... Russia Was Able To Dump Treasurys... The dollar has been unfazed by the Russian debacle. The victims have been other reserve currencies such as the euro, British pound, and Japanese yen, which are engulfed in an energy crisis from Russia’s actions.  Chart 6...But The Economic Impact Will Remain Severe ...But The Economic Impact Will Remain Severe ...But The Economic Impact Will Remain Severe ​​​​​​ The key question that matters for investors will be what China will do. As one of the largest holders of US Treasurys, a destabilizing exit would have dramatic currency market impacts and could backfire on China. The trick will be to continue exiting this system without precipitating domestic instability. What Will China Do? China has learned two critical lessons from the Russo-Ukrainian conflict, with regard to raising the appeal of the RMB. First, the economic impact of US sanctions can still be devastating even when you have diversified out of dollars. Second, access to commodities is ever more important. As such, any strategy China chooses will need to mitigate these risks. China started diversifying away from the dollar in 2011 and today holds $1.05 trillion in US Treasurys. A little less than half of its foreign exchange reserves are denominated in dollars (Chart 7). This has been a gradual diversification that has not upended the current monetary regime. More importantly, China’s diversification accounts for the bulk of the shift by non-allies away from treasuries. Their share of foreign-held treasuries has fallen from 41% in 2009 to 23% today (Chart 8). Chart 7China Has Lowered USD Reserve Holdings China Has Lowered USD Reserve Holdings China Has Lowered USD Reserve Holdings ​​​​​​ Chart 8US Allies Still Willing To Hold USDs... US Allies Still Willing To Hold USDs... US Allies Still Willing To Hold USDs... ​​​​​​ China’s diversification has helped drive down the overall foreign share of US government debt holdings (excluding domestic central banks) from close to 50% in the middle of the last decade to 36% today (Chart 9). It has also weighed on the dollar. China can and will speed up its diversification from the dollar in the wake of the Ukraine war. While Americans will say that China only need fear such sanctions if it attacks Taiwan or other countries, China will not rest assured. Beijing must respond to US capability, not the Biden Administration’s stated intentions. A new Republican administration could arise as soon as January 2025 and take the offensive against China. The US and China are already engaged in great power rivalry and Beijing cannot afford to substitute hope for strategy. China ran a $224 billion current account surplus in 2021, so part of its strategy could be to reduce the pool of savings that need to be recycled every year into global assets. Since 2007 China has sent large amounts of outward direct investment into the world to acquire real assets and natural resources. The Xi administration tried to bring coherence to this outward investment by prioritizing different countries and investments adhere to China’s economic and strategic aims. The Belt and Road Initiative is the symbol of this process (Chart 10). Going forward, China will continue this process. It will also recycle more of its savings at home by increasing investment in critical industries such as energy security, semiconductors, and defense. Chart 9...But A Slow Diversification From US Debt Persists FX Consequences Of The US-Russia Conflict FX Consequences Of The US-Russia Conflict The key priorities will remain a Eurasian strategy of circumventing the US navy. Building natural gas pipelines and other infrastructure to link up with Russia is an obvious area of emphasis, although it will involve tough negotiations with Moscow. China will also prioritize Central Asia, the Middle East, South Asia, and mainland Southeast Asia as areas where its influence can grow with limited intervention by the US and its allies (Chart 11). Chart 10The Belt And Road Initiative In Progress The Belt And Road Initiative In Progress The Belt And Road Initiative In Progress ​​​​​​   Chart 11China Outward Investment Will Need To Be Strategic FX Consequences Of The US-Russia Conflict FX Consequences Of The US-Russia Conflict Chart 12The RMB Could Dominate Intra-Regional Asean Trade FX Consequences Of The US-Russia Conflict FX Consequences Of The US-Russia Conflict As China invests more at home and in other countries, financing and invoicing deals in the renminbi will grow. While the dollar is the transactional currency globally, it is far less relevant when considering local trading blocs. The euro dominates intra-European trade, suggesting China can try to expand RMB invoicing for intra-Asian trade (Chart 12). Even then, however, the yuan faces serious obstacles from China’s inability or unwillingness to extend security guarantees to its partners, failure shift the economic model to consumerism, persistent currency controls, closed capital account, and geopolitical competition with the United States. Investors should pay close attention to shifts occurring at the margin. The number of bilateral swap lines offered to foreign central banks by the People’s Bank of China has grown (Chart 13), with a total amount of around 4 trillion yuan. This allows the PBoC to use its massive foreign exchange reserves, worth about US$3.2 trillion, to back yuan liabilities. As China continues to grow and increases the share of RMB trade within its sphere of influence, the yuan will rise as an invoicing currency (Chart 14). This could take years, even decades, but a shift is already underway. Chart 13The People's Bank Of Asia? FX Consequences Of The US-Russia Conflict FX Consequences Of The US-Russia Conflict ​​​​​​ Chart 14China Is Growing In Economic Importance China Is Growing In Economic Importance China Is Growing In Economic Importance ​​​​​​ In the near term, any US sanctions on China will hurt the RMB. Combined with hypo-globalization, China’s zero-Covid policy, narrowing interest rate differentials, and flight from Chinese assets, it is too soon to be positive on the RMB in the context of US-China confrontation (Chart 15). Longer term, China’s ability to ascend the reserve currency ladder will require a more radical change in Chinese policy to move the dollar. Chart 15CNY And US Sanctions CNY And US Sanctions CNY And US Sanctions Where Does The Euro Fit In? The biggest competitor to the US dollar is the euro, which took the largest chunk out of the US’s share of the global currency reserve basket in recent decades (Chart 16). Yet the EU could suffer a long-term loss of security, productivity, and stability from Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and the ensuing energy cutoff with Russia. Chart 16The Dollar Remains A Reserve Currency The Dollar Remains A Reserve Currency The Dollar Remains A Reserve Currency The EU will have to spend more on energy security and national defense. This will lead to an increase in debt securities that other countries could buy, which offers a way for countries to diversify from the dollar. However, Europe does not provide China or Russia with protection from US sanctions. The EU is allied with the US, it imposed sanctions on Russia along with the US, and like the US is pursuing extra-territorial law enforcement with its sanctions. When the US withdrew from the 2015 Iran nuclear deal, the EU disagreed technically, but in practice it enforced the sanctions anyway. The euro is hardly a safer reserve currency than sterling or the yen for countries looking to quarrel with the United States. The fact is that all of these allied states are likely to cooperate together in the event that any other state attempts to revise the global order as Russia has done. Not necessarily because they are democracies and share similar values but because they derive their national security from the US and its alliance system. The takeaway is that the euro will become a buying opportunity if and when the security environment stabilizes. Then diversification into the euro will occur. But it will not become a landslide that unseats the dollar, since the euro will still have a higher geopolitical risk premium. Investment Takeaways The historical evidence suggests that US sanctions have not weighed on the dollar. In the case of the Russo-Ukrainian conflict, it has been positive for the greenback. That said, there is a slow tectonic shift from the dollar, as each economic powerhouse evaluates the merits of holding concentrated foreign currency reserves. In the near term, the dollar will continue to be driven by traditional economic variables – global growth, real interest rate differentials, and the resilience of the US economy. That remains a positive. Geopolitical tensions reinforce the dollar’s current rally. Longer term, as globalization deteriorates and countries gravitate into regional trading blocs, the dollar will need to adjust lower to narrow the US trade deficit. By the same token, the RMB could weaken in the near term but will need to stabilize longer term, if Beijing wants it to be considered an anchor and store of value for other Asian currencies. Chart 17Silver Demand Could Explode Higher As Currency Volatility Rises Silver Demand Could Explode Higher As Currency Volatility Rises Silver Demand Could Explode Higher As Currency Volatility Rises The key takeaway is that currency volatility will take a step-function higher in this new paradigm. The winners could be the currencies of small open economies, especially in resource-rich nations. A world in which economic powers increasingly pursue national interests is likely to be inflationary. These powers will deplete the external pool of global savings, as current account balances wind down in favor of national and strategic interests. They will also likely encourage the demand for anti-fiat assets as currency volatility takes a step-function higher. Gold is likely to do well is this environment, but silver could be on the cusp of an explosion higher. The metal has found some measure of support around $22-23 per ounce even as manufacturing bottlenecks have hammered industrial demand. Long-only investors should hold both gold and silver, but a short gold/silver position makes sense both economically and from a valuation standpoint (Chart 17). Geopolitical Housekeeping: We are closing our Long FTSE 100 / Short DM-ex-US Equities trade for a gain of 19.5%. We still favor this trade cyclically and will look to reinstate it at a future date. We are also booking gains on our short TWD-USD trade for a return of 5.8% — though we remain short Taiwanese equities and continue to expect a fourth Taiwan Strait geopolitical crisis.   Chester Ntonifor Foreign Exchange Strategist chestern@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken Chief Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Strategic Themes Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Regional Geopolitical Risk Matrix

Executive Summary Summarizing Our Main Investment Themes In One Chart Summarizing Our Main Investment Themes In One Chart Summarizing Our Main Investment Themes In One Chart Our current strategic recommendations are centered around four key themes: global inflation will slow over the rest of 2022, Europe remains too weak to handle significantly higher interest rates, corporate default risk in the US and Europe is relatively low, and the fundamental backdrop for emerging markets is poor. If we are going to be proven wrong on any of those themes, it will most likely be because global inflation remains high for longer due to resilient commodity prices and lingering supply chain disruptions. A sluggish economy will handcuff the ECB’s ability to raise rates as fast as markets are discounting over the next year. The state of corporate balance sheet health in the developed world is not problematic, on average, even with some sectors taking on more leverage in response to the 2020 COVID downturn. A sustainable rebound in EM markets would require a “perfect storm” combination of events to occur – aggressive China stimulus, a de-escalation of Russia/Ukraine tensions, a weaker US dollar and diminished global inflation pressures. Bottom Line: We remain comfortable with our main fixed income investment recommendations: maintaining neutral global portfolio duration, overweighting core European bonds versus US Treasuries, favoring high-yield corporates over investment grade (both in the US and Europe), and underweighting EM hard currency debt. Feature One of the foundations of a sound medium-term investment process is to allocate capital towards highest conviction views, while constantly assessing - and reassessing - if those views are unfolding as expected. Trades that are not going according to plan may need to be reconstructed, if not exited entirely, to avoid losses. We feel the same way about the investment recommendations highlighted in the pages of our reports, which represent our portfolio, as it were. With this in mind, in this report we identify the four most critical themes underpinning our current main investment recommendations and evaluate the potential risks that our views will not turn out as expected. Theme #1: Global Inflation Will Decline In The Latter Half Of 2022 Our biggest theme for the rest of this year is that global inflation will cool off after the massive acceleration over the past year. Many of our current fixed income investment recommendations across the developed markets – maintaining neutral overall global duration exposure, underweighting global inflation-linked bonds versus nominal government debt, betting against additional yield curve flattening (especially in the US) – are predicated on reduced inflationary pressure on interest rates. Related Report  Global Fixed Income StrategyA Crude Awakening For Bond Investors The expectation of lower inflation is based on some easing of the forces that first caused the current inflationary overshoot – booming commodity prices and rapidly accelerating goods prices due to supply-chain disruptions. Already, the commodity price factor is starting to fade, on an annual rate-of-change basis that matters for overall inflation, thanks to more favorable comparisons to the commodity surge in 2021 (Chart 1). The year-over-year growth rate of the CRB index has decelerated from a peak of 54.4% in June 2021 to 19.3% today, even with many commodity prices seeing big increases in response to the Russia/Ukraine war. This is because the increases in commodity prices were even larger one year ago when much of the global economy reopened from COVID-related economic restrictions. Favorable base effect comparisons are not the only reason why commodity inflation has slowed. Commodities are priced in US dollars, and the steady appreciation of the greenback, with the trade-weighted dollar up 5% on an year-over-year basis, has also helped to slow commodity price momentum (Chart 2). Slower global growth, coming off the overheated pace of 2021, has also acted as a drag on overall commodity price inflation (middle panel). Beyond the commodity space, some easing of global supply chain tensions has resulted in indicators of shipping costs seeing meaningful declines even with supplier delivery times still elevated (bottom panel). Chart 1Our Main Strategic Theme: Decelerating Global Inflation Our Main Strategic Theme: Decelerating Global Inflation Our Main Strategic Theme: Decelerating Global Inflation ​​​​​​ Chart 2Disinflationary Momentum From Commodities Already Underway Disinflationary Momentum From Commodities Already Underway Disinflationary Momentum From Commodities Already Underway ​​​​​ A more fundamental factor that should help moderate global inflation momentum this year beyond the commodity/supply chain effects relates to a lack of broad-based global "excess demand", even as the world economy continues to recover from the massive pandemic shock in 2020. The IMF’s latest projections on output gaps – estimates of the amount of spare economic capacity – show that few major developed or emerging market economies are expected to have positive output gaps over 2022 and 2023 (Chart 3). The US is the most notable exception, with an output gap projected to average +1.6% this year and next. Most other developed market countries are projected to have an output gap close to zero. This suggests that the US is facing the most inflationary pressure from an overheating economy, which is why we continue to see the Fed as being the most hawkish major developed market central bank over the next couple of years. Chart 3Few Countries Expected To Have Inflationary Output Gaps In 2022/23 Assessing The Risks To Our Main Views Assessing The Risks To Our Main Views Yet even with so much of the macro backdrop supporting our call for slower global inflation in the coming months, there are several potential risks to that view. Chart 4A Risk To Our Lower Inflation View: Resilient Oil Prices A Risk To Our Lower Inflation View: Resilient Oil Prices A Risk To Our Lower Inflation View: Resilient Oil Prices Another war-related upleg in global oil prices Our commodity strategists continue to see oil prices settling down to the low $90s by year-end. Yet oil has seen tremendous volatility since the Ukraine war began as prices had to factor in the potential loss of Russian oil supplies in an already tight crude market. The benchmark Brent oil price briefly hit $140 in the immediate aftermath of the Russian invasion. A similar move sustained over the latter half of 2022 would trigger a reacceleration of oil momentum, putting upward pressure on overall global inflation rates. A renewed bout of energy-induced inflation would push global interest rate expectations, and bond yields, even higher from current levels – a challenge to both our neutral duration stance and underweight bias on global inflation-linked bonds (Chart 4). More supply-chain disruption from China Chinese authorities are clamping down hard on the current COVID wave sweeping across China. The current lockdowns in major cities like Shanghai could shave as much as one percentage point off Chinese real GDP growth for 2022, according to our China strategists. Those same lockdowns in a major transportation and shipping hub like Shanghai are already causing supply chain disruption within China. Supplier delivery times saw big increases in the March PMI data (Chart 5), while the number of cargo ships stuck outside Shanghai has soared. The longer this lasts, the greater the risk that supply chains beyond China would be disrupted, erasing the improvements in global supplier delivery times seen over the past few months. That could keep goods price inflation elevated for longer. Stubbornly resilient services inflation A big part of our lower inflation view is related to a rebalancing of consumer demand in the developed world away from goods towards services as economies move away from COVID restrictions. This implies an easing of the excess demand pressures that have triggered supply shortages for cars and other big-ticket consumer goods. The result would be a sharp slowing of goods price inflation, with the result that overall inflation rates in the major economies would gravitate towards the slower rate of services inflation. The latter, however, is accelerating in the US, UK and Europe (Chart 6) – largely because of soaring housing costs – which raises the risk that overall inflation will fall to a higher floor in 2022 as goods inflation slows. Chart 5Another Risk To Our Lower Inflation View: China Lockdowns Another Risk To Our Lower Inflation View: China Lockdowns Another Risk To Our Lower Inflation View: China Lockdowns ​​​​​ Chart 6One More Risk To Our Lower Inflation View: Sticky Service Prices One More Risk To Our Lower Inflation View: Sticky Service Prices One More Risk To Our Lower Inflation View: Sticky Service Prices In the end, we see the balance of risks still tilted towards much slower global inflation this year. However, if we are going to be proven wrong on any of our major investment themes in 2022, it will most likely be because global inflation remains resilient for longer. Theme #2: Europe’s Economy Is Too Fragile To Handle Higher Interest Rates Beyond the global inflation call, our next highest conviction view right now is that markets are overestimating the ECB’s ability to tighten euro area monetary policy. Markets are now pricing in 85bps of ECB rate hikes by the end of 2022, according to the euro area overnight index swap (OIS) curve, which would take policy rates back to levels last seen before the 2008 financial crisis. The war has put the ECB in a difficult spot vis-à-vis its next policy move. High euro area inflation, with annual headline HICP inflation climbing to 7.4% in March and core HICP inflation reaching 2.9%, the highest level of the ECB era dating back to 1996, would justify a move to begin hiking policy interest rates as soon as possible.   However, European growth momentum has slowed significantly so far in 2022. Initially this was due to the spread of the Omicron COVID variant that resulted in a wave of economic restrictions. That was followed by the shock of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, that has hit European economic confidence and raised fears that Europe would lose access to Russian energy supplies. Our diffusion indices of individual country leading economic indicators and inflation rates within the euro area highlight the pickle the ECB finds itself in (Chart 7). All countries have headline and core inflation rates above the ECB’s 2% target, yet only 60% of euro area countries have an OECD leading economic indicator that is higher than year ago levels. In the three previous tightening cycles of the “ECB era” since the inception of the euro in 1998, the diffusion indices for both growth and inflation reached 100% - in other words, every euro area economy was seeing faster growth and above-target inflation. Chart 7The ECB Will Have Difficulty Hiking As Much As Expected The ECB Will Have Difficulty Hiking As Much As Expected The ECB Will Have Difficulty Hiking As Much As Expected Chart 8Warning Signs On European Growth Warning Signs On European Growth Warning Signs On European Growth Other economic data are also sending worrying messages. The euro area manufacturing PMI fell to the lowest level since January 2021 in March, while the European Commission consumer confidence index and the ZEW expectations index have plunged to levels last seen during the depths of the 2020 COVID recession (Chart 8). Euro area export growth has also decelerated sharply, with exports to China contracting on a year-over-year basis. Simply put, these are not the kind of growth data consistent with a central bank that needs to begin tightening policy aggressively. The inflation data also does not paint a clean picture for the ECB. ECB President Christine Lagarde has repeatedly noted that the central bank is on the lookout for any “second round effects” from the current commodity-fueled surge in European inflation on more lasting inflationary measures like wages. On that front, European wage growth remains stunningly subdued. European annual wage growth was only 1.6% in Q4/2021, despite the unemployment rate for the whole euro area falling below the OECD’s full employment NAIRU estimate of 7.7% (Chart 9). Unit labor costs only grew at an 1.5% annual rate at the end of 2021, suggesting little underlying pressure on European inflation from wages. Chart 9No Inflationary Pressures From Wages In Europe No Inflationary Pressures From Wages In Europe No Inflationary Pressures From Wages In Europe ​​​​​ Chart 10European Bond Yields Discount Too Much ECB Hawkishness European Bond Yields Discount Too Much ECB Hawkishness European Bond Yields Discount Too Much ECB Hawkishness Without a bigger inflation boost from labor costs, the ECB will feel less pressured to begin tightening monetary policy as rapidly and aggressively as markets are discounting – especially if global goods/commodity inflation slows as we expect. We remain comfortable with our overweight recommendation on core European government bonds (Germany and France), both within a global bond portfolio but especially versus the US. The Fed is far more likely to deliver the aggressive rate hikes discounted in money markets compared to the ECB (Chart 10). Theme #3: Corporate Default Risk In The US And Europe Is Relatively Low Another of our main investment themes relates to corporate credit risk. Specifically, we see high-yield debt in the US and Europe as being relatively more attractive than investment grade credit, even in a typically credit-unfriendly environment of tightening global monetary policy and slowing global growth momentum. Our Corporate Health Monitors are highlighting that corporate finances are in relatively good shape on either side of the Atlantic (Chart 11). This is primarily related to strong readings on interest coverage, free cash flow generation and profit margins, all of which are helping to service higher levels of corporate leverage. Defaults are expected to rise over the next year in response to slowing growth momentum, but the increase is projected to be moderate. Moody’s is forecasting the US and European high-yield default rates to be virtually identical, climbing to 3.1% and 2.6%, respectively, by February 2023. Those relatively low default rates, however, are for the aggregate of all high-yield borrowers. Default risks may be higher for some companies and industries that were more severely impacted by the pandemic. Chart 11US/Europe Default Risk Remains Relatively Modest US/Europe Default Risk Remains Relatively Modest US/Europe Default Risk Remains Relatively Modest ​​​​​ Chart 12The IMF Sees Fewer Financially Vulnerable Firms The IMF Sees Fewer Financially Vulnerable Firms The IMF Sees Fewer Financially Vulnerable Firms ​​​​​​ Chart 13Default-Adjusted HY Spreads Still Offer Some Value Default-Adjusted HY Spreads Still Offer Some Value Default-Adjusted HY Spreads Still Offer Some Value An analysis of global private sector debt included in the latest IMF World Economic Report highlighted that companies that suffered the most significant declines in revenues in 2020 also took on greater amounts of debt than companies whose businesses were least impacted by the 2020 growth shock (Chart 12). Industries that were “worst-hit” by COVID also saw significant worsening of debt servicing capability, described by the IMF analysts as the percentage of firms among the “worst-hit” that had interest coverage ratios less than one (middle panel). Importantly, the IMF report noted that the “worst-hit” industries have seen significant improvements in interest coverage since 2020, reducing the number of financially vulnerable firms (those with high debt-to-assets ratios and interest coverage less than one). The IMF analysis uses corporate data from a whopping 71 countries, but the conclusions are like those from our Corporate Health Monitors for the US and Europe – corporate credit quality has improved, on the margin, since the dark days of the 2020 COVID recession for an increasing number of borrowers. Default-adjusted spreads for high-yield bonds in the US and Europe, which subtract expected default losses from high-yield index spread levels, show that high-yield bonds currently offer decent compensation for expected credit losses (Chart 13). This is especially true for European high-yield, where the default-adjusted spread is just below the average level since 2000. This fits with our current recommendation to maintain neutral allocations to both US and European high-yield. We have a bias to favor the latter, however, due to better valuation metrics and a more dovish outlook on ECB monetary policy compared to the Fed. Theme #4: The Fundamental Backdrop For Emerging Markets Is Poor Chart 14The Backdrop Remains Challenging For EM The Backdrop Remains Challenging For EM The Backdrop Remains Challenging For EM We have been negative on emerging market (EM) credit dating back to the latter months of 2021. Specifically, we are now underweight EM USD-denominated debt, both sovereigns and corporates. This is a high-conviction view and one that remains fundamentally supported. A sustainable rebound in EM markets would require a “perfect storm” combination of events to occur – aggressive China policy stimulus, a de-escalation of Russia/Ukraine tensions, a weaker US dollar and diminished global inflation pressures. While we expect the latter to occur in the coming months, there are meaningful risks to that view, as described earlier. Meanwhile, the situation in Ukraine appears to be worsening with Russia pushing the offensive and showing no desire for reengaging talks with Ukraine. Chinese policymakers are starting to respond to slowing Chinese growth, made worse by the COVID lockdowns, with some easing measures on monetary policy. Credit growth has also started to pick up, but the credit impulse remains too weak to warrant a more positive view on Chinese growth and import demand from EM countries (Chart 14). Finally, the US dollar remains well supported by a hawkish Fed and widening US/non-US interest rate differentials. This may be the most critical variable to watch before turning more positive on EM credit, given the strong historical correlation between the US dollar and EM hard currency spreads (bottom panel). For now, the trend of the US dollar remains EM-negative. Concluding Thoughts Chart 15Summarizing Our Main Investment Themes In One Chart Summarizing Our Main Investment Themes In One Chart Summarizing Our Main Investment Themes In One Chart Our four main investment themes, and associated recommendations, are summarized in Chart 15. The credit-related themes – underweighting high-yield bonds in the US and Europe versus investment grade equivalents, and underweighting EM USD-denominated debt – are already performing as expected. The interest rate related themes – slower global inflation and fading European rate hike expectations – should unfold in favor of our recommendations over the balance of 2022.   Robert Robis, CFA Chief Fixed Income Strategist rrobis@bcaresearch.com   GFIS Model Bond Portfolio Recommended Positioning     Active Duration Contribution: GFIS Recommended Portfolio Vs. Custom Performance Benchmark Assessing The Risks To Our Main Views Assessing The Risks To Our Main Views The GFIS Recommended Portfolio Vs. The Custom Benchmark Index Global Fixed Income - Strategic Recommendations* Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Assessing The Risks To Our Main Views Assessing The Risks To Our Main Views Tactical Overlay Trades

Executive Summary The Declining Value Of An Old Friendship Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? India may buy cheap oil from Russia, but oil alone cannot expand this partnership. India needs to maintain a balance of power against China and Pakistan. With Russia’s heft set to decline, India will be compelled to explore a configuration with America. India will slowly yet surely move into America’s sphere of influence. Strong geopolitical as well as economic incentives exist for both sides to develop partnership. The US’s grand strategy will continue to collide with that of Russia and China. China will increasingly align with Russia and is doomed to stay entangled in a strategic conflict with India. With India a promising emerging market set to cleave to America, we reiterate our strategic buy call on India. Tactically however we are bearish on India. We also recommend investors go strategically long Indian tech / short Chinese tech. This pair trade is likely to keep rising on a secular basis. Trade Recommendation Inception Date Return LONG INDIAN TECH / CHINESE TECH EQUITIES 2022-04-21   Bottom Line: For reasons of geopolitics as well as macroeconomics, we maintain our constructive view on India and our negative view on China on a strategic time frame. On a tactical timeframe, we remain sellers of India given cyclical political and macro risks. Feature Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has forced all players at the global geopolitical table to show their hand. The one major player at the table who is yet to show her cards is India. Which side India choses matters. Its geopolitical rise is one of the many reasons we live in a brave new multipolar world. India will gain influence in the global economy as a large buyer of oil and guns and as a user of tech platforms and capital. Related Report  Geopolitical StrategyFrom Nixon-Mao To Putin-Xi The situation is complicated by mixed signals. India has played a geopolitically neutral or “non-aligned” role for most of its time since independence in 1947. Those who believe India will stay neutral point to the fact that India has continued buying oil from Russia and has abstained from voting on both anti-Russia and anti-Ukrainian resolutions at the United Nations. Those who predict that India will side with Russia have trouble explaining how India will get along with China, which committed to a “no limits” strategic partnership with Russia prior to the invasion. Those who speculate that India will align with the US have trouble explaining India’s persistent ties with Russia and the Biden administration’s threat of punishment for those who help Russia circumvent US sanctions. In this report we argue that the Indo-Russian friendship is destined to fade over a long-term, strategic horizon. The reason is simple: Russia’s geopolitical power is fading and hence it can no longer help India meet its regional security goals. The growing Russia-China alignment will only alienate India further. Hence, we expect the relationship between India and Russia to be reduced to a transactional status – mainly trade in oil and guns over the next few years, while strategic realities will drive India to tighten relations with the US and its Asian allies. Three geopolitical forces will break down the camaraderie between India and Russia, namely: (1) A collision in the grand strategies of America with that of both China and Russia, (2) India’s need to align with the US to underwrite its own regional security, and (3) China’s rising distrust of India as India aligns with the US and its allies. In fact, we expect China and India to stay embroiled in a strategic conflict over the next few years. Any thaw in their relations will be temporary at best. The rest of this report explains and quantifies these forces. We conclude with actionable investment conclusions. Let’s dive straight in. US Versus China-Russia: A Grand Strategy Collision “For the enemy is the communist system itself – implacable, insatiable, unceasing in its drive for world domination … For this is not a struggle for supremacy of arms alone – it is also a struggle for supremacy between two conflicting ideologies: freedom under God versus ruthless, Godless tyranny. “ – John F. Kennedy, Remarks at Mormon Tabernacle, Utah (September 1960) Chart 1China’s Is An Export-Powered Economic Heavyweight Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? It’s been six decades since these words were spoken and today the quotation is more relevant than at any time since the Cold War ended in 1991. The excerpt captures how the Biden administration has positioned itself with respect to Russia and China, only replacing “communist” with “autocratic” in Russia’s case. The Ukraine war helps America advance its grand strategy with respect to Russia. The Ukraine war is steadily draining Russia’s already limited economic might. Western sanctions aim to weaken Russia further. Russia’s military capabilities are now in greater doubt than before, so that its only remaining geopolitical strengths are nuclear weapons and, significantly, its leverage as an energy supplier. With Russia weakened, yet capable of reinforcing China, America will focus more intensely on China over the coming years and the breakdown in US-China relations will only accelerate. China is a genuine economic competitor to the United States (Chart 1). Its strategic rise worries America. To make matters worse, America poses a unique threat to China. China relies heavily on energy imports (Chart 2) from the Middle East (Chart 3). This is a source of great vulnerability as China’s fuel imports must traverse seas that America controls (Map 1). During peace time, and periods of robust US-China strategic engagement, this vulnerability is not an issue. But China is acutely aware that America has the capability to choke China’s energy access at will in the event of hostilities, just as it did to Japan in World War II. Russia has managed to wage war in Ukraine, against US wishes, since it is a net energy supplier to Europe and the global economy. Chart 2China And India Rely On Imports For Energy Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? ​​​​​ Chart 3India And China Both Depend On Middle East For Oil Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? ​​​​​​ Map 1US Military Footprint In Middle East Threatens China … Yet US Presence In South Asia Is Weak Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Atop China’s fuel-supply related insecurities, America has begun a strategic pivot to Asia in recent years. For instance, America has pulled troops out of Iraq and Afghanistan, declared a trade war on China, and strengthening strategic alliances and partnerships with regional geopolitical powers like India and Australia (Table 1). The US has retained its alliance with the Philippines despite an adverse government there, while South Korea has just elected a pro-American president again. With Japan, South Korea and Australia aligned militarily with the US, China’s naval power pales in comparison (Chart 4). Table 1America’s Influence In Asia Is Rising Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Chart 4China’s Naval Power Pales Versus US Allies In Asia Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Now China cannot watch America refurbish its grand strategy in Asia silently. Given China’s need for supply security, geopolitical independence, and regional influence, Beijing will double down on building its influence in Asia and in the eastern hemisphere. Against this backdrop of US-China competition, military conflict becomes increasingly likely, especially in the form of “proxy wars” involving China’s neighbors but conceivably even in the form of US-China naval warfare. China’s plans to modernize and enhance its economic prowess will add to America’s worries (Chart 5). A bipartisan consensus of American lawmakers is focused on reviving America’s economic strength but simultaneously limiting China’s benefit by restricting Chinese imports and American high-tech exports (Chart 6). Since Beijing cannot afford to base its national strategy on the hope of lingering American engagement, US-China trade relations will weaken regardless of which party controls the White House. Chart 5China’s Growing Might Worries America Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? ​​​​​​ Chart 6US Growth Does Not Equal Growth In Imports From China Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? ​​​​​​ The consensus in global financial media (which we never bought) held that the Biden administration would reduce tensions with China – but the détente never occurred and the remaining window for détente is limited by the uncertainty of the 2024 election. The US is currently occupied with Russia but threatening to impose secondary sanctions on China if it provides military assistance or circumvents sanctions. The Russo-Ukrainian war has led to an energy price shock that hurts an industrial economy like China’s. For the rest of this year China’s leaders will be consumed with managing the energy shock, a nationwide Covid-19 outbreak, and the important political reshuffle this fall. Only in 2023 will Beijing have room for maneuver when it comes to the US. But the US cannot return to engagement, which strengthens China’s economy, while China cannot open up to the US economy and become more exposed to future US sanctions. Bottom Line: A grand strategy collision between the US and China is certain. US dominance of sea routes that China uses for energy imports necessarily intimidates China. America’s pivot to Asia threatens China’s regional influence. This will prompt China to restrict American advances in strategic geographies —and not only the Taiwan Strait but also, as we will see, in South Asia. US-India Strategic Alignment: Only A Matter Of Time “If they [nation states] wish to survive, they must be willing to go to war to preserve a balance against the growing hegemonic power of the period.” – Nicholas J. Spykman, America's Strategy in World Politics (Harcourt, Brace and Co, 1942) For reasons of strategy, China will continue to build its influence in South Asia. South Asia offers prospects of sea access to the Indian Ocean, namely via Pakistan. This factor could ease China’s fuel supply insecurities. Also, penetrating northern India helps China set up a noose around India’s neck, thus neutralizing a potential enemy and US ally. In short China will pursue a two-pronged strategy of Eurasian development and naval expansion, both of which threaten India. Against this backdrop, India needs US support to counter Pakistan to its west, China’s latest intrusions into its eastern flank (Map 2), and China’s maritime challenge. India has historically spent generously on defense, but its military might pales in comparison to that of China. Even partial support from America would help India make some progress toward a balance of power in South Asia (Chart 7). Map 2China’s Newfound Interest In India’s Eastern Flank Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Chart 7America Can Provide Military Heft To India Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? ​​​​​​ Chart 8US Is A Key Trading Partner For India Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? ​​​​​​ There’s another reason why US alignment makes sense for India. Much like China, India is highly import-dependent for its fuel needs (Chart 2). Given India’s high reliance on the Middle East for energy, India stands to benefit from America’s solid military footprint in this region (Map 1). The US too has a motive in exploring this alliance. India can provide a strategic foothold on the Eurasian rimland. America will value this new access route to Eurasia because America knows that its military footprint in South Asia is surprisingly weak – a weakness it needs to address against the backdrop of China’s increasing influence in the region (Map 1). Meaningful economic interests also underpin the US-India relationship. India and the US appear like sparring partners from time to time. The US may raise issues of human rights violations in India and the two may bicker over trade. However there exist strong economic incentives for the two countries to keep their differences under check and develop a long-term strategic partnership. The US is a major user of India’s software services and buys nearly a fifth of India’s merchandise exports. The trading relationship that India shares with the US is far more developed than India’s trading relationship with China and Russia (Chart 8). Capital is a factor of production that India desperately needs to finance its high growth. America and its allies are also major suppliers of capital to India (Chart 9). India is averse to granting China the political influence that would go along with major capital infusions and direct investments. Chart 9US And Its Allies Are Major Suppliers Of Capital To India Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? ​​​​​​ Chart 10India Offers US Firms Access To High Growth Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? ​​​​​​ Chart 11India Is A Key Market For American Big Tech Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? India on its part is a large marketplace which offers high growth prospects (Chart 10) and remains open and accessible to American corporations (unlike say Russia or China). The growth element is something that American firms will value more over time, as the American economy is mature and has a lower potential growth rate. Most importantly if the US imposes sanctions on India, then two key business lobbies are sure to mitigate the damage. In specific: Since India is a key potential market for American tech firms (Chart 11), Big Tech will always desire amicable Indo-US relations. Since India is the third largest buyer of defense goods globally, American defense suppliers will have similar intentions. In both cases, US policy planners will support these industries’ lobbying efforts due to the grand strategic considerations outlined above. Bottom Line: India will slowly yet surely move into America’s sphere of influence. Notwithstanding persistent differences, the Indo-US relationship will strengthen over a strategic timeframe. Strong geopolitical motives as well as notable economic incentives exist for both sides to develop this alignment. Indo-Russian Alignment: Destined To Fade The Indo-Russian friendship can be traced back to the second half of the 20th century. The fulcrum was the fact that Russia was a formidable land-based power and provided an offset against threats from China and Pakistan (Chart 12). The finest hour of this friendship perhaps came in 1971 when Russia sided with India in its war with Pakistan. India’s citizens hold an unusually favorable opinion of Russia (Chart 13). Chart 12The Declining Value Of An Old Friendship Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? ​​​​​​ Chart 13Indians Hold A Favorable Opinion Of Russians Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? ​​​​​​ Despite this rich past, the Indo-Russia friendship is doomed to fade over a strategic timeframe. Even if  Russia’s share in Indian oil rises from current low levels of 2%, this glue alone cannot hold the Indo-Russian relationship together for one key reason: Russia’s geopolitical might has been waning and Russia can no longer help India establish a balance of power against China and Pakistan (Table 2). In fact, since 2006, the Russo-Indian partnership has been commanding lower geopolitical power than that of China (Chart 12). Table 2Russia’s Military Heft Is Of Limited Use To India Today Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Managing regional security is a key strategic concern for India. As Russia’s geopolitical power wanes so will India’s utility of Russia as an effective guarantor of India’s security. Russia’s war in Ukraine is ominous in this regard, as Russian armed forces were forced to retreat from Kyiv, while the country’s already bleak economic prospects have worsened under western sanctions. The solidification of the China-Russia axis will alienate India further (Chart 14). China is essential to Russia’s economy now while Moscow is essential to China’s Eurasian strategy of bypassing American naval dominance to reduce its supply insecurity. Russia holds the keys to Central Asia, from a military-security point of view, and hence also to the Middle East. Furthermore, limited economic bonds exist to prevent India and Russia from falling out. Russia accounts for a smidgen of India’s trade (Chart 8). India is Russia’s largest arms client (accounting for +20% of its arms sales) but this reliance could also decline over time: The Indian government has been pursuing a range of policies to increase the indigenous production of arms. This is a strategic goal that would also reinforce India’s economic need for more effective manufacturing capabilities. Russia’s own defense franchise had been coming under pressure, even before the Ukraine war (Chart 15). On the contrary, Western arms manufacturers’ franchise has been steadily growing. Chart 14China-Russia Axis Will Alienate India Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? ​​​​​ Chart 15The Rise & Rise Of Western Arms Manufacturers Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? ​​​​​​ While the US may look the other way in the short term when India buys arms from Russia, over a period of time the US is bound to pull India away by using a combination of sticks (mild sanctions) and carrots (heavy discounts). Two aforementioned external factors will also work against the Indo-Russia relationship namely (1) The Russo-Chinese alignment and its clash with US grand strategy and (2) The coming-to-life of a US-India strategic alignment. Bottom Line: India’s need for cheap oil will preserve basic Indo-Russian relations for some time. But oil alone cannot drive a deeper strategic alignment. Regional security concerns are paramount for India. Russia’s geopolitical decline will force India to explore an alignment with America, which will offer India security in the Indian Ocean and Persian Gulf in the face of China’s emergence in this region. Is A Realignment In Indo-China Relations Possible? But why should India not join the other Asian giants to balance against America’s threat of global dominance? Would such a bloc not secure India’s interests? And what if the US imposes harsh sanctions for India’s continued trade with Russia and strategic neutrality? Or what if a future US administration grows restless and attempts to force India to choose sides sooner rather than later? Even if the US offends India, it will only lead to a temporary improvement in India’s ties with the China-Russia alliance. This is because America stands to lose if India cleaves towards the Sino-Russian alliance and would thus quickly correct its policy. In specific: Security Interests: America will risk losing all influence in South Asia if India were to cleave towards China. India provides a key foothold for America to control China’s regional ascendance especially given that the US has now withdrawn from Afghanistan and its bilateral relations with Pakistan are weak. Business Interests: India’s movement into the China-Russia sphere of influence can have adverse business implications for American corporations and US allies, given that the US is abandoning the Chinese market over time, while India is a large and fast-growing consumer of American tech exports and services. India could emerge as a major buyer of American defense goods and will import more and more energy provided by the US and its partners in the Persian Gulf. These business groups will lobby for the withdrawal of US sanctions on India given India’s long-term potential. Meanwhile any improvement in Indo-Chinese relations will have a limited basis. In specific: Ascendant Nationalism In China And India: China’s declining potential GDP is motivating a rise in nationalism and an assertive foreign policy. Meanwhile India’s inability to create plentiful jobs for a young and growing population is also fuelling a wave of nationalism. A historic turn toward Sino-Indian economic engagement would require the domestic political ability to embrace and promote each other’s well-being. Pakistan Factor: India’s eastern neighbor Pakistan is controlled by its military. The military’s raison d'être is enforced by maintaining an aggressive stance towards India, while pursuing economic development through whatever other means are available. As long as Pakistan’s military stays influential its stance towards India will be hostile. And as long as Pakistan’s economy remains weak (Chart 16), its reliance on China will remain meaningful (Chart 17). Chart 16Pakistan: High Military Influence, Low Economic Vigor Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? ​​​​​​ Chart 17China & Pakistan: Iron Brothers? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? ​​​​​​ Chart 18Indians View China And Pakistan Negatively Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis?   China also benefits from its alliance with Pakistan because it provides an alternative entry point into India and access to the Indian Ocean. Fundamental Distrust: For reasons of history, Indians harbor a negative opinion of both Pakistan and China (Chart 18). This factor reinforces the first point that any Indian administration will see limited political dividends from developing a long-term alignment with China or with Pakistan. Bottom Line: If any Indo-Chinese détente materializes owing to harsh US sanctions, which we do not expect, the result will be temporary. America has limited incentives to push India towards the Sino-Russian camp. More importantly, China and India will stay entangled in a strategic conflict for reasons of both history and geography. Investment Conclusions Chart 19Sell India Tactically But Buy India On A Strategic Horizon Sell India Tactically But Buy India On A Strategic Horizon Sell India Tactically But Buy India On A Strategic Horizon The historic Indo-Russia relationship will weaken over the next few years as India and Russia explore new alignments with USA and China respectively. The relationship may not collapse entirely but has limited basis to grow given Russia’s declining geopolitical clout. Indo-American economic interests are set to deepen not just for reasons of security. India may consider looking for alternatives to Russian arms in the American defense industry while American Big Tech will be keen to grow their footprint in India. With India set to cleave to America, a country whose geopolitical power remains unparalleled today, we reiterate our constructive long-term investment view on India (Chart 19). However, tactically we remain worried about near-term geopolitical and macro headwinds that India must confront. China will strengthen relations with Russia over the next few years. It needs Russia’s help to execute its Eurasian strategy and to diversify its sources of fuel supply, over the long run. Given that the US and its allies will be engaged in a conflict with China over a strategic horizon, we reiterate our strategic sell call on China. Tactically we are neutral on Chinese stocks, given that they have already sold off sharply in accordance with our views over the past two years. In view of both these calls, we urge clients with a holding period mandate of more than 12 months to reduce exposure to Chinese assets and increase exposure to Indian assets. We also recommend investors go strategically long Indian tech / short Chinese tech. This pair trade is likely to keep rising on a secular basis.   Ritika Mankar, CFA Editor/Strategist ritika.mankar@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken Chief Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Strategic Themes Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Regional Geopolitical Risk Matrix

Executive Summary A Good Time For A Pause In The Bond Bear Market A Good Time For A Pause In The Bond Bear Market A Good Time For A Pause In The Bond Bear Market The global government bond selloff looks stretched from a technical perspective, and a consolidation phase is likely over the next few months as global growth and inflation momentum both roll over. Central banks are starting to turn more aggressive on the pace of rate hikes in the face of elevated inflation expectations, as evidenced by the 50bp rate hikes in Canada and New Zealand last week (and the likely similar move the Fed next month). However, forward pricing of policy rates over the next 12-18 months is already at or above policymaker estimates of neutral in most developed countries. Global bond yields will be capped until central banks and markets revise higher their estimates of neutral policy rates. This is more a 2023/24 story than a 2022 story. Interest rate expectations are too high in Canada. High household debt will limit the ability for the Bank of Canada to match the Fed’s rate hikes during the current tightening cycle without bursting the Canadian housing bubble. Bottom Line: Maintain a neutral stance on overall global duration exposure. Upgrade Canadian government bonds to neutral (3 out of 5) in global bond portfolios, ideally funded out of US Treasury allocations. How To Interpret Rising Real Bond Yields Chart 1Bonds Under Pressure From Both Inflation & Real Yields Bonds Under Pressure From Both Inflation & Real Yields Bonds Under Pressure From Both Inflation & Real Yields The sharp rise in global government bond yields seen so far in 2022 has been driven by both rising inflation expectations and higher real yields (Chart 1). The former is a function of the war-fueled surge in oil prices at a time of high realized inflation, while the latter is a consequence of expectations for tighter monetary policy to fight that inflation. The magnitude of the yield increases seen year-to-date is surprising given the downgrades to global growth expectations. Just this week, the IMF downgraded its growth forecasts for the second time this year. It now expects global growth to reach 3.6% in both 2022 and 2023, shaving 0.8 and 0.2 percentage points, respectively, from the last set of yearly forecasts made back in January. The World Bank similarly chopped its growth forecast for 2022 to 3.2% from 4.1%. Spillovers from the Russia/Ukraine war were the main factor behind the downgrades, including more aggressive monetary tightening by global central banks in response to commodity-fueled inflation. We’re already seeing a faster pace of rate hikes from developed market central banks. The Bank of Canada (BoC) and Reserve Bank of New Zealand (RBNZ) lifted policy rates by 50bps last week and the Fed is signaling a similar move in May. Not all policymakers are sending hawkish signals, however. The ECB last week opted to not commit to the timing and pace of any future moves on rates, while the Bank of Japan has pledged to maintain monetary stimulus measures even in the face of a collapsing yen. Related Report  Global Fixed Income StrategyPolicymakers Face The No-Win Scenario While government bond yields have risen across the developed world so far in 2022, the drivers of the yield increase have not been the same in all countries when looking at moves in benchmark 10-year nominal and inflation-linked bonds (Chart 2). About three-quarters of the nominal yield moves seen year-to-date in the US (+134bps), Canada (+136bps) and Australia (+130bps) have come from higher real yields, while the increase in the Gilt yield (+92bps) was more of an equal split between real yields and inflation breakevens. In Germany (+102bps) and Japan (+17bps), the upward move in 10-year yields this year has all been from higher breakevens, as real yields have fallen in both countries. Chart 2Real Yields (ex-Europe/Japan) Driving Nominal Yields Higher In 2022 Global Bond Yields Take A Breather Global Bond Yields Take A Breather In the US, Canada and UK – three countries where central banks have delivered rate hikes this year and are promising to do more – real yields have been highly correlated to rising interest rate expectations for the next two years taken from overnight index swap (OIS) curves (Chart 3). Meanwhile, in Germany, Japan and Australia - where central banks have kept rates steady and not sending strong messages on when that will change – the correlation between real yields and OIS-derived interest rate expectations has not been as strong (Chart 4). Chart 3Rising Real Yields Where Central Banks Have Been Hiking Rising Real Yields Where Central Banks Have Been Hiking Rising Real Yields Where Central Banks Have Been Hiking ​​​​​ Chart 4More Stable Real Yields Where CBs Are More Dovish More Stable Real Yields Where CBs Are More Dovish More Stable Real Yields Where CBs Are More Dovish ​​​​​ Chart 5Real Rate Expectations Have Risen Much Faster In The US Global Bond Yields Take A Breather Global Bond Yields Take A Breather The link between interest rate expectations and real yields is intuitive after factoring in inflation expectations. In Chart 5, we show actual real interest rates (policy rates minus headline CPI inflation) in the US, euro area and UK, as well as a “market-based” measure of real interest rate expectations derived as the difference between forward rates from the nominal OIS and CPI swap curves (the dotted lines). The current path for real rates is the black dotted line, while the path as of the start of 2022 is the green dotted line. In all three countries, the market-derived path for real rates over the next decade has shifted upward since the start of the year, which is consistent with a rising path for real bond yields. Yet the largest move has been in the US where real rates are expected to average around zero over the next ten years. This lines up logically with the more hawkish messaging on rates from the Fed, leading to a repricing of the 10-year TIPS yield from -1% at the start of the year to a mere -0.04% today. By contrast, real rate expectations and real yields remain negative in the euro area and UK, as both the ECB and Bank of England have been much less hawkish compared to the Fed in terms of signaling the timing and magnitude of future rate hikes. We have long flagged deeply negative real bond yields, especially in the US, as the greatest source of vulnerability for global bond markets. Such yield levels can only be sustained in a rising inflation environment if central banks deliberately keep policy rates below inflation for a long time. The Fed was not going to allow that to happen with inflation reaching levels not seen since the early 1980s, leaving US Treasuries vulnerable to a sharp repricing of fed funds rate expectations that would drive real bond yields higher. Looking ahead, we do not expect to see much additional bearish repricing of global rate expectations and real yields over the rest of 2022, for the following reasons: Global growth momentum is slowing The combined shock of geopolitical uncertainty from the Ukraine war, high oil prices and tightening global monetary policy – in addition to the expected slump in Chinese growth due to the latest wave of COVID lockdowns – has damaged economic confidence. The April reading from global ZEW survey of professional forecasters and investors showed another modest decline in US and euro area growth expectations after the huge drop in March (Chart 6). Interestingly, the ZEW survey also showed a big decline in the net number of respondents expecting higher inflation and a small dip in the number of respondents expecting higher bond yields – both potential signals that the increase in global bond yields is ready to pause. Medium-term US inflation expectations have remained relatively contained The sharp run-up in US inflation has boosted survey-based measures of inflation expectations, although the increase has been much higher for shorter-term expectations (Chart 7). One-year-ahead inflation expectations from the University of Michigan and New York Fed consumer surveys have doubled over the past year and now sit at 6.6% and 5.4%, respectively. Yet the 5-10 year ahead inflation expectation from the Michigan survey has seen a much smaller increase and is holding stable around 3%. The 5-year/5-year forward TIPS breakeven is at even less worrisome levels and now sits at a trendline resistance level of 2.4% (bottom panel). Chart 6ZEW Survey Shows Weaker Growth & Inflation Expectations ZEW Survey Shows Weaker Growth & Inflation Expectations ZEW Survey Shows Weaker Growth & Inflation Expectations ​​​​​ Chart 7Medium-Term US Inflation Expectations Have Not Broken Out Medium-Term US Inflation Expectations Have Not Broken Out Medium-Term US Inflation Expectations Have Not Broken Out ​​​​​ US inflation is showing early signs of peaking Year-over-year headline US CPI inflation reached another cyclical high of 8.6% in March. However, core CPI inflation rose by a less-than-expected +0.3% on the month and the year-over-year rate of 6.5% was essentially unchanged versus the February level (Chart 8). Used car prices, a huge driver of the surge in US goods inflation in 2021, fell by a sizeable -3.8% in March, the second consecutive monthly decrease. Chart 8A Peak In US Core Inflation? A Peak In US Core Inflation? A Peak In US Core Inflation? ​​​​​ Chart 9Housing Cost Inflation Is A Global Problem Housing Cost Inflation Is A Global Problem Housing Cost Inflation Is A Global Problem We expect US consumer spending to shift more towards services from goods over the next 6-12 months, which should lead to overall US inflation rates converging more towards lower services inflation. Services inflation is still well above the Fed’s inflation target, however, particularly with shelter inflation – one-third of the overall US CPI index – now at 5.0% and showing no signs of slowing. Chart 10A Good Time For A Pause In The Bond Bear Market A Good Time For A Pause In The Bond Bear Market A Good Time For A Pause In The Bond Bear Market Rising housing costs are not only a problem in the US, and house prices and valuations have soared across the developed world (Chart 9). This suggests that housing and rental costs will remain an important driver of underlying inflation in many countries, not just the US. Summing it all up, we continue to see conditions conducive to a period of relative global bond market stability, with government bond yields remaining rangebound over the next several months. The stimulus for higher yields – from even more hawkish repricing of central bank expectations, even higher real bond yields or additional increases in inflation expectations – is not evident. Bond yields look stretched from a technical perspective, and our Global Duration Indicator continues to signal that global yield momentum should soon peak (Chart 10). Bottom Line: Maintain a neutral stance on overall global bond portfolio duration. Upgrade Canadian Government Bonds To Neutral The Bank of Canada (BoC) hiked its policy interest rate by 50bps last week to 1%, the first rate increase of that size since 2000. The BoC also announced that it will begin quantitative tightening of its balance sheet at the end of April when it stops buying Canadian government bonds to replace maturing debt it currently owns. In the press conference explaining the move, BoC Governor Tiff Macklem noted that the central bank now saw the Canadian economy in a state of “excess demand” with inflation that was “expected to be elevated for longer than we previously thought” and that “the economy could handle higher interest rates, and they are needed.” Chart 11Canadian Growth Momentum Peaking? Canadian Growth Momentum Peaking? Canadian Growth Momentum Peaking? This is a very clear hawkish message from Macklem, who hinted that the BoC may have to lift rates above neutral for a period to bring Canadian inflation back down to the central bank’s target. We have our doubts that the BoC will be able to raise rates that far, and keep them there for long, before inflation pressures ease. The BoC Business Outlook Survey plays an important role in the central bank’s policy decisions. The survey for Q1/2022 showed dips in the overall survey, and the individual components related to sales growth expectations, investment intentions and hiring plans (Chart 11). There were even small drops in the net number of survey respondents seeing intense labor shortages and expecting faster wage growth (bottom panel). The moves in these survey components were modest, but they are important coming after the relentless upward rise since the trough in mid-2020. Importantly, this survey was conducted before the Russian invasion of Ukraine, which likely provided an additional drag on business confidence. The components of the Business Outlook Survey related to prices and costs continued to show that Canadian firms are facing lingering capacity constraints and intense cost pressures from both labor and supply chain disruption. A net 80% of respondents – a survey record – report they would have some or significant difficulty meeting an unexpected increase in demand. A net 35% of respondents in the Q1/2022 survey cited “labor cost pass through” as a source of upward pressure on their output prices, a huge jump from the Q4/2022 reading of 19% (Chart 12). Also, a net 33% of respondents noted “non labor cost pass through”, i.e. higher prices due to supply chain disruption, as a source of pressure on output prices. Only a net 12% of respondents cited strong demand as a source of pressure on prices, and the net balance of respondents noting that the competitive environment was inflationary was effectively zero. Chart 12Canadian Businesses See More Cost-Push Inflation Pressures Global Bond Yields Take A Breather Global Bond Yields Take A Breather The two main messages from the Business Outlook Survey are: a) Canadian growth momentum likely cooled in Q1, and b) Canadian inflation pressures remain significant, but are more supply driven than demand driven. Overall Canadian inflation is still accelerating rapidly, with headline CPI hitting an 31-year high of 5.7% in February. Underlying measures of inflation are more subdued, but still elevated: the BoC’s CPI-trim and CPI-median measures are at 4.3% and 3.5%, respectively, both above the BoC’s 1-3% target band (Chart 13). Chart 13Mixed Messages On Canadian Inflation Expectations Mixed Messages On Canadian Inflation Expectations Mixed Messages On Canadian Inflation Expectations There are more mixed messages coming out of Canadian inflation surveys. The 1-year-ahead inflation expectation from the BoC’s Survey of Consumer Expectations climbed to 5.1% in Q1/2022 from 4.9% in Q4, while the 5-year-ahead expectation dropped to 3.2% from 3.5%. The 10-year breakeven inflation rate on Canadian inflation linked bonds is even lower, now sitting near at 2.2%. There are also very mixed signals on wage expectations, even with the Canadian unemployment rate dropping to a record low of 5.3% in March. Canadian consumers expect wage growth to reach 2.2% over the next year, below the latest reading on actual wage growth of 2.5% and far below the 5.2% growth expected by Canadian businesses (bottom panel). If medium-term consumer inflation expectations are not rising in the current high inflation environment, and consumer wage expectations are not increasing with a record-low unemployment rate, then the BoC can potentially move slower than markets expect on rate hikes over the next year if realized inflation peaks. On that front there are tentative signs of optimism. When breaking down Canadian inflation into goods and services components, both are still accelerating rapidly (Chart 14). Goods inflation reached 7.6% in February, while services inflation hit 3.8%. However, the pace of year-over-year inflation for some key durable goods components like new cars, household appliances and furniture – items that saw demand and prices increase during the worst of the pandemic – appears to have peaked (middle panel). This may be a sign that overall goods inflation is set to roll over, similarly to what we expect in the US in the coming months. Also like the US, services inflation is less likely to decelerate, as rent inflation is accelerating and the housing cost component of Canadian inflation (home replacement costs) is still expanding at a 13.2% annual rate. On that note, housing remains the key component to watch to determine the BoC’s next move, given highly levered household balance sheets exposed to house prices and higher mortgage rates. The robust strength of the Canadian housing market has driven house prices to some of the most overvalued levels among the developed economies. There is a speculative aspect to the housing boom, with Canadian households expecting house prices to appreciate by 7.1% over the next year according to the BoC consumer survey (Chart 15). Canadian housing demand has also become more sensitive to rate increases by the choice of mortgages. 30% of outstanding mortgages are now variable rate, up from 18% at the start of the pandemic in 2020 after the BoC cut rates to near-0%. Chart 14The Goods-Driven Canadian Inflation Surge May Be Peaking The Goods-Driven Canadian Inflation Surge May Be Peaking The Goods-Driven Canadian Inflation Surge May Be Peaking ​​​​​​ Chart 15BoC Rate Hikes Will Cool Off Canadian Housing BoC Rate Hikes Will Cool Off Canadian Housing BoC Rate Hikes Will Cool Off Canadian Housing ​​​​​​ During the BoC’s last rate hiking cycle in 2017-19, national house price inflation slowed from 15% to 0%. Policy rates had to only reach 1.75% to engineer that outcome. With household balance sheets even more levered today, and with greater exposure to variable rate mortgages, it is unlikely that a policy rate higher than the previous cycle peak will be needed to cool off house price growth – an outcome that should also dampen Canadian services inflation with its large housing related component. In addition to the rate hike at last week’s policy meeting, the BoC also announced the results of its annual revision to its estimated range for the neutral policy rate. The range is now 2-3%, up slightly from 1.75%-2.75%. The current pricing of interest rate expectations from the Canadian OIS curve has the BoC lifting rates to the high-end of that new neutral range by the first quarter of 2023, then keeping rates near those levels over at least the next five years (Chart 16). Chart 16Markets Expect The BoC To Keep Rates Elevated For Longer Global Bond Yields Take A Breather Global Bond Yields Take A Breather Chart 17Upgrade Canadian Government Bonds To Neutral Upgrade Canadian Government Bonds To Neutral Upgrade Canadian Government Bonds To Neutral We doubt the BoC will be able to raise rates all the way to 3% without inducing instability in the housing market. More importantly, the current surge in inflation is not becoming embedded in medium-term inflation and wage expectations – outcomes that would require the BoC to keep policy rates at the high end of its neutral range or even move them into restrictive territory. Turning to bond strategy, we have had Canada on “upgrade watch” in recent weeks, with rate hike expectations looking a bit too aggressive. We now see it as a good time to pull the trigger on that upgrade. Thus, this week, we are moving our recommended exposure to Canadian government bonds to neutral (3 out of 5) from underweight (Chart 17). We are “funding” that move in our model bond portfolio by reducing exposure to US Treasuries (see the tables on pages 15-16), as we see the Fed as being more likely than the BoC to deliver on the rate hike expectations discounted in OIS curves. A move to an outright overweight stance, versus all countries and not just the US, will be appropriate once Canadian inflation clearly peaks and interest rate expectations begin to decline. It is too soon to make that move now, but we will revisit that call later this year. Bottom Line: Interest rate expectations are too high in Canada with medium-term inflation expectations relatively subdued. High household debt in Canada will limit the ability for the Bank of Canada to match the Fed’s rate hikes during the current tightening cycle without bursting the Canadian housing bubble. Upgrade Canadian government bonds to neutral (3 out of 5) in global bond portfolios, ideally funded out of US Treasury allocations. Robert Robis, CFA Chief Fixed Income Strategist rrobis@bcaresearch.com   GFIS Model Bond Portfolio Recommended Positioning     Active Duration Contribution: GFIS Recommended Portfolio Vs. Custom Performance Benchmark Global Bond Yields Take A Breather Global Bond Yields Take A Breather The GFIS Recommended Portfolio Vs. The Custom Benchmark Index Global Fixed Income - Strategic Recommendations* Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Global Bond Yields Take A Breather Global Bond Yields Take A Breather Tactical Overlay Trades

Executive Summary Macron Still Favored, But Le Pen Cannot Be Ruled Out Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Macron is still favored to win the French election but Le Pen’s odds are 45%. Le Pen would halt France’s neoliberal structural reforms, paralyze EU policymaking, and help Russia’s leverage in Ukraine. But she would lack legislative support and would not fatally wound the EU or NATO. European political risk will remain high in Germany, Italy, and Spain. Favor UK equities on a relative basis. Financial markets are complacent about Russian geopolitical risk again. Steer clear of eastern European assets. Do not bottom feed in Chinese stocks. China faces social unrest. North Korean geopolitical risk is back. Australia’s election is an opportunity, not a risk. Stay bullish on Latin America. Prefer Brazil over India. Stay negative on Turkey and Pakistan.   Trade Recommendation Inception Date Return TACTICALLY LONG US 10-YEAR TREASURY 2022-04-14   Bottom Line: Go long the US 10-year Treasury on geopolitical risk and near-term peak in inflation. Feature Last year we declared that European political risk had reached a bottom and had nowhere to go but up. Great power rivalry with Russia primarily drove this view but we also argued that our structural theme of populism and nationalism would feed into it. Related Report  Geopolitical StrategyThe Geopolitical Consequences Of The Ukraine War In other words, the triumph of the center-left political establishment in the aftermath of Covid-19 would be temporary. The narrow French presidential race highlights this trend. President Emmanuel Macron is still favored but Marine Le Pen, his far-right, anti-establishment opponent, could pull off an upset victory on April 24. The one thing investors can be sure of is that France’s ability to pursue neoliberal structural reforms will be limited even if Macron wins, since he will lack the mandate he received in 2017. Our GeoRisk Indicators this month suggest that global political trends are feeding into today’s stagflationary macroeconomic context. Market Complacent About Russia Again Global financial markets are becoming complacent about European security once again. Markets have begun to price a slightly lower geopolitical risk for Russia after it withdrew military forces from around Kyiv in an open admission that it failed to overthrow the government. However, western sanctions are rising, not falling, and Russia’s retreat from Kyiv means it will need to be more aggressive in the south and east (Chart 1). Chart 1Russia: GeoRisk Indicator Russia: GeoRisk Indicator Russia: GeoRisk Indicator Russia has not achieved its core aim of a militarily neutral Ukraine – so it will escalate the military effort to achieve its aim. Any military failure in the east and south would humiliate the Putin regime and make it more unpredictable and dangerous. The West has doubled down on providing Ukraine with arms and hitting Russia with sanctions (e.g. imposing a ban on Russian coal). Germany prevented an overnight ban on Russian oil and natural gas imports but the EU is diversifying away from Russian energy rapidly. Sanctions that eat away at Russia’s export revenues will force it to take a more aggressive posture now, to achieve a favorable ceasefire before funding runs out. Sweden and Finland are reviewing whether to join NATO, with recommendations due by June. Russia will rattle sabers to underscore its red line against NATO enlargement and will continue to threaten “serious military-political repercussions” if these states try to join. We would guess they would remain neutral as a decision to join NATO could lead to a larger war. Bottom Line: Global equities will remain volatile due to a second phase of the war and potential Russian threats against Ukraine’s backers. European equities and currency, especially in emerging Europe, will suffer a persistent risk premium until a ceasefire is concluded. What If Le Pen Wins In France? By contrast with the war in Ukraine, the French election is a short-term source of political risk. A surprise Le Pen victory would shake up the European political establishment but investors should bear in mind that it would not revolutionize the continent or the world, as Le Pen’s powers would be limited. Unlike President Trump in 2017, she would not take office with her party gaining full control of the legislature. Le Pen rallied into the first round of the election on April 10, garnering 23% of the vote, up from 21% in 2017. This is not a huge increase in support but her odds of winning this time are much better than in 2017 because the country has suffered a series of material shocks to its stability. Voters are less enthusiastic about President Macron and his centrist political platform. Macron, the favorite of the political establishment, received 28% of the first-round vote, up from 24% in 2017. Thus he cannot be said to have disappointed expectations, though he is vulnerable. The euro remains weak against the dollar and unlikely to rally until Russian geopolitical risk and French political risk are decided. The market is not fully pricing French risk as things stand (Chart 2). Chart 2France: GeoRisk Indicator France: GeoRisk Indicator France: GeoRisk Indicator The first-round election results show mixed trends. The political establishment suffered but so did the right-wing parties (Table 1). The main explanation is that left-wing, anti-establishment candidate Jean-Luc Mélenchon beat expectations while the center-right Republicans collapsed. Macron is leading Le Pen by only five percentage points in the second-round opinion polling as we go to press (Chart 3). Macron has maintained this gap throughout the race so far and both candidates are very well known to voters. But Le Pen demonstrated significant momentum in the first round and momentum should never be underestimated. Table 1Results Of France’s First-Round Election Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) ​​​​​​ Chart 3French Election: Macron Maintains Lead French Election: Macron Maintains Lead French Election: Macron Maintains Lead ​​​​​​ Are the polls accurate? Anti-establishment candidates outperformed their polling by 7 percentage points in the first round. Macron, the right-wing candidates, and the pro-establishment candidates all underperformed their March and April polls (Chart 4). Hence investors should expect polls to underrate Le Pen in the second round. Chart 4French Polls Fairly Accurate Versus First-Round Results Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Given the above points, it is critical to determine which candidate will gather the most support from voters whose first preference got knocked out in the first round. The strength of anti-establishment feeling means that the incumbent is vulnerable while ideological camps may not be as predictable as usual. Mélenchon has asked his voters not to give a single vote to Le Pen but he has not endorsed Macron. About 21% of his supporters say they will vote for Le Pen. Only a little more of them said they would vote for Macron, at 27% (Chart 5). Chart 5To Whom Will Voters Drift? Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Diagram 1, courtesy of our European Investment Strategy, illustrates that Macron is favored in both scenarios but Le Pen comes within striking distance under certain conservative assumptions about vote switching. Diagram 1Extrapolating France’s First-Round Election To The Second Round Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Macron’s approval rating has improved since the pandemic. This is unlike the situation in other liberal democracies (Chart 6). Chart 6Macron Handled Pandemic Reasonably Well Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) The pandemic is fading and the economy reviving. Unemployment has fallen from 8.9% to 7.4% over the course of the pandemic. Real wage growth, at 5.8%, is higher than the 3.3% that prevailed when Macron took office in 2017 (Chart 7). Chart 7Real Wages A Boon For Macron Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) But these positives do not rule out a Le Pen surprise. The nation has suffered not one but a series of historic shocks – the pandemic, inflation, and the war in Ukraine. Inflation is rising at 5.1%, pushing the “Misery Index” (inflation plus unemployment) to 12%, higher than when Macron took office, even if lower than the EU average (Chart 8). Chart 8Misery Index The Key Threat To Macron Misery Index The Key Threat To Macron Misery Index The Key Threat To Macron   Le Pen has moderated her populist message and rebranded her party in recent years to better align with the median French voter. She claims that she will not pursue a withdrawal from the European Union or the Euro Area currency union. This puts her on the right side of the one issue that disqualified her from the presidency in the past. Yet French trust in the EU is declining markedly, which suggests that Le Pen is in step with the median voter on wanting greater French autonomy (Chart 9). Le Pen’s well-known sympathy toward Vladimir Putin and Russia is a liability in the context of Russian aggression in Ukraine. Only 35% of French people had a positive opinion of Russia back in 2019, whereas 50% had a favorable view of NATO, and the gap has likely grown as a result of the invasion (Chart 10). However, the historic bout of inflation suggests that economic policy could be the most salient issue for voters rather than foreign policy. Chart 9Le Pen Only Electable Because She Accepted Europe Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) ​​​​​ Chart 10Le Pen’s NATO Stance Not Disqualifying Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) ​​​​​ Le Pen’s economic platform is fiscally liberal and protectionist, which will appeal to voters upset over the rising cost of living and pressures of globalization. She wants to cut the income tax and value-added tax, while reversing Macron’s attempt at raising the retirement age and reforming the pension system. France’s tax rates on income, and on gasoline and diesel, are higher than the OECD average. In other words, Macron is running on painful structural reform while Le Pen is running on fiscal largesse. This is another reason to take seriously the risk of a Le Pen victory. What should investors expect if Le Pen pulls off an upset? France’s attempt at neoliberal structural reforms would grind to a halt. While Le Pen may not be able to pass domestic legislation, she would be able to halt the implementation of Macron’s reforms. Productivity and the fiscal outlook would suffer. Le Pen’s ability to change domestic policy will be limited by the National Assembly, which is due for elections from June 12-19. Her party, the National Rally (formerly the Front National), has never won more than 20% of local elections and performed poorly in the 2017 legislative vote. Investors should wait to see the results of the legislative election before drawing any conclusions about Le Pen’s ability to change domestic policy. France’s foreign policy would diverge from Europe’s. If Le Pen takes the presidency, she will put France at odds with Brussels, Berlin, and Washington, in much the same way that President Trump did. She would paralyze European policymaking. Yet Le Pen alone cannot take France out of the EU. The French public’s negative view of the EU is not the same as a majority desire to leave the bloc – and support for the euro currency stands at 69%. Le Pen does not have the support for “Frexit,” French exit from the EU. Moreover European states face immense pressures to work together in the context of global Great Power Rivalry. Independently they are small compared to the US, Russia, and China. Hence the EU will continue to consolidate as a geopolitical entity over the long run. Russia, however, would benefit from Le Pen’s presidency in the context of Ukraine ceasefire talks. EU sanctions efforts would freeze in place. Le Pen could try to take France out of NATO, though she would face extreme opposition from the military and political establishment. If she succeeded on her own executive authority, the result would be a division among NATO’s ranks in the face of Russia. This cannot be ruled out: if the US and Russia are fighting a new Cold War, then it is not unfathomable that France would revert to its Cold War posture of strategic independence. However, while France withdrew from NATO’s integrated military command from 1966-2009, it never withdrew fully from the alliance and was always still implicated in mutual defense. In today’s context, NATO’s deterrent capability would not be much diminished but Le Pen’s administration would be isolated. Russia would be unable to give any material support to France’s economy or national defense. Bottom Line: Macron is still favored for re-election but investors should upgrade Le Pen’s chances to a subjective 45%. If she wins, the euro will suffer a temporary pullback and French government bond spreads will widen over German bunds. The medium-term view on French equities and bonds will depend on her political capability, which depends on the outcome of the legislative election from June 12-19. She will likely be stymied at home and only capable of tinkering with foreign policy. But if she has legislative support, her agenda is fiscally stimulative and would produce a short-term sugar high for French corporate earnings. However, it would be negative for long-term productivity. UK, Italy, Spain: Who Else Faces Populism? Chart 11Rest Of Europe: GeoRisk Indicators Rest Of Europe: GeoRisk Indicators Rest Of Europe: GeoRisk Indicators Between Russian geopolitical risk and French political risk, other European countries are likely to see their own geopolitical risk premium rise (Chart 11). But these countries have their own domestic political dynamics that contribute to the reemergence of European political risk. Germany’s domestic political risk is relatively low but it faces continued geopolitical risk in the form of Russia tensions, China’s faltering economy, and potentially French populism (Chart 11, top panel). In Italy, the national unity coalition that took shape under Prime Minister Mario Draghi was an expedient undertaken in the face of the pandemic. As the pandemic fades, a backlash will take shape among the large group of voters who oppose the EU and Italian political establishment. The Italian establishment has distributed the EU recovery funds and secured the Italian presidency as a check on future populist governments. But it may not be able to do more than that before the next general election in June 2023, which means that populism will reemerge and increase the political risk premium in Italian assets going forward (Chart 11, second panel). Spain is still a “divided nation” susceptible to a rise in political risk ahead of the general election due by December 10, 2023. However, the conservative People’s Party, the chief opposition party, has suffered from renewed infighting, which gives temporary relief to the ruling Socialist Worker’s Party of Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez. The Russia-Ukraine issue caused some minor divisions within the government but they are not yet leading to any major political crisis, as nationwide pro-Ukraine sentiment is largely unified. The Andalusia regional election, which is expected this November, will be a check point for the People’s Party’s new leadership and a test run for next year’s general election. Andalusia is the most populous autonomous community in Spain, consisting about 17% of the seats in the congress (the lower house). The risk for Sanchez and the Socialists is that the opposition has a strong popular base and this fact combined with the stagflationary backdrop will keep political polarization high and undermine the government’s staying power (Chart 11, third panel). While Prime Minister Boris Johnson has survived the scandal over attending social events during Covid lockdowns, as we expected, nevertheless the Labour Party is starting to make a comeback that will gain momentum ahead of the 2024 general election. Labour is unlikely to embrace fiscal austerity or attempt to reverse Brexit anytime soon. Hence the UK’s inflationary backdrop will persist (Chart 11, fourth panel). Bottom Line: European political risk has bottomed and will rise in the coming months and years, although the EU and Eurozone will survive. We still favor UK equities over developed market equities (excluding the US) because they are heavily tilted toward consumer staples and energy sectors. Stay long GBP-CZK. Favor European defense stocks over tech. Prefer Spanish stocks over Italian. China: Social Unrest More Likely China’s historic confluence of internal and external risks continues – and hence it is too soon for global investors to try to bottom-feed on Chinese investable equities (Chart 12). A tactical opportunity might emerge for non-US investors in 2023 but now is not the right time to buy. Chart 12China: GeoRisk Indicator China: GeoRisk Indicator China: GeoRisk Indicator In domestic politics, the reversion to autocracy under Xi is exacerbating the economic slowdown. True, Beijing is stimulating the economy by means of its traditional monetary and fiscal tools. The latest data show that the total social financing impulse is reviving, primarily on the back of local government bonds (Chart 13). Yet overall social financing is weaker because private sector sentiment remains downbeat. The government is pursuing excessively stringent social restrictions in the face of the pandemic. Beijing is doubling down on “Covid Zero” policy by locking down massive cities such as Shanghai. The restrictions will fail to prevent the virus from spreading. They are likely to engender social unrest, which we flagged as our top “Black Swan” risk this year and is looking more likely. Lockdowns will also obstruct production and global supply chains, pushing up global goods inflation. Meanwhile the property sector continues to slump on the back of weak domestic demand, large debt levels, excess capacity, regulatory scrutiny, and negative sentiment. Consumer borrowing appetite and general animal spirits are weak in the face of the pandemic and repressive political environment (Chart 14). Chart 13China's Stimulus Has Clearly Arrived China's Stimulus Has Clearly Arrived China's Stimulus Has Clearly Arrived ​​​​​​ Chart 14Yet Chinese Animal Spirits Still Suffering Yet Chinese Animal Spirits Still Suffering Yet Chinese Animal Spirits Still Suffering ​​​​​​ Hence China will be exporting slow growth and inflation – stagflation – to the rest of the world until after the party congress. At that point President Xi will feel politically secure enough to “let 100 flowers bloom” and try to improve economic sentiment at home and abroad. This will be a temporary phenomenon (as were the original 100 flowers under Chairman Mao) but it will be notable for 2023. In foreign politics, Russia’s attack on Ukraine has accelerated the process of Russo-Chinese alliance formation. This partnership will hasten US containment strategy toward China and impose a much faster economic transition on China as it pursues self-sufficiency. The result will be a revival of US-China tensions. The implications are negative for the rest of Asia Pacific: Taiwanese geopolitical risk will continue rising for reasons we have outlined in previous reports. In addition, Taiwanese equities are finally starting to fall off from the pandemic-induced semiconductor rally (Chart 15). The US and others are also pursuing semiconductor supply security, which will reduce Taiwan’s comparative advantage. Chart 15Taiwan: GeoRisk Indicator Taiwan: GeoRisk Indicator Taiwan: GeoRisk Indicator South Korea faces paralysis and rising tensions with North Korea. The presidential election on May 9 brought the conservatives back into the Blue House. The conservative People Power Party’s candidate, Yoon Suk-yeol, eked out a narrow victory that leaves him without much political capital. His hands are also tied by the National Assembly, at least for the next two years. He will attempt to reorient South Korean foreign policy toward the US alliance and away from China. He will walk away from the “Moonshine” policy of engagement with North Korea, which yielded no fruit over the past five years. North Korea has responded by threatening a nuclear missile test, restarting intercontinental ballistic missile tests for the first time since 2017, and adopting a more aggressive nuclear deterrence policy in which any South Korean attack will ostensibly be punished by a massive nuclear strike. Tensions on the peninsula are set to rise (Chart 16). Three US aircraft carrier groups are around Japan today, despite the war in Europe (where two are placed), suggesting high threat levels. Chart 16South Korea: GeoRisk Indicator South Korea: GeoRisk Indicator South Korea: GeoRisk Indicator Australia’s elections present opportunity rather than risk. Prime Minister Scott Morrison formally scheduled them for May 21. The Australian Labor Party is leading in public opinion and will perform well. The election threatens a change of parties but not a drastic change in national policy – populist parties are weak. No major improvement in China relations should be expected. Any temporary improvement, as with the Biden administration, will be subject to reversal due to China’s long-term challenge to the liberal international order. Cyclically the Australian dollar and equities stand to benefit from the global commodity upcycle as well as relative geopolitical security due to American security guarantees (Chart 17). Chart 17Australia: GeoRisk Indicator Australia: GeoRisk Indicator Australia: GeoRisk Indicator Bottom Line: China’s reversion to autocracy will keep global sentiment negative on Chinese equities until 2023 at earliest. Stay short the renminbi and Taiwanese dollar. Favor the Japanese yen over the Korean won. Favor South Korean over Taiwanese equities. Look favorably on the Australian dollar. Turkey, South Africa, And … Canada Turkish geopolitical risk will remain elevated in the context of a rampant Russia, NATO’s revival and tensions with Russia, the threat of commerce destruction and accidents in the Black Sea region, domestic economic mismanagement, foreign military adventures, and the threat posed to the aging Erdogan regime by the political opposition in the wake of the pandemic and the lead-up to the 2023 elections (Chart 18). Chart 18Turkey: GeoRisk Indicator Turkey: GeoRisk Indicator Turkey: GeoRisk Indicator While we are tactically bullish on South African equities and currency, we expect South African political risk to rise steadily into the 2024 general election. Almost a year has passed since the civil unrest episode of 2021. Covid-19 lockdowns have been lifted and the national state of disaster has ended, which has helped quell social tensions. This is evident in the decline of our South Africa GeoRisk indicator from 2021 highs (Chart 19). While fiscal austerity is under way in South Africa, we have argued that fiscal policy will reverse course in time for the 2024 election. In this year’s fiscal budget, the budget deficit is projected to narrow from -6% to -4.2% over the next two years. Government has increased tax revenue collection through structural reforms that are rooting out corruption and wasteful expenditure. But the ANC will have to tap into government spending to shore up lost support come 2024. Thus South Africa benefits tactically from commodity prices but cyclically the currency is vulnerable. Chart 19South Africa: GeoRisk Indicator South Africa: GeoRisk Indicator South Africa: GeoRisk Indicator Canadian political risk will rise but that should not deter investors from favoring Canadian assets that are not exposed to the property bubble. Prime Minister Justin Trudeau has had a net negative approval rating since early 2021 and his government is losing political capital due to inflation, social unrest, and rising difficulties with housing affordability (Chart 20). While he does not face an election until 2025, the Conservative Party is developing more effective messaging. Chart 20Canada: GeoRisk Indicator Canada: GeoRisk Indicator Canada: GeoRisk Indicator India Will Stay Neutral But Lean Toward The West Chart 21Sino-Pak Alliance’s Geopolitical Power Is Thrice That Of India Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) US President Joe Biden has openly expressed his administration’s displeasure regarding India’s response to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. This has led many to question the strength of Indo-US relations and the direction of India’s geopolitical alignments. To complicate matters, China’s overtures towards India have turned positive lately, leading clients to ask if a realignment in Indo-China relations is nigh. To accurately assess India’s long-term geopolitical propensities, it is important to draw a distinction between ‘cyclical’ and ‘structural’ dynamics that are at play today. Such a distinction yields crystal-clear answers about India’s strategic geopolitical leanings. In specific: Indo-US Relations Will Strengthen On A Strategic Horizon: As the US’s and China’s grand strategies collide, minor and major geopolitical earthquakes are bound to take place in South Asia and the Indo-Pacific. Against this backdrop, India will strategically align with the US to strengthen its hand in the region (Chart 21). While the Russo-Ukrainian war is a major global geopolitical event, for India this is a side-show at best. True, India will retain aspects of its historic good relations with Russia. Yet countering China’s encirclement of India is a far more fundamental concern for India. Since Russia has broken with Europe, and China cannot reject Russia’s alliance, India will gradually align with the US and its allies. India And China Will End Up As A Conflicting Dyad: Strategic conflict between the two Asian powers is likely because China’s naval development and its Eurasian strategy threaten India’s national security and geopolitical imperatives, while India’s alliances are adding to China’s distrust of India. Thus any improvement in Sino-Indian diplomatic relations will be short-lived. The US will constantly provide leeway for India in its attempts to court India as a key player in the containment strategy against China. The US and its allies are the premier maritime powers and upholders of the liberal world order – India serves its national interest better by joining them rather than joining China in a risky attempt to confront the US navy and revolutionize the world order. Indo-Russian Relations Are Bound To Fade In The Long Run: India will lean towards the US over the next few years for reasons of security and economics. But India’s movement into America’s sphere of influence will be slow – and that is by design. India is testing waters with America through networks like the Quadrilateral Dialogue. It sees its historic relationship with Russia as a matter of necessity in the short run and a useful diversification strategy in the long run. True, India will maintain a trading relationship with Russia for defense goods and cheap oil. But this trade will be transactional and is not reason enough for India to join Russia and China in opposing US global leadership. While these factors will mean that Indo-Russian relations are amicable over a cyclical horizon, this relationship is bound to fade over a strategic horizon as China and Russia grow closer and the US pursues its grand strategy of countering China and Russia. Bottom Line: India may appear to be neutral about the Russo-Ukrainian war but India will shed its historical stance of neutrality and veer towards America’s sphere of influence on a strategic timeframe. India is fully aware of its strategic importance to both the American camp and the Russo-Chinese camp. It thus has the luxury of making its leanings explicit after extracting most from both sides. Long Brazil / Short India Brazil’s equity markets have been on a tear. MSCI Brazil has outperformed MSCI EM by 49% in 2022 YTD. Brazil’s markets have done well because Brazil is a commodity exporter and the war in Ukraine has little bearing on faraway Latin America. This rally will have legs although Brazil’s political risks will likely pick back up in advance of the election (Chart 22). The reduction in Brazil’s geopolitical risk so far this year has been driven mainly by the fact that the currency has bounced on the surge in commodity prices. In addition, former President Lula da Silva is the current favorite to win the 2022 presidential elections – Lula is a known quantity and not repugnant to global financial institutions (Chart 23). Chart 22Brazil's Markets Have Benefitted From Rising Commodity Prices Brazil's Markets Have Benefitted From Rising Commodity Prices Brazil's Markets Have Benefitted From Rising Commodity Prices Chart 23Brazil: Watch Out For Political Impact Of Commodity Prices Brazil: Watch Out For Political Impact Of Commodity Prices Brazil: Watch Out For Political Impact Of Commodity Prices Whilst there is no denying that the first-round effects of the Ukraine war have been positive for Brazil, there is a need to watch out for the second-round effects of the war as Latin America’s largest economy heads towards elections. Surging prices will affect two key constituencies in Brazil: consumers and farmers. Consumer price inflation in Brazil has been ascendant and adding to Brazil’s median voter’s economic miseries. Rising inflation will thus undermine President Jair Bolsonaro’s re-election prospects further. The fact that energy prices are a potent polling issue is evinced by the fact that Bolsonaro recently sacked the chief executive of Petrobras (i.e. Brazil’s largest listed company) over rising fuel costs. Furthermore, Brazil is a leading exporter of farm produce and hence also a large importer of fertilizers. Fertilizer prices have surged since the war broke out. This is problematic for Brazil since Russia and Belarus account for a lion’s share of Brazil’s fertilizer imports. Much like inflation in general, the surge in fertilizer prices will affect the elections because some of the regions that support Bolsonaro also happen to be regions whose reliance on agriculture is meaningful (Map 1). They will suffer from higher input prices. Map 1States That Supported Bolso, Could Be Affected By Fertilizer Price Surge Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Chart 24Long Brazil Financials / Short India Long Brazil Financials / Short India Long Brazil Financials / Short India Given that Bolsonaro continues to lag Lula on popularity ratings – and given the adverse effect that higher commodity prices will have on Brazil’s voters – we expect Bolsonaro to resort to fiscal populism or attacks on Brazil’s institutions in a last-ditch effort to cling to power. He could even be emboldened by the fact that Sérgio Moro, the former judge and corruption fighter, decided to pull out of the presidential race. This could provide a fillip to Bolso’s popularity. Bottom Line: Brazil currently offers a buying opportunity owing to attractive valuations and high commodity prices. But investors should stay wary of latent political risks in Brazil, which could manifest themselves as presidential elections draw closer. We urge investors to take-on only selective tactical exposure in Brazil for now. Equities appear cheap but political and macro risks abound. To play the rally yet stave off political risk, we suggest a tactical pair trade: Long Brazil Financials / Short India (Chart 24). Whilst we remain constructive on India on a strategic horizon, for the next 12 months we worry about near-term macro and geopolitical headwinds as well as India’s rich valuations. Don’t Buy Into Pakistan’s Government Change Chart 25Pakistan’s Military Is Unusually Influential Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) Le Pen And Other Hurdles (GeoRisk Update) The newest phase in Pakistan’s endless cycle of political instability has begun. Prime Minister Imran Khan has been ousted. A new coalition government and a new prime minister, Shehbaz Sharif, have assumed power. Prime Minister Sharif’s appointment may make it appear like risks imposed by Pakistan have abated. After all, Sharif is seen as a good administrator and has signaled an interest in mending ties with India. But despite the appearance of a regime change, geopolitical risks imposed by Pakistan remain intact for three sets of reasons: Military Is Still In Charge: Pakistan’s military has been and remains the primary power center in the country (Chart 25). Former Prime Minister Khan’s rise to power was possible owing to the military’s support and he fell for the same reason. Since the military influences the civil administration as well as foreign policy, a lasting improvement in Indo-Pak relations is highly unlikely. Risk Of “Rally Round The Flag” Diversion: General elections are due in Pakistan by October 2023. Sharif is acutely aware of the stiff competition he will face at these elections. His competitors exist outside as well as inside his government. One such contender is Bilawal Bhutto-Zardari of the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), which is a key coalition partner of the new government that assumed power. Imran Khan himself is still popular and will plot to return to power. Against such a backdrop the newly elected PM is highly unlikely to pursue an improvement in Indo-Pak relations. Such a strategy will adversely affect his popularity and may also upset the military. Hence we highlight the risk of the February 2021 Indo-Pak ceasefire being violated in the run up to Pakistan’s general elections. India’s government has no reason to prevent tensions, given its own political calculations and the benefits of nationalism. Internal Social Instability Poor: Pakistan is young but the country can be likened to a social tinderbox. Many poor youths, a weak economy, and inadequate political valves to release social tensions make for an explosive combination. Pakistan remains a source of geopolitical risk for the South Asian region. Some clients have inquired as to whether the change of government in Pakistan implies closer relations with the United States. The US has less need for Pakistan now that it has withdrawn from Afghanistan. It is focused on countering Russia and China. As such the US has great need of courting India and less need of courting Pakistan. Pakistan will remain China’s ally and will struggle to retain significant US assistance. Bottom Line: We remain strategic sellers of Pakistani equities. Pakistan must contend with high internal social instability, a weak democracy, a weak economy and an unusually influential military. As long as the military remains excessively influential in Pakistan, its foreign policy stance towards India will stay hostile. Yet the military will remain influential because Pakistan exists in a permanent geopolitical competition with India. And until Pakistan’s economy improves structurally and endemically, its alliance with China will stay strong. Investment Takeaways Cyclically go long US 10-year Treasuries. Geopolitical risks are historically high and rising but complacency is returning to markets. Meanwhile inflation is nearing a cyclical peak. Favor US stocks over global. It is too soon to go long euro or European assets, especially emerging Europe. Favor UK equities over developed markets (excluding the US). Stay long GBP-CZK. Favor European defense stocks over European tech. Stay short the Chinese renminbi and Taiwanese dollar. Favor the Japanese yen over the Korean won. Favor South Korean over Taiwanese equities.   Matt Gertken Chief Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Ritika Mankar, CFA Editor/Strategist ritika.mankar@bcaresearch.com Jesse Anak Kuri Associate Editor Jesse.Kuri@bcaresearch.com Yushu Ma Research Analyst yushu.ma@bcaresearch.com Guy Russell Senior Analyst GuyR@bcaresearch.com Alice Brocheux Research Associate alice.brocheux@bcaresearch.com   Strategic Themes Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Regional Geopolitical Risk Matrix Section III: Geopolitical Calendar

Executive Summary From Net Borrower To Net Lenders From Net Borrower To Net Lenders From Net Borrower To Net Lenders Yields are rising across Europe. Peripheral spreads are unlikely to experience the same violent widening as last decade. Europe now has a buyer of last resort. Italy and Spain have moved from current account deficit to current account surplus nations. However, Italy and Spain are not conducting the kind of structural reforms necessary to cause public debt-to-GDP ratios to fall back below the Maastricht Treaty criteria. Nonetheless, based on our stress tests, Italian and Spanish yields can rise significantly more before debt-servicing costs become a major problem in these nations. Economic activity, not Spanish or Italian public finances, is the true constraint on European yields. Bottom Line: German yields can rise above 2% without causing a public finance crisis in Italy and Spain. To reach this level, however, nominal growth in Europe must remain robust. As a result, any pullback in yields caused by oversold conditions in the bond market will be temporary.     Year-to-date, German 10-year yields have risen more than 80bps, while spreads have widened in the periphery. This has supercharged the interest rate moves: Italian BTP yields and Spanish Bono yields are up nearly 120bps and 110bps, respectively. As a result, Italian government bonds now offer a 2.4% yield, a level not experienced durably since the first half of 2019. Meanwhile, Spanish yields are close to 1.7%—their highest levels since 2017. Investors are increasingly concerned by the damage levied by higher yields in Southern Europe. Since 2018, Italian public debt has risen by 32% of GDP to 170% of GDP, and Spanish public debt has risen by 28% of GDP to 138% of GDP. These higher debt burdens beg the following question: How high can European yields rise before a new sovereign debt crisis engulfs the Eurozone? Private sector financial balances and the balance of payments in the periphery are now very different from what they were between 2008 and 2012. As a result, the odds of a similar crisis are much lower than last decade, which should allow German yields to rise further in the coming years. Italy and Spain have moved on from experiencing an EM-style balance of payment crisis with explosive debt market dynamics. They are now stuck in a Japanese scenario of excess private sector savings and low economic growth. “This Time Is Different” These might be the four most dangerous words in finance, but understanding the differences between the present situation and the sovereign debt crisis is essential to assessing the impact of higher yields on Italian and Spanish public finances. Chart 1From Net Borrower To Net Lenders From Net Borrower To Net Lenders From Net Borrower To Net Lenders The most important transformation in the Southern European economies is the rise in private sector savings. From 1999 to 2013, Italy’s private sector financial balance averaged 2.2% of GDP. Constant government deficits resulted in a significant national dissaving, forcing the country to borrow from abroad as expressed by a current account deficit that lasted from 2000 to 2013 (Chart 1, top panel). At the present moment, Italy’s current account is in a surplus equal to 3.5% of GDP, as private savings stand at 13% of GDP, up from 5% before COVID-19. The change is even more dramatic in Spain. The Spanish private sector financial balance was in a large deficit from 1999 to 2008, which averaged 5.6% of GDP and reached a nadir of 11.3% of GDP in 2007. As a result, Spain relied on foreign lending between 1980 and 2012, with a current account deficit that averaged 3% of GDP over that period (Chart 1, second panel). The switch from the status of foreign borrower to the status of surplus nation is fundamental. A country where excess private savings are so abundant they can finance large public deficits and still generate current account surpluses will experience more limited pressure on borrowing costs than a country that needs to borrow from abroad. Japan is a perfect example. Elevated public borrowing ends up being a vehicle to absorb private sector excess savings and does not constitute profligacy. Despite higher debt loads, Italy’s public finances seem more sustainable than those of Spain. The International Monetary Fund’s (IMF) October 2021 Fiscal Monitor forecast shows the Italian primary budget balance, both on an absolute basis and on a cyclically-adjusted basis, moving from -6% and -2.9% of GDP, respectively, closer to zero by 2026 (Chart 2). In Spain, primary budget balances, both on an absolute basis and on a cyclically-adjusted basis, are anticipated to improve from -8.9% and -3.4% of GDP, respectively, to -2.5% of GDP by 2026. Despite these deficits, the IMF also expects public debt to decrease by 10% of GDP to 146% in Italy and to remain flat at 120% of GDP in Spain (Chart 3). Importantly, in both cases, the upward pressure on public debt will be limited over the next five years because private savings are already high and unlikely to rise further. Chart 2Public Deficits Will Narrow Further Public Deficits Will Narrow Further Public Deficits Will Narrow Further Chart 3Debt Will Stay High, So Will Private Savings Debt Will Stay High, So Will Private Savings Debt Will Stay High, So Will Private Savings The role of the European Central Bank (ECB) as a backstop also contributes to creating a different environment than the one that prevailed prior to the “whatever it takes” era. Before Mario Draghi’s landmark July 2012 speech, there was no explicit buyer of last resort in the European sovereign debt market. Now, there is one, and its presence limits how rapidly private sector buyers might lose confidence in a country’s bond market and how far spreads can widen, even if the central bank buying has its own limit. In fact, Draghi’s forward guidance calmed the markets and caused a 250bps and 280bps collapse in Italian and Spanish 10-year yields before the ECB had even purchased a single BTP or Bono. The role of the ECB as a buyer of last resort remains crucial going forward. Yields in Italy and Spain are still 480bps and 600bps below their 2011-2012 peaks at a time when investors anticipate an end to the PEPP and APP purchases. Importantly, these spreads are narrower, even though the APP and the PEPP have purchased far more German and French sovereign bonds than Italian and Spanish bonds (Chart 4). As long as the ECB continues to emphasize that it maintains its optionality to support Italian and Spanish bond markets, even as its asset purchases end, peripheral spreads will not move back above 300bps, especially since Euroscepticism is not the risk it once was (Chart 5). Chart 4Germany and France, Not Spain and Italy, Dominated PEPP Buying Stress Testing Italian And Spanish Yields Stress Testing Italian And Spanish Yields Chart 5Euroscepticism on the Wane Euroscepticism on the Wane Euroscepticism on the Wane Bottom Line: As illustrated by the evolution of their current account balances, peripheral Eurozone economies have moved from deep savings deficits to a state of surplus savings. This makes them less vulnerable to the funding crises that prompted the European sovereign debt crisis. Moreover, the Eurozone now has a buyer of last resort for sovereign bonds: the post-Draghi ECB. Its presence, not its continued buying, creates the necessary insurance to limit buying strikes by the private sector, which also curtails how far Italian or Spanish spreads can widen. Long-Term Problems Abound In the long term, Italy and Spain will only be able to curtail government debt-to-GDP ratios meaningfully if trend growth recovers. This means more reforms are needed to boost productivity and labor participation rates (Chart 6). Chart 6Reforms, Not Austerity, Will Bring Debt Down Below Maastricht Levels Stress Testing Italian And Spanish Yields Stress Testing Italian And Spanish Yields Chart 7Competitiveness Problems In The Periphery Competitiveness Problems In The Periphery Competitiveness Problems In The Periphery For now, the picture remains bleak. Spain emerged out of the sovereign debt crisis with strong reform zeal. The Mariano Rajoy government reformed pensions and the labor market, which prompted a significant decline in unit labor costs compared to the Euro Area average. The pace of reforms has slowed, however, and the Pedro Sánchez government has eroded some of its predecessor’s efforts. As a result, since 2018, Spanish unit labor costs have increased once again relative to the rest of the Eurozone (Chart 7). Italy never implemented significant reforms, because it has long been beset by political paralysis. Unit labor costs are not outstripping the rest of the Eurozone, but productivity continues to lag. Economic growth in Italy and Spain will remain tepid in the coming years, which will prevent any meaningful decline in debt. The poor trend in relative competitiveness and productivity of the past few years is unlikely to be undone. Work by the OECD shows that prior to the pandemic, Spain and Italy had shifted away from being among the leading reformers in Europe. Instead, this role now falls to France, Greece, Austria, and Germany (Chart 8), which confirms last week’s analysis that France’s reform effort remains serious, even if it is less ambitious than what transpired over the past five years.  As a consequence of slow growth, investment in Spain and Italy will trail behind the rest of the Eurozone. Thus, private sector savings will remain elevated and private nonfinancial sector debt loads are unlikely to increase meaningfully (Chart 9). As a result, the public sector will continue to absorb the private sector’s excess savings, which means that the debt-to-GDP ratio could sustain more upside pressure than what either the IMF or the OECD anticipate. Chart 8Italy And Spain As Reform Laggards Stress Testing Italian And Spanish Yields Stress Testing Italian And Spanish Yields Chart 9Private Debt Is Not The Problem Private Debt Is Not The Problem Private Debt Is Not The Problem These dynamics bear a striking resemblance to what happened in Japan. They also imply that Italy and Spain will remain a drag on European growth for years to come, as long as the fundamental reasons behind the private sector’s elevated savings rate are not addressed. Bottom Line: Italian and Spanish public debt-to-GDP ratios will continue to deteriorate as reform efforts are too tepid to lift durably trend GDP growth. Their private sectors will continue to save more than they invest, which, in turn, will push government debt higher. The Italian and Spanish economies will remain a drag on European growth for the foreseeable future. Stress Test Scenarios How high can yields rise in the Eurozone before Italy and Spain experience meaningful funding stresses? We explore two scenarios: one in which 10-year yields rise by an additional 2%, and a very aggressive scenario in which they rise a whopping 5%, bringing Italian and Spanish borrowing costs in the vicinity of the European debt crisis of 2011-2012. To conduct this experiment, we use a simple approach of regressing debt-service payments as a share of GDP on the level of yields. Modeling debt payments in euros was another alternative, but yield levels are also affected by the evolution of nominal GDP. As a result, using this approach considers both the numerator and the denominator of the debt-service payment modeling. Chart 10Private Debt Is Not The Problem Private Debt Is Not The Problem Private Debt Is Not The Problem Under the first scenario, Italian 10-year yields would rise to 4.4% from 2.4% today. This is still well below the 7.5% yield recorded in late 2011. In this context, government debt servicing would reach 4.5% of GDP, which is comparable to the average that prevailed prior to the Euro Area crisis (Chart 10). This suggests that Italian yields slightly above 4% are still somewhat manageable, albeit far from ideal. Under the second scenario, 10-year BTP yields would rise to 7.4% from 2.4% today. This is comparable to the level of yields observed at the apex of the European sovereign debt crisis, but it assumes that this yield level would remain in place for a year. As a result of the higher debt load today compared to a decade ago, the resulting debt-servicing costs have reached 5.4% of GDP, which is higher than those between 2012 and 2013 (Chart 10). This scenario is clearly unsustainable and suggests that yields of this magnitude would cripple the Italian government. Moving to Spain, the dynamics are slightly different. Spain’s refinancing schedule is more front-loaded than that of Italy. As a result, using the yields on 10-year Bonos as an independent variable in our regression approach does not explain well the evolution of Spanish debt-servicing costs. Instead, a simple regression model using both 3-year and 10-year yields does a much better job, because it reflects the heavier rollover of Spanish debt. Chart 11Stress Testing Spanish Public Finances Stress Testing Spanish Public Finances Stress Testing Spanish Public Finances In the first scenario, 3-year yields would rise by 1% to 1.7% and 10-year yields would increase from 2% to 3.7%, well below the 7% yields that prevailed in 2012. As a result, the Spanish government’s debt-servicing costs would be expected to rise to 2.8% of GDP, which is well below the levels that prevailed at the apex of the European debt crisis, but still above the level that existed in the first decade following the introduction of the euro (Chart 11). While far from ideal, this level is easily manageable for the Spanish government and is comparable to the Eurozone average prior to 2008. In the second scenario, 3-year yields are assumed to rise 2.5% to 3.2% and 10-year yields to increase an extra 5% to 6.7%, still slightly shy of the 7% yields from 2012. In this scenario, debt servicing costs are expected to jump above 3.5% of GDP (Chart 11) and are unsustainable unless nominal GDP growth remains above 7% and the primary budget balance improves to zero. As a result, an increase in Bono yields toward 7% is far too high for the Spanish government to withstand. We acknowledge that, although it points to an upper bound in yields, the second scenario is highly unlikely for several reasons. First, a 500bps increase in 10-year yields would far exceed the roughly 350bps rise experienced during the sovereign debt crisis of the previous decade. More importantly, many factors have changed since then: Spain and Italy’s shift from borrowing nations to surplus savings nations, the role of the ECB as buyer of last resort, greater support for the euro across all the Eurozone nations, and greater unity among EU countries as exemplified by the NextGenerationEU (NGEU) program. The first scenario would be painful but manageable for both Italy and Spain. It suggests that peripheral yields may rise meaningfully in the coming years, especially if nominal GDP growth remains higher than it was last decade when fiscal austerity was Europe’s mantra. However, fiscal austerity was self-defeating because, the more orthodox countries tried to be, the worse their growth was, making debt arithmetic unmanageable (Chart 12). Chart 12Counterproductive Austerity Stress Testing Italian And Spanish Yields Stress Testing Italian And Spanish Yields We can go one step further. Even if Italian and Spanish spreads widen another 100bps from this point on and settle between 200bps and 300bps above German yields, European public finances can withstand German yields rising to 2%. This seems surprising, but we cannot forget the context. German yields cannot reach those levels in a vacuum. If they increase that much, it is because nominal growth is strong, which makes debt arithmetic more manageable in the European periphery. Statistically, the relationship between Spanish debt servicing costs and German yields is negative, while the link between Italian debt servicing costs and German yields is statistically low, underscoring the role of growth. However, if German yields were to rise as Europe’s nominal GDP growth settled back to last decade’s range, then Italian and Spanish debt would implode. This is a far-fetched scenario; even the recent ECB’s pivot reflects stronger nominal activity. This does not mean that German yields will rise above 2% in the next five years, but rather it highlights that economic activity, not the peripheral nations’ public finances, is the true constraint on European yields. Bottom Line: The ECB’s role as a buyer of last resort, the shift to savings surpluses in Italy and Spain, as well as the greater European unity and lower Euroscepticism prevalent across the continent limit how far spreads can rise in the periphery. In this context, Spain and Italy can withstand higher yields than those of the last decade, since these higher borrowing costs reflect stronger nominal economic activity. Ultimately, the true constraint on German yields is not the finances of Southern Europe, but rather the state of economic growth in the Eurozone. Conclusions Related Report  European Investment StrategyThe Lasting Bond Bear Market European yields continue to have significant upside, as we expect European growth to remain stronger than it was last decade even if Italy and Spain will continue to lag behind the rest of Europe. As we observed two weeks ago, Europe is no longer burdened by untimely fiscal austerity. Furthermore, the efforts to decrease the energy dependence on Russia and modernize the European economy will continue to support capex and aggregate demand. The upper band on German yields seems to be around 2%, assuming that Italian and Spanish spreads rise 100bps to 150bps over the coming years. Even the banking sector in the periphery can withstand significant upside in bond yields. BTPs and Bonos represent 11% and 6.8% of the Spanish and Italian financial sectors’ balance sheet, respectively (Chart 13). This is much higher than the role of OATs and Bunds in the French and German financial sectors, but Spanish and Italian banks have much lower NPLs and enjoy much more robust Tier-1 capital ratios than they did a decade ago (Chart 14). As a result, the doom-loop that plagued those economies ten years ago is not as pronounced. In fact, bank lending rates in Italy and Spain are now lower than they are in Germany, which contrasts greatly with the previous decade (Chart 14, bottom panel). Chart 13Exposure To The Home Country Exposure To The Home Country Exposure To The Home Country Chart 14Improved Bank Health In The Periphery Improved Bank Health In The Periphery Improved Bank Health In The Periphery Bottom Line: Bonds around the world and in Europe are massively oversold and are due for a countertrend rally. This pullback in yields, however, will be transitory. Higher trend nominal GDP growth around the world and in Europe indicates that yields have much further to rise over the next five years.   Mathieu Savary, Chief European Strategist Mathieu@bcaresearch.com Tactical Recommendations Cyclical Recommendations Structural Recommendations