Money/Credit/Debt

Highlights Fed: The Fed is embroiled in a debate about whether to move more quickly toward rate hikes. Our expectation is that the Fed will remain relatively dovish unless 5-year/5-year forward inflation expectations show signs of breaking out. We continue to expect liftoff in December 2022. TIPS: We recommend a neutral allocation to long-maturity (10-year+) TIPS versus nominal Treasuries and an underweight allocation to short-maturity TIPS versus nominal Treasuries. Investors should short 2-year TIPS outright, enter 2/10 inflation curve steepeners and 2/10 real (TIPS) curve flatteners. Corporate Bonds: The amount of debt relative to equity on corporate balance sheets is the lowest it has been in several years. We expect that corporate balance sheet health will start to deteriorate next year as capital spending and debt issuance ramp up. However, it will be some time before balance sheet health threatens higher defaults or wider corporate spreads. Stay overweight spread product in US bond portfolios. Should The Fed Take Out Some Insurance? Inflation has arrived much earlier in the cycle than usual and it has put the Fed in a tough spot. The so-called Misery Index – the sum of the unemployment and inflation rates – has moved in the wrong direction this year (Chart 1), and there is increasing disagreement about how the Fed should respond. Chart 1A Setback For The Fed A Setback For The Fed A Setback For The Fed The Case For Buying Insurance On the one hand, some people – both inside and outside the FOMC – are calling for the Fed to move more quickly toward tightening. One notable external voice is the former Chair of the Council of Economic Advisers Jason Furman who just published a report calling for the Fed to speed up the pace of tapering so that it can prepare markets for rate hikes starting in the first half of 2022.1 Such a policy shift would significantly impact bond markets, which are currently priced for Fed liftoff to occur at the July 2022 FOMC meeting and for 69 bps of rate hikes in total by the end of 2022 (Chart 2). This equates to 100% odds of two 25 basis point rate hikes in 2022, with a 92% chance of a third. Chart 22022 Rate Expectations 2022 Rate Expectations 2022 Rate Expectations Furman makes the point that the Fed has already achieved its new Flexible Average Inflation Target (FAIT). The PCE deflator has averaged more than 2% annual growth since the target was adopted in August 2020 and even since just before the pandemic (Chart 3). Inflation has still averaged only 1.7% annual growth during the post-Great Financial Crisis period, but FOMC participants have generally focused on shorter look-back periods when discussing the FAIT framework. Chart 3The Fed's Flexible Average Inflation Target In Action The Fed's Flexible Average Inflation Target In Action The Fed's Flexible Average Inflation Target In Action In addition to its FAIT framework, the Fed has articulated a three-pronged test for when it will lift rates. The Fed has promised to only lift rates once (i) PCE inflation is above 2%, (ii) PCE inflation is expected to remain above 2% for some time and (iii) labor market conditions have reached levels consistent with “maximum employment”. Furman argues that the Fed should abandon this three-pronged liftoff test on the grounds that it leaves no room for assessing how far inflation is from its goal. For example, Furman says that if we take the Fed’s guidance literally then “it would not lift rates in the face of a 10 percent inflation rate if the unemployment rate was even 0.2 percentage points above its full employment level.” Chart 4Short-term Inflation Expectations Short-term Inflation Expectations Short-term Inflation Expectations Effectively, Furman is arguing for the Fed to take out some insurance against the risk of long-lasting inflationary pressures. Inflation is high right now. It may come back down naturally, but it may not. Furman argues that it makes sense for the Fed to marginally tighten policy in the meantime to lessen the risk of falling behind the curve and having to play catch-up. Fed Governor Christopher Waller seems to agree with most of Furman’s arguments. Waller also argued for speeding up the pace of tapering in a recent speech, and while he didn’t go so far as to say that the Fed should abandon its maximum employment test for liftoff, he implied that his personal definition of “maximum employment” could be achieved very soon.2 Waller said that after “adjusting for early retirements, we are only 2 million jobs short of where we were in February 2020”. This would suggest that just four more months of +500k employment gains, like we saw in October, would be enough for Waller to argue for rate increases. In his speech, Waller also mentioned the risk he sees from rising inflation expectations. He specifically pointed to elevated readings from the 5-year TIPS breakeven inflation rate, the New York Fed Survey of Consumers’ 3-year expectation, and the University of Michigan Survey’s 1-year expectation (Chart 4). Waller cautioned that: [I]f these measures were to continue moving upward, I would become concerned that expectations would lead households to demand higher wages to compensate for expected inflation, which could raise inflation in the near term and keep it elevated for some time. This possibility is a risk to the inflation outlook that I’m watching carefully. The Case Against Insurance    San Francisco Fed President Mary Daly sits on the other side of the argument. She argued against the Fed taking preemptive action to tame inflation in a recent speech.3  Her main argument is that rate hikes would do little to lower inflation in the near-term and may end up harming the economy down the road: Chart 5Long-term Inflation Expectations Long-term Inflation Expectations Long-term Inflation Expectations Monetary policy is a blunt tool that acts with a considerable lag. So, raising rates today would do little to increase production, fix supply chains, or stop consumers from spending more on goods than on services. But it would curb demand 12 to 18 months from now. Should current high inflation readings and worker shortages turn out to be COVID-related and transitory, higher interest rates would bridle growth, slow recovery in the labor market and unnecessarily sideline millions of workers. Like Waller, Daly also pointed to possible risks from rising inflation expectations. If the high readings on inflation last long enough, they could seep into our psychology and change our expectations about future inflation. Households would then expect prices to keep rising and ask for higher wages to offset that. Businesses, of course, would pass those increases on to consumers in the form of higher prices, causing workers to ask for even higher wages. And on it would go, in a vicious wage-price spiral that would end well for no one. However, unlike Waller, Daly said that “there is little evidence” that such an expectations-driven spiral is starting to take hold. To make her point, Daly stressed that long-term inflation expectations remain well-anchored near levels consistent with the Fed’s target. This is certainly true. Five-to-ten year ahead inflation expectations, whether from survey responses or derived from TIPS prices, have been remarkably stable during inflation’s recent surge (Chart 5). This would seem to suggest that people generally believe that current high inflation will fade over time, and that the Fed’s medium-term inflation target is not at risk. The BCA View Our sense is that there are a number of FOMC participants in both the hawkish and dovish camps. But for the time being, the fact that 5-year/5-year forward inflation expectations remain well-anchored tips the scale in favor of the doves. As a result, the Fed will watch the incoming data as it tapers asset purchases between now and June. If 5-year/5-year forward inflation expectations remain stable during that period, the Fed will wait until its “maximum employment” goal is met before lifting rates. However, if the 5-year/5-year forward TIPS breakeven inflation rate rises above 2.5%, the doves will capitulate and abandon the “maximum employment” liftoff target. The committee will move quickly toward tightening to stave off the sort of wage/price spiral described by both Waller and Daly. Our own view is that realized inflation will trend lower between now and next June. This will prevent 5-year/5-year forward inflation expectations from rising and will push down shorter-dated inflation expectations. As a result, the Fed will wait until its “maximum employment” target is met before lifting rates. We continue to think the first rate hike is most likely to occur at the December 2022 FOMC meeting, slightly later than what is currently priced in the market. On Inflation And TIPS Valuation We continue to recommend a neutral allocation to long-maturity (10-year+) TIPS versus nominal Treasuries. While there is a risk that a lengthy period of high inflation will eventually lead to a break-out in long-maturity TIPS breakeven inflation rates, that risk must be weighed against the fact that our TIPS Breakeven Valuation Indicator shows that the 10-year TIPS breakeven inflation rate is too high relative to different measures of underlying inflation (Chart 6). Chart 6TIPS Are Expensive Relative To Nominals TIPS Are Expensive Relative To Nominals TIPS Are Expensive Relative To Nominals Our TIPS Breakeven Valuation Indicator has a strong track record, with readings between -1 and -0.5 usually coinciding with a subsequent drop in the 10-year TIPS breakeven inflation rate (Table 1). Table 1TIPS Valuation Indicator Track Record The Fed’s Inflation Problem The Fed’s Inflation Problem Moreover, we continue to think that inflation is very likely to trend down during the next 6-12 months. The most important driver of today’s high inflation rate has been a remarkable surge in core goods inflation, from near 0% prior to the pandemic to 8.5% today (Chart 7). This jump in core goods prices is explained by a shift in the composition of consumer spending away from services and toward goods (Chart 8). This shift started during the worst of the pandemic when spending on services was not an option. Households diverted their spending toward goods at a time when COVID prevented factories from running at full capacity. Chart 7Goods Inflation Goods Inflation Goods Inflation Chart 8Consumer Spending: Goods v. Services Consumer Spending: Goods v. Services Consumer Spending: Goods v. Services Our sense is that as the impact of the pandemic fades, we will see the composition of spending shift back toward services and firms will also be able to increase capacity. The result will be a drop in core goods inflation during the next 6-12 months, one that is significant enough to send the overall inflation rate lower. In fact, there are already signs that inflation is close to peaking. The Baltic Dry Index – an index that measures the cost of transporting raw materials – has plunged (Chart 9), and other measures of the price of shipping containers are starting to top out (Chart 9, bottom 2 panels). All of these indicators tracked inflation’s recent rise and are now signaling an easing of bottlenecks in the goods supply chain. The upshot from an investment perspective is that falling inflation will keep a lid on long-maturity TIPS breakeven inflation rates during the next 6-12 months. It will also send short-maturity TIPS breakeven inflation rates lower, and we recommend an underweight allocation to TIPS versus nominal Treasuries at the front-end of the curve. The top panel of Chart 10 shows that the 2-year TIPS breakeven inflation rate has greatly exceeded the Fed’s target range. In contrast, the 10-year TIPS breakeven inflation rate is only slightly above target. If we assume a base case scenario where both rates trend toward the middle of the Fed’s target range during the next 12 months, and a base case scenario for nominal yields consistent with the Fed lifting rates in December 2022 and then hiking at a pace of 100 bps per year until reaching a 2.08% terminal rate (Chart 10, bottom panel), we see that the 2-year real yield has a lot of upside during the next 12 months (Chart 10, panel 2). This is true both in absolute terms and relative to the 10-year real yield. Chart 9Peak Shipping Costs Peak Shipping Costs Peak Shipping Costs Chart 10The Upside In Real Yields The Upside In Real Yields The Upside In Real Yields As a result, our view that inflationary pressures will ease during the next 6-12 months leads to the following investment recommendations: Short 2-year TIPS outright Enter 2/10 TIPS breakeven inflation curve steepeners Enter 2/10 real (TIPS) yield curve flatteners Corporate Balance Sheets Are In Great Shape Gross corporate leverage – the ratio of total corporate debt to pre-tax profits – has plunged during the past few quarters. This indicator is the backbone of our macro default rate model and, as such, its drop explains why there have been so few corporate defaults this year.4 Digging beneath the surface, we see that a great deal of leverage’s decline is explained by soaring profit growth, but a sharp drop in debt growth is also partly to blame (Chart 11). If we broaden our scope of corporate balance sheet indicators, the evidence further points to the fact that balance sheets are in great shape. Our Corporate Health Monitor – a composite indicator consisting of six different balance sheet metrics – is deep in “improving health” territory, aided by extremely high readings from the Free Cash Flow-to-Total Debt and Interest Coverage ratios (Chart 12). Chart 11Gross Leverage Is Falling Gross Leverage Is Falling Gross Leverage Is Falling Chart 12Corporate Health Monitor Corporate Health Monitor Corporate Health Monitor One thing that seems certain is that corporate profits will not continue to grow by more than 50%, as they did during the past four quarters. As such, we hesitate to make too big a deal out of balance sheet ratios that are directly tied to profit growth. However, even if we look at different measures of the amount of debt versus equity on corporate balance sheets, we arrive at the same conclusion that balance sheets are extremely healthy. The top panel of Chart 13 shows the ratio between total corporate debt and the market value of equity. This ratio is at its all-time low, but one could argue that it is being inappropriately flattered by elevated stock valuations. If we look at the ratio of total debt-to-net worth, where net worth is the difference between assets and liabilities with real estate assets valued at market value and non-real estate assets valued at replacement value, we also see a significant improvement and the lowest ratio since 2010 (Chart 13, panel 2). Finally, we also find the lowest ratio of debt-to-net worth since 2013 even if we value all non-financial corporate assets at historical cost (Chart 13, bottom panel). In other words, the message is clear. Corporate balance sheets have repaired themselves considerably since the pandemic and leverage ratios are the lowest they’ve been in years. This fact has not gone unnoticed by ratings agencies who’ve announced far more upgrades than downgrades so far this year (Chart 14). Chart 13Leverage Ratios Leverage Ratios Leverage Ratios Chart 14Upgrades Much Higher Than Downgrades Upgrades Much Higher Than Downgrades Upgrades Much Higher Than Downgrades What about the path forward for balance sheets? Our view is that balance sheet health will stop improving at the margin, but that it still has a long way to go before it poses a risk for defaults or corporate bond spreads. The recent spike in profit growth will recede in the coming quarters. This sort of large jump in profits following a recession is fairly typical, but it also tends to be short-lived (Chart 11, panel 2). Further, while corporate debt growth probably won’t surge next year it is likely that it will start to increase. At present, slow corporate debt growth is explained by the fact that company earnings have far outpaced capital investment requirements (Chart 15). This is partly because earnings have been strong and partly because capex requirements have been low. This is about to change. Inventory-to-sales ratios are near record lows and we have already seen a jump in core durable goods orders. All of this points to a capex resurgence in 2022 that will be partially financed by rising corporate debt. Chart 15Debt Growth Will Rise In 2022 Debt Growth Will Rise In 2022 Debt Growth Will Rise In 2022 Bottom Line: The amount of debt relative to equity on corporate balance sheets is the lowest it has been in several years. We expect that corporate balance sheet health will start to deteriorate next year as capital spending and debt issuance ramp up. However, it will be some time before balance sheet health threatens higher defaults or wider corporate spreads. Stay overweight spread product in US bond portfolios.   Ryan Swift US Bond Strategist rswift@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 https://www.piie.com/sites/default/files/documents/furman-2021-11-17.pdf 2 https://www.federalreserve.gov/newsevents/speech/waller20211119a.htm 3 https://www.frbsf.org/our-district/press/presidents-speeches/mary-c-daly/2021/november/policymaking-in-a-time-of-uncertainty/ 4 For more details on our Default Rate Model please see US Bond Strategy Weekly Report, “The Post-FOMC Credit Environment”, dated June 29, 2021. Recommended Portfolio Specification Other Recommendations Treasury Index Returns Spread Product Returns

Highlights Geopolitical conflicts point to energy price spikes and could add to inflation surprises in the near term. However, US fiscal drag and China’s economic slowdown are both disinflationary risks to be aware of.  Specifically, energy-producers like Russia and Iran gain greater leverage amid energy shortages. Europe’s natural gas prices could spike again. Conflict in the Middle East could disrupt oil flows.    President Biden’s $1.75 trillion social spending bill is a litmus test for fiscal fatigue in developed markets. It could fail, and even assuming it passes it will not prevent overall fiscal drag in 2022-23. However, it is inflationary over the long run. China’s slowdown poses the chief disinflationary risk. But we still think policy will ease to avoid an economic crash ahead of the fall 2022 national party congress.  We are closing this year’s long value / short growth trade for a loss of 3.75%. Cyclical sectors ended up being a better way to play the reopening trade. Feature Equity markets rallied in recent weeks despite sharp upward moves in core inflation across the world (Chart 1). Inflation is fast becoming a popular concern and we see geopolitical risks that could drive headline inflation still higher in the short run. We also see underrated disinflationary factors, namely China’s property sector distress and economic slowdown.     Several major developments have occurred in recent weeks that we will cover in this report. Our conclusions: Biden’s domestic agenda will pass but risks are high and macro impact is limited. Congress passed Biden’s infrastructure deal and will probably still pass his signature social spending bill, although inflation is creating pushback. Together these bills have little impact on the budget deficit outlook but they will add to inflationary pressures.  Energy shortages embolden Russia and Iran. Winter weather is unpredictable, the energy crisis may not be over. But investors are underrating Russia’s aggressive posture toward the West. Any conflict with Iran could also cause oil disruptions in the near future. US-China relations may improve but not for long. A bilateral summit between Presidents Joe Biden and Xi Jinping will not reduce tensions for very long, if at all. Climate change cooperation is an insufficient basis to reverse the cold war-style confrontation over the long run. Chart 1Inflation Rattles Policymakers Inflation Rattles Policymakers Inflation Rattles Policymakers The investment takeaway is that geopolitical tensions could push energy prices still higher in the short term. Iran and Russia need to be monitored. However, China’s economic slowdown will weigh on growth. China poses an underrated disinflationary risk to our views. US Congress: Bellwether For Fiscal Fatigue While inflation is starting to trouble households and voters, investors should bear in mind that the current set of politicians have long aimed to generate an inflation overshoot. They spent the previous decade in fear of deflation, since it generated anti-establishment or populist parties that threatened to disrupt the political system. They quietly built up an institutional consensus around more robust fiscal policy and monetary-fiscal coordination. Now they are seeing that agenda succeed but are facing the first major hurdle in the form of higher prices. They will not simply cut and run. Inflation is accompanied by rising wages, which today’s leaders want to see – almost all of them have promised households a greater share of the fruits of their labor, in keeping with the new, pro-worker, populist zeitgeist. Real wages are growing at 1.1% in the US and 0.9% across the G7 (Chart 2). Even more than central bankers, political leaders are focused on jobs and employment, i.e. voters. Yet the labor market still has considerable slack (Chart 3). Almost all of the major western governments have been politically recapitalized since the pandemic, either through elections or new coalitions. Almost all of them were elected on promises of robust public investment programs to “build back better,” i.e. create jobs, build infrastructure, revitalize industry, and decarbonize the energy economy. Thus while they are concerned about inflation, they will leave that to central banks, as they will be loathe to abandon their grand investment plans.  Chart 2Higher Wages: Real Or Nominal? Higher Wages: Real Or Nominal? Higher Wages: Real Or Nominal? Still, there will be a breaking point at which inflation forces governments to put their spending plans on hold. The US Congress is the immediate test of whether today’s inflation will trigger fiscal fatigue and force a course correction.      Chart 3Policymakers Fear Populism, Focus On Employment Policymakers Fear Populism, Focus On Employment Policymakers Fear Populism, Focus On Employment President Biden’s $550 billion infrastructure bill passed Congress last week and will be signed into law around November 15. Now he is worried that his signature $1.75 trillion social spending bill will falter due to inflation fears. He cannot spare a single vote in the Senate (and only three votes in the House of Representatives). Odds that the bill fails are about 35%. Democratic Party leaders will not abandon the cause due to recent inflation prints. They see a once-in-a-generation opportunity to expand the role of government, the social safety net, and the interests of their constituents. If they miss this chance due to inflation that ends up being transitory then they will lose the enthusiastic left wing of the party and suffer a devastating loss in next year’s midterm elections, in which they are already at a disadvantage.   Biden’s social bill is also likely to pass because the budget reconciliation process necessary to pass the bill is the same process needed to raise the national debt limit by December 3. A linkage of the two by party leaders would ensure that both pass … and otherwise Democrats risk self-inflicting a national debt default. The reconciliation bill is more about long-term than short-term inflation risk. The bill does not look to have a substantial impact on the budget outlook: the new spending is partially offset by new taxes and spread out over ten years. The various legislative scenarios look virtually the same in our back-of-the-envelope budget projections (Chart 4). Chart 4 However, given that the output gap is virtually closed, this bill combined with the infrastructure bill will add to inflationary pressures. The fiscal drag will diminish by 2024, not coincidentally the presidential election year 2024, not coincidentally the presidential election year. The deficit is not expected to increase or decrease substantially between 2023 and 2024. From then onward the budget deficit will expand. The increased government demand for goods and services and the increased disposable income for low-earning families will add to inflationary pressures. Other developed markets face a similar situation: inflation is picking up, but big spending has been promised and normalizing budgets will marginally weigh on growth in the next few years (Chart 5). True, growth should hold up since the private economy is rebounding in the wake of the pandemic. But politicians will not be inclined to renege on campaign promises of liberal spending in the face of fiscal drag. The current crop of leaders is primed to make major public investments. This is true of Germany, Japan, Canada, and Italy as well as the United States. It is partly true in France, where fiscal retrenchment has been put on hold given the presidential election in the spring. The effect will be inflationary, especially for the US where populist spending is more extravagant than elsewhere. Chart 5 The long run will depend on structural factors and how much the new investments improve productivity. Bottom Line: A single vote in the US Senate could derail the president’s social spending bill, so the US is now the bellwether for fiscal fatigue in the developed world. Biden is likely to pass the bill, as global fiscal drag is disinflationary over the next 12 months. Yet inflation could stay elevated for other reasons. And this fiscal drag will dissipate later in the business cycle. Russia And Iran Gain Leverage Amid Energy Crunch The global energy price spike arose from a combination of structural factors – namely the pandemic and stimulus. It has abated in recent weeks but will remain a latent problem through the winter season, especially if La Niña makes temperatures unusually cold as expected. Rising energy prices feed into general producer prices, which are being passed onto consumers (Chart 6). They look to be moderating but the weather is unpredictable.   There is another reason that near-term energy prices could spike or stay elevated: geopolitics. Tight global energy supply-demand balances mean that there is little margin of safety if unexpected supply disruptions occur. This gives greater leverage to energy producers, two of which are especially relevant at the moment: Russia and Iran.      Russia’s long-running conflict with the West is heating up on several fronts, as expected. Russia may not have caused the European energy crisis but it is exacerbating shortages by restricting flows of natural gas for political reasons, as it is wont to do (Chart 7). Moscow always maintains plausible deniability but it is currently flexing its energy muscles in several areas: Chart 6Energy Price Depends On Winter ... And Russia/Iran! Energy Price Depends On Winter ... And Russia/Iran! Energy Price Depends On Winter ... And Russia/Iran! Ukraine: Russia has avoided filling up and fully utilizing pipelines and storage facilities in Ukraine, where the US is now warning that Russia could stage a large military action in retaliation for Ukrainian drone strikes in the still-simmering Russia-Ukraine war.    Belarus: Russia says it will not increase the gas flow through the major Yamal-Europe natural gas pipeline in 2022 even as Belarus threatens to halt the pipeline’s operation entirely. Belarus, backed by Russia, is locked in a conflict with Poland and the EU over Belarus’s funneling of migrants into their territory (Chart 8). The conflict could lead not only to energy supply disruptions but also to a broader closure of trade and a military standoff.1 Russia has flown two Tu-160 nuclear-armed bombers over Belarus and the border area in a sign of support. Moldova: Russia is withholding natural gas to pressure the new, pro-EU Moldovan government. Chart 7 Chart 8 Russia’s main motive is obvious: it wants Germany and the EU to approve and certify the new Nord Stream II pipeline. Nord Stream II enables Germany and Russia to bypass Ukraine, where pipeline politics raise the risk of shortages and wars. Lame duck German Chancellor Angela Merkel worked with Russia to complete this pipeline before the end of her term, convincing the Biden administration to issue a waiver on congressional sanctions that could have halted its construction. However, two of the parties in the incoming German government, the Greens and the Free Democrats, oppose the pipeline. While these parties may not have been able to stop the pipeline from operating, Russia does not want to take any chances and is trying to force Germany’s and the EU’s hand. The energy crisis makes it more likely that the pipeline will be approved, since the European Commission will have to make its decision during a period when cold weather and shortages will make it politically acceptable to certify the pipeline.2 The decision will further drive a wedge between Germany and eastern EU members, which is what Russia wants. EU natural gas prices will likely subside sometime next year and will probably not derail the economic recovery, according to both our commodity and Europe strategists. A bigger and longer-lasting Russian energy squeeze would emerge if the Nord Stream II pipeline is not certified. This is a low risk at this point but the next six months could bring surprises. More broadly, the West’s conflict with Russia can easily escalate from here. First, President Vladimir Putin faces economic challenges and weak political support. He frequently diverts popular attention by staging aggressive moves abroad. There is no reason to believe his post-2004 strategy of restoring Russia’s sphere of influence in the former Soviet space has changed. High energy prices give him greater leverage even aside from pipeline coercion – so it is not surprising that Russia is moving troops to the Ukraine border again. Growing military support for Belarus, or an expanded conflict in Ukraine, are likely to create a crisis now or later.   Second, the US-Germany agreement to allow Nord Stream II explicitly states that Russia must not weaponize natural gas supply. This statement has had zero effect so far. But when the energy shortage subsides, the EU could pursue retaliatory measures along with the United States. Of course, Russia has been able to weather sanctions. But tensions are already escalating significantly.  After Russia, Iran also gains leverage during times of tight energy supplies. With global oil inventories drawing down, Iran is in the position to inflict “maximum pressure” on the US and its allies, a role reversal from the 2017-20 period in which large inventories enabled the US to impose crippling sanctions on Iran after pulling out of the 2015 nuclear deal (Chart 9). Iran is rapidly advancing on its nuclear program and a new round of diplomatic negotiations may only serve to buy time before it crosses the “breakout” threshold of uranium enrichment capability as early as this month or next. In a recent special report we argued that there is a 40% chance of a crisis over Iran in the Middle East. Such a crisis could ultimately lead to an oil shock in the Persian Gulf or Strait of Hormuz.  Chart 9Now Iran Can Use 'Maximum Pressure' Now Iran Can Use 'Maximum Pressure' Now Iran Can Use 'Maximum Pressure' Bottom Line: Russia’s natural gas coercion of Europe could keep European energy prices high through March or May. More broadly Russia’s renewed tensions with the West confirm our view that oil producers gain geopolitical leverage amid the current supply shortages. Iran also gains leverage and its conflict with the US could lead to global oil supply disruptions anytime over the next 12 months. Until Nord Stream II is certified and a new Iranian nuclear agreement is signed, there are two clear sources of potential energy shocks. Moreover in today’s inflationary context there is limited margin of safety for unexpected supply disruptions regardless of source. Xi’s Historical Rewrite China continues to be a major source of risk for the global economy and financial markets in the lead-up to the twentieth national party congress in fall 2022. While Chinese assets have sold off this year, global risk assets are still vulnerable to negative surprises from China.  The five-year political reshuffle in 2022 is more important than usual since President Xi Jinping was originally supposed to step down but will instead stick around as leader for life, like China’s previous strongmen Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping.3 Xi’s rejection of term limits became clear in 2017 and is not really news. But Xi will fortify himself and his faction in 2022 against any opposition whatsoever. He is extremely vigilant about any threats that could disrupt this process, whether at home or abroad.  The Communist Party’s sixth plenary session this week highlights both Xi’s success within the Communist Party and the sensitivity of the period. Xi produced a new “historical resolution,” or interpretation of the party’s history, which is only the third such resolution. A few remarks on this historical resolution are pertinent: Mao’s resolution: Chairman Mao wrote the first such resolution in 1945 to lay down his version of the party’s history and solidify his personal control. It is naturally a revolutionary leftist document. Deng’s revision of Mao: General Deng Xiaoping then produced a major revision in 1981, shortly after initiating China’s economic opening and reform. Deng’s interpretation aimed to hold Mao accountable for “gross mistakes” during the Cultural Revolution and yet to recognize the Communist Party’s positive achievements in founding the People’s Republic. His version gave credit to the party and collective leadership rather than Mao’s personal rule. Two 30-year periods: The implication was that the party’s history should be divided into two thirty-year periods: the period of foundations and conflict with Mao as the party’s core and the period of improvement and prosperity with Deng as the core. Jiang’s support of Deng: Deng’s telling came under scrutiny from new leftists in the wake of Tiananmen Square incident in 1989. But General Secretary Jiang Zemin largely held to Deng’s version of the story that the days of reform and opening were a far better example of the party’s leadership because they were so much more stable and prosperous.4 Xi’s reaction to Jiang and Deng: Since coming to power in 2012, Xi Jinping has shown an interest in revising the party’s official interpretation of its own history. The central claim of the revisionists is that China could never have achieved its economic success if not for Mao’s strongman rule. Mao’s rule and the Communist Party’s central control thus regain their centrality to modern China’s story. China’s prosperity owes its existence to these primary political conditions. The two periods cannot be separated.  Xi’s synthesis of Deng and Mao: Now Xi has written himself into that history above all other figures – indeed the communique from the Sixth Plenum mentions Xi more often than Marx, Mao, or Deng (Chart 10). The implication is that Xi is the synthesis of Mao and Deng, as we argued back in 2017 at the end of the nineteenth national party congress. The synthesis consists of a strongman who nevertheless maintains a vibrant economy for strategic ends. Chart 10 What are the practical policy implications of this history lesson? Higher Country Risk: China’s revival of personal rule, as opposed to consensus rule, marks a permanent increase in “country risk” and political risk for investors. Autocratic governments lack institutional guardrails (checks and balances) that prevent drastic policy mistakes. When Xi tries to step down there will probably be a succession crisis. Higher Macroeconomic Risk: China is more likely to get stuck in the “middle-income trap.” Liberal or pro-market economic reform is de-emphasized both in the new historical resolution and in the Xi administration’s broader program. Centralization is already suppressing animal spirits, entrepreneurship, and the private sector.  Higher Geopolitical Risk: The return to autocracy and the withdrawal from economic liberalism also entail a conflict with the United States, which is still the world’s largest economy and most powerful military. The US is not what it once was but it will put pressure on China’s economy and build alliances aimed at strategic containment. Bottom Line: China is trying to escape the middle-income trap, like Taiwan, Japan, and South Korea, but it is trying to do so by means of autocracy, import substitution, and conflict with the United States. These other Asian economies improved productivity by democratizing, embracing globalization, and maintaining a special relationship with the United States. China’s odds of succeeding are low. China will focus on power consolidation through fall 2022 and this will lead to negative surprises for financial markets.    China Slowdown: The Disinflationary Risk While it is very unlikely that Xi will face serious challenges to his rule, strange things can happen at critical junctures. Therefore the regime will be extremely alert for any threats, foreign or domestic, and will ultimately prioritize politics above all other things, which means investors will suffer negative surprises. The lingering pandemic still poses an inflationary risk for the rest of the world while the other main risk is disinflationary:    Inflationary Risk – Zero COVID: The “Covid Zero” policy of attempting to stamp out any trace of the virus will still be relevant at least over the next 12 months (Chart 11). Clampdowns serve a dual purpose since the Xi administration wants to minimize foreign interference and domestic dissent before the party congress. Hence the global economy can suffer more negative supply shocks if ports or factories are closed.  Inflationary Risk – Energy Closures: The government is rationing electricity amid energy shortages to prioritize household heating and essential services. This could hurt factory output over the winter if the weather is bad. Disinflationary Risk – Property Bust: The country is still flirting with overtightening monetary, fiscal, and regulatory policies. Throughout the year we have argued that authorities would avoid overtightening. But China is still very much in a danger zone in which policy mistakes could be made. Recent rumors suggest the government is trying to “correct the overcorrection” of regulatory policy. The government is reportedly mulling measures to relax the curbs on the property sector. We are inclined to agree but there is no sign yet that markets are responding, judging by corporate defaults and the crunch in financial conditions (Chart 12). Chart 11 Chart 12China Has Not Contained Property Turmoil China Has Not Contained Property Turmoil China Has Not Contained Property Turmoil Evergrande, the world’s most indebted property developer, is still hobbling along, but its troubles are not over. There are signs of contagion among other developers, including state-owned enterprises, that cannot meet the government’s “three red lines.” 5 Credit growth has now broken beneath the government’s target range of 12%, though money growth has bounced off the lower 8% limit set for this year (Chart 13). China is dangerously close to overtightening.   China’s economic slowdown has not yet been fully felt in the global economy based on China’s import volumes, which are tightly linked to the combined credit-and-fiscal-spending impulse (Chart 14). The implication is that recent pullbacks in industrial metal prices and commodity indexes will continue. Chart 13China Tries To Avoid Over-Tightening China Tries To Avoid Over-Tightening China Tries To Avoid Over-Tightening Chart 14China Slowdown Not Yet Fully Felt China Slowdown Not Yet Fully Felt China Slowdown Not Yet Fully Felt ​​​​​​​Until China eases policy more substantially, it poses a disinflationary risk and a strong point in favor of the transitory view of global inflation.    It is difficult for China to ease policy – let alone stimulate – when producer prices are so high (see Chart 6 above). The result is a dangerous quandary in which the government’s regulatory crackdowns are triggering a property bust yet the government is prevented from providing the usual policy support as the going gets tough. Asset prices and broader risk sentiment could go into free fall. However, the party has a powerful incentive to prevent a generalized crisis ahead of the party congress. So we are inclined to accept signs that property curbs and other policies will be eased. Bottom Line: The full disinflationary impact of China’s financial turmoil and economic slowdown has yet to be felt globally.     Biden-Xi Summit Not A Game Changer As long as inflation prevents robust monetary and fiscal easing, Beijing is incentivized to improve sentiment in other ways. One way is to back away from the regulatory crackdown in other sectors, such as Big Tech. The other is to improve relations with the United States. A stabilization of US ties would be useful before the party congress since President Xi would prefer not to have the US interfering in China’s internal affairs during such a critical hour. No surprise that China is showing signs of trying to stabilize the relationship.   The US is apparently reciprocating. Presidents Biden and Xi also agreed to hold a virtual bilateral summit next week, which could lead to a new series of talks. The US Trade Representative also plans to restart trade negotiations. The plan is to enforce the Phase One trade deal, issue waivers for tariffs that hurt US companies, and pursue new talks over outstanding structural disputes. The Phase One trade deal has fallen far short of its goals in general but on the energy front it is doing well. China will continue importing US commodities amid global shortages (Chart 15). Chart 15 Chart 15 The summit alone will have a limited impact. Biden had a summit with Putin earlier this year but relations could deteriorate tomorrow over cyber-attacks, Ukraine, or Belarus. However, there is some basis for the US and China to cooperate next year: Iran. Xi is consolidating power at home in 2022 and probably wants to use negotiations to keep the Americans at bay. Biden is pivoting to foreign policy in 2022, since Congress will not get anything done, and will primarily focus on halting Iran’s nuclear program. If China assists the US with Iran, then there is a basis for a reduction in tensions. The problem is not only Iran itself but also that China will not jump to enforce sanctions on Iran amid energy shortages. And China is not about to make sweeping structural economic concessions to the US as the Xi administration doubles down on state-guided industrial policy. Meanwhile the US is pursuing a long-term policy of strategic containment and Biden will not want to be seen as appeasing China ahead of midterm elections, especially given Xi’s reversion to autocracy. What about cooperation on climate change? The US and China also delivered a surprise joint statement at the United Nations climate change conference in Scotland (COP26), confirming the widely held expectation that climate policy is an area of engagement. These powers and Europe have a strategic interest in reducing dependency on Middle Eastern oil (Chart 16). Climate talks will begin in the first half of next year. However, climate cooperation is not significant enough alone to outweigh the deeper conflicts between the US and China. Moreover climate policy itself is somewhat antagonistic, as the EU and US are looking at applying “carbon adjustment fees” to carbon-intensive imports, e.g. iron and steel exports from China and other high-polluting producers (Chart 17). While the EU and US are not on the same page yet, and these carbon tariffs are far from implementation, the emergence of green protectionism does not bode well for US-China relations even aside from their fundamental political and military disputes. Chart 16 Bottom Line: Some short-term stabilization of US-China relations is possible but not guaranteed. Markets will cheer if it happens but the effect will be fleeting. Chinese assets are still extremely vulnerable to political and geopolitical risks.   Chart 17 Investment Takeaways Gold can still go higher. Financial markets are pricing higher inflation and weak real rates. Gold has been our chief trade to prepare both for higher inflation and geopolitical risk. We are closing our long value / growth equity trade for a loss of 3.75%. We are maintaining our long DM Europe / short EM Europe trade. This trade has performed poorly due to the rally in energy prices and hence Russian equities. But while energy prices may overshoot in the near term, investors will flee Russian equities as geopolitical risks materialize. We are maintaining our long Korea / short Taiwan trade despite its being deeply in the red. This trade is valid over a strategic or long-term time horizon, in which a major geopolitical crisis and/or war is likely. Our expectation that China will ease policy to stabilize the economy ahead of fall 2022 should support Korean equities.   Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com       Footnotes 1     Over the past year President Alexander Lukashenko’s repression of domestic unrest prompted the EU to impose sanctions. Lukashenko responded by organizing an immigration scheme in which Middle Eastern migrants are flown into Belarus and funneled into the EU via Poland. The EU is threatening to expand sanctions while Belarus is threatening to cut off the Yamal-Europe pipeline amid Europe’s energy crisis. See Pavel Felgenhauer, “Belarus as Latest Front in Acute East-West Standoff,” Jamestown Foundation, November 11, 2021, Jamestown.org. 2     Both Germany and the EU must approve of Nord Stream II for it to enter into operation. The German Federal Network Agency has until January 8, 2022 to certify the project. The Economy Ministry has already given the green light. Then the European Commission has two-to-four months to respond. The EU is supposed to consider whether the pipeline meets the EU’s requirement that gas transport be “unbundled” or separated from gas production and sales. This is a higher hurdle but Germany’s clout will be felt. Hence final approval could come by March 8 or May 8, 2022. The energy crisis will put pressure for an early certification but the EU Commission may take the full time to pretend that it is not being blackmailed. See Joseph Nasr and Christoph Steitz, “Certifying Nord Stream 2 poses no threat to gas supply to EU – Germany,” Reuters, October 26, 2021, reuters.com. 3    Xi is not serving for an “unprecedented third term,” as the mainstream media keeps reporting. China’s top office is not constant nor were term limits ever firmly established. Each leader’s reign should be measured by their effective control rather than technical terms in office. Mao reigned for 27 years (1949-76), Deng for 14 years or more (1978-92), Jiang Zemin for 10 years (1992-2002), and Hu Jintao for 10 years (2002-2012).  4    See Joseph Fewsmith, “Mao’s Shadow” Hoover Institution, China Leadership Monitor 43 (2014), and “The 19th Party Congress: Ringing In Xi Jinping’s New Age,” Hoover Institution, China Leadership Monitor 55 (2018), hoover.org.  5    Liability-to-asset ratios less than 70%, debt-to-equity less than 100%, and cash-to-short-term-debt ratios of more than 1.0x.   Strategic View Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Open Trades & Positions  Image

Dear client, This week, we are introducing our new “Currency Month-In-Review” report. The new format should dovetail nicely with the historical back sections you have become accustomed to, but with a more holistic approach to interpreting data releases, along with actionable investment advice. We would appreciate any comments, criticisms, and feedback to help us better serve you. Kind regards, The Foreign Exchange Strategy team   Highlights The DXY index has broken above our 95-threshold level. As a momentum currency, the prospect for further gains in the near term are high. That said, we are sticking with our longer-term (12-18 month) bearish view. Most of the catalysts propping the dollar in the near-term should reverse. The Fed will continue to lag the inflation curve, and economic growth will rotate from the US to other economies that are getting their populations vaccinated. Both are dollar bearish. Speculative positioning in the dollar is now approaching extremes. This warns against establishing fresh long positions. Amidst the volatility in currency markets, trading opportunities are emerging. This week, we are initiating a limit-buy on EUR/CHF trade at 1.05. Feature The latest CPI report from the US was strong, taking markets much by surprise. In the currency world, the spread between the 3-month Eurodollar and Euribor interest rate shot up, pushing up the dollar (Chart 1). December 2022 Eurodollar futures are now pricing in a much faster pace of rate hikes than they did earlier this year. This helped cement the dollar as king this year (Chart 2). Chart 1The Dollar And Interest Rates The Dollar And Interest Rates The Dollar And Interest Rates Chart 2AThe Strength In The DXY Is Not Fully Justified By The Economic Picture The Strength In The DXY Is Justified By The Economic Picture The Strength In The DXY Is Justified By The Economic Picture Chart 2BThe Strength In The DXY Is Not Fully Justified By The Economic Picture The Strength In The DXY Is Justified By The Economic Picture The Strength In The DXY Is Justified By The Economic Picture Chart 2CThe Strength In The DXY Is Not Fully Justified By The Economic Picture The Strength In The DXY Is Justified By The Economic Picture The Strength In The DXY Is Justified By The Economic Picture Chart 2DThe Strength In The DXY Is Not Fully Justified By The Economic Picture The Strength In The DXY Is Justified By The Economic Picture The Strength In The DXY Is Justified By The Economic Picture Economic data has also been moving in favor of the US of late. The economic surprise index in the US is at 19, while in the eurozone and Japan, it is at -50 and -73.9, respectively. From a broader perspective, the recovery in the services PMI in the US had been more robust than most other developed economies. That said, there are also signs that US economic momentum is giving way to other countries. The US is likely to be the first country to close its output gap, and commensurately, inflation is surprising to the upside (Chart 3). Wage growth has also inflected higher. This is raising the prospect that inflation might be more of a genuine concern. For many other countries, surging house prices are threatening financial stability. In New Zealand, the central bank now has a mandate to consider house prices when calibrating policy. Chart 3AThe US Is Generating Genuine Inflation. This Is Depressing Real Rates The US Is Generating Genuine Inflation. This Is Depressing Real Rates The US Is Generating Genuine Inflation. This Is Depressing Real Rates Chart 3BThe US Is Generating Genuine Inflation. This Is Depressing Real Rates The US Is Generating Genuine Inflation. This Is Depressing Real Rates The US Is Generating Genuine Inflation. This Is Depressing Real Rates Chart 3CThe US Is Generating Genuine Inflation. This Is Depressing Real Rates The US Is Generating Genuine Inflation. This Is Depressing Real Rates The US Is Generating Genuine Inflation. This Is Depressing Real Rates Chart 3DThe US Is Generating Genuine Inflation. This Is Depressing Real Rates The US Is Generating Genuine Inflation. This Is Depressing Real Rates The US Is Generating Genuine Inflation. This Is Depressing Real Rates The key point is that many central banks have already withdrawn accommodation ahead of the Fed, which puts the recent dollar rally into question. QE has ended in Canada and New Zealand. Norway and New Zealand have hiked interest rates. Forward curves suggest that most central banks should continue to withdraw accommodation. The key question is whether the Fed turns more hawkish that what is already priced in, or disappoints market expectations. We side with the latter. In the meantime, real rates continue to remain deeply negative in the US. With negative real rates and a deteriorating trade balance, the US will need to significantly raise interest rates to attract portfolio investment. For the US, portfolio investment has mostly been in the form of equity purchases rather than bond flows (Chart 4) and Chart 5). But even an increase in the US 10-year yield to 2.25% will keep real interest rates low. In the following sections, we look at the latest economic releases and provide our assessment of the impact going forward on various currencies. Chart 4AThe Fed Could Disappoint Market Expectations The Fed Could Disappoint Market Expectations The Fed Could Disappoint Market Expectations Chart 4BThe Fed Could Disappoint Market Expectations The Fed Could Disappoint Market Expectations The Fed Could Disappoint Market Expectations Chart 4CThe Fed Could Disappoint Market Expectations The Fed Could Disappoint Market Expectations The Fed Could Disappoint Market Expectations Chart 4 Chart 5AThe US Trade Deficit Needs To Be Financed Externally The US Trade Deficit Needs To Be Financed Externally The US Trade Deficit Needs To Be Financed Externally Chart 5BThe US Trade Deficit Needs To Be Financed Externally The US Trade Deficit Needs To Be Financed Externally The US Trade Deficit Needs To Be Financed Externally Chart 5CThe US Trade Deficit Needs To Be Financed Externally The US Trade Deficit Needs To Be Financed Externally The US Trade Deficit Needs To Be Financed Externally Chart 5DThe US Trade Deficit Needs To Be Financed Externally The US Trade Deficit Needs To Be Financed Externally The US Trade Deficit Needs To Be Financed Externally US Dollar The last month has seen US economic data outperform that of its peers. Within the G10, the Citigroup economic surprise index is much higher in the US (+19), than say, the euro area (-50) or Japan (-74). This has supported the DXY, which is up almost 1% over the last month. For risk-management purposes, we are turning neutral on the DXY in the near term, even though our longer-term view remains bearish. The two most important releases in the US over the last month were the jobs report and this week’s CPI report. Nonfarm payrolls increased by 531,000 jobs and unemployment fell to 4.6% in October. This is inching closer to NAIRU. Meanwhile, headline CPI came in at 6.2% year-on-year in September while core inflation came in at 4.9%, the highest for several decades. This is occurring within the context of accelerating wage growth (unit labor costs in the nonfarm business sector surged 8.3% in Q3), higher house prices, and an ebullient stock market, reinforcing the wealth effect.  That said, strong domestic demand in the US will have to trigger a much more hawkish Fed for the dollar to reach escape velocity. This is because it will push real interest rates lower as it inflates the US current account deficit. The trade deficit grew 11.2% in September, the sharpest monthly increase since July of 2020. Equity portfolio flows, which have been sustaining the trade deficit, are softening of late. Bond portfolio flows will need a much weaker dollar, or higher Treasury yields, to accelerate. Against such a backdrop, the Fed recently announced a “dovish taper” by reducing the monthly pace of its asset purchases by $15 billion, with the tapering expected to be completed by mid-2022. No imminent rate hike was signaled. The market is likely to continue to challenge such a dovish stance, which will put near-term upward pressure on the dollar, until inflation eventually rolls over. From a relative standpoint, the Fed is lagging many other major developed market central banks in normalizing monetary policy. We are sticking to our long-term bearish view on the dollar index, but a more proactive Fed is a risk to this view. We are upgrading our near-term outlook on the dollar to neutral.  Chart 6AUS Dollar US Dollar US Dollar Chart 6BUS Dollar US Dollar US Dollar Euro The euro has been breaking down in recent sessions and is the main cause of the surge in the DXY index. The euro is down 0.7% over the last month and is currently at 1.145. The key catalyst for the weakness in the euro is the perception that the ECB will severely lag the Fed in normalizing policy settings. This is occurring within the context of surging inflation in the euro area. Headline CPI came in at 4.1% in October, above expectations of 3.7% and well above September’s 3.4% print. The is dampening real rates in the entire eurozone. On the flip side, there is credence to the ECB’s dovish stance given that unemployment is still above NAIRU and eurozone wage growth remains very tepid. On the economy, the recent improvement in both the Sentix and ZEW expectations bode well for euro area activity.  Lower real rates have been the proximate driver of a soft euro in recent trading sessions. That said, real rates could improve if inflation proves transitory. The energy component of the CPI was up 23% year-on-year, by far the biggest contributor to the headline print. Any sign that the ECB is tilting towards a more hawkish direction will initially materialize in the form of reduced asset purchases. This would curtail the significant portfolio outflows from the eurozone this year. From a positioning standpoint, speculative long positions in the euro have also been liquidated, which provides some footing for the currency. We are maintaining a neutral stance on the euro in the very near term, with a bias to buy on weakness.  Chart 7AEuro Euro Euro Chart 7BEuro Euro Euro   Japanese  Yen JPY is the worst-performing currency this year and it is also one of the most shorted. Over the last month, the yen is down 0.4%. Japan is just now emerging from the pandemic, having vaccinated most of its population. Ergo, the economic surprise index, which currently sits at -74, could stage a powerful rebound. While both the inflation print and employment data were in line with expectations (the unemployment rate came in at 2.8% in September), there were other encouraging signs. In October, the Eco Watcher’s Survey rose from 42.1 to 55.5, the manufacturing PMI rose from 51.5 to 53.2, and machine tool orders accelerated 81.5% year-on-year.  The Bank of Japan kept monetary policy unchanged at its latest meeting. The policy stance of the BoJ remains dovish, with little prospect of any interest rate increase until 2025. Therefore, in an environment where interest rates rise, that will hurt the yen at the margin. That said, the underperformance of Japanese assets is attracting portfolio inflows, especially from equity investors. As we wrote last week, the underperformance of certain Japanese equity sectors has not been fully justified by the improving earnings picture. From a valuation standpoint, the yen is the cheapest G10 currency according to our PPP models, and it is also quite cheap according to our intermediate-term timing model. Therefore, even given the breakout in the DXY index, we are maintaining our near-term positive for the yen. Chart 8AJapanese Yen Japanese Yen Japanese Yen Chart 8BJapanese Yen Japanese Yen Japanese Yen British Pound As a high-beta currency, sterling has been one of the victims of dollar strength. GBP is down 1.6% over the last month. The biggest driver was the volte-face from the BoE. The BoE kept rates on hold despite their seemingly hawkish messaging weeks ahead of the MPC meeting. Gilt yields fell along with the pound. Following the expiry of the furlough scheme in September, the central bank is waiting to the see the potential impact on the labor market before curtailing accommodation. Hence, a hike in December is still on the table. Incoming data continues to strengthen the case for the BoE to tighten policy. CPI is at 3.5%, with the transport and housing sectors continuing to see surging prices. At 4.5%, the unemployment rate is at NAIRU. Wages are also inflecting higher. The latest GDP report (Q3 GDP rose 6.6% year-on-year) continues to suggest the UK economy maintains upward momentum. The October manufacturing PMI rose from 57.1 to 57.8.  Near term, the pound could continue to face weakness as speculators liquidate positions and capital inflows soften. This is especially the case as the post-Brexit environment remains quite volatile. As a play on this trend, we are tactically long EUR/GBP. However, we remain bullish sterling on a cyclical horizon as real rates should continue to normalize. Chart 9ABritish Pound British Pound British Pound Chart 9BBritish Pound British Pound British Pound Australian Dollar The Australian dollar is down 0.8% over the last month, as both a stronger dollar and lower iron ore prices exert downward pressure on the exchange rate. The biggest developments over the last few weeks in Australia were the CPI report and the RBA policy meeting. The Q3 print for CPI was 3%, the upper bound of the central bank’s target range, with the trimmed-mean and weighted-median figure coming in at 2.1%. This helped justify the RBA’s decision to abandon the 0.1% yield target on the April 2024 bond. That said, the central bank maintained its cash rate target of 0.1% until earliest 2023 and left the pace of asset purchases unchanged. The RBA trimmed its forecast for GDP for this year to 3% from 4% and said more than 50% of jobs were currently experiencing little to no wage growth. Wages grew just 1.7% in the year to June, far below the 3%-plus levels the RBA believes is necessary to keep inflation sustainably within the 2%-3% band and trigger a rate hike. Hence, the release of the Q3 wage price index, on November 17, will be closely watched. Any upward surprise can challenge the RBA’s measured projections. The bearish case for the Aussie is well known, with speculative positioning near a record short. That said, real yields in Australia have been improving and portfolio flows are accelerating, especially into the mining and energy sectors, which are benefiting from a terms-of-trade tailwind. This sets the stage for a coil-spring rebound in the Aussie. Meanwhile, the AUD is cheap, especially on a terms-of-trade basis. At the crosses, we are long AUD/NZD as a play on these trends. From a tactical standpoint, we are neutral the Aussie, but will buy outright at 70 cents.  Chart 10AAustralian Dollar Australian Dollar Australian Dollar Chart 10BAustralian Dollar Australia Dollar Australia Dollar New Zealand Dollar The New Zealand dollar is up 1.3% over the last month. New Zealand’s economy is firing on all cylinders. CPI accelerated sharply from 3.3% to 4.9% in Q3, well above the RBNZ’s target band of 1%-3%, and behind only that of the US. The unemployment rate fell to 3.4% in Q3, far lower than the 3.9% forecasted by economists polled by Reuters. Wage growth was strong in the quarter with the private sector labor cost index registering a 0.7% lift. The seasonally adjusted employment number jumped 2.0% on the quarter, beating expectations of a 0.4% increase. The participation rate also rose to 71.2%, higher than the 70.6% forecast. Meanwhile, house prices continue to move higher, especially in Wellington.  As a result, the RBNZ has been one of the most hawkish G10 central banks, hiking rates last month for the first time in seven years to 0.5%. Another 0.25% hike is likely at the November 24 meeting. Meanwhile, at 2.6%, New Zealand currently has the highest G10 10-year bond yield. This is bullish for the kiwi. The one caveat is that the Covid-19 situation in New Zealand continues to deteriorate, which could be a catalyst for a pause.  Portfolio flows into New Zealand have turned negative in recent quarters. The equity market, which is quite expensive, has underperformed and the currency is overvalued according to our models, which has dampened the appeal of higher yields. We continue to believe the NZD will fare well cyclically, but hawkish expectations from the RBNZ are already priced in. This provides room for disappointment.  Chart 11ANew Zealand Dollar New Zealand Dollar New Zealand Dollar Chart 11BNew Zealand Dollar New Zealand Dollar New Zealand Dollar Canadian Dollar The CAD is the best-performing currency this year, even though it is down 1% over the last month. The key driver of the CAD in recent weeks remains the outlook for monetary policy, and the path of energy prices. CPI inflation came in at 4.4% year-on-year for September, beating market expectations and among the highest across the G10. The CPI-trim hit 3.4% year-on-year. With all eight major components of the CPI rising year-over-year, upward price pressures are broad-based. The housing market also appears bubbly, all providing fertile ground for tighter monetary settings. At first blush, the October employment report was disappointing, with only 31,000 jobs added. However, employment in Canada is already above pre-pandemic levels and is likely to now settle towards trend growth of around 2%. This suggests a print of 30,000 - 40,000 jobs, in line with October’s release. The unemployment rate continues to drop, hitting 6.7%. Incoming data justified the Bank of Canada’s policy response. It delivered a hawkish surprise announcing an end to its quantitative easing program and shifting to the reinvestment phase whereby its holdings of Canadian government bonds will be held constant. It also brought forward the first rate hike to Q2 2022. The BoC will marginally diverge from the US Fed, which is expected to keep rates unchanged through most of next year. This will continue to boost real rates in Canada. Meanwhile, net purchases of Canadian securities continue to inflect higher, as the commodity sector benefits from a terms-of-trade boom. That said, from a tactical standpoint, speculators are marginally long the CAD. As such, our near-term view is cautious. We however doubt the CAD will significantly break below 78 cents, given burgeoning tailwinds.  Chart 12ACanadian Dollar Canadian Dollar Canadian Dollar Chart 12BCanadian Dollar Canadian Dollar Canadian Dollar Swiss Franc The Swiss franc is up 1% against the dollar over the last month. EUR/CHF has also been very weak in recent trading sessions, constantly testing the 1.054 level. In our view, this has been much more due to euro weakness (see euro section above) than franc strength. The Swiss franc is trading near 11-month highs versus the euro. On the economic front, the labor market is improving and inflation in Switzerland is picking up. House prices have also risen quite robustly. This is lessening the need for the central back to maintain ultra-accommodative settings.  That said, the Swiss National Bank is likely to lag the rest of the G10 in lifting rates from -0.75%, currently the lowest benchmark interest rate in the world. This suggests that market pricing of a 25 basis-point rate rise by the SNB by the end of 2022 is misplaced. Inflation would have to rise substantially more - above the SNB's target range of less than 2% - before any hike is possible. The SNB has also said it remained ready to intervene to weaken a highly valued Swiss franc. The ECB’s dovish stance is one reason why the SNB will be loath to let the currency appreciate. Our guess is that the 1.05 level provides a near-term line in the sand, which will prompt the SNB to intervene. We would be buyers of EUR/CHF below 1.05.  Chart 13ASwiss Franc Swiss Franc Swiss Franc Chart 13BSwiss Franc Swiss Franc Swiss Franc Norwegian Krone The Norwegian krone has violently sold off in recent weeks, prompting our long Scandinavian basket to be stopped out. This has been mostly due to low liquidity and the high-beta nature of the krone. Norway’s central bank kept interest rates on hold at its latest meeting but reiterated it will likely hike its key rate by 25 basis points to 0.5% in December. The central bank noted that the economic recovery pushed activity back to pre-pandemic levels, while unemployment receded further. That said, underlying inflation still runs below the bank’s target.  The recent surge in oil prices has provided strong support for Norway’s trade balance and terms of trade. Oil and gas make up around 18% of Norway’s GDP. This is encouraging portfolio flows and has provided underlying support for the NOK. That said, given that much of the Norges Bank’s hawkishness has likely been priced into the NOK, the rewards of going long the currency should start shifting to its carry.  Chart 14ANorwegian Krone Norwegian Krone Norwegian Krone Chart 14BNorwegian Krone Norwegian Krone Norwegian Krone Swedish Krona The SEK was up 0.9% over the last month. Sweden never closed its economy, yet Covid-19 still had an impact. The good news is that this is mostly behind them. GDP expanded by 1.8% on the quarter in Q3, beating forecasts and the country recently ended all pandemic curbs. The labor market is recovering, and inflation is rising. CPIF inflation, on which the Riksbank sets its 2% target, is at 2.8%. Surging energy prices should turn out to be less of a problem for Sweden than the more coal-dependent countries in Europe, suggesting any increase in prices will be more genuine.  The Riksbank will complete its planned balance-sheet expansion later this year and has committed to maintaining the size of its bond holdings through 2022. The central bank, one of the most dovish amongst the G10, is slated to keep its policy rate flat at least until 2024. This could change if inflationary pressures remain persistent.  The big risk for Sweden is a slowdown in Europe and China. Supply chain bottlenecks are another issue. Several Swedish car and truck makers were forced to halt production in August due to semiconductor shortages. With the recent surge in the dollar, we were stopped out of our short EUR/SEK and USD/SEK positions for a profit. We will be looking to reinstate these trades from higher levels.  Chart 15ASwedish Krona Swedish Krona Swedish Krona Chart 15BSwedish Krona Swedish Krona Swedish Krona Chester Ntonifor Foreign Exchange Strategist chestern@bcaresearch.com Kate Sun Research Analyst kate.sun@bcaresearch.com   Trades & Forecasts Strategic View Cyclical Holdings (6-18 months) Tactical Holdings (0-6 months) Limit Orders Forecast Summary

Highlights Japan’s long-term weaknesses – a shrinking population, low productivity growth, excess indebtedness – are very well known. However, it still punches above its weight in the realm of geopolitics. Abenomics – sorry, Kishidanomics – can still deliver some positive surprises every now and then. As the global pandemic wanes, and China faces a historic confluence of internal and external risks, investors should begin buying the yen on weakness. Japanese industrials also are an attractive play in a global portfolio. While the yen will likely fare better than the dollar over the next 6-9 months, it will lag other procyclical currencies. Feature Japan has always been an “earthquake society,”  in which things seem never to change until suddenly everything changes at once. The good news for investors is that that change occurred in 2011 and the latest political events reinforce policy continuity. Why “Abenomics” Remains The Playbook Over ten years have passed since Japan suffered a triple crisis of earthquake, tsunami, and nuclear meltdown. In fact, the Fukushima nuclear crisis merely punctuated a long accumulation of national malaise: the country had suffered two “Lost Decades” and was in the thrall of the Great Recession, a rare period of domestic political change, and a rise in national security fears over a newly assertive China. The nuclear meltdown marked the nadir. The result of all these crises was a miniature policy revolution in 2012 – Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) returned to power and initiated a range of bolder policies to whip the country’s deflationary mindset and reboot its foreign and trade relations. The new economic program, “Abenomics,” consisted of easy money, soft budgets, and pro-growth reforms. It succeeded in changing Japan. Both private debt and inflation, which had fallen during the lost decades, bottomed after the 2011 crisis and began to rise under Abe (Chart 1). By the 2019 House of Councillors election, however,  Abe was running out of steam. Consumption tax hikes, the US-China trade war, and COVID-19 thwarted his plans of national revival. In particular, Abe hoped to capitalize on excitement over the 2020 Tokyo Olympics to hold a popular referendum on revising the constitution. Constitutional revision is necessary to legitimize the Self-Defense Forces and thus make Japan a “normal” nation again, i.e. one that can maintain armed forces. But the global pandemic interrupted. Until the next heavyweight prime minister comes along, Japan will relapse into its old pattern of a “revolving door” of prime ministers who come and go quickly. For example, the only purpose of Abe’s immediate successor, Yoshihide Suga, was to tie off loose ends and oversee the Olympics before passing the baton (Chart 2). Chart 1Abenomics Was Making Progress Abenomics Was Making Progress Abenomics Was Making Progress Chart 2 The next few Japanese prime ministers will almost inevitably lack Abe’s twin supermajority in parliament, which was exceptional in modern history (Chart 3). It will be hard for the LDP to expand its regional grip given that it holds a majority in all 11 of the regional blocks in which the political parties contend for seats based on their proportion of the popular vote (Table 1). Chart 3 Table 1LDP+ Komeito Regional Performance Japan: Foreign Threats, Domestic Reflation Japan: Foreign Threats, Domestic Reflation Short-lived, traditional prime ministers will not be able to create a superior vision for Japan and will largely follow in Abe’s footsteps.   In September Prime Minister Fumio Kishida replaced Suga – a badly needed facelift for the ruling Liberal Democrats ahead of the October 31 election. The LDP retained its single-party majority in the Diet, so Kishida is off to a tolerable start (Chart 4). But he is far from charismatic and will not last long if he fumbles in the upper house elections in July 2022. This gives him a little more than half a year to make a mark. Chart 4 Kishida will oversee a roughly 30-40 trillion yen stimulus package, or supplemental budget, by the end of this year. Japanese stimulus packages are almost always over-promised and under-delivered. However, given the electoral calendar, he will put together a large package that will not disappoint financial markets. His other goal will be to build on recent American efforts to cobble together a coalition of democracies to counter China and Russia. Japan’s Grand Strategy In Brief Chart 5Japan Exposed To China Trade Japan Exposed To China Trade Japan Exposed To China Trade Japan’s grand strategy over centuries consists of maintaining its independence from foreign powers, controlling its strategic geographic approaches to prevent invasion, and stopping any single power from dominating the eastern side of the Eurasian landmass. Originally the hardest part of this grand strategy was that it required establishing unitary political control over the far-flung Japanese archipelago. However, since the Meiji Restoration, Tokyo has maintained centralized government. Since then Japan has focused on controlling its strategic approaches and maintaining a balance among the Asian powers. During the imperialist period it tried to achieve these objectives on its own. After World War II, the United States became critical to Japan’s grand strategy. Through its broad alliance with Washington, Tokyo can maintain independence, make sure critical territories are not hostile (e.g. Taiwan and South Korea), and deter neighboring threats (North Korea, China, Russia). It can at least try to maintain a balance of power in Eurasia. Yet these constant national interests underscore Japan’s growing vulnerabilities today: China’s economy is now two-times larger than Japan’s and Japan is more dependent on China’s trade than vice versa (Chart 5). Under Xi Jinping, Beijing is actively converting its wealth into military and strategic capabilities that threaten Japan’s security. Rising tensions across the Taiwan Strait are fueling nationalism and re-armament in Japan.  Russia’s post-Soviet resurgence entails an ever-closer Russo-Chinese partnership. It also entails Russian conflicts with the US that periodically upset any attempts at Russo-Japanese détente. North Korea’s asymmetric war capabilities and nuclearization pose another security threat. South Korea’s attempts to engage with the North and China, and compete with Japan, are unhelpful.    All of these realities drive Japan closer to the United States. Even the US is increasingly unpredictable, though not yet to the point of causing serious doubts about the alliance. If the US were fundamentally weakened, or abandoned the alliance, Japan would either have to adopt nuclear weapons or accommodate itself to Chinese hegemony to meet its grand strategy. Nuclearization would be the more likely avenue. The stability of Asia depends greatly on American arbitration. Japan’s Strategy Since 1990 Beneath this grand strategy Japan’s ruling elites must pursue a more particular strategy suited to its immediate time and place. Ever since Japan’s working population and property bubble peaked in the early 1990s, the country’s relative economic heft has declined. To maintain stability and security, the central government in Tokyo has had to take on a very active role in the economy and society. The first step was to stabilize the domestic economy despite collapsing potential growth. This has been achieved through a public debt supercycle (Chart 6). Unorthodox monetary and fiscal policy largely stabilized demand, at the cost of the world’s highest net debt-to-GDP ratio. The economic adjustment was spread out over a long period of time so as to prevent a massive social and political backlash. Unemployment peaked in 2009 at 5.5% and never rose above this level. The ruling elite and the Liberal Democrats maintained control of institutions and government. The second step was to ensure continued alliance with the United States. Japan could deal with its economic problems – and the rise of China – if it maintained access to US consumers and protection from the US military. To maintain the alliance required making investments in the American economy, in US-led global institutions, and cooperating with the US on various initiatives, including controversial foreign policies. As in the 1950s-60s, Japan would bulk up its Self-Defense Forces to share the burden of global security with the United States, despite the US-written constitution’s prohibition on keeping armed forces. The third step was to invest abroad and put Japan’s excess savings to work, developing materials and export markets abroad while employing foreign workers and factories to become Japan’s new industrial base in lieu of the shrinking Japanese workforce (Chart 7).  Chart 6Japan's Public Debt Supercycle Japan's Public Debt Supercycle Japan's Public Debt Supercycle Chart 7 Japan’s post-1990 strategy has staying power because of the massive pressures on Japan listed above: China’s rise, Russo-Chinese partnership, North Korean threats, and American distractions. Investors tend to underrate the impact of these trends on Japan. Unless they fundamentally change, Japan’s strategy will remain intact regardless of prime minister or even ruling party. Russia’s role is less clear and could serve as a harbinger of any future change. President Vladimir Putin and Abe had the best chance in modern memory to resolve the two countries’ territorial disputes, build on mutual interests, and maybe even sign a peace treaty. But Russia’s clash with the West  proved an insurmountable obstacle. New opportunities could emerge at some later juncture, as Japan’s interest in preventing China from dominating Eurasia gives it a strong reason to normalize ties with Russia. Russia will at some point worry about overdependency on China. But this change is not on the immediate horizon.  Japan’s Tactics Since 2011 Chart 8 Japan is nearly a one-party state. Brief spells of opposition rule, in 1993 and 2009-11, are exceptions that prove the rule. The Liberal Democrats did not fall from power so much as suffer a short “time out” to reflect on their mistakes before voters put them right back into power. However, these timeouts have been important in forcing the ruling party to adjust its tactics for changing times, as with Abenomics. Kishida will not have enough political capital to change direction. The emphasis will still be on defeating deflation and rekindling animal spirits and corporate borrowing (as opposed to relying exclusively on public debt). Kishida has talked about a new type of capitalism and a more active redistribution of wealth, in keeping with the current zeitgeist among the global elite. However, Japan lacks the impetus for dramatic change. Wealth inequality is not extreme and political polarization is non-existent (Chart 8). The LDP is wary of losing votes to the populist Japan Innovation Party, or other regional movements, but populism does not have as fertile ground in countries with low inequality.  The desire to boost wages was a central plank of Abenomics (Chart 9) and an area of success. It will come through in Kishida’s policies as well. But the ultimate outcome will depend on how tight the labor market gets in the upcoming economic cycle. Similarly Kishida can be expected to encourage, or at least not roll back, women’s participation in the labor force, as labor markets tighten (Chart 10). As the pandemic wanes it is also likely that he will reignite Abe’s loose immigration policy, which saw the number of foreign workers triple between 2010 and 2020. This inflow is perhaps the surest sign of any that insular and xenophobic Japan is changing with the times to meet its economic needs.  Chart 9Kishidanomics To Build On Abe's Wage Growth Kishidanomics To Build On Abe's Wage Growth Kishidanomics To Build On Abe's Wage Growth Chart 10Women Off To Work But Fertility ##br##Relapsed Women Off To Work But Fertility Relapsed Women Off To Work But Fertility Relapsed The only substantial difference between Kishidanomics and Abenomics is that Abe compromised his reflationary fiscal efforts by insisting on going forward with periodic hikes to the consumption tax. Kishida is under no such expectation. Instead he is operating in a global political and geopolitical context in which ambitious public investments are positively encouraged even at the expense of larger budget deficits (Chart 11). Yet interest rates are still low enough to make such investments cheaply. The stage is set for fiscal largesse. Chart 11Fiscal Largesse To Continue Fiscal Largesse To Continue Fiscal Largesse To Continue Kishida can be expected to promote large new investments in supply-chain resilience, renewable energy, and military rearmament. The US and EU may exempt climate policies from traditional budget accounting – Japan may do the same. Even more so than China and Europe, Japan has a national interest in renewable energy since it is almost entirely dependent on foreign imports for its fossil fuels. The green transition in Japan is lagging that of Germany but the Japanese shift away from nuclear power has gone even faster, creating an import dependency that needs to be addressed for strategic reasons (Chart 12). Monetary-fiscal coordination began under Abe and can increase under Kishida. What is clear is that public investment is the top priority while fiscal consolidation is not. Military spending is finally starting to edge up as a share of GDP, as noted above. For many years Japanese leaders talked about military spending but it remained steady at 1% of GDP. Now, at the onset of the US-China cold war, the Japanese are spending more and say the ratio will rise to 2% of GDP (Chart 13). Tensions with China, especially over Taiwan, will continue to drive this shift, though North Korea’s weapons progress is not negligible. Chart 12 Chart 13 The Biden administration is prioritizing US allies and the competition with China, which makes the Japanese alliance top of mind. Tokyo’s various attempts to talk with Beijing in recent years have amounted to nothing, with the exception of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, which is far from ratification and implementation. Japan’s relations with China are driven by interests, not passing attitudes and emotions. If Biden proves too dovish toward China – a big “if” – then it will be Japan pushing the US to take a more hawkish line rather than vice versa. Japan will take various strategic, economic, technological, and military actions to defend itself from the range of external threats it faces. These actions will intimidate and provoke China and other neighbors, which will help to entrench the “security dilemma” between the US and China and their allies. For example, Japan will eagerly participate in US efforts to upgrade its military and its regional alliances and partnerships, including via the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue with India and Australia. The Biden administration might force Japan to play nice with South Korea and patch up their trade war. But that is a price Japan can pay since American involvement also precludes any shift by South Korea fully into China’s camp. If China should invade Taiwan – which we cannot rule out over the long run – Japan’s vital supply lines and national security would fall under permanent jeopardy. Japan would have an interest in defending Taiwan but its willingness to war with China may depend on the US response. However, both Japan and the US would have to draw a stark line in defense of Japanese territory, not least Okinawa, where US troops are based. Both powers would mobilize and seek to impose a strategic containment policy around China at that point. Until The Next Earthquake … For Japan to abandon its post-1990 strategy, it would need to see a series of shocks to domestic and international politics. If China’s economy collapsed, Korea unified, or the US abandoned the Asia Pacific region, then Tokyo would have to reassess its strategy. Until then the status quo will prevail. At home Japan would need to see a split within the Liberal Democrats, or a permanent break between the LDP and their junior partner Komeito, combined with a single, consolidated, and electorally viable opposition party and a charismatic opposition leader. This kind of change would follow from major exogenous shocks. Today it is nowhere in sight – the last two shocks, in 2011 and 2020, reinforced the LDP regime. Theoretically some future Japanese government could adopt a socialist platform that relies entirely on public debt rather than trying to reboot private debt. It could openly embrace debt monetization and modern monetary theory  rather than trying to raise taxes periodically to maintain the appearance of fiscal rectitude. But if it tried to distance itself from the United States and improve relations with Russia and China, such a strategy would not go very far. It would jeopardize Japan’s grand strategy. For the foreseeable future, Japan’s economic security and national security lie in maintaining the American alliance and continuing an outward investment strategy focused on emerging markets other than China. Macroeconomic Developments The key message from an economic context is that fiscal stimulus is likely to be larger in Japan than the market currently expects. The IMF is penciling in a fiscal deficit of around 2% of potential GDP next year, which will be a drag on growth (Chart 14). More likely, Kishida will cobble together a slightly larger package to implement most of the initiatives he has proposed on the campaign trail. Meanwhile, a large share of JGBs are about to mature over the next couple of years, providing room for more issuance, which the BoJ will be happy to assimilate (Chart 15). Chart 14More Fiscal Stimulus In Japan Likely More Fiscal Stimulus In Japan Likely More Fiscal Stimulus In Japan Likely Chart 15Lots Of JGBs Mature In The Next Few Years Lots Of JGBs Mature In The Next Few Years Lots Of JGBs Mature In The Next Few Years Real numbers on the size of the fiscal package have been scarce, but it should be around 30-40 trillion yen, spread over a few years. With Japan’s net interest expense at record lows (Chart 16), and a lot of the spending slated for worthwhile productivity-enhancing projects such as supply chains, green energy, education and some boost to the financial sector in the form of digital innovation and consolidation, we expect fiscal policy in Japan will remain moderately loose, with the BoJ staying accommodative. The timing of more fiscal stimulus is appropriate as Japan has managed to finally put the pandemic behind it. The number of new Covid-19 cases is at the lowest recorded level per capita, and Japan now  has more of its population vaccinated than the US. As a result, the manufacturing and services PMIs, which have been the lowest in the developed world, could stage a coiled-spring rebound. This will be a welcome fillip for Japanese assets (Chart 17). Chart 16Little Cost To Issuing More Debt Little Cost To Issuing More Debt Little Cost To Issuing More Debt Chart 17The Japanese Recovery Has Lagged The Japanese Recovery Has Lagged The Japanese Recovery Has Lagged Consumption could also surprise to the upside in Japan. With the consumption tax hike of 2019 and the 2020 pandemic now behind us, pent-up demand could finally be unleashed in the coming quarters. Rising wages and high savings underscore that Japan could see a vigorous rebound in consumption, as was witnessed in other developed economies. This will be particularly the case as inflation stays low. The big risk for Japan from a macro perspective is an external slowdown, driven by China. A boom in foreign demand has been a much welcome cushion for Japanese growth, especially amidst weak domestic demand. The risk is that this tailwind becomes a headwind as Chinese growth slows, especially as a big share of Japanese exports go to China. Our view has been that policy makers in China will be able to ring-fire the property crisis, preventing a “Lehman” moment. As such, while China’s slowdown is a reality and downside risks warrant monitoring, we also expect China to avoid a hard landing. Meanwhile, Japanese exports are also diversified, with other developed and emerging markets accounting for the lion’s share of total exports. For example, exports to the US account for 19% of sales while EU exports account for 9%. Both exports and foreign machinery orders remain quite robust, suggesting that the slowdown in China will not crush all external demand (globally, export growth remains very strong).  It is noteworthy that many countries now have “carte blanche” to boost infrastructure spending, especially in areas like renewable energy and supply chain resiliency. Japan continues to remain a big supplier of capital goods globally. This will ensure that an economic recovery around the world will buffer foreign machinery orders. Market Implications Japanese equities have underperformed the US over the last decade, and Kishidanomics is unlikely to change this trend. But to the extent that more fiscal stimulus helps lift aggregate demand, a few sectors could begin to see short-term outperformance. More importantly, the underperformance of certain Japanese equity sectors have not been fully justified by the improving earnings picture (Chart 18). This suggests some room for catch-up. Banks in particular could benefit from a steeper yield curve in Japan, rising global yields and proposed reform in the sector (Chart 19). We will view this as a tactical opportunity however, than a strategic call. Our colleagues in the Global Asset Allocation service have clearly outlined key reasons against overweighting Japan, and are currently neutral.  More importantly, industrials also look poised to see some pickup in relative EPS growth, as global industrial demand stays robust. An improvement in domestic demand should also favor small caps over large caps. Chart 18ADismal Earnings Explain Some Underperformance Of Japanese Equities Dismal Earnings Explain Some Underperformance Of Japanese Equities Dismal Earnings Explain Some Underperformance Of Japanese Equities Chart 18BDismal Earnings Explain Some Underperformance Of Japanese Equities Dismal Earnings Explain Some Underperformance Of Japanese Equities Dismal Earnings Explain Some Underperformance Of Japanese Equities Chart 19Japanese Banks Will Benefit From A Steeper Yield Curve Japanese Banks Will Benefit From A Steeper Yield Curve Japanese Banks Will Benefit From A Steeper Yield Curve Foreigners have huge sway over the performance of Japanese assets, especially equities. Foreign holders account for nearly 30% of the Japanese equity float. This is important not only for the equity call but for currency performance as well since portfolio flows dominate currency movements. Historically, the yen and the Japanese equity market have been negatively correlated. This was due to positive profit translation effects from a lower currency. However, it is possible that Japanese domestic profits are no longer driven only by translation effects, but rather by underlying productivity gains. This could result in less yen hedging by foreign equity investors, which would restore a positive relationship between the relative share price performance and the currency. As for the yen, the best environment for any currency is when the economy can generate non-inflationary growth. Japan may well be entering this paradigm. Historically, now has been the exact environment where the yen tends to do well, as the economy exits deflation and enters non-inflationary growth (Chart 20). Chart 20The Yen And Japanese Growth The Yen And Japanese Growth The Yen And Japanese Growth Markets have been wrongly focusing on nominal rather than real yields in Japan and the implication for the yen. Therefore the risk to a long yen view is that the Bank of Japan keeps rates low as global yields are rising. However, in an environment where global inflationary pressures normalize (say in the next 6-9 months) and temper the increase in global yields, this could provide room for short covering on the yen. In our view, the yen is already the most underappreciated currency in the G10, as rising global yields have led to a massive accumulation of short positions. Finally, from a valuation standpoint, the yen is the cheapest G10 currency according to our PPP models, and is also quite cheap according to our intermediate-term timing model (Chart 21). With the yen being a risk-off currency, it also tends to rise versus the dollar not only during recessions, but also during most episodes of broad-based dollar weakness. This low-beta nature of the currency makes it a good portfolio hedge in an uncertain world. Chart 21The Yen Is Undervalued The Yen Is Undervalued The Yen Is Undervalued Given the historic return of geopolitical risk to Japan’s neighborhood, as the US and Japan engage in active great power competition with China, the yen is an underrated hedge. Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Chester Ntonifor Vice President Foreign Exchange Strategy chestern@bcaresearch.com

Highlights Increasing consumption should be a lot easier than increasing savings. After all, most people like to spend! It is getting them to work that should be challenging. Yet, the conventional wisdom is that deflation is a much tougher problem to overcome than inflation. It is true that the zero-bound constraint on interest rates makes it more difficult for central banks to react to deflationary forces. However, monetary policy is not the only game in town; fiscal policy becomes more effective as interest rates fall because governments can stimulate the economy without incurring onerous financing costs. When the borrowing rate is below the growth rate of the economy, the more profligate a government has been in the past, the more profligate it can be in the future, while still maintaining a stable debt-to-GDP ratio. The pandemic banished the bond vigilantes. Governments ran massive budget deficits, but bond yields still dropped. While budget deficits will decline from their highs, fiscal policy will remain structurally more accommodative in the post-pandemic period. The combination of easier fiscal policy, increased household net worth, and other factors has raised the neutral rate of interest in the US and most other economies. This means that monetary policy is currently much more stimulative than widely believed. This is good news for equities and other risk assets in the near term, even if it does produce a major hangover down the road. New trade: Short US consumer discretionary stocks relative to other cyclicals. Consumer durable goods spending will slow as services spending and capex continue to recover. A Paradoxical Problem Economic pundits like to say that deflation is a tougher problem to overcome than inflation. We hear this statement so often that we do not think twice about it. In many respects, it is a rather strange perspective. Inflation results from too much spending relative to output, whereas deflation results from too little spending. Yet, people like to spend! One would think it would be much easier to get people to consume than to get them to work. The claim that deflation is a bigger problem than inflation is really just a statement about the limits of monetary policy. If the economy is overheating, central banks can theoretically raise rates as high as they want. In contrast, if the economy is in a deflationary funk, the zero-bound constraint limits how far interest rates can fall. Fortunately, there are other ways of stimulating the economy when interest rates cannot be cut any further. Most notably, governments can utilize fiscal policy by cutting taxes, spending more on goods and services, or increasing transfer payments. Getting Paid To Eat Lunch When interest rates are very low, not only is fiscal stimulus a free lunch, but you actually get paid for eating more. If the borrowing rate is below the growth rate of the economy, the more profligate a government has been in the past, the more profligate it can be in the future, while still maintaining a stable debt-to-GDP ratio. This sounds so counterintuitive that it is worth thinking through a simple example. Suppose you currently earn $100,000 per year and expect your income to rise by 8% per year. You have $100,000 in debt, which incurs an interest rate of 3%, and want to keep your debt-to-income ratio constant at 100% over time. Next year, your income will be $108,000, so you should target a debt level of $108,000. Thus, this year, you can spend $105,000 on goods and services, make $3,000 in interest payments, and take on $8,000 in additional debt. Now, suppose you have been spendthrift in the past and have accumulated $200,000 in debt. You still want to keep your debt-to-income ratio constant, but this time at 200%. How much can you spend this year? The answer is $110,000. If you spend $110,000 and pay an additional $6,000 in interest, your cash outflows will exceed your income by $16,000, taking your debt to $216,000 — exactly twice next year’s income. Notice that by maintaining a higher debt balance, you can actually spend $5,000 more while still keeping your debt-to-income ratio constant. Appendix A proves this point mathematically. One might protest that the interest rate you face would be higher if you had more debt. Fair enough, although in our example, the interest rate would need to rise above 5.5% for spending to decline. The more important point is that unlike people, governments which issue debt in their own currencies get to choose whatever interest rate they want. Granted, if central banks set interest rates too low, the economy will overheat, leading to higher inflation. But this just reinforces the point we made at the outset, which is that inflation and not deflation is the real constraint to macroeconomic policy. A Blissful Outcome For Stocks We would not have waded through this theoretical discussion if it did not serve a practical purpose. In April of last year, we wrote a controversial report asking if, paradoxically, the pandemic could turn out to be good for stocks. Chart 1 We noted that by combining monetary easing with fiscal stimulus, policymakers could steer equity markets towards a “blissful outcome” where the economy was operating at full capacity, yet interest rates were lower than they were before (Chart 1). If such a blissful state were reached, earnings would return to their pre-pandemic level, but the discount rate would remain below its pre-pandemic level, thus allowing stock prices to rise above their pre-pandemic peak. In the months following our report, the stock market played out this narrative.   From Blissful To Blissless? Chart 2Both The Fed And Investors Have Lowered Their Estimate Of The Neutral Rate Both The Fed And Investors Have Lowered Their Estimate Of The Neutral Rate Both The Fed And Investors Have Lowered Their Estimate Of The Neutral Rate More recently, bond yields have risen, stoking fears that we are moving towards less auspicious conditions for equities. There is no doubt that many central banks are looking to normalize monetary policy. That said, what central banks regard as normal today is very different from what they thought was normal in the past. Back in 2012, when the Fed began publishing its “dot plot,” the FOMC thought the neutral rate of interest was around 4.25%. Today, it thinks the neutral rate is only 2.5%. And based on the New York Fed’s survey of market participants and primary dealers, investors believe the neutral rate is even lower than the Fed’s estimate (Chart 2). Even if the Fed did not face political pressure to keep interest rates low, it probably would not want to raise them all that much anyway. The same applies to most other central banks. Why The Neutral Rate Is Higher Than The Fed Believes There are at least four reasons to think that the neutral rate of interest is higher than what the Fed believes:   Reason #1: The drag on growth from the household deleveraging cycle is ending As a share of disposable income, US household debt has declined by nearly 40 percentage points since 2008. Debt-servicing costs are now at record low levels (Chart 3). The Fed’s Senior Loan Officer Survey points to an increasing willingness to lend (Chart 4). The Conference Board’s Leading Credit Index also remains in easing territory (Chart 5). Chart 3The Deleveraging Cycle Has Run Its Course The Deleveraging Cycle Has Run Its Course The Deleveraging Cycle Has Run Its Course Real personal consumption increased by only 1.6% in Q3. However, this was largely driven by a 54% drop in auto spending on the back of the semiconductor shortage. While vehicle purchases normally account for only 4% of consumer spending, the sector still managed to shave 2.4 percentage points off GDP growth in Q3. Chart 4Banks Are Easing Credit Standards Banks Are Easing Credit Standards Banks Are Easing Credit Standards Chart 5A Positive Signal For Credit Growth A Positive Signal For Credit Growth A Positive Signal For Credit Growth Spending on services rose by 7.9%, an impressive feat considering the quarter saw the peak in the Delta variant wave.   Reason #2: Fiscal policy is likely to remain accommodative in the post-pandemic period The combination of lower real rates and higher debt levels has increased the budget deficit consistent with a stable debt-to-GDP ratio in the US and most developed markets (Chart 6). This point has not been lost on governments. While the flow of red ink will abate, the IMF estimates that the US cyclically-adjusted primary budget deficit will be 3% of GDP larger in 2022-26 than it was in 2014-19. The IMF also expects most other advanced economies to run larger budget deficits (Chart 7). Chart 6 Chart 7 Chart 8A Record Rise In Household Net Worth A Record Rise In Household Net Worth A Record Rise In Household Net Worth Reason #3: Higher asset prices will bolster spending According to the Federal Reserve, US household net worth rose by over 113% of GDP between 2019Q4 and 2021Q2, the largest six-quarter increase on record (Chart 8). Empirical estimates of the wealth effect suggest that households spend about 5-to-8 cents on goods and services for every additional dollar of housing wealth, and 2-to-4 cents for every additional dollar of equity wealth. Based on the latest available data, we estimate that US homeowner equity has increased by $5 trillion since the start of 2020, while household equity holdings have increased by $15.8 trillion. Together, this would translate into 2.5%-to-4% of GDP in additional annual consumption. And this does not even include any spending arising from the $2.4 trillion in incremental bank deposits that households have amassed since the start of the pandemic.    Chart 9Most Of The Deceleration In US Potential Real GDP Growth Has Already Occurred Most Of The Deceleration In US Potential Real GDP Growth Has Already Occurred Most Of The Deceleration In US Potential Real GDP Growth Has Already Occurred Reason #4: Population aging will drain savings Aging populations can affect the neutral rate either by dragging down investment demand or reducing savings. The former would lead to a lower neutral rate, while the latter would lead to a higher rate. As Chart 9 shows, most of the decline in US potential GDP growth has already occurred. According to the Congressional Budget Office, real potential GDP growth fell from over 3% in the early 1980s to about 1.8% today, mainly due to slower labor force growth. The CBO expects potential growth to edge down to 1.5% over the next few decades. The average age of the US capital stock is now the highest on record (Chart 10). Whereas real business fixed investment is 6% below its pre-pandemic trend, core capital goods orders – a leading indicator for capex – are 17% above trend. Capex intentions remain near multi-year highs (Chart 11). All this suggests that investment spending is unlikely to fall much in the future. Chart 10The Average Age Of The US Capital Stock Is Now The Highest On Record The Average Age Of The US Capital Stock Is Now The Highest On Record The Average Age Of The US Capital Stock Is Now The Highest On Record Chart 11Capex Intentions Remain At Lofty Levels Capex Intentions Remain At Lofty Levels Capex Intentions Remain At Lofty Levels Chart 12 In contrast, the depletion of national savings from an aging population is just beginning. Baby boomers are leaving the labor force en masse. They hold over half of US household wealth, considerably more than younger generations (Chart 12). As baby boomers transition from net savers to net dissavers, national savings will fall. UnTaylored  Monetary Policy The Taylor Rule prescribes the Fed to hike rates by between 50-to-100 bps for each percentage point that output rises relative to its potential. Over the past decade, the Fed has favored the higher output gap coefficient, meaning that a permanent one percentage-point increase in aggregate demand should translate, all things equal, into a one percentage-point increase in the neutral rate of interest. Taken at face value, the combination of increased household wealth and looser fiscal policy may have raised the neutral rate in the US by more than five percentage points since the pandemic. This estimate, however, does not consider feedback loops: A higher term structure for interest rates would depress asset prices, thus obviating some of the wealth effect. Higher rates would also reduce the incentive for governments to run large budget deficits. Taking these feedback loops into account, a reasonable estimate is that the neutral rate in the US is about 2% in real terms, or slightly over 4% in nominal terms based on current long-term inflation expectations. This is close to the historic average for real rates, although well above current market pricing. The implication for investors is that US monetary policy is currently more stimulative than widely believed. This is the good news. The bad news is that in the absence of fiscal tightening, the Fed will eventually be forced to raise rates by more than investors are discounting. Higher Inflation Won’t Force The Fed’s Hand… Just Yet When will the Fed be forced to move away from its baby-step approach to monetary policy normalization and adopt a more aggressive stance? Our guess is not for another two years. Last week, we argued that inflation in the US and many other countries is likely to follow a “two steps up, one step down” trajectory of higher highs and higher lows over the remainder of the decade. We are currently near the top of those two steps: Most of the recent increase in inflation has been driven by surging durable goods prices (Chart 13). Considering that durable goods prices usually fall over time, this is not a sustainable source of inflation. Chart 13ADurable Goods Spending Has Further To Fall (I) Durable Goods Spending Has Further To Fall (I) Durable Goods Spending Has Further To Fall (I) Chart 13BDurable Goods Spending Has Further To Fall (II) Durable Goods Spending Has Further To Fall (II) Durable Goods Spending Has Further To Fall (II) In modern service-based economies, structurally high inflation requires rapid wage growth. While US wage growth has picked up recently, most of the increase in wages has occurred at the bottom end of the income distribution (Chart 14). The Fed welcomes this development, given its expanded mandate to pursue “inclusive growth.” At some point in the future, long-term inflation expectations could become unmoored. However, that has not happened yet, whether one looks at market-based or survey-based expectations (Chart 15). Thus, for now, investors should remain constructive on stocks. Chart 14Wages At The Bottom End Of The Income Distribution Are Rising Briskly Wages At The Bottom End Of The Income Distribution Are Rising Briskly Wages At The Bottom End Of The Income Distribution Are Rising Briskly Chart 15   New Trade: Short Consumer Discretionary Stocks Relative To Other Cyclicals We continue to favor cyclical stocks over defensives. Within the cyclical category, however, we are cautious on consumer discretionary names. Spending on consumer durable goods still has further to fall in order to return to trend. Durable goods prices will also come down, potentially squeezing profit margins. Go short the Consumer Discretionary Select Sector SPDR Fund (XLY) versus an S&P 500 sector-weighted basket of the Industrial Select Sector SPDR Fund (XLI), the Energy Select Sector SPDR Fund (XLE), and the Materials Select Sector SPDR Fund (XLB). Appendix A Image Peter Berezin Chief Global Strategist pberezin@bcaresearch.com View Matrix Image Special Trade Recommendations This table provides trade recommendations that may not be adequately represented in the matrix on the preceding page. Image Current MacroQuant Model Scores Image

Highlights Bank of Canada: Rising inflation, high capacity utilization, and monetary policy constraints will force the Bank of Canada to taper further and move up the timing of its first rate hike to H1/2022. Stay underweight Canadian government bonds in global government bond portfolios. Also, upgrade Canadian real return bonds to neutral within the underweight allocation to better reflect the mixed signals from our suite of Canadian inflation breakeven indicators. Bank of England: Markets have aggressively shifted UK interest rate expectations, with a rate hike now expected before year-end. We expect that outcome to occur, but the vote will be close. Stay underweight UK Gilts in global bond portfolios. Maintain a curve steepening bias that would win if a hike is delayed to 2022 or, counterintuitively, even if the Bank of England does indeed hike in November or December - longer-term UK yields are still too low relative to the likely peak in Bank Rate. Feature Chart of the WeekAn Inflation Shock For Bond Yields An Inflation Shock For Bond Yields An Inflation Shock For Bond Yields Steadily climbing inflation expectations, fueled by rising energy prices and persistent supply-chain disruptions, remain a thorn in the side of global bond markets. 10-year US TIPS breakevens have climbed to a 15-year high of 2.7%, while breakevens on 10-year German inflation-linked bonds are at a 9-year high of 2%. Rising inflation expectations are keeping upward pressure on nominal bond yields in the major developed economies, as markets start to slowly reprice the pace and timing of future interest rate increases (Chart of the Week). Market expectations on interest rates, however, can adjust much more quickly when policymakers change their tune. We have already seen that recently in smaller countries like Norway and New Zealand. Rate hikes delivered by the Norges Bank and Reserve Bank of New Zealand over the past month - which were telegraphed well in advance by the central banks – were a negative shock that pushed up bond yields in those countries. The next central bank “liftoff” within the developed economies is expected to occur in the UK and Canada, according to pricing in overnight index swap (OIS) curves (Table 1). In this report, we consider the outlook for monetary policy and government bond yields in both countries, which represent two of our highest conviction underweight recommendations. Table 1Markets Are Pulling Forward Rate Hikes UK & Canada: Next Up For A Rate Hike? UK & Canada: Next Up For A Rate Hike? Canada: Watch For A Bond Bearish Policy Shift In Canada, given the economic backdrop and policy constraints, we believe the Bank of Canada (BoC) will have to deliver on the hawkish market-implied path for interest rates, which calls for an initial rate hike to occur in Q2/2022 – much sooner than the central bank’s current messaging on liftoff. Chart 2ACanadian Inflation Not Looking So "Transitory" Anymore Canadian Inflation Not Looking So 'Transitory' Anymore Canadian Inflation Not Looking So 'Transitory' Anymore First on the BoC’s mind is inflation. Canadian CPI inflation came in at 4.4% year-over-year in September, blowing through analyst expectations and hitting an 18-year high (Charts 2A and 2B). The CPI-trim, a measure of core inflation which strips out extreme price movements, hit 3.4% year-over-year, the highest reading since 1991. All eight major components of the CPI rose on a yearly basis. On an annualized monthly basis, the energy-driven Transportation aggregate declined and less volatile components like Shelter (+1.1%) and Clothing (+0.7%) led the pack in terms of their contribution to the overall figure.   Chart 2 The data show that inflationary pressures are clearly broadening out in the Great White North, no longer constrained to “transitory” sectors. The effect of this inflationary pressure is also starting to make its mark on consumer and business sentiment. Chart 3Rising Inflation Expectations Are Hurting Canadian Consumer Sentiment Rising Inflation Expectations Are Hurting Canadian Consumer Sentiment Rising Inflation Expectations Are Hurting Canadian Consumer Sentiment According to the BoC Survey of Consumer Expectations, the 1-year-ahead forecast of inflation reached a series high of 3.7% in Q3/2021 (Chart 3). While longer-term inflation expectations are more subdued, that doesn’t mean that inflation is not a worry for the Canadian consumer. With inflation expected to run much higher than expected wage growth (+2%) over the next year, consumers expect a decline in their real purchasing power. Correspondingly, consumer confidence is taking a hit—the Bloomberg/Nanos consumer sentiment index has fallen 7.3 points since the July peak. Canadian businesses are much more upbeat. The overall summary indicator from the BoC’s Business Outlook Survey for Q3/2021 climbed to the highest level in the 18-year history of the series (Chart 4). Firms reported continued expectations of strong demand, but with capacity constraints starting to weigh on sales - a quarter of firms surveyed reporting that a lack of capacity and skills will have a negative impact on sales over the next twelve months. In response, more companies are planning on increasing capital expenditure and hiring over the next year (Chart 4, middle panel). More than half of firms surveyed by the BoC indicated that investment spending will be higher over the next two years compared to typical pre-pandemic levels. Chart 4Canadian Businesses Are Brushing Up Against Capacity Constraints Canadian Businesses Are Brushing Up Against Capacity Constraints Canadian Businesses Are Brushing Up Against Capacity Constraints However, hiring plans will likely face difficulty, given the large share of firms (64%), reporting more intense labor shortages (Chart 4, bottom panel). A net 50% of respondents now expect wage growth to accelerate over the coming year, driven by a need to attract and retain workers amid strong labor demand. With regards to inflation, the BoC Business Outlook Survey measures the share of respondents that expect inflation over the next two years to fall within four different ranges—below 1%, between 1% and 2%, between 2% and 3%, and above 3% (Chart 5). We can “back out” a point estimate of expected inflation for Canadian firms by assigning a specific level to each of these ranges – 0.5, 1.5%, 2.5%, and 3.5%, respectively – and using the shares of respondents to calculate a weighted average expected inflation rate for the next two years.1 Based on this estimate, Canadian business inflation expectations have bounced rapidly since the 2020 trough and are now at all-time highs. The BoC has already begun to respond to the normalization of the economy and rising inflationary pressures indicated by its business survey by tapering the pace of its bond buying program. The Bank is now targeting weekly bond purchases of C$2bn, down from C$5bn at the start of the program and with another reduction expected at this week’s policy meeting (Chart 6). The size of the balance sheet has also fallen in absolute terms, driven by the Bank drawing down its holdings of treasury bills to virtually zero while also ending pandemic emergency liquidity programs. Chart 5Putting A Number To Canadian Business Inflation Expectations Putting a Number To Canadian Business Inflation Expectations Putting a Number To Canadian Business Inflation Expectations Chart 6The BoC Is Moving Towards Normalizing Policy The BoC Is Moving Towards Normalizing Policy The BoC Is Moving Towards Normalizing Policy The BoC now owns a massive 36.5% of Canadian government bonds outstanding – a share acquired in a very short time for this pandemic-era stimulus program. Thus, tapering now is not only necessary from a forward guidance perspective, signaling an eventual shift to less accommodative monetary policy and rate hikes, but also to ensure liquidity in the Canadian sovereign bond market. The remaining BoC tapering will be fairly quick, setting up the more important shift to the timing of the first rate increase. The Canadian OIS curve is currently pricing in BoC liftoff in April 2022, ahead of the BoC’s current guidance of a likely rate hike in the second half of the year (Chart 7). Given the developments on the inflation front, we are inclined to side with the market’s assessment of an earlier hike. Chart 7 In the longer run, rates might even be able to rise further than discounted in swap curves. The real policy rate, calculated as the policy rate minus the BoC’s CPI-trim measure, is negative and a significant distance from the New York Fed’s Q2/2020 estimate of the natural real rate of interest (R-star) for Canada of 1.4%. Admittedly, those estimates have not been updated by the New York Fed for over a year, given the uncertainties over trend growth and output gap measurement created by the pandemic shock. The BoC’s own estimates for the neutral nominal policy interest rate - last updated in April 2021 and therefore inclusive of any structural impacts of the pandemic on potential growth - range from 1.75% to 2.75%.2 The OIS forward curve expects the BoC to only lift rates to 2% in the next hiking cycle, barely in the lower end of the BoC’s neutral range of estimates. After subtracting the mid-point of the BoC’s 1-3% inflation target, presumably a level of inflation consistent with a neutral policy rate, the BoC’s implied real policy rate range is -0.25% to +0.75%. The current level of the real policy rate is near the bottom of that range. Thus, real rates, and the real bond yields that track them over time, have room to rise if the BoC begins to hike rates at a faster pace, and to a higher level, than the market expects. We see this as a likely outcome given the extent of the Canadian inflation overshoot and the robust optimism evident in Canadian business sentiment, thus justifying our current negative view on Canadian government bonds. To think about this mix of rising inflation expectations and increased BoC hawkishness down the road, and its implication for the Canadian inflation-linked bond market, we turn to our Canadian comprehensive breakeven indicator (Chart 8). This indicator combines three measures, on an equal-weighted and standardized basis, to determine the upside potential for 10-year inflation breakevens: the distance from fair value based on our models, the spread between headline inflation and the midpoint of the BoC’s 1-3% target inflation, and the gap between market-based and survey-based measures of inflation expectations. Going forward, we will be using the Canadian Business Outlook Survey measure of inflation expectations, introduced in Chart 5, for this indicator. Chart 8Upgrade Canadian Inflation-Linked Bonds To Neutral Upgrade Canadian Inflation-Linked Bonds To Neutral Upgrade Canadian Inflation-Linked Bonds To Neutral Two out of three measures point towards Canadian breakevens having further upside. Firstly, they are cheap under our fair value model, where the rise in breakevens has lagged the yearly growth in oil prices. Secondly, breakevens are a long distance away from the survey-based business inflation expectations. However, both forces are more than counteracted with Canadian headline inflation nearly two standard deviations from the BoC’s target, which indicates that the central bank must step in to address high realized inflation. Given these diverging signals on the upside potential for breakevens, we see a neutral allocation to Canadian linkers as more appropriate for the time being Bottom Line: Rising inflation, high capacity utilization, and monetary policy constraints will force the Bank of Canada to taper further and move up the timing of its first rate hike to H1/2022. Stay underweight Canadian government bonds in global government bond portfolios. Also, upgrade Canadian real return bonds to neutral within the underweight allocation to better reflect the mixed signals from our suite of Canadian inflation breakeven indicators. Will The BoE Actually Hike By December? Chart 9UK Gilts Have Been Hammered By BoE Hawkishness UK Gilts Have Been Hammered By BoE Hawkishness UK Gilts Have Been Hammered By BoE Hawkishness We downgraded our recommended stance on UK government bonds to underweight on August 11 and, since then, Gilts have severely underperformed their developed market peers (Chart 9).3 We had anticipated that the Bank of England (BoE) would be forced to shift their policy guidance in a less dovish direction because of rising UK inflation expectations. Yet we have been surprised by how quickly the BoE has shifted to an open discussion about the potential for imminent interest rate hikes. The BoE’s new chief economist, Huw Pill, commented in the Financial Times last week that UK inflation will likely hit, or even exceed, 5% by early next year, and that the November 4 Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) was “live” with regards to a potential rate hike.4 This followed BoE Governor Andrew Bailey’s comment that the Bank “will have to act” to contain rising inflation expectations. Mixed signals on economic momentum are not making the BoE’s decisions any easier. The preliminary October Markit PMIs ticked higher for both manufacturing and services, but remain below the peak seen last May. At the same time, UK consumer confidence has fallen since August, thanks in part to rapidly rising inflation that has reduced the perceived real buying power of UK consumers. High Inflation Might Last Longer Chart 10Why The BoE Is More Worried About Inflation Why The BoE Is More Worried About Inflation Why The BoE Is More Worried About Inflation The BoE’s last set of economic forecasts, published in August, called for headline inflation to temporarily climb to 4% by year-end, before gradually returning to the central bank’s 2% target level in 2022. Yet the BoE’s newfound nervousness over inflation is well-founded, for a number of reasons (Chart 10): The domestic economic recovery has led to a robust labor market, with job vacancies relative to unemployment fully recovering to pre-COVID levels. The 3-month moving average of wage growth remains elevated at 6.9%, although the BoE believes some of that increase could be due to compositional issues related to the pandemic. The BoE is projecting that the UK output gap is narrowing rapidly and would be fully closed in the second half of 2022. This suggests growing underlying inflation pressures were already in place before the latest boost to inflation from global supply-chain disruptions. UK energy costs are soaring, particularly for natural gas which remains the main source for UK electricity production. UK natural gas inventories are the lowest within Europe, yet the supply response from major providers has been slow to develop – most notably, Russia, which is seeking regulatory approval to begin shipping gas through the Nord Stream 2 pipeline. While natural gas prices have stopped rising, for now, inadequate supplies during an expected cold UK winter could keep the upward pressure on UK inflation from energy. UK house price inflation remains well supported, even with the recent expiration of the stamp duty reductions initiated as a form of pandemic economic stimulus. According to the Royal Institution of Chartered Surveyors (RICS), the ratio of UK home sales to inventories is still quite elevated (bottom panel). Given a still-favorable demand/supply balance, and low borrowing costs, UK house price inflation will likely not cool as much as the BoE would prefer to see. Stay Defensive On UK Rates Exposure The combination of rising UK inflation and increasingly hawkish BoE comments has resulted in a rapid upward repricing of UK interest rate expectations over the past few months (Chart 11). Markets now expect the BoE to raise Bank Rate to 1%, from the current 0.1%, by late 2022. More interesting is what is discounted after that. The OIS curve is pricing in no additional rate increases in 2023 and a rate cut in 2024. In other words, the market now believes that the BoE is about to embark on a policy mistake with rate hikes that will need to be quickly reversed. Chart 11Markets Are Pricing In A BoE Policy Error Markets Are Pricing In A BoE Policy Error Markets Are Pricing In A BoE Policy Error We think there is a risk of a more aggressive-than-expected BoE tightening cycle. The surge in UK inflation expectations is not trivial nor “transitory”. Looking at survey-based measures of expectations like the YouGov/Citigroup survey, or market-based measures like CPI swaps, inflation is expected to reach at least 4% both in the short-term and over the longer-run (Chart 12). If Bank Rate were to peak at a mere 1%, as indicated in the OIS curve, that would still leave UK real interest rates in deeply negative territory even if there was a pullback in inflation expectations. We expect the votes on whether to hike rates at either the November or December MPC meetings to be close. There will be a new Monetary Policy Report published for the November 4 meeting, which will include a new set of economic and inflation forecasts that will give the BoE a platform to signal, or deliver, a rate hike. In the end, we think that the senior leadership on the MPC has already revealed too much of its hawkish hand, and a rate hike will occur by year-end. Looking beyond liftoff into 2022, we still see markets pricing in too shallow a path for Bank Rate over the next couple of years, leaving us comfortable to maintain our underweight stance on UK Gilts. With regards to positioning along the Gilt yield curve, however, we see the potential for more curve steepening even if after the BoE begins to lift rates. The implied path for UK real interest rates, taken as the gap between the UK OIS forwards and CPI swap forwards, shows that markets expect the BoE to keep policy rates well below expected inflation for well into the next decade (Chart 13). At the same time, the wide current gap between the actual real policy rate (Bank Rate minus headline inflation) and the New York Fed’s most recent estimate of the UK neutral real rate (r-star) suggests that the Gilt curve is far too flat (bottom panel). Chart 12The BoE Cannot Ignore This The BoE Cannot Ignore This The BoE Cannot Ignore This Perversely, this creates a situation where the UK curve steepeners can be an attractive near-term hedge to an underweight stance on UK Gilts. Chart 13 If the BoE does not deliver on the strongly hinted rate hike in November or December, the Gilt curve can steepen as shorter-maturity Gilt yields fall but longer-dated yields remain boosted by high inflation expectations.However, if the BoE does hike and more tightening is signaled, longer-term yields will likely rise more than shorter-term yields as the market prices in a higher future trajectory for policy rates. Bottom Line: Stay underweight UK Gilts in global bond portfolios, but maintain a curve steepening bias that would win if a hike is delayed to 2022 or, counterintuitively, even if the Bank of England does indeed hike in November or December - longer-term UK yields are still too low relative to the likely peak in Bank Rate. Robert Robis, CFA Chief Fixed Income Strategist rrobis@bcaresearch.com Shakti Sharma Senior Analyst ShaktiS@bcaresearch.com Ray Park, CFA Research Analyst ray@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 For this calculation, we exclude firms that did not provide a response to the BoC Business Outlook Survey. 2 The Bank of Canada’s Staff Analytical Note on neutral rate estimation can be found here: https://www.bankofcanada.ca/2021/04/staff-analytical-note-2021-6/ 3 Please see BCA Research Global Fixed Income Strategy and European Investment Strategy Report, "The UK Leads The Way", dated August 11, 2021, available at gfis.bcaresearch.com. 4https://www.ft.com/content/bce7b1c5-0272-480f-8630-85c477e7d69 Recommendations Duration Regional Allocation Spread Product Tactical Trades GFIS Model Bond Portfolio Recommended Positioning     Active Duration Contribution: GFIS Recommended Portfolio Vs. Custom Performance Benchmark Image The GFIS Recommended Portfolio Vs. The Custom Benchmark Index

Highlights The ruling African National Congress will be difficult to displace in upcoming elections given the large economic role it plays in the public sector and in low-income households. Low growth outcomes will continue as the government navigates allocating state funds more efficiently, amid rising public debt, weak macroeconomic fundamentals and a fresh undertaking of fiscal austerity. The African National Congress is primed to claw back some lost voter support with President Ramaphosa at the helm. But Ramaphosa will also put a stop to fiscal austerity ahead of the 2024 general election. Our new South Africa Geopolitical Risk Indicator captures moments of significant political risk in the past and currently signals that the country is facing a geopolitical and political risk level last seen in 2016. The political status quo will remain for now, which is positive for investors. But China’s economic troubles and South Africa’s eventual need to inflate away its debt pose long-term risks for investors. Feature In the wake of COVID-19, South Africa has witnessed an increase of civil unrest. Severe looting in July 2021 only lasted a couple of days and was mostly contained to the central and eastern parts of the country but it nearly brought the country to a stand-still. The imprisonment of former President Jacob Zuma and a harsh lockdown amid resurging COVID-19 cases at the time fanned flames already lit by long-standing structural economic issues. The country has been stuck in a low growth trap for several years and government is facing constraints from rising debt levels. Yet the ruling party (the African National Congress, or ANC) will be difficult to displace in upcoming municipal elections and future general elections. It plays a large role in the public sector and low-income households depend heavily on government grants. Moreover, the ruling party also enjoys a “liberator” status, with voters pledging support to the ANC based on the party’s historical achievement of playing a major role in ending the apartheid regime. Unless the party implodes from within – possible but unlikely – the ANC will continue to rule, which is also the best outcome for investors at the current juncture. Low Growth Continues Amid High Debt The South African economy was straining before the pandemic and will continue to underperform going forward. Plagued by rampant corruption, misused state funds, and a lack of political leadership, the public sector has dragged on growth for several years now. Coupled with poor productivity in the primary and secondary sectors, South Africa’s economy faces headwinds which will affect future growth outcomes for years to come (Chart 1A). Chart 1   In the mining sector, the country’s top foreign exchange earner, output has been in a structural decline since 1980 even as the country has benefited from several commodity price booms (Chart 1B). More recently, Ramaphosa’s 2018 investment drive to rebuild South African industries has failed to galvanize a turnaround.1 Manufacturing is much of the same story as mining. Output has been in decline from 1990 and has reached its lowest level since mid-1960 (Chart 1C). The National Union of Metal Workers have recently undertaken a protracted strike that has lasted three weeks already – with many industry bodies citing the dangers of irreparable harm to production and severe job losses should the strike continue for much longer. Other factors such as intermittent electricity outages across the country will subtract from productivity going forward. Chart 1BPrimary Sector Productivity In Structural Downfall... Primary Sector Productivity In Structural Downfall... Primary Sector Productivity In Structural Downfall... Chart 1C...Followed By The Secondary Sector ...Followed By The Secondary Sector ...Followed By The Secondary Sector Chart 2Public Debt Is Ballooning Fast Public Debt Is Ballooning Fast Public Debt Is Ballooning Fast From longstanding misuse of public funds comes the ballooning public government debt (Chart 2). Our colleagues over at the BCA Emerging Markets Strategy team have assessed the state of fiscal policy and debt in South Africa and the outlook is bleak. The government is currently pursuing fiscal austerity measures to rein in debt. However, these measures are unlikely to be enough and will become politically untenable over time. Otherwise, to stabilize debt, policy makers will have to inflate their way out of debt servicing costs or increase fiscal spending to boost nominal GDP growth. According to the 2021 budget speech, real spending is projected to contract each year over the next three years. This marks the first cut to nominal noninterest government expenditure in at least 20 years. Other items such as health care will see spending cuts over the next three years and remain lower than 2013 levels. Social protection and job creation initiatives will also see spending cuts. Another large budgetary item that will see spending cuts is the public sector wage bill. The government has reiterated its commitment to curb this growing expense. Recent negotiations with civil servants saw only a 1.5% wage increase over the next year compared to an average growth rate of 7% over the last five years. Chart 3Government Spending Important To Demand Government Spending Important To Demand Government Spending Important To Demand Austerity measures will lower public sector demand and ultimately growth. However, if successful, they will bolster both potential economic growth and the ruling party’s support. The problem is the timing of the general election in 2024. The economic backdrop in the country remains weak. Assuming more civil unrest takes place, government finances will be burdened with picking up the cost again and appeasing the masses through higher social spending. Austerity measures will presumably be relaxed ahead of the 2024 vote. Government debt needs to be curtailed considering that debt servicing costs are the second largest expenditure item of the country’s national economic budget. But given how large the public sector contributes to local demand (Chart 3), the ANC will see pushback by trade unions and those that have been in its growing employ. However, pushback will not necessarily translate into an irreversible breakdown of political support. Trade unions have been part and parcel of the ANC since the party’s inception. The party will have to strike a balance to keep the unions on its side. Bottom Line: Under Ramaphosa’s leadership, government austerity measures will continue at least over the short to medium term but will most likely be balanced to ensure the ANC maintains control through the 2024 elections. Ramaphosa Strengthens The ANC Civil unrest is nothing new in South Africa. There have been various displays of civil unrest and riots in recent years. The most recent civil unrest led to over 300 civilian casualties, the deadliest since the apartheid era. However, casualties were mostly a result of public stampeding civilian-on-civilian violence. The government did not play a major role in these deaths compared to the Marikana massacre of 2012.2 Even then, despite the ANC facing backlash from the immediate community, the party suffered no major fallout nationally. Recent unrest was more widely spread this time around and serves as an early warning signal to the ANC that social risks are high and not abating. But as things stand, these events will not displace the ANC from power. Such events would need to occur more regularly across the entire country, for them to pose a real threat to ANC rule. Since taking the helm of the ruling party in late 2017, Ramaphosa is viewed a lot more favorably than his predecessor, Zuma, by most South Africans. Ramaphosa is more business friendly, transparent, and is at least trying to weed out corruption in government. The public view of Ramaphosa’s handing of COVID-19 has been improving. Even supporters of the Democratic Alliance, the official opposition, and the Economic Freedom Fighters, a radical far-left party, have shown a large improvement in their approval of Ramaphosa’s handling of the pandemic (Chart 4). The Economic Freedom Fighter’s growth has largely been driven by disgruntled ANC supporters in recent years. Seeing supporters of the Economic Freedom Fighters improve their approval of Ramaphosa is positive for the ANC in upcoming elections. Chart 4 The ANC has two significant backstops to any deep erosion of their voter base: feudalism and social grants. Feudalism is defined as a socioeconomic structure in which people work for a leader of a community or tribe who in return, give them protection and use of land. It still runs deep in South Africa and across its cultures and tribes. It gives life to the ANC, a strong base that the Economic Freedom Fighters will always have a tough time chipping away at. Rural voters matter most to the ANC and mostly live under feudal rule. Tribal leaders and village chiefs play a major part in everyday life for rural people. There is overwhelming support among these leaders for the ANC because the ruling party provides them with access to land, among other things. By contrast, the Democratic Alliance and the Economic Freedom Fighters have had little success in penetrating these barriers. Support for both of these parties is driven by urban dwellers. The overarching royal Zulu family is the biggest factor contributing to feudalism. The Zulu family will always support the ANC and ensure their people do too. The Zulus are the largest tribe of black South Africans and have significant interests in the ANC maintaining power, such as access to land and financial resources. Obviously they have historic ties to the founding of the ANC and past leaders of the ANC, including Zuma (but not Ramaphosa). Additionally, the tripartite alliance of trade unions, the South African Communist Party, and the ANC has always ensured that workers represented in labor unions across the country voted for the ANC. The candidate elected president of the ANC, and ultimately the country, has always had the backing of trade unions, represented by the largest, the Congress of South African Trade Unions.3 The Congress of South African Trade Unions has never waived their support of the ANC in any elections and have shown no interest in supporting any other parties. The social grants system is the second backstop. The ANC provides social payments to 22% of the population, of which approximately 76% of recipients vote for the ANC (Chart 5, top panel). That’s a significant amount of the population that will forego a large part of their economic livelihoods if they vote for the Economic Freedom Fighters or another party to rule the country. In the current climate of COVID-19, foregoing government grants in order to vote for another party will not happen. Voters are increasingly worried about losing their social grants if another party comes into power (Chart 5, bottom panel). While other parties like the Economic Freedom Fighters have promised to more than double the going social grant rate if they come to power, social grant recipients and ANC voters at large have not budged on this “promise.” A sure thing today is better than a gamble tomorrow. But, if the fiscal standing of the country teeters into a position whereby the ANC fails to meet its growing social grant liabilities, then the Economic Freedom Fighters will gain the most, even if its promises will be extremely difficult to back up. Upcoming municipal elections in November 2021 will put to the test whether the ANC will shed support like it did in the 2016 election (Chart 6, top panel). Under Zuma, the ANC’s losses were the Economic Freedom Fighter’s gains. In the 2019 general election this transfer of votes lost some momentum because of Ramaphosa’s ability to galvanize support for the ANC (Chart 6, bottom panel). The Economic Freedom Fighter’s rise has been driven by the party’s ability to berate the ANC on its systemic corruption, embodied in Zuma. With Zuma in jail and Ramaphosa cleaning up the party and government, the Economic Freedom Fighters will lose momentum in forthcoming elections.4 Chart 5 Chart 6 To the ANC’s benefit, opposition parties that won some significant metros in the 2016 municipal elections subsequently formed coalitions that have largely failed to govern well. Specifically, in the economic capital of Johannesburg, the ANC reclaimed a majority to govern the city through coalitions with smaller parties, after the Democratic Alliance and Economic Freedom Fighters governed the city following the 2016 election. While the ANC has only reclaimed one of three metros lost in the 2016 municipal elections, they have benefited from lackluster service delivery by opposition parties which has shown that there is no realistic alternative to the ANC right now.5 Bottom Line: As Ramaphosa cleans up the ANC and government, the ANC will shed less support to the EFF and look to claw back lost voters in forthcoming elections. Introducing Our South Africa GeoRisk Indicator Recent civil unrest in South Africa presents an ideal backdrop to introduce a new GeoRisk Indicator to our existing suite of thirteen indicators. Our newly devised South Africa GeoRisk Indicator captures moments of significant political risk in the past, including this year’s civil unrest, and currently signals that the country is facing a geopolitical and political risk level last seen in 2016, when President Zuma was on his way out of office (Chart 7). Chart 7South Africa Geopolitical Risk Indicator South Africa Geopolitical Risk Indicator South Africa Geopolitical Risk Indicator The South Africa indicator is based on the rand and US dollar exchange rate (ZAR/USD) and its deviation from four underlying macro variables that should otherwise explain its economic trend. These variables are: gold prices, emerging market equities, industrial production, and retail sales. The four variables cover South Africa’s commodity dependency, financial sector, and the supply and demand side of the domestic economy. All four variables exhibit sufficient correlation with the ZAR/USD for use in this indicator. If the ZAR/USD weakens relative to these variables, then a South Africa-specific risk premium is apparent. As with previous indicators, we ascribe that premium to politics and geopolitics, although this is a generalization, and a qualitative assessment must always be made. The indicator is effective in tracking the country’s recent history too. Events such as ex-President Zuma’s general election win in 2009, and his controversial firing of several finance ministers in late 2015, signal an increase in risk. Meanwhile, lower risk was implied when current president, Ramaphosa, was elected president of the ANC in late 2017, and later, in 2019, as president of the country. Some additional events worth highlighting include: (1) In late 2001 to mid-2002, the local currency lost significant value relative to the US dollar for several reasons. First, the 1998 Asia financial crisis continued to send aftershocks throughout the emerging markets. The ZAR was put through the ringer in forward markets by speculators on a frequent basis, buying cheaper in the spot and driving speculation in the forward market, making easy returns. This speculation was only compounded by the South African Reserve Bank’s intervention in the local currency market to curtail speculation through regulatory action. Second, money supply grew substantially from mid-2001 to early 2002, which is associated with exchange rate undershooting.6 Thirdly, adding to these factors, contagion risk from neighboring Zimbabwe, which was dealing with land seizures and food shortages at the time, played into risk aversion toward regional and South African assets. (2) Eskom, South Africa’s state-owned power utility company, implements more regular power outages amid struggles to supply rising demand. (3) Despite allegations of corruption, former President Zuma wins the ANC presidential nomination. Zuma becomes party president. (4) Former President Zuma wins the general election (5) Former President Zuma fires well-respected then finance minister Nhlanhla Nene (6) Former President Zuma fires well-respected then finance minister Pravin Gordhan (7) President Ramaphosa wins the ANC presidential nomination. Ramaphosa becomes party president. (8) Former President Zuma resigns from the presidency (9) Former US President Donald Trump tweets on white farm murders in South Africa7 (10) President Ramaphosa wins the general election (11) First COVID-19 case is reported (12) Civil unrest and looting In terms of South African assets, when geopolitical and political risk rises, investors favor alternative emerging market assets (Chart 8). In 2021, South African equities have climbed to levels last seen in 2018 on the back of an improving global growth outlook and swelling commodity prices. But recent civil unrest has seen local equities pull back a notch. If risks escalate further, local assets will continue to retreat. Chart 8Geopolitical Risk Signals Move To Alternative Bourses Geopolitical Risk Signals Move To Alternative Bourses Geopolitical Risk Signals Move To Alternative Bourses Investment Takeaways Table 1 provides a snapshot of equity performance, volatility, and relative valuations and momentum in South Africa compared to frontier markets, including African frontier markets, and emerging markets. Table 1South Africa And African Frontier Markets: Valuations, Momentum, Volatility South Africa: Ruling Party Will Stay South Africa: Ruling Party Will Stay Chart 9Wait And See On Frontier Markets Wait And See On Frontier Markets Wait And See On Frontier Markets Equity returns in South Africa have notched good gains as global growth picks up alongside rising commodity prices. On a risk-adjusted basis, however, Nigeria and Kenya are more attractive. The general aggregates of Frontier and African frontier markets are more attractive on the same basis. Price and timing wise, Table 1 shows valuations and momentum relative to other markets. South Africa is cheap but Nigeria is cheaper. On a cyclical basis, South Africa has more to offer than Nigeria. African countries such as Nigeria and Ghana are all prepped to move higher in the wake of cheaper currencies. But a widening financial crisis in China is a risk to these countries given how they have trended closely with Chinese total social financing (Chart 9). Meanwhile, Kenyan equities have outperformed. South African equities in US dollar terms have retreated somewhat following recent civil unrest and some contagion linked to China’s Evergrande crisis (Chart 9, second panel). If China secures its economic recovery, then higher commodity prices will boost miners and industrial stocks going forward. But this is not guaranteed. Upcoming municipal elections will aid investors in determining what to expect from the policy backdrop. We expect that the ANC will stabilize, i.e. not lose control of more cities, and this should throw some impetus back into local equities. Conclusion This year’s civil unrest was stark and disruptive but does not spell fundamental political destabilization or the end of ANC rule in upcoming elections. The South African economy is structurally weak and, aside from a bounceback on the post-pandemic recovery, will continue to lag its peers until the ANC and Ramaphosa get a solid grip on allocating state funds more efficiently, promoting a more friendly and stable business environment, and fighting corruption. Undertaking fiscal austerity now is not a bad thing for the ANC, but it will become an increasing political liability leading up to the next general election. Ramaphosa will have to pull the plug on fiscal cost cutting as soon as 2023, so as to allow demand to recover before voters head to the polls again in 2024. But this has longer term economic implications. Public debt will continue to rise in this case and add to debt default risk and debt servicing costs. If austerity is reinstated after elections, the South African economy will remain in a low growth trap. For now, tightening the fiscal belt is doable because of the dynamic created by the downfall of Zuma, giving support to austerity as a means of cutting back corruption, and the pandemic, which reinforces the ANC as the institutional ruling party during a time of national crisis.   Guy Russell Research Analyst GuyR@bcaresearch.com Appendix The market is the greatest machine ever created for gauging the wisdom of the crowd and as such our Geopolitical Risk Indicators were not designed to predict political risk but to answer the question of whether and to what extent markets have priced that risk. Our South African GeoRisk Indicator (see Chart 8 above) makes use of the same methodology used for all thirteen of our other indicators. The methodology avoids the pitfall of regression-based models. We begin with a financial asset that has a daily frequency in price, in this case the ZAR/USD, and compare its movement against several fundamental factors. These factors are the price of gold in US dollars, emerging market equities in US dollar terms, South African industrial production, and South African retail sales. Like our recently added Australia GeoRisk Indicator, South Africa is a commodity exporting country. South Africa is the largest producer of platinum in the world, and was the seventh largest gold producer by volume in 2019. Gold is South Africa’s largest export and the ZAR has a strong historic correlation to gold prices.8 Hence we use gold prices instead of platinum, which is less well correlated. South Africa also has a deep financial market, with lose capital controls and easy flow of funds. When sentiment toward EM equities is high, the ZAR benefits, and hence our inclusion of emerging market equities. On the supply and demand side of the economy, both industrial production and retail sales show a strong relationship with the ZAR. We include these as the last two variables measured in our indicator. All four variables exhibit strong correlation with the local currency. If the currency sharply underperforms them, then it must be weighed down by some risk premium, which we ascribe to domestic political and policy developments or the general geopolitical environment. Footnotes 1 In 2018, President Cyril Ramaphosa laid out a target of $100 billion in new investments over the next five years, primarily targeting primary and secondary industries. According to The United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, foreign direct investment flows into South Africa in 2020 almost halved to $2.5 billion from $4.6 billion in 2019, which was a 15% decline from around $5.4 billion in 2018. 2 The Marikana massacre was the killing of 34 miners by the South African Police Service. It took place on 16 August 2012 and was the most lethal use of force by South African security forces against civilians since 1976. 3 According to the International Labour Organization, South Africa’s union density rate was 28.1% in 2016. Strikingly, the public sector union density rate was approximately 70.1% compared to 29.1% in the private sector. 4 In June 2021, ex-President Jacob Zuma was sentenced to 15 months imprisonment for contempt of court, by failing to legally attend a tribunal on corruption in South Africa. Zuma has recently been released on medical parole. 5 In the 2016 municipal elections, the ANC lost control of three major metros. Pretoria (political capital), Johannesburg (economic capital) and (Port Elizabeth, or Nelson Mandela Bay). The official opposition (the Democratic Alliance) and the Economic Freedom Fighters formed governing coalitions in all three of the lost ANC metros. Opposition coalitions have struggled to govern more effectively than what the ANC did, given how far apart they are ideologically. In Pretoria and Nelson Mandela Bay, service delivery has been poor since, in line with ANC rule prior to 2016. In Johannesburg, the ANC won back the metro by forming a coalition with several smaller parties. Opposition coalitions are still in force in Pretoria and Nelson Mandela Bay. 6 Bhundia, A.J. and Ricci, L.A., 2005. The Rand Crises of 1998 and 2001: What have we learned. Post-apartheid South Africa: The first ten years, pp.156-173. 7 Donald Trump tweets "I have asked Secretary of State @SecPompeo to closely study the South Africa land and farm seizures and expropriations and the large scale killing of farmers." The South African government have not seized any farms nor have there been any recordings of large-scale farm killings. The tweet caused a minor sell-off in local assets at the time. 8 Arezki, Rabah & Dumitrescu, Elena-Ivona & Freytag, Andreas & Quintyn, Marc. (2012). Commodity Prices and Exchange Rate Volatility: Lessons from South Africa’s Capital Account Liberalization. Emerging Markets Review. 19. Jordaan, F. Y., & Van Rooyen, J. H. (2011). An empirical investigation into the correlation between rand currency indices and changing gold prices. Corporate Ownership & Control, 9(1-1), 172-183.

Highlights UK GDP is on track to overtake pre-pandemic levels. This will strengthen the case for the BoE to tighten monetary policy. That said, markets are aggressively pricing in a hawkish BoE. This creates room for near-term disappointment. The post-Brexit environment still remains volatile, especially vis-à-vis Northern Ireland. This opens a window to tactically go long EUR/GBP. Ultimately, the pound is undervalued on a longer-term basis. GBP/USD should touch 1.45 over the next 12 months. Feature Chart I-1A Robust Recovery In UK Growth An Update On Sterling An Update On Sterling The UK recovery has been progressing smartly (Chart I-1). GDP growth is on track to increase by 7.25% this year, and 6% next year, according to the Bank of England (BoE). This is well above potential, and will eclipse growth in other developed economies. Markets have reacted accordingly. The pound is marginally higher versus the dollar this year, despite broad-based USD strength. Gilt yields have risen versus most developed market long rates. The OIS curve is already discounting at least 3 rate hikes by the BoE next year, much higher than most other developed market central banks (Chart I-2). The risk is that it creates downside risks for sterling in the near-term, even if the longer-term outlook remains bullish. Chart I-2A Violent Repricing In Interest Rate Expectations A Violent Repricing In Interest Rate Expectations A Violent Repricing In Interest Rate Expectations Robust Domestic Conditions Most measures of domestic demand in the UK remain robust. The employment rate is higher than in the US, with unemployment fast approaching NAIRU (Chart I-3). Projections from the BoE no longer forecast an acute impact from the expiration of the furlough scheme. Unemployment should hit 4.25% in 2022, pinning it close to the lows of the last several decades. Chart I-3The UK Versus US Jobs Recovery An Employment Boom The UK Versus US Jobs Recovery An Employment Boom The UK Versus US Jobs Recovery An Employment Boom Robust labor market conditions are beginning to shift bargaining power to workers. Vacancy rates are closing in on fresh highs relative to unemployed workers and wages have inflected noticeably higher (Chart I-4). The BoE has noted that compositional effects could have exarcerbated the pace of wage increases, with most job losses aggregated in sectors with lower pay. As the economy progresses towards full employment, wage growth will moderate from current levels, but will still be very robust by historical standards. Inflation has been the wild card in the UK. The headline inflation print is currently 3.2%, while core CPI sits at 3.1%, well above the MPC’s 2% target. Meanwhile, the 10-year CPI swap rate has shot up to 4.2%, brewing expectations that higher inflation could become entrenched (Chart I-5). This has pushed up bets that the central bank could turn even more hawkish. Chart I-4Employees Are Gaining Bargaining Power Employees Are Gaining Bargaining Power Employees Are Gaining Bargaining Power Chart I-5Will UK Inflation Be Transitory? Will UK Inflation Be Transitory? Will UK Inflation Be Transitory? From a big picture perspective, the acute increase in money supply growth stemming from aggressive easing by the BoE has stimulated economic activity. As such, the velocity of money is rising sharply in the UK (Chart I-6). To prevent a potential overheating of the economy, the BoE will need to raise rates. This is bullish for cable. Finally, house price inflation in the UK remains robust. While this has been a global phenomenon, surveys suggest that the pace of house price increases will accelerate in the coming months (Chart I-7). With the most negative interest rates in the G10, this will be cause for concern for the BoE Chart I-6Money Velocity In The UK Money Velocity In The UK Money Velocity In The UK Chart I-7Will The Housing Boom Be Sustained? Will The Housing Boom Be Sustained? Will The Housing Boom Be Sustained? The Policy Response Chart I-8The BoE Will Withdraw Emergency Monetary Settings The BoE Will Withdraw Emergency Monetary Settings The BoE Will Withdraw Emergency Monetary Settings On the monetary policy front, the BoE is acting accordingly. Asset purchases are slated to end soon, with the central bank having bought £869bn of its £895bn target (Chart I-8). In fact, two members of the MPC voted at the last policy meeting to reduce this target by £35bn, which would have effectively ended QE. Meanwhile, markets are priced for at least three interest rate hikes over the next 12 months. We agree that tighter monetary policy is warranted over the longer term. However, our bias is that market expectations for interest rate increases may have overshot, a potential setup for disappointment in the very near term. Offsetting Factors Inflation in the UK could prove transitory, and fall much faster than the market expects. According to BoE forecasts, inflation should settle closer to 2% by the end of next year. Yet the market is still pricing in very sticky inflation in the UK. The 5-year inflation swap currently sits at 4.4%, while the 10-year sits at 4.2%. These are very high numbers which are susceptible to downside surprises in the coming months. A firm trade-weighted pound will be the first catalyst for lower inflation. Historically, a strong GBP has dampened inflationary pressures through lower input costs (Chart I-9). It is remarkable that there has been a strong divergence between the currency and inflation expectations in the current regime. This can be partly attributed to a pandemic-related surge in restaurant and hotel costs, high transportation costs, and a surge in housing utilities, all amidst an electricity shortage (Chart I-10). Global supply chains are also under siege. Chart I-9The Inflation Overshoot Will Not Persist The Inflation Overshoot Will Not Persist The Inflation Overshoot Will Not Persist Chart I-10Transport And Utility Inflation Could Prove Transitory An Update On Sterling An Update On Sterling However, energy costs in Europe could modestly subside in the coming months. The opening of the Nord Stream 2 pipeline, connecting Russia with Europe, will help alleviate the euro zone energy crisis. For the UK in particular, the opening of the 1,400 MW undersea cable with Norway this month should assuage the electricity shortage. The pace of house price appreciation may also temper going forward. The UK holiday stamp duty, introduced in July 2020, expired last month. Under the scheme, taxes paid on property purchases were exempt to a ceiling of initially £500,000 until March 2021, and eventually £250,000. Housing in the UK has been supported by low interest rates and higher savings, factors pushing up global real estate demand, but the pickup in housing transactions ahead of the expiry of the rebate should ebb.  The post-Brexit environment also remains volatile, especially vis-à-vis Northern Ireland. Significant checks exists on goods from the UK to Northern Ireland, even if they are slated for final consumption. This is leading to delays, and hampering UK businesses. The UK has been pushing back strongly against this, asking for an adjustment to the Brexit agreement. So far, the UK trade balance with the EU has been recovering, but overall, balance of payments dynamics remain a negative (Chart I-11). As we go to press, Europe’s Brexit negotiator, Maros Sefcovic, is being pressed by member states to draw up retaliatory measures, should the UK default on its agreement. Chart I-11The UK Trade Balance With The EU Is At Risk An Update On Sterling An Update On Sterling Finally, the pound is also being held hostage to global macro dynamics. The UK runs a basic balance deficit. This means portfolio inflows, both in equities and bonds are needed to finance the trade deficit. These portfolio flows accelerated this year, but are now relapsing (Chart I-12). The risk is that a correction in global equity markets could exarcebate this trend (Chart I-13). Chart I-12Portfolio Flows Into The UK Have ##br##Slowed Portfolio Flows Into The UK Have Slowed Portfolio Flows Into The UK Have Slowed Chart I-13The Pound Is Susceptible To A Market Correction The Pound Is Susceptible To A Market Correction The Pound Is Susceptible To A Market Correction   Trading Opportunities The pound is likely to fare well over a cyclical horizon. Our 12-month target is 1.45 with a best-case scenario above 1.50. This target is based on mean reversion towards fair value. On a real effective exchange rate basis, the pound is about 15% below the mean. This is lower than where it was after the UK exited the Exchange Rate Mechanism in 1992 (Chart I-14). Over time, the pound will converge towards the mid-point of this historical range, pushing it near 1.50. Our in-house PPP models suggest the pound is undervalued by 12%. Our models on average revert to the mean over three years, suggesting the pound could revert to fair value in the next 12-to-18 months (Chart I-15).1  Our intermediate-term timing model suggests the pound is 0.5 standard deviations below fair value, and will also gravitate towards 1.50 over the next year or two. This model incorporates risk variables such as corporate spreads and commodity prices that drive fluctuations in the pound (Chart I-16). Chart I-14The Trade-Weighted Pound Is Cheap The Trade-Weighted Pound Is Cheap The Trade-Weighted Pound Is Cheap Chart I-15GBP/USD Is Cheap On A PPP Basis GBP/USD Is Cheap On A PPP Basis GBP/USD Is Cheap On A PPP Basis Chart I-16GBP/USD Is Cheap On A Competitive Basis GBP/USD Is Cheap On A Competitive Basis GBP/USD Is Cheap On A Competitive Basis However, in the near term, the pound could relapse versus other G10 currencies. EUR/GBP: Interest rate expectations are bombed out in the euro area, relative to the UK. This is occurring at a time when PMI data remain relatively upbeat in the eurozone (though rolling over, Chart I-17). A modest reset in relative rate expectations could ignite EUR/GBP. We are initiating a long position at 0.846, with a stop loss at 0.835. GBP/JPY: The pound has rallied hard against the yen this year. Yet, real interest rates in the UK have cratered relative to Japan, as inflation has overshot in the former. The trade balance with Japan is also deteriorating, one year after a free-trade agreement was signed (Chart I-18). This divergence cannot last as relative trade surpluses/deficits have driven the exchange rate over the last three decades. We expect the yen to modestly outperform the pound in the next 3-to-6 months. AUD/GBP: The Aussie should outperform the pound. First, the cross has tremendously lagged levels implied by relative terms of trade. Even if commodity prices relapse, the margin of safety will remain very wide. Second, investors are massively short the Aussie relative to cable. From a contrarian perspective, this will pull AUD/GBP higher (Chart I-19). Chart I-17Buy EUR/GBP For A Trade Buy EUR/GBP For A Trade Buy EUR/GBP For A Trade Chart I-18GBP/JPY Is Vulnerable In The Short Term GBP/JPY Is Vulnerable In The Short Term GBP/JPY Is Vulnerable In The Short Term Chart I-19AUD/GBP Still Has Upside AUD/GBP Still Has Upside AUD/GBP Still Has Upside Overall, sentiment on the pound remains ebullient, and our intermediate-term technical indicator has yet to hit capitulation lows (Chart I-20). This is modestly negative in the short term. That said, should the dollar experience broad-based weakness, as we expect, the pound might underperform the crosses, but will fare well against the dollar. Chart I-20Cable Will Hit Capitulation Lows Soon Cable Will Hit Capitulation Lows Soon Cable Will Hit Capitulation Lows Soon   Chester Ntonifor Foreign Exchange Strategist chestern@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Please see Foreign Exchange Strategy Strategy Report, "Updating Our PPP Models," dated November 13, 2020. Trades & Forecasts Strategic View Cyclical Holdings (6-18 months) Tactical Holdings (0-6 months) Limit Orders Forecast Summary

Highlights As US and China’s grand strategies collide, expect major and minor geopolitical earthquakes whose epicenter will now lie in South Asia and the Indian Ocean basin. Another tectonic change will drive South Asia’s emergence as a new geopolitical battle ground - South Asia is now heavily weaponized. All key players operating in this theater are nuclear powers. South Asia’s democratic traditions are well-known but notable institutional and social fault lines exist. These could trigger major geopolitical events in Afghanistan, Pakistan and in pockets of India too. We are bullish on India strategically but bearish tactically. Dangerous transitions are underway to India’s east and west. Within India, key elections are approaching, and it is possible that growth may disappoint. For reasons of geopolitics, we are strategically bullish on Bangladesh but strategically bearish on Pakistan and Sri Lanka. We are booking gains of 9% on our long rare earths basket and 1% on our long GBP-CZK trade. Feature Over the 1900s, East Asia and the Middle East emerged as two key geopolitical focal points on the world map. Global hegemons flexed their muscles and clashed in these two theaters. Meanwhile South Asia was a geopolitical backstage at best. The majority of South Asia was a British colony until the second half of the twentieth century. After WWII it struggled with the difficulties of independence and mostly missed out on the prosperity of East Asia and the Pacific. But will the twenty-first century be any different? Absolutely so. We expect the current century to be marked by major and minor geopolitical earthquakes in which South Asia and the Indian Ocean basin will play a major part. This seismic change is likely to be the result of several tectonic forces: Population: A quarter of the world’s people live in South Asia today and this share will keep growing for the next four decades. India will be the most populous country in the world by 2027 and will account for about a fifth of global population. Supply: China’s growth model has left it heavily dependent on imports of raw materials from abroad. It is clashing with the West over markets and supply chains. Beijing is building supply lines overland while developing a navy to try to secure its maritime interests. These interests increasingly overlap with India’s, creating economic competition and security concerns over vital sea lines of communication. Access: Whilst the Himalayas and Tibetan plateau have historically prevented China from expanding its influence in South Asia, China’s alliance with Pakistan is strengthening. Physical channels like the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), and other linkages under the Belt and Road Initiative, now provide China a foot in the South Asian door like never before (Map 1). Weapons: The second half of the twentieth century saw China, India, and Pakistan acquire nuclear arms. Consequently, South Asia today is one of the most weaponized geographies globally (Map 1). Map 1South Asia To Emerge As A Key Geopolitical Theater In The 21st Century South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater With the South Asian economy ever developing, and US-China confrontation here to stay, we expect China to make its presence felt in South Asia over the coming decades. The US’s recent withdrawal from Afghanistan, and the failure of democratization in Myanmar, are but two symptoms of a grand strategic change by which China seeks to prevent US encirclement and Indo-American cooperation develops to counter China. Throw in the abiding interests of all these powers in the Middle East and it becomes clear that South Asia and the Indian Ocean basin writ large will become increasingly important over the coming decades. The Lay Of The Land - India Is The Center Of Gravity Chart 1South Asia Managed Rare Feat Of ‘Steady’ Growth South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater South Asia stands out amongst developing regions of the world for its large and young population. In recent decades, South Asia has also managed to grow its economy steadily, surpassing Sub-Saharan Africa and rivaling the Middle East (Chart 1). While South Asia’s growth rates have not been as miraculous as East Asia post World War II, its growth engine has managed to hum slowly but surely. India and Bangladesh have been the star performers on the economic growth front (Chart 2). Despite decent growth rates, the South Asian region is characterized by very low per capita incomes due to large population. On per capita incomes, Sri Lanka leads whilst Pakistan finds itself at the other end of the spectrum (Chart 3). Chart 2India And Bangladesh Have Been Star Performers South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater Chart 3Per Capita Incomes In South Asia Have Grown, But Remain Low South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater Chart 4India Accounts For About 80% Of South Asia’s GDP South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater South Asia constitutes eight nations. However only four are material from an investment perspective: India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, and Bangladesh. India is the center of gravity as it offers the most liquid scrips and accounts for 80% of the region’s GDP (Chart 4). In addition: India accounts for 101 of the 110 companies from South Asia listed on MSCI’s equity indices. MSCI India’s market capitalization is about $1 trillion. In fact, India’s equity market could soon become larger than that of the UK and join the world’s top-five club.1 The combined market cap of MSCI Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, and Pakistan amounts to only about $6 billion. Liquidity is a constraint that investors must contend with whilst investing in these three countries in South Asia. Pakistan is the home of 220 million – set to grow to 300 million by 2040. It lags its neighbors on economic growth and governance but has nuclear weapons and a 650,000-strong military. Bottom Line: India is the center of gravity for the regional economy and financial markets in South Asia. Sri Lanka and Bangladesh are small but are developing. Pakistan is the laggard, but is militarily strong, which raises political and geopolitical risks. South Asia: Major Consumer, Minor Producer Chart 5Manufacturing Capabilities Of South Asian Economies Are Weak South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater South Asia’s defining economic characteristic is that it is a major consumer. This feature contrasts with the region’s East Asian cousins, which worked up economic miracles based on their manufacturing capabilities. South Asia’s appetite to consume is partly driven by population and partly driven by the fact that this region’s economies have an unusually underdeveloped manufacturing base (Chart 5). It’s no surprise that all countries in South Asia (with the sole exception of Afghanistan) are set to have a current account deficit over the next five years (Charts 6A and 6B). Chart 6ASouth Asian Economies Tend To Be Net Importers South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater Chart 6BSouth Asian Economies Tend To Be Net Importers South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater India is set to become the third largest global importer of goods and services (after the US and UK) over the next five years. Its rise as a large client state of the world will be both a blessing and a curse, as increased business leverage will coincide with geopolitical insecurity. Structurally, Sino-Indian tensions are rising and growing bilateral trade will not be enough to prevent them. Meanwhile dependency on the volatile Middle East is a geopolitical vulnerability. Either way, India and its region become more important to the rest of the world over time. Whilst the structure of South Asia’s economy is relatively rudimentary, it is worth noting that Bangladesh and Sri Lanka present an exception. Bangladesh has embarked on a path of manufacturing-oriented development via labor-intensive production. Sri Lanka has a well-developed services sector (Chart 7). In particular: Bangladesh: Within South Asia, Bangladesh’s manufacturing sector stands out as being better developed than regional peers. More than 95% of Bangladesh’s exports are manufactured goods –a level that is comparable to China (Chart 8). China’s share in the global apparel and footwear market has been systematically declining and Bangladesh is one of the countries that has benefited most from this shift. Bangladesh’s share in global apparel and footwear exports to the US as well as EU has been rising steadily and today stands at 4.5% and 13% respectively.2 Chart 7Bangladesh’s And Sri Lanka’s Economies Are Relatively Modern South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater Chart 8Bangladesh Has The Most Developed Exports Franchise In South Asia South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater Sri Lanka: Whilst Sri Lanka social complexities are lower and per capita incomes are higher as compared to peers in South Asia, its transition from a long civil war to a focus on economic development recently suffered a body blow, first owing to terrorist attacks in 2019 and then owing to the pandemic. The economic predicament was then worsened by its government’s hasty transition to organic farming which hit domestic food production. Geopolitically it is worth noting that China is one of the largest lenders to Sri Lanka. Whilst Sri Lanka’s central bank may be able to convince markets of the nation’s ability to meet debt obligations for now, its foreign exchange reserves position remains precarious and public debt levels remain high. Sri Lanka’s vulnerable finances are likely to only increase Sri Lanka’s reliance on capital-rich China. Despite Democracy, South Asia Has Political Tinderboxes Another factor that sets South Asia apart from developing regions like Africa, the Middle East, and Central Asia is the region’s democratic moorings. India and Sri Lanka lead the region on this front, although the last decade may have seen minor setbacks to the quality of democracy in both countries (Chart 9). Pockets of South Asia are socially and politically unstable, characterized by religious or communal strife, terrorist activity, and even the occasional coup d'état. Risk Of Social Conflict Most Elevated In Pakistan And Afghanistan India’s demographic dividend is real, but its benefits should not be overstated. For instance, India’s northern region is a demographic tinderbox. It is younger than the rest of the country, yet per capita incomes are lower, youth underemployment is higher, and society is more heterogeneous. The rise of nationalism in India is an important consequence and could engender potential social unrest. Chart 9India’s Democracy Strongest, But May Have Had Some Setbacks South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater Chart 10South Asia Is Young And Will Age Slowly South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater   Chart 11Social Complexities Are High In Afghanistan & Pakistan South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater A similar problem confronts South Asia as a whole. Pakistan and Afghanistan are younger than India by a wide margin (Chart 10). But both countries are economically backward and have either poor or non-existent democratic traditions. Lots of poor youths and inadequate political valves to release social tensions make for an explosive combination. These countries are highly vulnerable to social conflict that could cause political instability at home or across the region via terrorism (Chart 11). The Gatsby Effect Most Prominent In Pakistan While various regions struggle with inequality, South Asia has less of a problem that way (Chart 12). However South Asia is characterized by very low levels of social mobility as compared to peer regions. This can partially be attributed to two centuries of colonial rule as well as to endemic traditions of social stratification. Chart 12Gatsby Effect: Social Mobility Is Lowest In Pakistan South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater Within South Asia it is worth noting that social mobility is the lowest in Pakistan and highest in Sri Lanka. Chart 13Military’s Influence Most Elevated In Pakistan And Nepal Too South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater Military Influential In Pakistan (And Nepal) Events that transpired over January 2020 in the US showed that even the oldest constitutional democracy in the world is not immune to a breakdown of civil-military relations. South Asia has seen the occasional coup d'état, one reason for the political tinderboxes highlighted above. Obviously, Myanmar is the worst – it saw its nascent democratization snuffed out just last year. But other countries in the region could also struggle to maintain civilian order in the coming decades. The military’s influence is outsized in Pakistan as well as Nepal (Chart 13). India maintains high levels of defense spending but has a strong tradition of civilian control (Chart 14). Chart 14Pakistan’s Military Budget Is Most Generous, India A Close Second South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater South Asia: A New Global Battle Ground Historically global hegemons have sought to assert their dominance by staking claim over coastal regions in Europe and Asia. Over the past two centuries Asia has emerged as a geopolitical theater second only to Europe. Naval and coastal conflicts have emerged from the rise of Japan (the Russo-Japanese War) and the Cold War (the Korean War & the Vietnam War). Today the rise of China is the destabilizing factor. The “frozen conflicts” of the Cold War are thawing in Taiwan, South Korea, and elsewhere. China is pursuing territorial disputes around its entire periphery, including notably in the East and South China Seas but also South Asia. Meanwhile the US, fearful of China, is struggling to strike a deal with Iran and shift its focus from the Middle East to reviving its Pacific strategic presence. A budding US-China competition is creating conditions for a new cold war or a series of “proxy battles” in Asia. Over the next few decades, we expect disputes to continue. But the focal points are likely to cover South Asia too. In specific, landlocked regions in South Asia are likely to see rising tensions in the twenty-first century (Map 2). Also as mentioned above, China’s naval expansion and the US’s attempt to form a “quadrilateral” alliance with India, Japan, and Australia will generate tensions and potentially conflict. European allies are also becoming more active in Asia as a result of US alliances as well as owing to Europe’s independent need for secure supply lines. Map 2China’s Interest In Landlocked Regions Of South Asia Is Rising South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater While border clashes between India and China will ebb and flow, Indo-Chinese confrontations along India’s eastern border will become a structural theme. Arguably, Sino-Indian rivalries pre-date the twenty-first century. But in a world in which the Asian giants are increasingly economically and technologically developed, Sino-Indian confrontations are likely to persist and result in major geopolitical events. Consider: China is adopting nationalism and an assertive foreign policy to cope with rising socioeconomic pressures on the Communist Party as potential GDP growth slows. China is developing a navy as well as a stronger alliance with Pakistan, which includes greater lines of communication. North India is a key constituency for the political party in power in India today (i.e., the Bhartiya Janata Party or BJP) and this geography harbors especially unfavorable views of Pakistan (Chart 15). Thus, there is a risk that the India of today could respond far more decisively or aggressively to threats or even minor disputes. More broadly, nationalism is rising in India as well as China. India is shedding its historical stance of neutrality and aligning with the US, which fuels China’s distrust (Chart 16). Chart 15Northern India Views Pakistan Even More Unfavorably Than Rest Of India South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater Chart 16India Has Aligned With The QUAD To Counter The Sino-Pak Alliance South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater Turning attention to India’s western border, clashes between India and Pakistan relating to landlocked areas in Kashmir will also be a recurring theme. Whilst India currently has a ceasefire agreement in place with Pakistan, peace between the two countries cannot possibly be expected to last. This is mainly because: Kashmir: Core problems between the two countries, like India’s control over Kashmir and Pakistan’s use of militant proxies, remain unaddressed. India’s unexpected decision in 2019 to abrogate article 370 of the Indian constitution has reinforced Pakistan’s attention on Kashmir. Sino-Pak Alliance: Pakistan accounted for 38% of China’s arms exports over 2016-20. Pakistan accounts for the lion’s share of Chinese investments made in South Asia (Chart 17). Sino-India rivalries will spill into the Indo-Pak relationship (and vice versa). Revival Of Taliban: The US withdrawal from Afghanistan has revived Taliban rule in that country. Taliban’s rise will resuscitate a range of dormant terrorist movements in Afghanistan as well as in Pakistan. India has a long history of being targeted. South Asia today is very different from what it looked like for most of the post-WWII era: it is heavily weaponized. India, Pakistan, and China became nuclear powers in the second half of the twentieth century and have been steadily building their nuclear stockpiles ever since (Chart 18). North Korea’s growing arsenal is theoretically able to target India, while Iran (more friendly toward India) may also obtain nuclear weapons. Chart 17China And Pakistan: Joined At The Hip? South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater Chart 18South Asia: The New Epicenter For Nuclear Activity South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater While nuclear arms create a powerful incentive for nations to avoid total war, they can also create unmitigated fear and uncertainty during incidents of major strategic tension. This is especially true when countries have not yet worked out a mode of living with each other, as with the US and USSR in the early days of the Cold War. Investment Takeaways For investors with an investment horizon exceeding 12 months, we highlight that India presents a long-term buying opportunity for two key reasons: China’s Internal And External Troubles Will Benefit India: As long as US and China do not reengage in a major way, global corporations will fall under pressure to diversify from China and the US will pursue closer relations with India. China faces an array of challenges across its periphery, whereas India need only focus on the South Asian sphere. India Is Rising As A Global Consumer: As long as a major Middle East war and oil shock is avoided (not a negligible risk), India should see more benefits than costs from its growing importance as a client of the world. However, over the next 12 months we worry that India is priced for perfection. India currently trades at a punchy premium relative to emerging markets (Table 1) at a time of when both geopolitical and macroeconomic headwinds are at play. In particular: Table 1We Are Bearish On India Tactically, But Bullish On India & Bangladesh Strategically South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater Major Transitions Are Dangerous: Recent developments in South Asia have added to geopolitical risks for India. The assumption of power by Taliban in Afghanistan will activate latent terrorist forces that could target India. Pakistan’s chronic instability combined with the change of power in Afghanistan could set off an escalation in Indo-Pakistani tensions, sooner rather than later. On India’s eastern front, China’s need to distract its population from a souring economy could trigger a clash between China and India. Down south, China’s rising influence over crisis-hit Sri Lanka is notable and could potentially engender security risks for India. Chart 19Politics Can Trump Economics In Run Up To General Elections South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater Growth Slowing, Elections Approaching: We worry that India’s growth engine may throw up a downside surprise over the next 12 months owing to poor jobs growth and poor investment growth. History suggests that politics often trumps economics in the run up to general elections (Chart 19). Hence there is a real risk that policy decisions will be voter-friendly but not market-friendly over 2022. As both India and Pakistan are gearing up for elections in the coming years, major military showdown or saber rattling should not be ruled out. Both countries may engineer a rally around the flag effect to bump up their pandemic-battered approval. Tension with China may escalate as Xi Jinping extends his term in power next year and seeks to enforce red lines in China’s eastern and western borders. Globally what are the key geopolitical factors that could lead to India’s underperformance in the short run? We highlight a checklist here: China Stimulates: The near-term clash between markets and policymakers in China should eventually give way to meaningful fiscal stimulus by Chinese authorities. This buoys China as well as emerging markets that depend on China for their growth. However, even if China flounders, India may not continue to outperform. The correlation between MSCI India and China equities has been positive. Fed Tightens Quickly: A faster-than-expected taper and tightening guidance could cause those emerging markets that are richly priced like India to correct. A Crisis Over Iran’s Nuclear Program: If the US is unable to return to diplomacy, tensions in the Middle East will rise and stoke oil prices. This will affect India adversely, given global price pressures and India’s high dependence on oil imports. Conversely, if these developments fail to materialize then that would lower our conviction regarding India’s underperformance in the short run. In summary, we are bullish India strategically but bearish tactically. As regards the three other investable markets in South Asia: We are bearish on Pakistan and Sri Lanka on a strategic time horizon. Whilst both nations’ rising alignment with China could be an advantage ceteris paribus, ironically their deteriorating finances are driving their proximity to capital-rich China (Chart 20). To boot, Sri Lanka’s ability to pay its way out of its economic crisis on its own steam is worsening. This is evident from its rising debt to GDP ratio (Chart 21). Chart 20Pakistan And Sri Lanka Running Low On Reserves South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater Pakistan faces elevated risks of internal social conflict, must deal with a rapidly changing external environment, has a weak democracy and an unusually influential military. Sri Lanka’s social risks are low, but its economic crisis appears likely to persist. The fact that both markets have been characterized by a high degree of volatility in earnings in the recent past implies that even a cyclical “Buy” case for either of these markets is fraught with risks (Table 1). The outlook for Bangladesh is better. Exports account for 15% of GDP and the US and Europe account for around 70% of its exports. Strong fiscal stimulus in these developed markets should augur well for this frontier market. Additionally, Bangladesh is characterized by moderate social risks, reasonably strong democracy scores and low levels of influence from the military. Its healthy public finances (Chart 21) and the fact that it shares no border with China creates the potential to leverage a symbiotic relationship with China. Chart 21Sri Lanka’s Debt Now Exceeds Its GDP South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater But there is a catch. Bangladesh as a market has a low market cap and hence offers low levels of liquidity (Table 1). We thus urge investors to avoid making cyclical investment calls on this South Asian market. However, from a long-term perspective we highlight our strategic bullish view on Bangladesh given supportive geopolitical factors. Watch out for an upcoming report from our Emerging Markets Strategy team, that will delve into the macroeconomic aspects of Bangladesh.   Ritika Mankar, CFA Editor/Strategist ritika.mankar@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Abhishek Vishnoi and Swetha Gopinath, "India's stock market on track to overtake UK in terms of m-cap: Report" Business Standard, October 2021. 2 Arianna Rossi, Christian Viegelahn, and David Williams, "The post-COVID-19 garment industry in Asia" Research Brief, International Labour Organization, July 2021. Open Trades & Positions South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater South Asia: A New Geopolitical Theater