Policy

In this <i>Strategy Outlook</i>, we present the major investment themes and views we see playing out for the rest of the year and beyond.

Executive Summary Long-Term Contracts Needed To Increase LNG Supply EU Will Reverse Course On Fossil Fuels EU Will Reverse Course On Fossil Fuels The EU will have to reverse course and execute long-term contracts with natural gas producers, LNG shippers and pipeline operators to incentivize production of supplies needed to contain energy prices. Long-term contracting will offer the EU an opportunity to address political and economic fragmentation risks via joint taxation policies.  This would transform state-level risks via-a-vis energy and military security into joint-and-several obligations. The G7’s plan to cap Russian oil prices will be DOA.  The most oil import-dependent EM economies – China and India – will find deeply discounted crude irresistible. Hydrocarbon producers and refiners will increase investments in carbon-capture and storage technology, to maintain their new-found advantage as secure energy sources.  Additional subsidies and funding for this technology will be forthcoming. Bottom Line: The hard realities of military conflict and a lack of investment in production and refining will force governments to incentivize substantial investments in hydrocarbons – particularly natural gas and LNG infrastructure – to address global energy scarcity during a time of war.  We remain long oil and gas exposures via the COMT ETF, and long equity refining and services exposures via the CRAK and IEZ ETFs.  We will re-establish our producer-oriented XOP ETF position if prompt Brent futures trade down to $105/bbl in the front month.  We also remain tactically long Brent and eurozone natgas futures and options. Feature The G7 last opined on liquified natural gas (LNG) supply in May, and as was the case this week, it left even casual observers uncertain as to what it is seeking to achieve: It advocated for a halt to further investments in fossil-fuel projects and, at the same time, called for higher LNG supplies to be provided for the EU states.1  The EU faces daunting energy security and supply constraints.2 A deepening energy scarcity will, we expect, push the EU into recession later this year, as natural-gas rationing is invoked to ensure there are sufficient supplies to meet human needs this winter.  Natgas scarcity will force the EU to reverse course on its renewable-energy transition in the medium term and prioritize fossil-fuel investments, in our view.  Long-term contracting with LNG suppliers will be required to incentivize needed investment in production and transportation to replace Russian gas imports.  Such contracting is a necessity for hydrocarbon producers, given governments’ continued calls for no additional fossil-fuel investment.  Quicksilver shifts in policy are a continuing source of uncertainty for investors and energy-supply firms. Over time, the EU will have to replace close to 7 Tcf/yr of Russian gas imports (Chart 1, middle panel).  This will propel the EU into the ranks of the world’s largest LNG importers (Chart 2).  Chart 1EU Needs To Replace ~ 7 Tcf/yr Of LNG EU Will Reverse Course On Fossil Fuels EU Will Reverse Course On Fossil Fuels Chart 2EU Will Become A World-Class LNG Importer EU Will Become A World-Class LNG Importer EU Will Become A World-Class LNG Importer Chart 3Long-Term Contracts Needed To Increase LNG Supply EU Will Reverse Course On Fossil Fuels EU Will Reverse Course On Fossil Fuels Given the length of contracts typically executed with LNG exporters – in excess of 20-plus years – EU governments will be compelled to allow firms and member states to sign long-term contracts for these supplies.  EU governments also will be required to begin planning for and developing LNG importing infrastructure, as these supplies become available over the next 3-5 years. In the meantime, LNG prices will remain under pressure as competition heats up globally ahead of the coming winter (Chart 3). G7 Price-Cap Scheme Will Be DOA The G7’s scheme to impose a price cap on Russian oil exports will be DOA as soon as details are presented.  This is because the world’s largest oil import-dependent economies – China and India – not only have long trading histories with Russia, but they also operate their own oil-transport fleets that can circumvent insurance-related obstacles imposed by the US and the UK.  China and India already find discounted Russian oil irresistible, and are unlikely to acquiesce to US demands for a price cap.  China imports 75% of its 15.5mm b/d of oil consumption, while India imports ~ 85% of the 5mm b/d of oil it consumes.  Even if oil importers taking Russia's exports going to the EU were to sign on to a price-cap scheme, Russia could always unilaterally cut its oil and condensate production by 20-30% and force Brent prices sharply higher for remaining contract holders. This would almost surely lead to higher prices – above $140/bbl, based on our earlier estimates – and raise Russia’s net export proceeds in the process, since the G7 does not want all of Russia's oil taken off the market.3 Government Interventions Exacerbate Scarcity Governments of states with contestable elections increasingly are intervening – or attempting to do so – in global energy markets and imposing often-contradictory policies that nominally favor consumers at the expense of energy producers.  This almost always is counter-productive: Price caps intended to soften the blow of higher-cost electricity and hydrocarbons discourages the necessary conservation of scarce resources.  So-called windfall profits taxes discourage the investment required to address supply scarcity.  Higher demand and lower supply does not lead to lower prices.  Even grander schemes – e.g., the monopsony cartels floated by G7 member states like the US and EU, along with China – almost surely would reduce the profitability of developing and marketing new energy supplies, which also would exacerbate scarcity of supply by discouraging investment. These quick ad hoc fixes work at cross purposes in solving the problem of global energy scarcity.  While they are in keeping with a penchant of governments to demonstrate they are addressing voters’ concerns, such policies mistake a quick response for long-term solutions. Investment Implications The EU will, in our opinion, be forced to reverse course and sign long-term LNG supply contracts to replace Russian natural gas imports.  This will not derail its renewable-energy transition strategy, but it will significantly delay it.  We remain long oil and gas exposures via the S&P GSCI and COMT ETF, and long equity refining and services exposures via the CRAK and IEZ ETFs.  We will re-establish our producer-focused XOP ETF position if Brent trades down to $105/bbl in the front month.  We also remain tactically long Brent and eurozone natgas futures and options (see p. 7 below). Housekeeping Notes We were stopped out of our long S&P GSCI position with a gain of 64%.  We are getting long again at the close. We also were stopped out of our long 4Q22 $120/bbl Brent calls with a 16% return. Separately, there will be no Commodity Round-Up in this week’s publication.  We are broadcasting our Commodity Round-Up today at 9 a.m. EDT.    Robert P. Ryan Chief Commodity & Energy Strategist rryan@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1     Please see The G7 wants to dump natural gas … but not yet published by politico.com 27 May 2022.  The report notes, “The G7 called for an end to international investments in fossil fuels by the end of this year and slammed private finance for continuing to back dirty energy — but left a big out for EU countries desperate to replace Russian gas.  ‘We acknowledge that investment in [the liquefied natural gas] sector is necessary in response to the current crisis, in a manner consistent with our climate objectives and without creating lock-in effects,’ the ministers said.” 2     Please see One Hot Mess: EU Energy Policy, published 26 May 2022.  This report delves into the EU’s post-Cold War foreign policy.  For three decades, EU foreign policy largely was set by Germany, the organization's most powerful economy.  Successive generations of German politicians championed the idea that the West could bring the former Soviet Union – and later Russia – into the modern world of global trade through Ostpolitik, which had, at its core, a belief in the power of trade to effect political and economic change.  This policy is kaput. 3    Please see Higher Gasoline, Diesel Prices Ahead, which we published 2 June 2022.  It is available at ces.bcaresearch.com. Investment Views and Themes Strategic Recommendations Tactical Trades Trades Closed in 2022

Executive Summary Unhappy Households Make Unhappy Voters Unhappy Households Make Unhappy Voters Unhappy Households Make Unhappy Voters US polarization while down is still near historic peaks. Negative sentiments are forming among households and businesses due to inflation and high gas price, which makes fiscal expansion unlikely in the near future. President Biden is running out of options to shore the Democrats’ political capital ahead of the midterm. Biden will resort to using executive orders and move on to foreign affairs as the legislative route is blocked. More actions in the international realm will inject geopolitical risks in an already volatile year. Asset Initiation Date Return Long US Health Care Vs. S&P 500 2021-06-30 13.5% Bottom Line: Higher political risk in the near term warrants a defensive posture. Feature Dear Client, This week’s report is brought to you by Jesse Kuri, Associate Editor of our US Political Strategy. Jesse provides an update of our US Political Capital Index, which enables us to quantify the Biden administration’s ability to get things done. Jesse measures precisely how far Biden’s political capital has fallen since his election in November 2020 and highlights the key indicators investors should monitor to assess whether the administration can regain effectiveness after the midterm election.  Jesse also updates our US Equity Sector Political Risk Matrix, which combines insights from our US Equity Strategist Irene Tunkel with our own assessments of whether politics will add upside or downside risk to each sector. Health care stocks are notable for facing policy risks skewed to the upside. All very best, Matt Gertken, Chief US Political Strategist Last week, the Supreme Court delivered two political shocks to the system. On June 23rd, the Supreme Court ruled that New York’s state limit on carrying guns in public violates the Second Amendment. Furthermore, on June 24th, the court delivered what was well known for almost a month: A ban on abortion by the state of Mississippi is constitutional, overturning a 49-year-old precedent set up by Roe v. Wade. Both rulings are set to aggravate the already elevated political tensions in the US. Related Report  US Political StrategyThe Supreme Court And Midterm Elections The high court rulings overshadowed a momentous bipartisan move in Congress – the passage of the first gun control bill in almost 30 years on June 24th. 15 Republican Senators and 14 Republican House Members joined their Democratic colleagues to pass the Bipartisan Safer Communities Act. This bill includes more stringent background checks for gun buyers younger than 21 years of age, more funding for mental health care programs, federal funding to encourage states to implement red flag laws to take guns away from questionable owners, and the closing of the boyfriend loophole. So, how should investors reconcile the seemingly contradictory moves in US politics: Extreme polarization and unrest punctuated by moments of bipartisanship? Investors should ignore the US gun law — and instead focus on women’s support of Biden in coming months. If women start becoming more active in voting and start approving Democrats much more than expected, then that will help Democrats marginally. But it will not likely change the outcome of the midterm, which favors Republicans heavily in the House at least. Is President Biden’s political capital too low to save his party from a political reckoning this year? Most likely the answer is yes. Biden’s Political Capital Roundup Political Polarization Chart 1Polarization: Declining But Near Peak Polarization: Declining But Near Peak Polarization: Declining But Near Peak It would be easier to push for a policy in a less divided country, as there is a consensus on what constitutes good policy among the stakeholders. But a country that is depolarizing in times of economic stress is a negative for the political capital of the government of the day, as there is a consensus that times are tough, and the acting government will be blamed for this. In June, our polarization proxy, constructed by differencing Democrats’ and Republicans’ approval of President Biden, increased. The polarization proxy increased as Democrats’ approval of Biden rose while Republicans’ approvals remained flat, relative to their respective levels in May. Also in May, our economic sentiment polarization indicator, which is the difference between the economic sentiment of Democrats and Republicans, increased from its level in April, as Republicans’ sentiment declined by 25%, while Democrats’ sentiment only fell by 7%. On the other hand, the Philadelphia Fed Partisan Conflict Index, another indicator that the US Political Strategy team tracks, declined in May. This is not surprising considering that this indicator is constructed by the Philly Fed from news headlines which had either been dominated by the war in Ukraine or by the skyrocketing inflation. The only other time that this indicator declined was during the pandemic because everyone was in agreement that the pandemic is a negative event, just like the war in Ukraine and inflation. All three indicators are below their respective levels of November 2020. While polarization declined, it is still close to its peak in 2019-2020 (Chart 1). Household Sentiment Chart 2Biden's Approval Plumbing New Lows Biden's Approval Plumbing New Lows Biden's Approval Plumbing New Lows A government with a high approval rating among households can afford to pass policies and painful reforms, as it is less likely to be punished at the ballot box if voters are happy. Unfortunately for President Biden, his approval rating is plumbing new lows; the American Rescue Plan, loose monetary policy, and external geopolitical shocks have all resulted in US inflation reading that were last seen 40 years ago. As a result, Biden was never rewarded by voters for the passage of the American Rescue Plan and the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act. To shore up his and the Democrats’ political capital, Biden is now attempting to strike deals with partners and adversaries in Europe, the Middle East, and China, but they are not likely to lend him or the Democrats a helping hand; and, even if deals could be reached, the damage to the Democrats’ midterm prospect has already been done, which goes beyond the pattern where the President’s party tends to suffer in the first midterm. In another sign of the souring mood among voters, the Conference Board Consumer Confidence Index declined by 2% in May on a month-over-month basis and 11% on a year-over-year basis. While the consumer confidence index is higher now than it was in November 2020, it is 17% below its peak in the summer of 2021. What would have been a comeback year for US consumer spending is going to be dampened by high energy prices and general price inflation due to external shocks (Chart 2). Business Sentiment Governments also need the support of the business community to implement policies: Negative sentiment in the business community would subdue capital spending and job growth, which would affect household sentiment and subsequently, the ability of the government to pass its agenda. In May, high-frequency business indicators pointed to business sentiment turning negative. The capex intention survey declined by 20% from April and 37% compared to May of last year. Every activity indicator from the ISM, apart from the manufacturing employment index, is below their respective levels in November 2020, when the pandemic was raging, and vaccines had not yet been rolled out (Chart 3). The small business surveys conducted by the NFIB is indicative of the underlying reasons behind negative business sentiment: Despite lower concern about regulation and taxes, business concerns over inflation and labor costs are up by 1300% and 100%, respectively, since November of 2020. Concerns over taxes and regulation have largely been allayed as the Democrats have failed to use their second chance at reconciliation, with moderate senators objecting to higher taxes. But this decline in worries over taxes and regulation have given way to concerns about inflation and labor costs, and President Biden and the Democrats are struggling to address these concerns (Chart 4). Chart 3Businesses Are Downbeat... Businesses Are Downbeat... Businesses Are Downbeat... ​​​​​​ Chart 4... Due to Inflation and Labor Costs ... Due to Inflation and Labor Costs ... Due to Inflation and Labor Costs ​​​​​​ Government Sector Chart 5The Purse String Will Be Tightened The Purse String Will Be Tightened The Purse String Will Be Tightened The government can use fiscal policy to shore up its diminishing political capital. In Q1 2022, the fiscal thrust for the federal government was -14.3% of GDP, a 27 percentage-point swing from Q1 of last year when the Biden administration passed the American Rescue Plan (Chart 5). It is unlikely that fiscal thrust would recover anytime soon considering that fiscal stimulus early in Biden’s term had contributed to the inflation that the economy is experiencing now. While the Democrats have one last chance at using reconciliation, at best they would pass a deficit neutral budget, as there is no appetite for another extravagant budget in this inflationary environment; at worst, they could be pushed by moderate Democrats towards increasing revenue through tax hikes. Hence, Biden’s political capital through the use of fiscal policy is unlikely to recover. Economic Conditions The economy is the one bright spot underpinning Biden’s political capital (Chart 6). The unemployment rate was unchanged at 3.6% in May, close to an all-time low and 3.1 percentage points below November 2020. For the first time in his term, the stock market-to-wage ratio fell in April to below the level of November 2020 – mainly due to the sell-off in the stock market. While this is positive for reducing inequality, the Fed’s attempt to cool down the economy will also affect wage growth and household wealth via the stock market. In May, policy uncertainty was still lower than what it was in November 2020, but on a month-on-month basis, uncertainty in the US increased by 12%. Personal bankruptcies in Q1 barely increased from Q4 2021, while business bankruptcies declined by 3% during the same period. Consumer loan delinquencies also remained flat at 1.6%. Financial distress levels are still significantly below their pre-pandemic level (Chart 7). Chart 6Recovery Is Going Well... Recovery Is Going Well... Recovery Is Going Well... ​​​​​ Chart 7... And Household And Business Finances Are Improving... ... And Household And Business Finances Are Improving... ... And Household And Business Finances Are Improving... ​​​​​​ Chart 8... But Inflation And Gas Price Overshadow the Recovery ... But Inflation And Gas Price Overshadow the Recovery ... But Inflation And Gas Price Overshadow the Recovery If voters weigh these indicators equally, Biden will have strong political capital underpinned by the strong economy (78% of these indicators are sending positive signals), but there are two indicators with outsized impacts on household and business sentiment: inflation and gas prices (Chart 8). Inflation is close to an all-time high, and the high inflation will force the Federal Reserve to act to raise rates which will, in turn, cool down economic activity. The latest readings of gas prices pin them at 5 dollars per gallon, a 138% increase from November 2020. The oil/energy shock is happening at a time when Americans are experiencing their first summer without restrictions since 2019. High gas prices, high inflation, and the potential for a recession may threaten the much-awaited pent-up demand. Asset Market Chart 9Stock Market Woes Add To The Negative Sentiment Stock Market Woes Add To The Negative Sentiment Stock Market Woes Add To The Negative Sentiment The equity market is also a component of political capital – while a booming stock market is not guaranteed to be a tailwind for the President as seen from the case of President Trump during the midterm of 2018, a bear market will compound the negativity that is abound in the economy. The S&P 500 is down 18% from December 2021 and the 2-year Treasury yield is up by 231 bps. The S&P 500 is only 8% above its November 2020 level and if one takes into consideration inflation since then, the S&P 500 is below its level of November 2020 (Chart 9). Our colleagues at the Emerging Markets Strategy service have estimated that the recent selloff has wiped out roughly US$12 trillion from the US equity market and US$3.5 trillion from the US bond market. Political/Constitutional Strength An immutable component of political capital is the constitutional strength of the President – majorities in the Electoral College and popular votes, and control of Congress and the Supreme Court. President Biden, unlike Presidents Bush and Trump, had majorities in both the electoral college and national popular votes. But his control of Congress was significantly weaker; in 2017 Republicans had a seat majority in the Senate and a 23-seat advantage in the House, while the Democrats a one seat advantage in the Senate, via the Vice President, and a 4-seat majority in the House at Biden’s inauguration. Furthermore, Trump started his term with an evenly split Supreme Court, which later was expanded to 5-4 once Justice Gorsuch was confirmed, while Democrats have a 3-6 disadvantage due to the passing of Justice Ginsburg in 2020. Biden’s constitutional strength is weaker than Trump’s and Obama’s. Bottom Line: Biden’s political capital had been greatly diminished and he will unlikely be able to push for his agenda through legislative means. He is also unlikely to be able to replenish his political capital anytime soon due to skyrocketing inflation, which makes fiscal policy unpalatable to the public. As the midterm closes in, Biden will be desperate to shore up his and the Democrats political capital, and as the legislative route will be unavailable, he will resort to regulatory, executive, and foreign policy actions. Investment Conclusions As a foreign energy shock is mainly responsible for high gasoline prices in the US, Biden will attempt to have a reset with oil producers in the Middle East; but this will come at the cost of diplomacy with Iran, while attempting to restart nuclear negotiations with Iran will come at the cost of further alienating oil producers and allies in the Middle East. The Democrats domestic approach which was to disparage oil producers for alleged price gouging will also inject downside risk to the energy sector. Europe and Japan will be weighed down by the global energy shock as they are both net importers of energy, unlike the US. This will affect the sales of US industrial products abroad and by extension, the US industrial sector. Geopolitical risks will depress capex spending in Europe. The consumer discretionary sector could trade sideways as inflation bites and the stock market declines, yet strong household finances – as seen by low delinquency rates and massive pent-up demand from 2 years of lockdowns – will be tailwinds for the sector. The tech and communication services sectors will benefit from near-peak polarization, yet there are regulatory challenges at home and abroad which could weigh these sectors down. Financial regulations will pick up from low levels at end-2021 due to changes at the Fed. Plus, the Democrats and regulatory agencies will not look too kindly on banks aiding companies in merging and consolidating in a market where inflation is sky-high. The increases in rents could spur action from local governments to act on housing market which may include anti-market policies such as rent control and stabilization, which will negatively impact the real estate sector. Health care is the only sector with political risks to the upside – Biden had punted on radical changes to the health care system and even if he seeks to make changes, he lacks the political capital to do so. His actions abroad will also put a floor under global geopolitical risks, ensuring the USD remains well bid, and health care tends to do well when the dollar is in a bull market.     Jesse Anak Kuri Associate Editor jesse.kuri@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken Senior Vice President Chief US Political Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Strategic View Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months)

Executive Summary An Optimal Control Policy An Optimal Control Policy An Optimal Control Policy We could see some modest near-term downside in Treasury yields as inflation rolls over during the next few months, but we caution against turning overly bullish on bonds even if you anticipate a recession. An optimal control approach to monetary policy tells us that the Fed should be willing to accept a significant increase in the unemployment rate to tame inflation. The implication is that the next recession may not be met with the dramatic easing of monetary policy we have become accustomed to. Short-maturity real yields remain deeply negative, but they will move into positive territory before the end of the economic cycle. Indicators of corporate balance sheet health are not flashing red, but they are moving in the wrong direction.   Bottom Line: Investors should keep portfolio duration close to benchmark, maintain a defensive posture on corporate bonds and short 2-year TIPS.   The Return Of Optimal Control Bonds rallied into the close last week and, as of Monday morning, their gains have only been partially unwound. The 2-year Treasury yield is down to 3.07% from its recent high of 3.45% and the 10-year yield is down to 3.16% from its recent high of 3.49% (Chart 1). The 2-year/10-year Treasury slope remains close to inversion at 9 bps (Chart 1, bottom panel). Increasingly, the message from the Treasury market is that the Fed is no longer playing catch-up to runaway inflation. Rather, the dominant market narrative is that the Fed may have to moderate its hiking pace to avoid an economic recession. With the unemployment rate at 3.6% and nonfarm payroll growth averaging +408k during the past three months, the US economy is clearly not in a recession today. That said, leading indicators are pointing to increased risk of a downturn within the next 12 months. For example, the S&P Global Manufacturing PMI fell sharply last week from 57.0 to 52.4 (Chart 2). The more widely tracked ISM Manufacturing PMI remains elevated at 56.1, but regional Fed surveys and trends in financial conditions suggest that the ISM could dip into contractionary territory during the next few months (Chart 2, bottom 2 panels). Chart 1Treasury Yields Treasury Yields Treasury Yields Chart 2Recession Risk Is Rising Recession Risk Is Rising Recession Risk Is Rising This is obviously a tricky situation for the Fed as there is a risk that its two mandates of price stability and maximum employment could come into conflict. Not surprisingly, the Fed has a playbook for these sorts of situations, one that was described by Janet Yellen as “optimal control” in a 2012 speech.1 Under an optimal control approach to policymaking the Fed specifies a loss function that is based on deviations of inflation from its 2% target and of the unemployment rate from its estimated full employment level. Understanding that it will be impossible to perfectly achieve both of its objectives, the Fed attempts to set policy so that the output of the loss function is minimized. One example of a simple loss function was given by St. Louis Fed President James Bullard in a speech from 2014.2 That function is as follows: Distance From Goals = (π – π*)2 + (μ - μ*)2 Where: π = inflation π* = The Fed’s target inflation rate μ = the unemployment rate μ* = The Fed’s estimate of the unemployment rate consistent with full employment Chart 3An Optimal Control Policy An Optimal Control Policy An Optimal Control Policy Let’s apply Bullard’s loss function to the present-day economic situation. The top panel of Chart 3 shows the square root of the function’s output. The Fed’s goal, of course, is to get that line as close to zero as possible. First, let’s see what happens if we input the median FOMC member’s forecast for core PCE inflation and the unemployment rate. That forecast has core PCE inflation falling to 4.3% by the end of this year and it has the unemployment rate edging up to 3.7%. Not surprisingly, this scenario leads to a modest improvement in Bullard’s loss function. Now let’s examine an alternative scenario where core PCE inflation falls to 4% by the end of the year but we set the loss function to remain at its current level. That outcome can be achieved even with the unemployment rate rising to 6.68%. This scenario is instructive. It tells us that, from an optimal control perspective, the Fed would be willing to tolerate an increase in the unemployment rate all the way up to 6.68% if it meant that inflation would fall back down to 4%. Why is this example important? It’s important because it gives us some perspective on what sort of labor market pain the Fed may be willing to tolerate to tame inflation. More specifically, there is a growing sense among some market participants that the US economy will soon fall into recession and that recessions are usually accompanied by Fed rate cuts. However, the magnitude of the increase in the unemployment rate that is shown in our alternative scenario would almost certainly be classified as a recession, but an optimal control perspective tells us that the Fed shouldn’t back away from tightening if that were to occur. The bottom line is that while we could see some modest near-term downside in Treasury yields as inflation rolls over during the next few months, we caution against turning overly bullish on bonds even if you anticipate a recession within the next 6-12 months. Given where inflation is today, there are strong odds that the Fed would respond to a rising unemployment rate by simply tempering its pace of rate hikes or perhaps temporarily pausing. Optimal control tells us that we would need to see an extremely large employment shock for the Fed to consider reversing course and cutting rates. Investors should stick with ‘at benchmark’ portfolio duration for the time being. A Quick Note On Real Yields   Chart 4Short 2-Year TIPS Short 2-Year TIPS Short 2-Year TIPS The 2-year real yield has risen to -0.70% from a 2021 low of -3.05%, but we have high conviction that it has further to run (Chart 4). At the press conference following the June FOMC meeting, Fed Chair Powell hinted that he viewed positive real yields across the entire Treasury curve as a reasonable intermediate-term goal. He then made similar claims when testifying before the Senate last week: It’s really only the very short end of the curve where our rates are still in negative territory from a real perspective. If you look further out, real rates are positive right across the curve and that’s really what you’re trying to achieve in a situation like this where we have 40 year highs in inflation.3 One way or another, we think it is highly likely that the Fed will achieve its goal of positive real yields across the entire curve. This could happen in a benign scenario where falling inflation expectations push short-maturity real yields higher. Or, it could happen in a more dramatic fashion where inflation expectations remain elevated but that only quickens the pace of Fed tightening. In that scenario, rising short-maturity nominal yields would drag real yields with them. Either way, investors should continue to hold outright short positions in 2-year TIPS. Corporate Health Check-Up In prior reports we noted the extremely good condition of corporate balance sheets, while also suggesting that balance sheet health would deteriorate going forward.4  An updated read on the status of corporate balance sheets suggests that conditions are still favorable, but much less so than even a few months ago. We begin with our Corporate Health Monitor (CHM), a composite indicator of six financial ratios calculated from the US National Accounts data for the nonfinancial corporate sector. This indicator was deep in “improving health” territory at the end of 2021, but it moved close to neutral in 2022 Q1 (Chart 5). Ratings trends, meanwhile, send a similar message. Through the end of May, upgrades continued to dramatically outpace downgrades in the investment grade space (Chart 5, panel 2), but the rate of net upgrades slowed somewhat in high-yield (Chart 5, bottom panel). Digging deeper, we find that the main culprit behind the CHM’s recent jump is a large drop in the ratio of Free Cash Flow to Total Debt (Chart 6). This drop occurred because after-tax cash flows held roughly flat in Q1 but capital expenditures surged, causing free cash flow to dip (Chart 6, panel 2). Chart 5Corporate Health Monitor Corporate Health Monitor Corporate Health Monitor Chart 6Capex Surged In Q1 Capex Surged In Q1 Capex Surged In Q1 This trend is confirmed by another important indicator of corporate balance sheet health, the financing gap. The financing gap is the difference between capital expenditures and retained earnings. A positive financing gap means that retained earnings are insufficient to cover capital expenditures and firms therefore have an incentive to tap debt markets. We see that the financing gap jumped sharply in Q1, from deeply negative into positive territory (Chart 7). Chart 7The Financing Gap Is Positive The Financing Gap Is Positive The Financing Gap Is Positive A positive financing gap on its own does not send a negative signal for corporate defaults. However, when a positive financing gap coincides with tightening lending standards, then an increase in the default rate becomes likely. For now, lending standards are close to unchanged (Chart 7, bottom panel), but there is a strong chance that continued Fed hiking will push them into ‘net tightening’ territory in the months ahead. Investment Implications Chart 8Attractive Value In HY Attractive Value In HY Attractive Value In HY Corporate balance sheet health isn’t quite flashing red, but it is certainly trending in the wrong direction. With continued Fed tightening likely to weigh on lending standards and interest coverage going forward, a defensive posture toward corporate bonds is warranted. We continue to recommend an underweight allocation (2 out of 5) to investment grade corporate bonds in US fixed income portfolios. We maintain a somewhat higher neutral (3 out of 5) allocation to high-yield bonds for the time being. This is because high-yield valuation is quite attractive, and we see potential for some near-term spread tightening as inflation rolls over (Chart 8). That said, the sector’s long-term return prospects are not good, and we will consider turning more defensive should the average high-yield spread narrow to its 2017-19 average or should core inflation move closer to our 4% target.   Ryan Swift US Bond Strategist rswift@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1  https://www.federalreserve.gov/newsevents/speech/yellen20120606a.htm 2 https://www.stlouisfed.org/from-the-president/-/media/project/frbstl/stlouisfed/files/pdfs/bullard/remarks/bullardowensborokychamberofcommerce17july2014final.pdf   3 https://www.c-span.org/video/?521106-1/federal-reserve-chair-jerome-powell-testifies-inflation-economy 4 Please see US Bond Strategy / Global Fixed Income Strategy Special Report, “Turning Defensive On US Corporate Bonds”, dated April 12, 2022. Recommended Portfolio Specification Other Recommendations Treasury Index Returns Spread Product Returns

Executive Summary Though the BCA House View has downgraded global equities to neutral, US Investment Strategy still recommends overweighting equities in US multi-asset portfolios over the coming twelve months. We believe that financial markets have prematurely discounted a sharp economic downturn. The selloff is an opportunity to get long equities if the recession fails to begin this year and/or turns out to be mild. We were surprised and disappointed by the May CPI report but view it as merely a delay in the flow of evidence confirming our view that inflation is peaking, not a repudiation of it. Inflation expectations will shape the intensity of the Fed’s efforts to lean against the economy, but the University of Michigan consumer survey that placed it on high alert was only preliminary and market-based measures of longer-run inflation expectations remain contained. History, folklore and popular culture all suggest that wage-price spiral fears are overdone. The Bear's Here; Where's The Recession? The Bear's Here; Where's The Recession? The Bear's Here; Where's The Recession? Bottom Line: Although the odds of an adverse outcome are rising, we maintain a constructive base-case view on the twelve-month prospects for US equities and the US economy, subject to a meaningful decline in inflation over the rest of the year. Feature At our monthly editorial view meeting last Monday, BCA researchers voted to downgrade the 6-to-12-month House View on equities to neutral from overweight. The US Investment Strategy team argued for an overweight recommendation and cast our vote with the minority to maintain it. Though we are on the opposite side of the slight plurality that voted to underweight equities, we acknowledge that the risks to our constructive view have risen. The difference between our view and the BCA consensus is mainly a matter of timing – while we believe the US economy is on its way to a recession, we think the journey will be more winding than expected. The Timing And Severity Of The Gathering Storm Recession was the key economic issue informing our investment strategy decision: When will it begin (if it hasn’t already) and how severe will it be? The domestic economy is clearly slowing, and the Eurozone and China face sizable pressures. As Chief Global Strategist and Director of Research Peter Berezin highlighted, every one-third-percentage-point increase in the three-month moving average of the unemployment rate has been followed by a recession. Mean reversion and the Fed’s campaign to combat inflation by cooling off demand suggest that the unemployment rate will soon be rising, en route to crossing the one-third-of-a-point threshold. Related Report  US Investment StrategyThe Yield Curve As An Indicator Though we noted last week that a return to the pre-pandemic labor force participation rate would allow payrolls to expand despite a rising unemployment rate, the expansion’s days are numbered. A broad range of series, from payroll employment (Chart 1, top panel) to the Leading Economic Index (Chart 1, middle panel) and consumer confidence (Chart 1, bottom panel), echoes the unemployment rate’s message: once the economy begins to move in the wrong direction, a recession eventually follows. Our read is that financial markets have overlooked the eventual aspect in their headlong rush to price in the effects of the Fed’s promised tightening campaign. While no one can pinpoint the equilibrium fed funds rate’s exact position, all agree that it’s nowhere near the current 1.5-1.75% target. Tight monetary policy is a necessary (but not sufficient) precondition for a recession; based on the latest guidance provided by Chair Powell and the dots, it looks like it won’t be met until around the end of the year. Once it is, the start of the recession will be subject to debate (Chart 2, top panel), along with its impact on the economy (Chart 2, middle panel) and equities (Chart 2, bottom panel). Chart 1Recessions Occur Once Key Metrics Roll Over Recessions Occur Once Key Metrics Roll Over Recessions Occur Once Key Metrics Roll Over Chart 2Predictions About The Future Are Hard Predictions About The Future Are Hard Predictions About The Future Are Hard As it dawns on investors that the recession is approaching at a meandering pace, and that it may turn out to be mild, equities will likely retrace some of their losses. The vicious May/June selloff was predicated on forecasts that a Category 4 or 5 hurricane could be arriving soon. If the storm system is downgraded to a Category 2 or 3 event, and the date that it’s due to make landfall is pushed back by two or three quarters, we expect that a playable rally will unfold. 4% Is Easy, 2% Will Be A Bear Our relatively constructive base-case view is predicated on the idea that core inflation has peaked and will soon begin declining toward 4% of its own accord. If inflation shows clear and convincing evidence of trending down over the rest of the year, the Fed will not feel obligated to race to push the fed funds rate to a restrictive level. The longer it takes for monetary policy to become restrictive, the longer it will take for the recession to begin. The further the recession can be pushed out into the future, the harder it will be for restless investors and asset allocators to stay on the sidelines as the dire scenario discounted in equity prices fails to materialize. Conversely, if the Fed has to proceed as rapidly as possible to regain the upper hand over inflation, the recession timetable will be accelerated, and the downturn may be more severe than anticipated. We were therefore relieved to hear our Chief US Bond Strategist, Ryan Swift, reiterate his team’s view that inflation will recede to 4% independent of any policy intervention, provided that pandemic-driven supply constraints unwind. Ryan cites the Atlanta Fed’s decomposition of core inflation into flexible and sticky components to illustrate how pandemic-fueled inflation in flexible categories that tend to experience more pricing variability, like new and used vehicles, hotel room rates and airfares, have pushed up the overall series to double-digit levels. The sticky subset, including rent and medical care, is elevated itself, but if the flexibles undershoot on their way back to the mean, year-over-year core CPI can end the year in the 4% neighborhood (Chart 3, top panel). Chart 3Not As Bad As It Looks Not As Bad As It Looks Not As Bad As It Looks An 8% trailing four-quarter increase in unit labor costs – a wage measure that considers compensation per unit of output instead of compensation per unit of time – would suggest on its face that inflation isn’t likely to dip to 4% any time soon. The four-quarter measure has been skewed by wild post-pandemic swings in productivity growth, however. Smoothing out those swings by using the annualized trailing five-year trend in productivity to deflate the 12-month growth rate in average hourly earnings yields a much easier to stomach 3.8% rate of compensation growth (Chart 3, bottom panel). With reference to other more nuanced measures of the underlying inflation trend and a deeper dive into the outlook for automobile prices, which will fall as demand wanes and supply increases, our bond strategists expect core CPI to move toward 4% across the rest of this year while the expansion continues, albeit at a slower pace. Unfortunately, sticky shelter is the largest component of core CPI, and labor market strength will keep residential rents growing at an elevated level consistent with 4% inflation. The Fed will have to lean heavily on the economy to get inflation from 4% back down to its 2% long-run target, and that should induce the recession markets have discounted. Our position is that the recession won’t begin until the second half of 2023 or the first half of 2024. Expectations Are Still Well Anchored Chart 4Still Anchored Still Anchored Still Anchored Chair Powell repeatedly cited increasing household inflation expectations as a driver of this month’s 75-basis-point rate hike following the preliminary June University of Michigan consumer sentiment survey’s sharp move higher (Chart 4, bottom panel). The Michigan survey is not the last word on inflation expectations, however, and 5-year-on-5-year TIPS breakeven rates are in line with the Fed’s 2% target (Chart 4, top panel). 5-year-on-5-year CPI swap rates have also remained well behaved (Chart 4, middle panel) despite the volatility in reported inflation and near-term expectations measures. We have been watching the evolution of inflation expectations carefully and will continue to do so; if they remain well anchored, and measured inflation comes down in line with our expectations, we are likely to remain constructive. A Half Century Of Bear Markets The fact that the S&P 500 has entered a bear market despite rising earnings estimates has stimulated a lot of discussion within BCA. More bearish observers’ general take has been, “If stocks are down almost 25% while earnings are up 8% since the start of the year, they’re in real trouble once the inevitable earnings declines arrive.” We have countered that a 30% valuation haircut on inchoate recession expectations could be considered extreme. A review of the empirical record might advance the discussion. Table 1 lists the ten bear markets of the last 60 years, defined as a peak-to-trough decline in closing prices of at least 20% (1990's 19.9% decline has been rounded up). Half of the bear markets lasted between one-and-a-half and two years, while the remainder, excepting the current unfinished one, have been relatively sudden events, persisting for less than six months. Table 1US Equity Bear Markets, 1968 -2022 A Difference Of Opinion A Difference Of Opinion Drawdowns have ranged from 20 to 57%, with average and median losses of 36% and 34%, respectively. The mean and median duration of the bear markets have been 12 and 17 months. Bear markets and recessions tend to coincide, as we’ve frequently noted, with only the first leg of the Volcker double dip in 1980 lacking ursine company and the Black Monday bear market of late 1987 occurring outside of a recession (Chart 5). The magnitude of the 1987 bear market was no different from the 50-year average, however, though it did end swiftly. Chart 5The Bear Arrived Ahead Of Its Escort The Bear Arrived Ahead Of Its Escort The Bear Arrived Ahead Of Its Escort Even though the specter of restrictive monetary settings triggered the current bear, Chart 2 demonstrated that there is not a clear parallel between the intensity or duration of rate hiking cycles and the severity of the economic or market declines. Mild recessions can produce mild drawdowns, as in 1990, or severe ones, as at the turn of the millennium. Bad recessions may occur alongside terrible stock market declines (1973-74 and 2007-09) or comparatively modest ones (1980-82). All we can say now is that equities and many other public assets were priced dearly at the start of the selloff and were therefore more vulnerable while the lack of glaring imbalances suggests the economy is reasonably well insulated. The bear markets only begin to show some resemblance to one another in terms of the relative share of the declines accounted for by earnings and multiple contractions. Valuations absorb the full force of the decline during bear markets, falling 30%, while forward earnings estimates are barely revised lower. The pattern is consistent no matter where starting multiples began, though the dot-com bust produced the biggest valuation haircut of the forward earnings era (Table 2). Table 2Bear Market Earnings And Multiple Changes A Difference Of Opinion A Difference Of Opinion ​​​​​​​ The multiple/earnings breakout is mostly a function of the fact that analysts do not adjust their forward estimates in real time while prices can change from moment to moment while markets are open. The result is that the numerator of the price-earnings ratio immediately resets, while the earnings denominator adjusts only after an extended lag. Considering the peak-to-trough changes in earnings estimates, which typically play out beyond the bounds of the strictly defined bear phases, the pain is nearly equally shared. The takeaway for today is that the nearly 30% forward multiple decline is partially a placeholder for future earnings revisions and downward revisions should not be viewed as an add-on to the valuation haircut that’s already occurred. John Henry And The Wage-Price Spiral Many of our colleagues and clients are concerned about rising wages. Nominal compensation is already growing at its fastest pace in decades. Though none of the major wage series has managed to keep pace with inflation, the labor market remains undeniably tight. Rising wages threaten to squeeze corporate profits, exacerbate demand-over-supply imbalances, and act as the linchpin of a vicious circle in which rising prices beget rising prices. The wage-price spiral of the seventies and early eighties lurks at the edge of all our inflation discussions, and nearly all investors seem to view the seventies as something of a baseline. A careful read of history highlights that the spiral took hold near the end of organized labor’s 50-year heyday, however, and challenges the received wisdom that the subsequent 40-year Reagan era is an anomaly at risk of being overturned. Those waiting for labor to be delivered from the depredations of the last 40 years might do well to consider the legend of John Henry, a nineteenth-century railroad laborer in West Virginia or Virginia who drove steel drill bits into mountain rockfaces to create openings for tunnel-blasting explosives. Henry competed against the newly invented steam shovel to see if a man could hew his way through the rock faster than a machine. Henry won the race but succumbed to exertion while doing so. Songwriter Jason Isbell’s take on the legend deftly links the pre-New Deal days with today. Labor may have the numbers, but management has the capital and the incentive to automate every process it can. We contend that wages will rise less than expected over the rest of this expansion and in the early stages of the coming recession, as labor faces a steeper climb than is widely recognized. A few years of cyclical labor market tightness will not be enough to overcome the structural advantages that employers have obtained over the last four decades and guarded jealously in John Henry’s time, before New Deal legislation temporarily leveled the playing field.   It didn’t matter if he’d won/ If he’d lived or if he’d run/ They’d changed the way his job was done/ Labor costs were high   That new machine was cheap as hell/ Only John would work as well/ So they left him layin’ where he fell/ The day John Henry died   “The Day John Henry Died” (Isbell)   Doug Peta, CFA Chief US Investment Strategist dougp@bcaresearch.com​​​​​​​

Executive Summary Russia Squeezes EU Natural Gas Russia Squeezes EU Natural Gas Russia Squeezes EU Natural Gas Major geopolitical shocks tend to coincide with bear markets, so the market is getting closer to pricing this year’s bad news. But investors are not out of the woods yet. Russia is cutting off Europe’s natural gas supply ahead of this winter in retaliation to Europe’s oil embargo. Europe is sliding toward recession. China is reverting to autocratic rule and suffering a cyclical and structural downshift in growth rates. Only after Xi Jinping consolidates power will the ruling party focus exclusively on economic stabilization. The US can afford to take risks with Russia, opening up the possibility of a direct confrontation between the two giants before the US midterm election. A new strategic equilibrium is not yet at hand. Tactical Recommendation Inception Date Return LONG GLOBAL DEFENSIVES / CYCLICALS EQUITIES 2022-01-20 18.3% Bottom Line: Maintain a defensive posture in the third quarter but look for opportunities to buy oversold assets with long-term macro and policy tailwinds. Feature 2022 is a year of geopolitics and supply shocks. Global investors should remain defensive at least until the Chinese national party congress and US midterm election have passed. More fundamentally, an equilibrium must be established between Russia and NATO and between the US and Iran. Until then supply shocks will destroy demand. Checking Up On Our Three Key Views For 2022 Our three key views for the year are broadly on track: 1.  China’s Reversion To Autocracy: For ten years now, the fall in Chinese potential economic growth has coincided with a rise in neo-Maoist autocracy and foreign policy assertiveness, leading to capital flight, international tensions, and depressed animal spirits (Chart 1). Related Report  Geopolitical StrategyWill China Let 100 Flowers Bloom? Only Briefly. Rising incomes provided legitimacy for the Communist Party over the past four decades. Less rapidly rising incomes – and extreme disparities in standards of living – undermine the party and force it to find other sources of public support. Fighting pollution and expanding the social safety net are positives for political stability and potentially for economic productivity. But converting the political system from single-party rule to single-person rule is negative for productivity. Mercantilist trade policy and nationalist security policy are also negative. China’s political crackdown, struggle with Covid-19, waning exports, and deflating property market have led to an abrupt slowdown this year. The government is responding by easing monetary, fiscal, and regulatory policy, though so far with limited effect (Chart 2). Economic policy will not be decisive in the third quarter unless a crash forces the administration to stimulate aggressively. Chart 1China's Slowdown Leads To Maoism, Nationalism China's Slowdown Leads To Maoism, Nationalism China's Slowdown Leads To Maoism, Nationalism ​​​​​​ Chart 2Chinese Policy Easing: Limited Effect So Far Chinese Policy Easing: Limited Effect So Far Chinese Policy Easing: Limited Effect So Far ​​​​​ Chart 3Nascent Rally In Chinese Shares Will Be Dashed Nascent Rally In Chinese Shares Will Be Dashed Nascent Rally In Chinese Shares Will Be Dashed Once General Secretary Xi Jinping secures another five-to-ten years in power at the twentieth national party congress this fall, he will be able to “let 100 flowers bloom,” i.e. ease policy further and focus exclusively on securing the economic recovery in 2023. But policy uncertainty will remain high until then. The party may have to crack down anew to ensure Xi’s power consolidation goes according to plan. China is highly vulnerable to social unrest for both structural and cyclical reasons. The US would jump to slap sanctions on China for human rights abuses. Hence the nascent recovery in Chinese domestic and offshore equities can easily be interrupted until the political reshuffle is over (Chart 3). If China’s economy stabilizes and a recession is avoided, investors will pile into the rally, but over the long run they will still be vulnerable to stranded capital due to Chinese autocracy and US-China cold war. If the Politburo and Politburo Standing Committee are stacked with members of Xi’s faction, as one should expect, then the reduction in policy uncertainty will only be temporary. Autocracy will lead to unpredictable and draconian policy measures – and it cannot solve the problem of a shrinking and overly indebted population. If the Communist Party changes course and stacks the Politburo with Xi’s factional rivals, to prevent China from going down the Maoist, Stalinist, and Putinist route, then global financial markets will cheer. But that outcome is unlikely. Hawkish foreign policy means that China will continue to increase its military threats against Taiwan, while not yet invading outright. Beijing has tightened its grip over Tibet, Xinjiang, and Hong Kong since 2008; Taiwan and the South China Sea are the only critical buffer areas that remain to be subjugated. Taiwan’s midterm elections, US midterms, and China’s party congress will keep uncertainty elevated. Taiwan has underperformed global and emerging market equities as the semiconductor boom and shortage has declined (Chart 4). Hong Kong is vulnerable to another outbreak of social unrest and government repression. Quality of life has deteriorated for the native population. Democracy activists are disaffected and prone to radicalization. Singapore will continue to benefit at Hong Kong’s expense (Chart 5). Chart 4Taiwan Equity Relative Performance Peaked Taiwan Equity Relative Performance Peaked Taiwan Equity Relative Performance Peaked ​​​​​​ Chart 5Hong Kong Faces More Troubles Hong Kong Faces More Troubles Hong Kong Faces More Troubles ​​​​​​ Chart 6Japan Undercuts China Japan Undercuts China Japan Undercuts China China and Japan are likely to engage in clashes in the East China Sea. Beijing’s military modernization, nuclear weapons expansion, and technological development pose a threat to Japanese security. The gradual encirclement of Taiwan jeopardizes Japan’s vital sea lines of communication. Prime Minister Fumio Kishida is well positioned to lead the Liberal Democratic Party into the upper house election on July 10 – he does not need to trigger a diplomatic showdown but he would not suffer from it. Meanwhile China is hungry for foreign distractions and unhappy that Japan is reviving its military and depreciating its currency (Chart 6). A Sino-Japanese crisis cannot be ruled out, especially if the Biden administration looks as if it will lose its nerve in containing China. Financial markets would react negatively, depending on the magnitude of the crisis. North Korea is going back to testing ballistic missiles and likely nuclear weapons. It is expanding its doctrine for the use of such weapons. It could take advantage of China’s and America’s domestic politics to stage aggressive provocations. South Korea, which has a hawkish new president who lacks parliamentary support, is strengthening its deterrence with the United States. These efforts could provoke a negative response from the North. Financial markets will only temporarily react to North Korean provocations unless they are serious enough to elicit military threats from Japan or the United States. China would be happy to offer negotiations to distract the Biden administration from Xi’s power grab. South Korean equities will benefit on a relative basis as China adds more stimulus. 2.  America’s Policy Insularity: President Biden’s net approval rating, at -15%, is now worse than President Trump’s in 2018, when the Republicans suffered a beating in midterm elections (Chart 7). Biden is now fighting inflation to try to salvage the elections for his party. That means US foreign policy will be domestically focused and erratic in the third quarter. Aside from “letting” the Federal Reserve hike rates, Biden’s executive options are limited. Pausing the federal gasoline tax requires congressional approval, and yet if he unilaterally orders tax collectors to stand down, the result will be a $10 billion tax cut – a drop in the bucket. Biden is considering waiving some of former President Trump’s tariffs on China, which he can do on his own. But doing so will hurt his standing in Rust Belt swing states without reducing inflation enough to get a payoff at the voting booth – after all, import prices are growing slower from China than elsewhere (Chart 8). He would also give Xi Jinping a last-minute victory over America that would silence Xi’s critics and cement his dictatorship at the critical hour. Chart 7Democrats Face Shellacking In Midterm Elections Third Quarter Geopolitical Outlook: Thunder And Lightning Third Quarter Geopolitical Outlook: Thunder And Lightning ​​​​​​ Chart 8Paring Trump Tariffs Won't Reduce Inflation Much Paring Trump Tariffs Won't Reduce Inflation Much Paring Trump Tariffs Won't Reduce Inflation Much ​​​​​​ Chart 9Only OPEC Can Help Biden - And Help May Come Late Only OPEC Can Help Biden - And Help May Come Late Only OPEC Can Help Biden - And Help May Come Late Biden is offering to lift sanctions on Iran, which would free up 1.3 million barrels of oil per day. But Iran is not being forced to freeze its nuclear program by weak oil prices or Russian and Chinese pressure – quite the opposite. If Biden eases sanctions anyway, prices at the pump may not fall enough to win votes. Hence Biden is traveling to Saudi Arabia to make amends with Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman. OPEC’s interest lies in producing enough oil to prevent a global recession, not in flooding the market on Biden’s whims to rescue the Democratic Party. Saudi and Emirati production may come but it may not come early in the third quarter. Lifting sanctions on Venezuela is a joke and Libya recently collapsed again (Chart 9). Even in dealing with Russia the Biden administration will exhibit an insular perspective. The US is not immediately threatened, like Europe, so it can afford to take risks, such as selling Ukraine advanced and long-range weapons and providing intelligence used to sink Russian ships. If Russia reacts negatively, a direct US-Russia confrontation will generate a rally around the flag that would help the Democrats, as it did under President John F. Kennedy in 1962 – one of the rare years in which the ruling party minimized its midterm election losses (Chart 10). The Cuban Missile Crisis counted more with voters than the earlier stock market slide. 3.  Petro-States’ Geopolitical Leverage: Oil-producing states have immense geopolitical leverage this year thanks to the commodity cycle. Russia will not be forced to conclude its assault on Ukraine until global energy prices collapse, as occurred in 2014. In fact Russia’s leverage over Europe will be greatly reduced in the coming years since Europe is diversifying away from Russian energy exports. Hence Moscow is cutting natural gas flows to Europe today while it still can (Chart 11). Chart 10Biden Can Afford To Take Risks With Russia Third Quarter Geopolitical Outlook: Thunder And Lightning Third Quarter Geopolitical Outlook: Thunder And Lightning ​​​​​​ Chart 11Russia Squeezes EU's Natural Gas Russia Squeezes EU's Natural Gas Russia Squeezes EU's Natural Gas ​​​​​​ Chart 12EU/China Slowdown Will Weigh On World Third Quarter Geopolitical Outlook: Thunder And Lightning Third Quarter Geopolitical Outlook: Thunder And Lightning Russia’s objective is to inflict a recession and cause changes in either policy or government in Europe. This will make it easier to conclude a favorable ceasefire in Ukraine. More importantly it will increase the odds that the EU’s 27 members, having suffered the cost of their coal and oil embargo, will fail to agree to a natural gas embargo by 2027 as they intend. Italy, for example, faces an election by June 2023, which could come earlier. The national unity coalition was formed to distribute the EU’s pandemic recovery funds. Now those funds are drying up, the economy is sliding toward recession, and the coalition is cracking. The most popular party is an anti-establishment right-wing party, the Brothers of Italy, which is waiting in the wings and can ally with the populist League, which has some sympathies with Russia. A recession could very easily produce a change in government and a more pragmatic approach to Moscow. The Italian economy is getting squeezed by energy prices and rising interest rates at the same time and cannot withstand the combination very long. A European recession or near-recession will cause further downgrades to global growth, especially when considering the knock-on effects in China, where the slowdown is more pronounced than is likely reported. The US economy is more robust but it will have to be very robust indeed to withstand a recession in Europe and growth recession in China (Chart 12). Russia does not have to retaliate against Finland and Sweden joining NATO until Turkey clears the path for them to join, which may not be until just before the Turkish general election due in June 2023. But imposing a recession on Europe is already retaliation – maybe a government change will produce a new veto against NATO enlargement. Russian retaliation against Lithuania for blocking 50% of its shipments to the Kaliningrad exclave is also forthcoming – unless Lithuania effectively stops enforcing the EU’s sanctions on Russian resources. Russia cannot wage a full-scale attack on the Baltic states without triggering direct hostilities with NATO since they are members of NATO. But it can retaliate in other ways. In a negative scenario Moscow could stage a small “accidental” attack against Lithuania to test NATO. But that would force Biden to uphold his pledge to defend “every inch” of NATO territory. Biden would probably do so by staging a proportionate military response or coordinating with an ally to do it. The target would be the Russian origin of attack or comparable assets in the Baltic Sea, the Black Sea, Ukraine, Belarus, or elsewhere. The result would be a dangerous escalation. Russia could also opt for cyber-attacks or economic warfare – such as squeezing Europe’s natural gas supply further. Ultimately Russia can afford to take greater risks than the US over Kaliningrad, other territories, and its periphery more broadly. That is the difference between Kennedy and Biden – the confrontation is not over Cuba. Russia is also likely to take a page out of Josef Stalin’s playbook and open a new front – not so much in Nicaragua as in the Middle East and North Africa. The US betrayal of the 2015 nuclear deal with Iran opens the opportunity for Russia to strengthen cooperation with Iran, stir up the Iranians’ courage, sell them weapons, and generate a security crisis in the Middle East. The US military would be distracted keeping peace in the Persian Gulf while the Europeans would lose their long-term energy alternative to Russia – and energy prices would rise. The Iranians – who also have leverage during a time of high oil prices – are not inclined to freeze their nuclear program. That would be to trade their long-term regime survival for economic benefits that the next American president can revoke unilaterally. Bottom Line: Xi Jinping is converting China back into an autocracy, the Biden administration lacks options and is willing to have a showdown with Russia, and the Putin administration is trying to inflict a European recession and political upheaval. Stay defensive. Checking Up On Our Strategic Themes For The 2020s As for our long-term themes, the following points are relevant after what we have learned in the second quarter: 1.  Great Power Rivalry: The war in Ukraine has reminded investors of the primacy of national security. In an anarchic international system, if a single great nation pursues power to the neglect of its neighbors’ interests, then its neighbors need to pursue power to defend themselves. Before long every nation is out for itself. At least until a new equilibrium is established. For example, Russia’s decision to neutralize Ukraine by force is driving Germany to abandon its formerly liberal policy of energy cooperation in order to reduce Russia’s energy revenues and avoid feeding its military ambitions. Russia in turn is reducing natural gas exports to weaken Europe’s economy this winter. Germany will re-arm, Finland and Sweden will eventually join NATO, and Russia will underscore its red line against NATO bases or forces in Finland and Sweden. If this red line is violated then a larger war could ensue. Chart 13China Will Shift To Russian Energy China Will Shift To Russian Energy China Will Shift To Russian Energy Until Russia and NATO come to a new understanding, neither Europe nor Russia can be secure. Meanwhile China cannot reject Russia’s turn to the east. China believes it may need to use force to prevent Taiwan independence at some point, so it must prepare for the US and its allies to treat it the same way that they have treated Russia. It must secure energy supply from Russia, Central Asia, and the Middle East via land routes that the US navy cannot blockade (Chart 13). Beijing must also diversify away from the US dollar, lest the Treasury Department freeze its foreign exchange reserves like it did Russia’s. Global investors will see diversification as a sign of China’s exit from the international order and preparation for conflict, which is negative for its economic future. However, the Russo-Chinese alliance presents a historic threat to the US’s security, coming close to the geopolitical nightmare of a unified Eurasia. The US is bound to oppose this development, whether coherently or not, and whether alone or in concert with its allies. After all, the US cannot offer credible security guarantees to negotiate a détente with China or Iran because its domestic divisions are so extreme that its foreign policy can change overnight. Other powers cannot be sure that the US will not suffer a radical domestic policy change or revolution that leads to belligerent foreign policy. Insecurity will drive the US and China apart rather than bringing them together. For example, Russia’s difficulties in Ukraine will encourage Chinese strategists to go back to the drawing board to adjust their plans for military contingencies in Taiwan. But the American lesson from Ukraine is to increase deterrence in Taiwan. That will provoke China and encourage the belief that China cannot wait forever to resolve the Taiwan problem. Until there is a strategic understanding between Russia and NATO, and the US and China, the world will remain in a painful and dangerous transitional phase – a multipolar disequilibrium. Chart 14Hypo-Globalization: Globalizing Less Than Potential Third Quarter Geopolitical Outlook: Thunder And Lightning Third Quarter Geopolitical Outlook: Thunder And Lightning 2.  Hypo-Globalization: If national security rises to the fore, then economics becomes a tool of state power. Mercantilism becomes the basis of globalization rather than free market liberalism. Hypo-globalization is the result. The term is fitting because the trade intensity of global growth is not yet in a total free fall (i.e. de-globalization) but merely dropping off from its peaks during the phase of “hyper-globalization” in the 1990s and early 2000s (Chart 14). Hypo-globalization is probably a structural rather than cyclical phenomenon. The EU cannot re-engage with Russia and ease sanctions without rehabilitating Russia’s economy and hence its military capacity – which could enable Russia to attack Europe again. The US and China can try to re-engage but they will fail. Russo-Chinese alliance ensures that the US would be enriching not one but both of its greatest strategic rivals if it reopened its doors to Chinese technology acquisition and intellectual property theft. Iran will see its security in alliance with Russia and China. China has an incentive to develop Iran’s economy so as not to depend solely on Russia and Central Asia. Russia has an incentive to develop Iran’s military capacity so as to deprive Europe of an energy alternative. Both Russia and China wish to deprive the US of strategic hegemony in the Middle East. By contrast the US and EU cannot offer ironclad security guarantees to Iran because of its nuclear ambitions and America’s occasional belligerence. Thus the world can see expanding Russian and Chinese economic integration with Eurasia, and expanding American and European integration with various regions, but it cannot see further European integration with Russia or American integration with China. And ultimately Europe and China will be forced to sever links (Chart 15). Globalization will not cease – it is a multi-millennial trend – but it will slow down. It will be subordinated to national security and mercantilist economic theory. 3.  Populism/Nationalism: In theory, domestic instability can cause introversion or extroversion. But in practice we are seeing extroversion, which is dangerous for global stability (Chart 16). Chart 15Global Economic Disintegration Global Economic Disintegration Global Economic Disintegration ​​​​​​ Chart 16Internal Sources Of Nationalism Internal Sources Of Nationalism Internal Sources Of Nationalism ​​​​​​ Russia’s invasion of Ukraine derived from domestic Russian instability – and instability across the former Soviet space, including Belarus, which the Kremlin feared could suffer a color revolution after the rigged election and mass protests of 2020-21. The reason the northern European countries are rapidly revising their national defense and foreign policies to counter Russia is because they perceive that the threat to their security is driven by factors within the former Soviet sphere that they cannot easily remove. These factors will get worse as a result of the Ukraine war. Russian aggression still poses the risk of spilling out of Ukraine’s borders. China’s Maoist nostalgia and return to autocratic government is also about nationalism. The end of the rapid growth phase of industrialization is giving way to the Asian scourge: debt-deflation. The Communist Party is trying to orchestrate a great leap forward into the next phase of development. But in case that leap fails like the last one, Beijing is promoting “the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation” and blaming the rest of the world for excluding and containing China. Taiwan, unfortunately, is the last relic of China’s past humiliation at the hands of western imperialists. China will also seek to control the strategic approach to Taiwan, i.e. the South China Sea. China’s claim that the Taiwan Strait is sovereign sea, not international waters, will force the American navy to assert freedom of passage. American efforts to upgrade Taiwan relations and increase deterrence will be perceived as neo-imperialism. The United States, for its part, could also see nationalism convert into international aggression. The US is veering on the brink of a miniature civil war as nationalist forces in the interior of the country struggle with the political establishment in the coastal states. Polarization has abated since 2020, as stagflation has discredited the Democrats. But it is now likely to rebound, making congressional gridlock all but inevitable. A Republican-controlled House will find a reason to impeach President Biden in 2023-24, in hopes of undermining his party and reclaiming the presidency. Another hotly contested election is possible, or worse, a full-blown constitutional crisis. American institutions proved impervious to the attempt of former President Trump and his followers to disrupt the certification of the Electoral College vote. However, security forces will be much more aggressive against rebellions of whatever stripe in future, which could lead to episodes in which social unrest is aggravated by police repression. If the GOP retakes the White House – especially if it is a second-term Trump presidency with a vendetta against political enemies and nothing to lose – then the US will return to aggressive foreign policy, whether directed at China or Iran or both. In short, polarization has contaminated foreign policy such that the most powerful country in the world cannot lead with a steady hand. Over the long run polarization will decline in the face of common foreign enemies but for now the trend vitiates global stability. Chart 17Germany And Japan Rearming Third Quarter Geopolitical Outlook: Thunder And Lightning Third Quarter Geopolitical Outlook: Thunder And Lightning It goes without saying that nationalism is also an active force in Iran, where 83-year-old Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei is attempting to ensure the survival of his regime in the face of youthful social unrest and an unclear succession process. If Khamenei takes advantage of the commodity cycle, and American and Israeli disarray, he can make a mad dash for the bomb and try to achieve regime security. But if he does so then nationalism will betray him, since Israel and/or the US are willing to conduct air strikes to uphold the red line against nuclear weaponization. If any more proof of global nationalism is needed, look no further than Germany and Japan, the principal aggressors of World War II. Their pacifist foreign policies have served as the linchpins of the post-war international order. Now they are both pursuing rearmament and a more proactive foreign policy (Chart 17). Nationalism may be very nascent in Germany but it has clearly made a comeback in Japan, which exacerbates China’s fears of containment. The rise of nationalism in India is widely known and reinforces the trend. Bottom Line: Great power rivalry is intensifying because of Russia’s conflict with the West and China’s inability to reject Russia. Hypo-globalization is the result since EU-Russia and US-China economic integration cannot easily be mended in the context of great power struggle. Domestic instability in Russia, China, and the US is leading to nationalism and aggressive foreign policy, as leaders find themselves unwilling or unable to stabilize domestic politics through productive economic pursuits. Investment Takeaways BCA has shifted its House View to a neutral asset allocation stance on equities relative to bonds (Chart 18). Chart 18BCA House View: Neutral Stocks Versus Bonds BCA House View: Neutral Stocks Versus Bonds BCA House View: Neutral Stocks Versus Bonds Geopolitical Strategy remains defensively positioned, favoring defensive markets and sectors, albeit with some exceptions that reflect our long-term views. Tactically stay long US 10-year Treasuries, large caps versus small caps, and defensives versus cyclicals. Stay long Mexico and short the UAE (Chart 19). Strategically stay long gold, US equities relative to global, and aerospace/defense sectors (Chart 20). Among currencies favor the USD, EUR, JPY, and GBP. Chart 19Stay Defensive In Q3 2022 Stay Defensive In Q3 2022 Stay Defensive In Q3 2022 ​​​​​​ Chart 20Stick To Long-Term Geopolitical Trades Stick To Long-Term Geopolitical Trades Stick To Long-Term Geopolitical Trades ​​​​​​ Chart 21Favor Semiconductors But Not Taiwan Favor Semiconductors But Not Taiwan Favor Semiconductors But Not Taiwan ​​​​​ Chart 22Indian Tech Will Rebound Amid China's Geopolitical Risks Indian Tech Will Rebound Amid China's Geopolitical Risks Indian Tech Will Rebound Amid China's Geopolitical Risks ​​​​​ Chart 23Overweight ASEAN Overweight ASEAN Overweight ASEAN Go long US semiconductors and semi equipment versus Taiwan broad market (Chart 21). While we correctly called the peak in Taiwanese stocks relative to global and EM equities, our long Korea / short Taiwan trade was the wrong way to articulate this view and remains deeply in the red. Similarly our attempt to double down on Indian tech versus Chinese tech was ill-timed. China eased tech regulations sooner than we expected. However, the long-term profile of the trade is still attractive and Chinese tech will still suffer from excessive government and foreign interference (Chart 22). Go long Singapore over Hong Kong, as Asian financial leadership continues to rotate (see Chart 5 above). Stay long ASEAN among emerging markets. We will also put Malaysia on upgrade watch, given recent Malaysian equity outperformance on the back of Chinese stimulus and growing western interest in alternatives to China (Chart 23).     Matt Gertken Chief Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Strategic Themes Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Regional Geopolitical Risk Matrix

Listen to a short summary of this report.       Executive Summary Gold Has Established A Double-Top Formation Gold Has Established A Double-Top Formation Gold Has Established A Double-Top Formation Gold has done quite well amidst the turmoil in global financial markets. BCA is neutral global equities, which bodes well for gold as a hedge. The shiny metal is a great inflation hedge. Investors betting on non-transitory inflation should be overweight gold in their portfolios. Historically, gold has held up relatively well during equity market downturns. Most of our fair-value models are pinning gold at neutral valuations. This suggests that positioning should be tactical rather than strategic.   Bottom Line: Gold can be expected to trade higher over the next few months, as global central banks fall behind the curve in fighting inflation. Once it becomes clear that inflation has peaked, either via a soft landing in major economies or an outright recession, gold will lag other commodity prices. According to our models, the near-term target for gold is 1848 USD/oz, suggesting a modest overweight stance. Feature Gold has held up remarkably well, amidst very poor returns for traditional asset classes. The bellwether S&P 500 index is down 20% year to date. US 10-year treasury prices are down 14%. Even copper, a barometer for commodity prices is off 20% from its peak, despite a supply-driven bull market in many resources from grains to energy. Investors who decided to park their wealth in gold are flat year-to-date, not a desirable result, but a much better outcome compared to a 60/40 equity-bond portfolio, which is down 18% year-to-date. What is remarkable about gold’s resilience is that traditional tailwinds for the yellow metal are now opposing forces. For example, gold trends with falling real rates, but the 10-year TIPS yield has rebounded violently as the Federal Reserve has turned more hawkish. Gold also moves inversely to the dollar, but the DXY dollar index hit fresh cycle highs this year. In fact, we are witnessing the rare occurrence where both gold and the dollar are up this year (Chart 1). Gold’s resilience comes at an important time since, from a technical standpoint, a classic double-top formation has been established. For chartists, this means either a major downturn is in the cards, or some consolidation is due before new highs are established (Chart 2). In this report, we try to gauge the outlook for gold from the lens of the current macroeconomic paradigm, valuations, and shifts in investors’ perception of what defines a safe-haven asset. Chart 1Gold Has Held Up Remarkably Well Gold Has Held Up Remarkably Well Gold Has Held Up Remarkably Well Chart 2Gold Has Established A Double-Top Formation Gold Has Established A Double-Top Formation Gold Has Established A Double-Top Formation Gold As An Inflation Hedge Chart 3Gold Prices Track US Inflation Gold Prices Track US Inflation Gold Prices Track US Inflation Gold prices have historically been a good inflation hedge. Chart 3 shows that gold has done an excellent job at tracking consumer prices in the US. According to this chart, gold has lagged the overshoot in inflation. This suggests that bullion prices could be poised for a coiled spring rebound. Gold’s link to inflation dates back many centuries, given that it has historically been a monetary standard. The pre-war period in the early 1900s saw tremendously undervaluation in gold, as an economic boom was met with a rigid money supply. It was not until the 1929 stock market crash, and the ensuing Great Depression, that Western governments had to debase fiat money vis-à-vis gold to stop price deflation. Under the post-WW2 Bretton Woods system, the widespread implementation of social welfare schemes in the late 1960s, excessive government spending, and the Vietnam war all created a huge fiscal burden for the US government. This caused the current-account deficit to widen, leading to a sharp fall in confidence in the dollar. Inflationary pressures began to fester. As a result, the Nixon administration was forced to shut the gold window in 1971 and delink the US dollar from gold. The dollar collapsed and gold soared as a result. Today, most currencies are freely floating, adjusting to price differentials in a timely manner, but rising inflation once again is a global problem. This is an environment where gold usually does well. Proponents of the gold standard generally point out that since 2020, the US monetary base has expanded by 71%, but gold output has risen only by 4%. Ergo, monetary policy would have been extremely tight under a gold-exchange standard, helping curtail inflation. The bottom line is that inflation risks are here to stay, as outlined in various Commodity & Energy Strategy reports. This will be a tailwind for bullion. Gold And The Dollar It has become clear in recent weeks that the Fed (and most other central banks) are behind the curve on inflation. As an anti-fiat currency, gold typically does well in this environment. Chart 4 highlights that the real Fed fund’s rate is below a variety of reasonable estimates of neutral. Gold typically moves inversely to the dollar so the question becomes how fast the Fed can tighten financial conditions, while engineering a soft landing in the US. In our view, it is possible but not probable. The Fed’s hawkish shift has triggered a tremendous outflow from long-duration US equities (Chart 5). Bonds remain the overarching driver of US portfolio flows, but rising inflation volatility is keeping big buyers such as Japan on the sidelines. This raises the likelihood that the Fed will pivot in a dovish fashion, as financial conditions tighten. Chart 4Real Rates In The US Are Very Low Real Rates In The US Are Very Low Real Rates In The US Are Very Low Chart 5Higher Rates Are A Threat To US Equity Inflows Higher Rates Are A Threat To US Equity Inflows Higher Rates Are A Threat To US Equity Inflows Even if the US avoids a recession, it is likely that countries that were starved of growth during the pandemic will increasingly benefit, including China. It is noteworthy that currency strength has been bifurcated. Commodity-producing currencies have done relatively well (BRL, CAD, AUD), while commodity importers’ currencies have been hammered (EUR, JPY, SEK). Excluding the supply side of the commodity picture, the dollar would be marginally weaker. Gold And Commodities Most of gold’s demand comes from investment, but there is some industrial and jewelry use as well. As such, gold remains very highly correlated to overall commodity prices. The prices of many commodities are in a supply-side bull market. This has helped keep gold prices elevated. Gold’s industrial demand is likely to be a bane in the near term, even if it would support prices longer term. Most industrial powers are seeing a slowdown in their economies, notably China. This puts a lot of industrial commodities, including gold, at risk of a price reversal. Looking ahead, commodity demand is expected to remain firm especially in the face of supply-side bottlenecks. This will put a floor on how low gold prices can fall. Consumer demand could become a key source of support for gold prices. Chinese and Indian gold imports have surged this year, amidst soft prices. Gold coin and bar investment demand is also above its 5-year average. There is high seasonality to India’s demand for gold, so upcoming festival and wedding seasons, many of which were postponed due to Covid-19 restrictions, will provide a boost to gold purchases. In the US, gold coin sales in May were at the highest level in over a decade. Even Russia, which recently removed the VAT tax on gold purchases, saw a 54% year-on-year rise in gold coin sales. Gold And Central Banks The one profound change in the gold market has been the behavior of global central banks. Global allocations of foreign-exchange reserves have drifted away from the dollar and towards gold and other currencies (Chart 6). This helps underpin the gold bull market. This diversification away from the USD has been particularly acute among countries with a geopolitical incentive to increase non-dollar holdings. China has seen its gold reserves rise from 1.9% to 3.6% since 2016. Russia, which presently is at war with the West, has little Treasury holdings with 21% of its reserves in gold. With every country having an implicit geopolitical imperative to diversify its reserve holdings, gold sits as a neutral monetary standard. As such, the allocation of global FX reserves towards gold will continue to rise (Chart 7). Chart 6A Stealth Diversification From US Dollars A Stealth Diversification From US Dollars A Stealth Diversification From US Dollars Chart 7Central Banks Have Become Gold Buyers Central Banks Have Become Gold Buyers Central Banks Have Become Gold Buyers Gold And Financial Markets The biggest demand for gold is likely to come from hedging against equity volatility. Historically, gold has done relatively well during equity market drawdowns (Chart 8). This has been the case so far this year. As outlined above, if inflation continues to surprise to the upside, then gold should be a core holding in investor portfolios. That said, TIPS yields are rising; as such, should global central banks contain the risk of a wage-inflation spiral, gold will underperform other asset classes. Chart 8Gold Does Well During Crises What Should Investors Do About Gold? What Should Investors Do About Gold? The gold/commodity ratio has an eery correlation with the VIX (Chart 9). This cements gold’s role as a safe-haven asset. Given rising political and economic uncertainty, a gold hedge is practical. Chart 9Higher Volatility Will Benefit Gold Higher Volatility Will Benefit Gold Higher Volatility Will Benefit Gold How To Value Gold Valuing gold is an extremely difficult exercise. As an inflation hedge, gold is trading at a 210% premium relative to its purchasingpower (Chart 10). However, shorter-term models are more sanguine. Our in-house models using a combination of monetary and financial variables suggest gold is much closer to fair value at current levels (Chart 11). From a holistic sense, gold is a hedge against geopolitical uncertainty, overly abundant liquidity, and inflation risk, as well as a source of capital preservation. Putting all these together, the gold price is fair. Chart 10Gold Is Expensive In Real Terms Gold Is Expensive In Real Terms Gold Is Expensive In Real Terms Chart 11Gold At Fair Value According To Our Models Gold At Fair Value According To Our Models Gold At Fair Value According To Our Models From a commodity standpoint, gold is trading at a hefty premium to cash costs (Chart 12). This has always been the case during gold bull markets. Should the current paradigm shift to one of low inflation and little geopolitical risk, investors need to be cognizant of the safety premium currently embedded in gold prices. Chart 12Gold Is Trading Well Above Cash Costs Gold Is Trading Well Above Cash Costs Gold Is Trading Well Above Cash Costs From a technical standpoint, our indicators suggest gold is oversold but not yet at a nadir (Chart 13). This implies some consolidation is due before the next leg of the gold trend is established. Chart 13Sentiment On Gold Is Not Yet At A Nadir Sentiment On Gold Is Not Yet At A Nadir Sentiment On Gold Is Not Yet At A Nadir From a valuation standpoint, we will be buyers of gold today, but will not hold it for the long term. Investment Conclusions Gold can be expected to trade higher over the next few months, as global central banks fall behind the curve in fighting inflation. Once it becomes clear that inflation has peaked, either via a soft landing in major economies or an outright recession, gold will lag other commodity prices. According to our models, the near-term target for gold is 1848 USD/oz, suggesting a modest overweight stance is appropriate.    Chester Ntonifor Foreign Exchange Strategist chestern@bcaresearch.com Trades & Forecasts Strategic View Cyclical Holdings (6-18 months) Tactical Holdings (0-6 months) Limit Orders Forecast Summary  

Executive Summary Biden Can Take Risks With Russia Third Quarter US Political Outlook: Last Ditch Effort Third Quarter US Political Outlook: Last Ditch Effort President Biden will make a last-ditch effort to mitigate Democratic losses in the midterm elections and the effect will be still-high policy uncertainty and erratic US behavior. Biden can take several executive actions against inflation but we do not expect them to resolve the global supply shock or to save the Democrats from a Republican takeover of Congress this fall. There is substantial risk of a direct US-Russia crisis ahead of the election that would sustain bearish sentiment. US policy remains a headwind for equities in 2022 but possibly a tailwind in 2023. A rally after the midterm is fairly likely.   Recommendation (Tactical) Initiation Date  Return Long DXY (Dollar Index) 23-FEB-22 8.8% Bottom Line: Maintain a defensive posture in the third quarter but look for opportunities to buy oversold assets with long-term macro and policy tailwinds. Feature President Biden and the Democratic Party will make a last-ditch effort in the third quarter to mitigate their large expected losses in the midterm elections. The president will concentrate on fighting inflation, which is weighing on wages, incomes, and consumer and business sentiment (Chart 1). Related Report  US Political StrategyBiden Opens The Border Biden’s frantic efforts will induce additional market volatility. The president has a few limited tools to address global energy and supply shocks that probably will not work. Inflation will remain problematic even if it slows down over the next three months as our bond strategists expect. The odds of recession have risen sharply. Our Chief Global Strategist Peter Berezin suggests that the odds are 40% – a point underscored by inversion of some parts of the yield curve and a falling leading economic indicator (Chart 2). President Biden recently met with outside economic adviser Larry Summers and concluded that a recession is “not inevitable.” Not very comforting. Chart 1Inflation's Toll Inflation's Toll Inflation's Toll Chart 2Odds Of Recession Rising Odds Of Recession Rising Odds Of Recession Rising Summers, who warned Biden and the Democrats not to add $1.9 trillion in spending at the beginning of 2021, has put forward research showing recession odds at 60%-70% over the next 12-24 months.1 However, BCA’s own recession checklist is still ambivalent (Table 1). BCA’s House View is now neutral on equities. Table 1BCA Recession Checklist Third Quarter US Political Outlook: Last Ditch Effort Third Quarter US Political Outlook: Last Ditch Effort What could change the US policy outlook? Not much. Avoiding recession, reducing inflation, mobilizing women voters, and clashing directly with Russia could mitigate some of the Democrats’ expected losses this fall, but the outcome would probably be the same. Betting markets give a 72%probability to Democrats losing control of both the House of Representatives and the Senate. Our own election models show Democrats losing 22 seats in the House and two seats in the Senate (see Appendix), reinforcing our February forecast. The implication is congressional gridlock in 2023-24. Gridlock is marginally positive for the broad US equity market beginning in Q4 2022 … but marginally negative before then. Checking Up On Our Three Key Views For 2022 Our three key views for 2022 remain intact at the halfway point of the year. : 1.   From Single-Party Rule To Gridlock: The Democrats are highly likely to lose control of the House of Representatives this fall, meaning that unified government will end with the lame duck legislative session in November and December. The Democrats’ fiscal 2022 budget reconciliation bill is less likely to pass now that midterm campaigning has begun. A fiscally expansive bill would add to inflation. A deficit-reducing bill – i.e. one with substantial tax hikes – would increase the odds of recession. Biden no longer has an interest in pushing the bill until he is reasonably sure a recession can be avoided. It is very hard to garner 218 votes in the House and 51 votes in the Senate now that Biden’s and Democrats’ popular support is melting down. Democrats are polling comparably to Republicans who lost 41 House seats in the 2018 midterms (Chart 3). Thus while it is still possible for Democrats to pass an energy security and climate change bill under Biden’s presidency, we have no conviction that they can do it before the midterm. More likely it would have to pass during the lame-duck session in the fourth quarter – or as a compromise law with a Republican Congress in 2023-24. Until 2025, at earliest, US government will be divided, which means that the post-election drop in policy uncertainty will be short-lived, as fears will emerge of breaching the debt ceiling in early 2023. Chart 3Democratic Party Troubles Third Quarter US Political Outlook: Last Ditch Effort Third Quarter US Political Outlook: Last Ditch Effort 2.   From Legislative To Executive Power: With the legislature stymied, Biden will resort to executive power to keep his presidency afloat. So what will he do? Fight inflation. Biden’s anti-inflation plan consists of three prongs. The first is “letting” the Fed raise interest rates, which is well under way. The Fed hiked rates by 75 basis points on June 15 and plans to raise the Fed funds rate to 3.25% or 3.5% by end of year. The second prong is passing his Build Back Better plan and the third is consolidating the fiscal deficit. But these two options are bogged down in Congress – no new belt-tightening will occur until 2023 at earliest. So Biden’s remaining options consist of administrative maneuvers and executive orders. Biden could stop collecting the federal gas tax, although the tax has not risen since 1993 and its removal will have a marginal impact (Chart 4). He has already tapped the strategic petroleum reserve, to an unprecedented degree, without preventing the surge in prices at the pump (Chart 5). Chart 4Biden To Defer Federal Gas Tax Biden To Defer Federal Gas Tax Biden To Defer Federal Gas Tax Chart 5Strategic Petroleum Reserve Already Tapped Strategic Petroleum Reserve Already Tapped Strategic Petroleum Reserve Already Tapped   3.   From Domestic To Foreign Policy: Part of Biden’s turn toward executive power will be a turn toward foreign policy orientation. However, before the midterm, Biden’s foreign policy will be defensive or reactive. That is, with the exception of Russia, he will attempt to placate foreign threats and mitigate the energy shock. On China, Biden is considering pulling back on some of President Trump’s extraordinary tariffs, though probably not the Section 301 tariffs related to technology theft. He has the authority to do so unilaterally just as Trump had the authority to put them on. The problem is that easing the China tariffs will have little effect on inflation, and only after the midterm, while it would weaken Biden’s political standing in the Rust Belt and undermine the US’s strategic competition with China. Tariff relief would only temporarily benefit the renminbi, if at all, given China’s need for a weak currency amid its economic slowdown (Chart 6). Hence Biden may reduce some tariffs but it will be underwhelming. Not a reliable way to bring down inflation. Chart 6Biden Can Ease China Tariffs (But Don't Bet On It) Biden Can Ease China Tariffs (But Don't Bet On It) Biden Can Ease China Tariffs (But Don't Bet On It) Second, Biden has proposed to ease sanctions on Iran if it will freeze its nuclear program and come back into compliance with the 2015 nuclear deal that the Trump administration rejected. But the Iranians can export oil anyway at today’s prices, they have customers in China and India, and they have immense military leverage over Iraqi production, which means they are not forced to capitulate (Chart 7). Not a reliable way to bring down inflation. Third, Biden is courting the Gulf Arab states and tinkering with easing sanctions on Venezuela and others. OPEC support is a better option than Iran/Venezuela. However, OPEC will decide when and how much support to give. The Arab states will act to prolong the global business cycle but will not base their strategy on helping Democrats win an election. Hence they may not come to the rescue as early as the third quarter (Chart 8). Chart 7Biden Can Ease Iran Sanctions (But Don't Bet On It) Biden Can Ease Iran Sanctions (But Don't Bet On It) Biden Can Ease Iran Sanctions (But Don't Bet On It) Chart 8Biden Casting About For Oil Providers Biden Casting About For Oil Providers Biden Casting About For Oil Providers Moreover if the Biden administration makes amends with Saudi Arabia, then Iran’s nuclear progress will steam ahead and ignite tensions in the Middle East within the year. That would vitiate the impact of increased OPEC production. Not a reliable way to bring down inflation. Biden has even sought to exempt Russia from some sanctions for the sake of reducing inflation, such as with grain exports. However, these arrangements may not last. Given Biden’s weak domestic support and given the way that the Cuban Missile Crisis helped President Kennedy to mitigate his party’s losses in 1962, Biden can afford to be confrontational and even provocative toward Russia (Chart 9). After all, Russia is already pulling levers to add to inflation. The problem is that a direct US-Russia showdown would increase inflation while heightening global risk aversion. Bottom Line: Gridlock is coming, which is marginally negative for US equities in Q3 2022 but marginally positive as early as Q4 2022 and in 2023. It is not good for equities in 2022 because of elevated uncertainty – uncertainty not so much about the election results as about the volatile and unpredictable impacts of the president’s last-ditch efforts to fight inflation. Chart 9Biden Can Take Risks With Russia Third Quarter US Political Outlook: Last Ditch Effort Third Quarter US Political Outlook: Last Ditch Effort Checking Up On Our Strategic Themes For The 2020s Looking beyond the short term, this year’s inflation outbreak and geopolitical events will largely reinforce our three long-term US political themes, in the following ways: 1.   Millennials/GenZ Rising: In the coming 12 months, a fall in job openings due to the economic slowdown, combined with a recovering labor participation rate, could reduce wage pressures and inflation, in accordance with the Federal Reserve’s plan for a “soft landing” (Chart 10). Of course, that is not happening yet. And conversely labor participation will fall again if recession risks materialize. So there will be a lot of noise in the short run. Over the long run, a rising dependency ratio, in the context of a growing population, has inflationary implications. It decreases the pool of savings, increases the need for public investment, and increases the cost of each prime-age worker. Today the headline labor participation rate has mostly recovered but workers over the age of 55 are failing to return to pre-pandemic levels of participation, as are young people, which will keep wage pressures up (Chart 11). Chart 10The Fed's Idea Of A Soft Landing The Fed's Idea Of A Soft Landing The Fed's Idea Of A Soft Landing Chart 11Generational Shift In Labor Market Generational Shift In Labor Market Generational Shift In Labor Market Thus generational change will be marginally inflationary and will have powerful political effects. An increasingly multi-ethnic and educated population will hold different opinions from previous generations. Political parties will evolve to capture these voters. Underlying the shift will be the fact that government support will be necessary for the rising share of dependents, yet fiscal discipline will be necessary to restrict inflation. The current quarrel between older and younger generations will intensify before it subsides. The Silent Generation, along with the conservative Baby Boomers, will remain the decisive voting bloc in the 2022 midterm and will seek to freeze fiscal policy. That brings us to our next theme … 2.   Peak Polarization: Political polarization has declined since the 2020 election, as we predicted. All voters dislike high inflation (Chart 12). However, polarization will remain at historically high levels at least over the short and medium term. Chart 12Everyone Loathes Inflation Everyone Loathes Inflation Everyone Loathes Inflation Chart 13Women’s Turnout Will Matter Third Quarter US Political Outlook: Last Ditch Effort Third Quarter US Political Outlook: Last Ditch Effort Polarization will remain high in part because of the generational divide, which is still very wide and underpins stark ideological divides. For example, a short-term driver of polarization will be abortion. The Supreme Court is likely, though not certain, to overturn the 1972 Roe v. Wade decision that guarantees nationwide access to abortion. If it does, protests and civil unrest will occur. Women turned out in droves against President Trump’s Republicans in the 2018 midterms and will do so again in 2022 (Chart 13), helping Democrats to mitigate some of their losses. Polarization will also remain high due to the electoral system and intra-party dynamics. While Democrats ensconce themselves in formal institutions, Republicans continue to transform into a populist party. So far in the Republican primary elections, candidates endorsed by former President Trump are winning the nomination at a 94% rate. Table 2 shows the outcomes in the GOP primary elections for the House of Representatives so far. A GOP House majority is likely to impeach President Biden for one or another reason, even though they will not be able to remove him from office. Table 2Polarization Will Stay Near Historic Peaks Over 2022-24 Cycle Third Quarter US Political Outlook: Last Ditch Effort Third Quarter US Political Outlook: Last Ditch Effort Today’s extreme polarization entails that congressional gridlock will return and that the US remains at high risk of social unrest, political violence, and domestic terrorism (Chart 14). A terrorist attack that affects critical infrastructure, high-level personnel, or the electoral system would lead to greater sociopolitical instability. Especially if violence tips the narrow political balance of one of the branches of government and has a concrete impact on national policy.2 Social unrest alone will hardly move markets but unrest that fundamentally damages US political stability is possible and would engender risk-aversion. Over the long run, however, the US will avoid a second civil war since Washington possesses the world’s most powerful military and intelligence apparatus, which is highly unlikely to be coopted or defeated by an extremist movement. The military swears allegiance to the constitution. For example, neither the military nor the political institutions (as opposed to individuals) showed any serious sign of breaking down during the January 6, 2021 insurrection. The vast majority of voters will recoil from any major incidents of terrorism or militancy. While opinion polls show non-negligible support for political violence, such polls need to be interpreted carefully (Chart 15). A recent study shows that these polls overstate public support for violence.3 Chart 14Major Risk Of Domestic Terrorism, Political Violence Third Quarter US Political Outlook: Last Ditch Effort Third Quarter US Political Outlook: Last Ditch Effort Chart 15Opinion Growing More Militant … Until Militancy Happens Third Quarter US Political Outlook: Last Ditch Effort Third Quarter US Political Outlook: Last Ditch Effort The emerging Russo-Chinese strategic challenge, combined with generational change, will force political elites to cooperate to prevent domestic insurrections, regime fracture, and foreign humiliation. Polarization will give way to a new American consensus which is largely directed at domestic stabilization and fighting the Second Cold War. 3.   Limited Big Government: The inflation outbreak has dealt a blow to arguments in favor of unlimited government, including Modern Monetary Theory. While the US rediscovered the need for “Big Government” during the deflationary 2010s, it is already starting to rediscover the need for limited government via the inflationary 2020s (Chart 16). The next Congress will reimpose some fiscal discipline – and future governments will face some checks and balances on spending due to their fear of an inflationary surge and negative consequences at the voting booth. Unless Democrats somehow retain control of Congress this fall, they will reinforce the precedent set by the Carter administration that high inflation is politically undesirable. Chart 16Inflation Outbreak Will Limit Big Government Third Quarter US Political Outlook: Last Ditch Effort Third Quarter US Political Outlook: Last Ditch Effort Fiscal policy will be more expansive in the coming decade than in recent decades due to structural factors. But it will still face limitations from democratic politics, i.e. gridlock. As long as polarization does not spiral out of control, the US government will not become authoritarian or autocratic and fiscal policy will not result in Big Government Socialism or No Government Anarchism. A new compromise will be found which will be Limited Big Government. Bottom Line: Generational tensions will rise and then fall – and so will political polarization. The US faces a high risk of sociopolitical instability in the short term. The 2022 midterm will become a source of uncertainty, volatility, and a still-elevated equity risk premium. After the midterm, uncertainty and risk premiums will dissipate temporarily. But avoiding a recession will become the critical factor in maintaining policy continuity and national stability through the 2024 election cycle. Investment Takeaways BCA has shifted its House View to a neutral asset allocation stance on equities relative to bonds, as noted. US Political Strategy remains defensively positioned, as midterm elections typically provide a tailwind to defensive sectors for the first three quarters of the election year. This is also true when unified governments shift to divided governments – and in that case bond yields tend to be higher than usual (Chart 17). While the inflation outbreak makes this year different from many recent midterm years, these trends have persisted. For this reason, and our Geopolitical Strategy views, we will maintain our defensive bias in the third quarter. Chart 17Stocks Flat, Bond Yields High, Until After Midterm Elections Stocks Flat, Bond Yields High, Until After Midterm Elections Stocks Flat, Bond Yields High, Until After Midterm Elections We remain overweigh health care relative to the broad market and overweight nominal Treasuries relative to inflation-protected securities. Having said that, we are putting our long US dollar (DXY) trade on downgrade watch. We do not doubt that the dollar can go higher this year but our bearish views have come to fruition both within the US and in the geopolitical space and they are now largely priced. It may soon be time to step back and reassess, especially because interest rate differentials are turning against the dollar (Chart 18). In addition China’s government will take a pro-growth turn to try to secure the economic recovery over the next 12 months. In the energy space, we expect volatility. The Biden administration is focused on fighting inflation and could pull various levers to affect the oil market, outlined above. If Biden succeeds against expectations, then the oil price would suffer a substantial setback. Moreover OPEC has an independent interest in prolonging the business cycle now that global prices have become punitive. Hence we are neutral on oil prices and booked gains on our long energy trades for the time (Chart 19). Chart 18Put US Dollar On Downgrade Watch Put US Dollar On Downgrade Watch Put US Dollar On Downgrade Watch If inflation subsides and bond yields moderate, then growth stocks should rebound against value stocks. However, we implemented this idea prematurely earlier this year and suffered for it. Therefore we remain neutral on the question of portfolio styles for now. Our cyclical plays remain the same: long cyber security stocks, defense stocks, and infrastructure stocks. We also remain long renewable energy, although for now we only recommend it as a tactical trade (Chart 20). Chart 19Energy Prices Will Be Volatile Energy Prices Will Be Volatile Energy Prices Will Be Volatile Chart 20Stick With Cyber Security, Defense, And Renewables Stick With Cyber Security, Defense, And Renewables Stick With Cyber Security, Defense, And Renewables     Matt Gertken Senior Vice President Chief US Political Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com     Footnotes 1     See Lawrence H. Summers and Alex Domash, “History Suggests a High Chance of Recession over the Next 24 Months,” Harvard Kennedy School, March 15, 2022, www.hks.harvard.edu. 2     Consider the January 6 insurrection, the recent plot against Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh’s life, the gun attack on Republican Senators in 2017, and the risk of assassinations or other extremist incidents. 3    See Sean J. Westwood et al, “Current research overstates American support for political violence,” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 119:12 (2022), pnas.org. Strategic View Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Table A2Political Risk Matrix Third Quarter US Political Outlook: Last Ditch Effort Third Quarter US Political Outlook: Last Ditch Effort Table A3US Political Capital Index Third Quarter US Political Outlook: Last Ditch Effort Third Quarter US Political Outlook: Last Ditch Effort Chart A1Presidential Election Model Third Quarter US Political Outlook: Last Ditch Effort Third Quarter US Political Outlook: Last Ditch Effort Chart A2Senate Election Model Third Quarter US Political Outlook: Last Ditch Effort Third Quarter US Political Outlook: Last Ditch Effort  Table A4House Election Model Third Quarter US Political Outlook: Last Ditch Effort Third Quarter US Political Outlook: Last Ditch Effort Table A5APolitical Capital: White House And Congress Third Quarter US Political Outlook: Last Ditch Effort Third Quarter US Political Outlook: Last Ditch Effort Table A5BPolitical Capital: Household And Business Sentiment Third Quarter US Political Outlook: Last Ditch Effort Third Quarter US Political Outlook: Last Ditch Effort Table A5CPolitical Capital: The Economy And Markets Third Quarter US Political Outlook: Last Ditch Effort Third Quarter US Political Outlook: Last Ditch Effort  

    Executive Summary At our monthly view meeting on Monday, BCA strategists voted to change the House View to a neutral asset allocation stance on equities, with a slight plurality favoring an outright underweight. The view of the Global Investment Strategy service is somewhat more constructive, as I think it is still more likely than not that the US will avoid a recession; and that if a recession does occur, it will be a fairly mild one. Nevertheless, the risks to my view have increased. I now estimate 40% odds of a recession during the next 12 months, up from 20% a month ago. In The Past, When Unemployment Has Started Rising In The US, It Has Kept On Rising In The Past, When Unemployment Has Started Rising In The US, It Has Kept On Rising In The Past, When Unemployment Has Started Rising In The US, It Has Kept On Rising Bottom Line: With the S&P 500 down 27% in real terms from its highs at the time of the meeting, the view of the Global Investment Strategy service is that a modest overweight is appropriate. However, investors should refrain from adding to equity positions until more clarity emerges about the path for inflation and growth. Heading For Recession? Every month, BCA strategists hold a view meeting to discuss the most important issues driving the macroeconomy and financial markets. This month’s meeting, which was held yesterday, was especially pertinent as it comes on the heels of a substantial decline in global equities. The key issue that we grappled with was whether the Fed could achieve a proverbial soft landing or whether the US and the rest of the global economy were spiraling towards recession (if it wasn’t already there). I began the meeting by showing one of my favorite charts, a deceptively simple chart of the US unemployment rate (Chart 1). The chart makes three things clear: 1) The US unemployment rate is rarely stable; It is almost always either rising or falling; 2) Once it starts rising, it keeps rising. In fact, the US has never averted a recession when the 3-month average of the unemployment rate has risen by more than a third of a percentage point; and 3) As a mean-reverting series, the unemployment rate is most likely to start rising when it is very low. Chart 1In The Past, When Unemployment Has Started Rising In The US, It Has Kept On Rising In The Past, When Unemployment Has Started Rising In The US, It Has Kept On Rising In The Past, When Unemployment Has Started Rising In The US, It Has Kept On Rising Taken at face value, the chart paints a damning picture about the economic outlook. The US unemployment rate is near a record low, which means that it has nowhere to go but up. And once the unemployment rate starts going up, history suggests that a recession is inevitable. Five Caveats Despite this ominous implication, I did highlight five caveats. First, the observation that even a modest increase in the unemployment rate invariably heralds a recession is based on a limited sample of business cycles from the US. Across the G10, soft landings have occurred, Canada being one example (Chart 2). Second, unlike the unemployment rate, the employment-to-population ratio is still 1.1 percentage points below its pre-pandemic level, and 4.6 percentage points below where it was in April 2000. A similar, though less pronounced, pattern holds if one focuses only on the 25-to-54 age cohort (Chart 3). Chart 2G10 Economies Sometimes Manage To Avoid A Recession Amid Rising Unemployment G10 Economies Sometimes Manage To Avoid A Recession Amid Rising Unemployment G10 Economies Sometimes Manage To Avoid A Recession Amid Rising Unemployment Chart 3The Employment-To-Population Ratio Remains Below Pre-Pandemic Levels The Employment-To-Population Ratio Remains Below Pre-Pandemic Levels The Employment-To-Population Ratio Remains Below Pre-Pandemic Levels   While the number of people not working either because they are worried about the pandemic, or because they are still burning through their stimulus checks, has been trending lower, it is still fairly high in absolute terms (Chart 4). As my colleague Doug Peta discussed in his latest report, one can envision a scenario where job growth remains positive, but the unemployment rate nonetheless edges higher as more workers rejoin the labor force. Chart 4ALabor Supply Should Increase As Covid Fears Continue To Abate And More Workers Burn Through Their Stimulus Savings (I) Labor Supply Should Increase As Covid Fears Continue To Abate And More Workers Burn Through Their Stimulus Savings (I) Labor Supply Should Increase As Covid Fears Continue To Abate And More Workers Burn Through Their Stimulus Savings (I) Chart 4BLabor Supply Should Increase As Covid Fears Continue To Abate And More Workers Burn Through Their Stimulus Savings (II) Labor Supply Should Increase As Covid Fears Continue To Abate And More Workers Burn Through Their Stimulus Savings (II) Labor Supply Should Increase As Covid Fears Continue To Abate And More Workers Burn Through Their Stimulus Savings (II)     Third, the job vacancy rate is extremely high today – much higher than a pre-pandemic “Beveridge Curve” would have predicted (Chart 5). This provides the labor market with a wide moat against an increase in firings. As Fed governor Christopher Waller has emphasized, the main effect of the Federal Reserve’s efforts to cool labor demand could be to push down vacancies rather than to push up unemployment. Fourth, as we have highlighted in past research, the Phillips curve is kinked at very low levels of unemployment (Chart 6). This means that a decline in unemployment from high to moderate levels may do little to spur inflation, but once the unemployment rate falls below its full employment level, then watch out! Chart 5The Fed Hopes That Its Tightening Policy Will Bring Down Job Openings More Than It Pushes Up The Unemployment Rate The Fed Hopes That Its Tightening Policy Will Bring Down Job Openings More Than It Pushes Up The Unemployment Rate The Fed Hopes That Its Tightening Policy Will Bring Down Job Openings More Than It Pushes Up The Unemployment Rate Chart 6The Phillips Curve Is Kinked At Very Low Levels Of Unemployment Hard Or Soft Landing? BCA Strategists Debate The Question Hard Or Soft Landing? BCA Strategists Debate The Question   The converse is also true, however. If a small decrease in unemployment can trigger a large increase in inflation, then a small increase in unemployment can trigger a large decrease in inflation, provided that long-term inflation expectations remain reasonably well anchored in the meantime. In other words, it is possible that the so-called “sacrifice ratio” — the amount of output that has to be sacrificed to reduce inflation — may be quite low. Fifth, and perhaps most importantly, there is a lot of variation from one recession to the next in how much unemployment rises. In general, the greater the financial and economic imbalances going into a recession, the deeper it tends to be. US household balance sheets are in reasonably good shape these days. Households are sitting on $2.2 trillion in excess savings (Chart 7). Yes, most of those savings belong to relatively well-off households. But as Chart 8 illustrates, even rich people spend well over half of their income. Chart 7Households Have Only Just Begun To Draw Down Their Accumulated Savings Households Have Only Just Begun To Draw Down Their Accumulated Savings Households Have Only Just Begun To Draw Down Their Accumulated Savings Chart 8Even The Rich Spend The Majority Of Their Income Hard Or Soft Landing? BCA Strategists Debate The Question Hard Or Soft Landing? BCA Strategists Debate The Question     The ratio of household debt-to-disposable income in the US is down by a third since its peak in 2008. Despite falling equity prices, the ratio of household net worth-to-disposable income is still up nearly 50 percentage points since the end of 2019, mainly because home prices have risen (Chart 9). As is likely to be the case in many other countries, home prices in the US will level off and quite possibly decline over the next few years. In and of itself, that may not be such a bad outcome for equity markets since lower real estate prices will cool aggregate demand, thus lowering inflation without the need for much higher interest rates. The danger, of course, is that we could see a replay of the GFC. This risk cannot be ignored but is probably quite small. The quality of mortgage lending has been very strong over the past 15 years. Moreover, unlike in 2007, when there was a large glut of homes, the homeowner vacancy rate today is at a record low. Tepid homebuilding has pushed the average age of the US residential capital stock to 31 years, the highest since 1948 (Chart 10). Chart 9The US Household Debt Burden Has Come Down Significantly Since 2008, While Net Worth Is Still Higher Than Before The Pandemic The US Household Debt Burden Has Come Down Significantly Since 2008, While Net Worth Is Still Higher Than Before The Pandemic The US Household Debt Burden Has Come Down Significantly Since 2008, While Net Worth Is Still Higher Than Before The Pandemic Chart 10Tight Supply Conditions In The Housing Market Argue Against A Repeat Of The GFC Tight Supply Conditions In The Housing Market Argue Against A Repeat Of The GFC Tight Supply Conditions In The Housing Market Argue Against A Repeat Of The GFC   A Bleaker Picture Outside The US The situation is admittedly dicier outside the US. Putin’s despotic regime continues to wage war on Ukraine. While European natural gas prices are still well below their March peak, they have recently surged as Russia has begun to throttle natural gas exports (Chart 11). The euro area manufacturing PMI clocked in a respectable 54.6 in May but is likely to drop over the coming months as higher energy prices restrain production. The only saving grace is that fiscal policy in Europe has turned more expansionary. The IMF’s April projection foresaw the structural primary budget balance easing from a surplus of 1.2% of GDP between 2014 and 2019 to a deficit of 1.2% of GDP between 2022 and 2027, the biggest swing among the major economies (Chart 12). Even the IMF’s numbers probably underestimate the fiscal easing that will transpire considering the need for Europe to invest more in energy independence and defense. Chart 11The European Economy Is Threatened By Rising Gas Prices The European Economy Is Threatened By Rising Gas Prices The European Economy Is Threatened By Rising Gas Prices Chart 12Euro Area Fiscal Policy Is Expected To Be More Expansionary In The Years To Come Than Before The Pandemic Hard Or Soft Landing? BCA Strategists Debate The Question Hard Or Soft Landing? BCA Strategists Debate The Question   The Chinese economy continues to suffer from the “triple threat” of renewed Covid lockdowns, a shift of global demand away from manufactured goods towards services, and a floundering property market. We expect the Chinese property market to ultimately succumb to the same fate that befell Japan 30 years ago. Chart 13Chinese Stocks Are Cheap Chinese Stocks Are Cheap Chinese Stocks Are Cheap Unlike Japanese stocks in the early 1990s, however, Chinese stocks are trading at fairly beaten down valuations – 10.9-times earnings and 1.4-times book for the investable index (Chart 13). With the Twentieth Party Congress slated for later this year and the population jaded by lockdowns, the political incentive to shower the economy with cash and loosen the reins on regulation will intensify. A Scenario Analysis For The S&P 500 Corralling all these moving parts is no easy matter. We would put the odds of a US recession over the next 12 months at 40%. This is double what we would have said a month ago when we tactically upgraded stocks after the S&P 500 fell below the 4,000 mark. The May CPI report was clearly a shocker, both to the Fed and the markets. The median dot in the June Summary of Economic Projections sees the Fed funds rate rising to 3.8% next year, smack dab in the middle of our once highly out-of-consensus estimate of 3.5%-to-4% for the neutral rate of interest. With interest rates potentially moving into restrictive territory next year, equity investors are right to be concerned. Yet, as noted above, if a recession does occur, it is likely to be a fairly mild one. At the time of the BCA monthly view meeting, the S&P 500 was already down 23% in nominal terms and 27% in real terms from its peak in early January. We assume that the S&P 500 will fall a further 10% in real terms over the next 12 months in a “mild recession” scenario (30% odds) and by 25% in a “deep recession” scenario (10% odds). Conversely, we assume that the S&P 500 will be 20% higher in 12 months’ time in a “no recession” scenario (60% odds). Note that even in a “no recession” scenario, the real value of the S&P 500 would still be down 12% in June 2023 from its all-time high. On a probability-weighted basis, the expected 12-month real return across all three scenarios works out to 6.5%, or 8% with dividends (Table 1). That is enough to justify a modest overweight in my view – but given the risks, just barely. Investors focused on capital preservation should consider a more conservative stance. Table 1S&P 500 Drawdowns Depending On Whether The US Will Enter A Recession And How Severe It Will Be Hard Or Soft Landing? BCA Strategists Debate The Question Hard Or Soft Landing? BCA Strategists Debate The Question Most of my colleagues were more cautious than me, as they generally thought that the odds of a recession were greater than 50%. They voted to shift the BCA house view to a neutral asset allocation stance on equities, with a slight plurality favoring an outright underweight (10 for underweight; 9 for neutral; and 6 for overweight). Peter Berezin Chief Global Strategist peterb@bcaresearch.com   Global Investment Strategy View Matrix Hard Or Soft Landing? BCA Strategists Debate The Question Hard Or Soft Landing? BCA Strategists Debate The Question Special Trade Recommendations Current MacroQuant Model Scores Hard Or Soft Landing? BCA Strategists Debate The Question Hard Or Soft Landing? BCA Strategists Debate The Question  

Executive Summary Calculating Trend Inflation Calculating Trend Inflation Calculating Trend Inflation Investors should anticipate 50 basis point rate hikes at each FOMC meeting, eventually transitioning to 25 bps per meeting once inflation shows clear and convincing evidence of trending down. This transition should occur later this year. Core inflation has peaked for the year and it can fall to a range of 4-5% even in the absence of an economic recession or meaningful labor market weakness. A recession will eventually be required to push inflation from 4% down to the Fed’s 2% target. Economic growth will slow going forward, but we won’t see enough weakness for the Fed to abandon its tightening cycle within the next 6-12 months.       Bottom Line: US bond investors should keep portfolio duration close to benchmark, underweight TIPS versus nominal Treasuries and maintain a defensive posture on corporate bond spreads (underweight IG and neutral HY). The Fed Goes Big Chart 1Inflation Expectations Inflation Expectations Inflation Expectations The US Federal Reserve continued to prove its inflation-fighting mettle last week with a 75 basis point rate hike, the largest single-meeting increase since 1994. Chair Powell had initially telegraphed 50 basis point rate increases for both the June and July FOMC meetings, but he made it clear during last week’s press conference that the committee was spooked by May’s surprisingly high CPI number and by the recent jump in 5-10 year household inflation expectations (Chart 1). Alongside the 75 basis point rate hike, committee members revised up their fed funds rate forecasts. The median FOMC member now expects the funds rate to reach a range of 3.25% to 3.5% by the end of 2022. That is consistent with three more 50 basis point rate hikes and one more 25 basis point hike at this year’s four remaining FOMC meetings. Looking further out, the median committee member anticipates 25-50 bps additional upside in the fed funds rate in 2023 but is then forecasting a modest reduction in 2024. Critically, the fed funds rate is still expected to be above estimates of long-run neutral by the end of 2024. Chart 2 shows how current market expectations compare to the Fed’s forecasts. We see that, even after the Fed’s upward forecast revisions, the market still anticipates a somewhat faster pace of tightening this year. The market is also priced for rate cuts in 2023, likely due to the increasingly widespread expectation that a recession is coming within the next 12 months. Chart 2Rate Expectations: Market Versus Fed Rate Expectations: Market Versus Fed Rate Expectations: Market Versus Fed The Fed’s Near-Term Plan As for what we can expect going forward, we found two comments from Chair Powell’s press conference particularly enlightening. First, he called last week’s 75 basis point rate increase “unusually large” and said that he “doesn’t expect moves of that size to be common.” Second, Powell said that the Committee will need to see “convincing” and “compelling” evidence of falling inflation before it starts to moderate its tightening pace.1 From these statements we deduce the following near-term plan: 1. The Fed’s baseline expectation is to lift rates by 50 bps at each meeting. 2.  A significant upside surprise in either the monthly core CPI data or long-dated inflation expectations would cause the Fed to lift by 75 bps instead of 50 bps. 3.  The Fed will not reduce the pace of tightening to 25 bps per meeting until there is clear and convincing evidence that inflation is trending down. Bottom Line: Investors should anticipate 50 basis point rate hikes at each FOMC meeting, eventually transitioning to 25 bps per meeting once inflation shows clear and convincing evidence of trending down. This transition from 50 bps per meeting to 25 bps per meeting should occur later this year, meaning that the Fed will tighten no more quickly than what is already priced into the yield curve for the remainder of 2022. Inflation: All Clear To 4%, 2% Will Be More Challenging It’s evident from the above discussion that inflation remains the critical input for both monetary policy and US bond yields. In particular, the key questions are: 1. Will inflation trend down, and if so, how quickly? 2. Is an economic recession required to curtail inflation? Our answer to these questions is that core US inflation should fall naturally to a trend rate of roughly 4-5%, even in the absence of recession. However, an economic recession and its associated labor market weakness are likely required to move inflation from 4% back to the Fed’s 2% target. Chart 3Calculating Trend Inflation Calculating Trend Inflation Calculating Trend Inflation To arrive at these conclusions, we seek out different ways of estimating inflation’s underlying trend (Chart 3). The first method we consider is the Atlanta Fed’s decomposition of core inflation into “flexible” and “sticky” components. As defined by the Atlanta Fed, “flexible” items tend to change price more frequently compared to “sticky” items. Items like hotels and new & used vehicles fall into the flexible index, while rent and medical care fall into the sticky index.2 As of May, 12-month core flexible inflation is running at a rate of 12.3%. Meanwhile, core sticky inflation is running at 5.0% (Chart 3, top panel). Second, we consider the New York Fed’s Underlying Inflation Gauge (UIG). The UIG uses a dynamic factor model to derive a measure of trend inflation from a broad set of data.3 In total, the measure uses 346 data series encompassing price measures and other nominal, real and financial variables. The New York Fed has demonstrated that the UIG provides better forecasts of CPI inflation than other measures of core and trimmed mean inflation. At present, the UIG is running at 4.9% (Chart 3, panel 2). A second “prices only” UIG measure that includes only price data and no other economic or financial variables is running hotter at 6.0%. Finally, we can assess inflation’s underlying trend by looking at wage growth. Specifically, we can look at unit labor costs, a measure of wages relative to productivity. Unit labor costs are volatile, but they tend to track core inflation over long periods of time. Unit labor costs grew at an extremely high rate of 8.2% in the four quarters ending in Q1, but this is partly due to huge post-pandemic swings in productivity growth. If we create a more stable measure of underlying wage pressure by subtracting annualized 5-year productivity growth from the 12-month growth rate in average hourly earnings, we see that this trend inflation measure is running at only 3.8% (Chart 3, bottom panel). Chart 4Auto Inflation Will Slow Auto Inflation Will Slow Auto Inflation Will Slow We conclude from our analysis that 12-month core CPI inflation will fall from its current 6.0% back down to its trend level of roughly 4-5% without the Fed needing to slam the brakes on economic growth. This will occur because we will finally see the normalization of some prices that were pushed dramatically higher during the pandemic. Auto price inflation, for example, shot up above 20% last year because the pandemic and the fiscal response to the pandemic conspired to cause a surge in auto sales at the same time as a slump in production (Chart 4). Now, for reasons that have nothing to do with monetary policy but everything to do with the waning impact of the pandemic, we see auto sales rolling over as production ramps up. This will push prices lower in the second half of this year. All that said, once core inflation reaches its 4-5% trend level, more economic pain will be required to push it lower. Shelter, for example, carries a huge weight in the Atlanta Fed’s core sticky CPI and it is highly correlated with the economic cycle. A rising unemployment rate, and an economic recession, will eventually be required to push shelter inflation down. Bottom Line: Core inflation has peaked for the year and it can fall to a range of 4-5% even in the absence of an economic recession or meaningful labor market weakness. A recession and a rising unemployment rate will eventually be required to push inflation from 4% down to the Fed’s 2% target. The Risk Of Recession Just because US inflation can fall to 4% in the absence of recession doesn’t mean that the Fed won’t get impatient and cause one anyways. In fact, the Fed made it clear last week that it isn’t interested in nuanced inflation forecasts. The Fed will tighten aggressively until it is apparent that inflation is rolling over, even if it causes economic pain. In this section, we run through several economic and financial market indicators that often send signals near the peak of Fed tightening cycles and in advance of recessions. We conclude that economic growth is slowing, but we do not yet see any evidence of an imminent recession or of any growth slowdown that would be large enough for the Fed to pause or reverse its tightening cycle. First, we look at financial conditions (Chart 5). The Goldman Sachs Financial Conditions Index has tightened rapidly during the past few months and that tightening is broad-based across all five of the index’s components. That said, the index has still not quite moved into “restrictive” territory. Typically, Fed tightening cycles only end once financial conditions are already restrictive, and in this cycle, high inflation means that the Fed will likely tolerate even more tightening of financial conditions than usual. Second, we observe that the end of a Fed tightening cycle is often marked by a dip in the ISM Manufacturing PMI to below 50. Presently, the PMI is a solid 56.1 but it is falling, and regional Fed surveys suggest that it may soon dip into contractionary territory (Chart 6). Chart 5Financial Conditions Financial Conditions Financial Conditions Chart 6PMIs Are Slowing PMIs Are Slowing PMIs Are Slowing Third, residential construction activity is a strong predictor of both recession and the end of Fed tightening cycles. Specifically, we have observed that Fed tightening cycles tend to terminate once the 12-month moving average of housing starts falls below the 24-month moving average.4  At present, there is strong evidence that higher mortgage rates are starting to bite the housing market. Housing starts dipped sharply in May and homebuilder confidence is trending down (Chart 7). That said, our housing starts indicator still has a long way to go before it signals the end of the Fed’s tightening cycle (Chart 7, bottom panel). Finally, we turn to the labor market where we do not yet see any evidence of an economic slowdown. Nonfarm payroll growth usually turns negative prior to recession, but right now it is running at a rate of 4.5% during the past 12 months and 3.3% during the past three months (Chart 8). The unemployment rate, for its part, is extremely low, but this only reinforces the idea that the Fed won’t be inclined to abandon its tightening cycle anytime soon. Chart 7US Housing US Housing US Housing Chart 8The US Labor Market The US Labor Market The US Labor Market Consider that the Congressional Budget Office estimates that the natural unemployment rate is 4.4% and the median FOMC member estimates that it is 4.0%. In other words, the Fed would still consider the labor market tight even if the unemployment rate rose from its current 3.6% level to around 4%. Even though such an increase in the unemployment rate might technically be consistent with a recession, the Fed would not be inclined to ease monetary policy into such a labor market if inflation is still above its 2% target. Additionally, we must also consider that the labor force participation rate is trending up and it still has breathing room before it reaches its pre-pandemic level. Further increases in labor force participation – which seem likely – could support employment growth going forward even if the unemployment rate stops falling. Bottom Line: The Fed’s rate hikes, and tighter financial conditions more generally, will slow economic growth going forward. However, we don’t see any evidence that growth will be weak enough for the Fed to abandon its tightening cycle within the next 6-12 months. This is especially true because above-target inflation increases the amount of financial conditions tightening and labor market pain that the Fed will tolerate. Investment Implications Portfolio Duration & US Treasury Curve May’s surprisingly elevated CPI number caused US Treasury yields to move above their 2018 peaks across the entire yield curve (Chart 9). But we wouldn’t be surprised to see that uptrend take a breather during the next few months as inflation descends toward its 4-5% underlying trend. As noted above, falling inflation will likely cause the Fed to tighten by no more than what is already discounted between now and the end of the year, this should keep US Treasury yields rangebound. As a result, we advise investors to keep duration close to benchmark in US bond portfolios, with an eye toward re-evaluating this positioning once core inflation moves closer to its underlying trend. Chart 9US Treasury Yields US Treasury Yields US Treasury Yields On the Treasury curve, the 5-year note continues to trade cheap relative to the 2-year/10-year slope (Chart 9, bottom panel). We recommend buying the 5-year note versus a duration-matched barbell consisting of the 2-year and 10-year notes. TIPS Chart 10Underweight TIPS Versus Nominals Underweight TIPS Versus Nominals Underweight TIPS Versus Nominals Investors should position for inflation falling back to trend by underweighting TIPS versus duration-matched nominal US Treasuries. Not only will falling inflation weigh on TIPS breakeven inflation rates during the next few months but a resolutely hawkish Fed will also apply downward pressure (Chart 10). We are particularly bearish on short-maturity TIPS, and we advise investors to initiate outright short positions in 2-year TIPS (Chart 10, bottom panel). In last week’s press conference, Chair Powell pointed to negative short-maturity real yields as evidence that financial conditions have room to tighten further. To us, this suggests that the Fed will not quit until real yields move into positive territory across the entire yield curve. In an environment of falling inflation, this is likely to occur because of falling TIPS breakeven inflation rates. However, the Fed has now demonstrated that even if inflation doesn’t fall it will push real yields higher with its policy rate actions and forward guidance. Corporate Credit The combination of slowing economic growth and increasingly restrictive Fed policy compels us toward a defensive positioning on corporate bond spreads. Specifically, we advise investors to carry an underweight (2 out of 5) allocation to investment grade US corporate bonds and a neutral (3 out of 5) allocation to high-yield US corporate bonds. Our slight preference for high-yield comes from the view that spread widening is likely to take a breather this year as inflation turns down and the Fed tightens by no more than what is already discounted in the yield curve. Though the long-run prospects for corporate bond returns remain bleak, if inflation moderates this year as we expect, then spreads could easily re-tighten to the average levels seen during the last tightening cycle (2017-19). That would equate to 31 bps of spread tightening for investment grade US corporate bonds (Chart 11), or roughly 300 bps of excess return versus duration-matched US Treasuries.5 For high-yield, a return to average 2017-19 spread levels would equate to 133 bps of spread tightening (Chart 12), or roughly 875 bps of excess return versus duration-matched US Treasuries.6 Chart 11IG Spreads IG Spreads IG Spreads Chart 12HY Spreads HY Spreads HY Spreads In our view, this warrants a slightly higher allocation to high-yield for the time being, though we will likely turn increasingly bearish should spreads tighten to average 2017-19 levels or once inflation converges with its 4-5% trend.   Ryan Swift US Bond Strategist rswift@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 https://www.federalreserve.gov/mediacenter/files/FOMCpresconf20220615.pdf 2 For more info on the Atlanta Fed’s sticky and flexible CPIs please see: https://www.atlantafed.org/research/inflationproject/stickyprice 3 For more info on the Underlying Inflation Gauge please see https://www.newyorkfed.org/research/policy/underlying-inflation-gauge 4 For more details on this indicator please see US Bond Strategy Weekly Report, “The Bond Market Implications Of A 5% Mortgage Rate”, dated April 26, 2022. 5 This excess return estimate is roughly 31 bps of spread tightening multiplied by average index duration of 7.5. We then add half of the index OAS as an estimate of the carry earned during the next six months. 6 This excess return estimate is roughly 133 bps of spread tightening multiplied by average index duration of 4.3. We then add half of the index OAS, less estimated default losses of 200 bps, as an estimate of the carry earned during the next six months. Recommended Portfolio Specification Other Recommendations Treasury Index Returns Spread Product Returns