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Policy

Highlights The Fed will shrink its balance and is determined to raise rates. Implications of synchronized global growth and global NAIRU. Consumers are upbeat and ready to spend. What's the signal from record high consumer expectations for equities? Feature Risk assets and Treasury yields rose up to and after last week's Fed meeting, but late-week saber-rattling by North Korea left most asset classes little changed on the week. The U.S. economic data released last week continued to be impacted by Hurricanes Harvey and Irma, but the Fed notes that the storms are "unlikely to materially alter the course of the national economy beyond the next few months". The backdrop has turned more bearish for bonds even before the Fed's recommitment last week to raising rates gradually and shrinking its balance sheet. The Fed's hawkish stance short term and dovish stance long term will allow risk assets to outperform Treasury bonds and cash, but a sudden move higher in inflation would challenge that view. FOMC: Short Term Hawkish... The Fed sent a hawkish short-term signal on the outlook for monetary policy at its meeting last week. The vast majority of FOMC members, 12 out of 16, expect to raise rates again by December (Chart 1). A 0.2% downward revision to the Fed's 2017 core PCE inflation forecast was offset by an equal 0.2% upward revision to its GDP growth forecast. Moreover, Fed Chair Janet Yellen downplayed this year's soft inflation figures and stressed that inflation expectations remain "reasonably well anchored". Although the relationship may have weakened somewhat recently, the Fed is loath to throw the Phillips curve model into the dust bin just yet. The unemployment rate forecasts were lowered from 4.2% to 4.1% for 2018 and 2019, while the Fed kept its NAIRU estimate at 4.6%. The tightening labor market is expected to place upward pressure on wage inflation and push PCE inflation to the 2% target by 2019. Chart 1Market Expects A Hike In December Incoming data on actual inflation and inflation expectations will determine whether the Fed will be able to pull the trigger in December. Further softness in the core PCE inflation and CPI will raise doubts as to whether the inflation undershoot is indeed transitory. And especially worrisome will be a decline in inflation expectations. It is noteworthy that 10-year inflation breakevens fell nearly 4bps immediately following yesterday's FOMC announcement. At 1.85%, 10-year breakevens are already running below the 2.4-2.5% range that is consistent with the Fed's 2% target for PCE inflation. Any further decline in breakevens will call into question the Fed's view that inflation expectations remain well anchored. Further, with the decline in inflation expectations, the 2/10-year yield curve flattened following the Fed's announcement. This is could be considered a sign of a slight lowering in growth expectations. Finally, there was little surprise on the Fed's balance sheet announcement. For now, the Fed is committed to slowly unwinding its bond holdings. Janet Yellen said that the Fed will only resume full reinvestment of maturing bonds after it had cut the policy rate back to the zero bound. In other words, the Fed funds rate is now the primary tool to set monetary policy. The odds of another Fed rate hike by year-end have certainly increased (Chart 1). This need not upset risk assets if the incoming data justify higher rates. Only a policy error, where the Fed hikes rates even as inflation expectations decline and the yield curve flattens, will trigger a sizeable pullback in risk assets. This is not our baseline scenario. Softness in inflation and inflation expectations will force the Fed to back down. ...But Long Term Dovish Although the Fed signaled a greater probability of an interest rate hike in the near-term, it lowered the long-run outlook for policy rates. First, the median FOMC member now expects only two rate increases in 2019, down from three in the June forecast (not shown). Second, the estimate for the terminal rate was lowered to 2.75% from 3.0% (Chart 2, panel 4). With the long-run inflation target being 2% (Chart 2, panel 3), this means that the FOMC collectively believes the long-term neutral real Fed funds rate to be just 0.75%. Currently, the Laubach-Williams estimate of the neutral real Fed funds rate is near zero (Chart 3). Therefore, the FOMC sees it rising only modestly from current levels over the coming years. Chart 2The FOMC's "Long Run" Forecasts Since 2012 Chart 3Neutral Real Rate Near Zero For any given term premium, a lower short-term interest rate path will mean a lower 10-year yield. If estimates for the terminal policy rate outside the U.S. remain unchanged, the Fed's lower projection will mean narrower interest rate differentials, reducing the relative attractiveness of the dollar. As for equities, a lower estimate for the long-run policy rate would be a wash if it also reflected a lower estimate for long-term GDP growth. However, the Fed kept its longer run real GDP growth estimate unchanged at 1.8% (Chart 2, panel 1). If that proves accurate, lower interest rates and a weaker dollar will be more supportive for U.S. equities over the long-term. Notably, the Fed did not adjust its view of NAIRU, keeping it at 4.6%, where it has been since April (Chart 2, panel 2). Bottom Line: In terms of investment implications, the lower estimate of the long-run neutral rate is supportive for 10-year Treasuries, negative for the dollar and positive for equities. Stay overweight stocks versus bonds and short duration. Don't Downplay NAIRU Synchronous global growth remains in place in 2017 and will persist into 2018, but this growth alone may not be enough to push up inflation. BCA's OECD Real GDP Diffusion Index is at 100% after it dipped to 14% during the financial crisis. The index was also above 90% from 1994 through 1998, and then again from 2001 through 2007. Moreover, the OECD expects that GDP growth will climb above zero in all the member countries in BCA's diffusion index again in 2018. The broad-based global GDP growth has historically been associated with a rising stock-to-bond ratio, rising global trade flows, a narrowing output gap and accelerating industrial production (Chart 4). However, there is no consistent pattern on the dollar, the unemployment rate, or core inflation. Chart 5 shows that during prior periods of robust global growth, equities beat bonds, the U.S. output gap tightened and industrial production increased. U.S. exports tend to contribute more to GDP growth during these phases, but not in a uniform way. Meantime, the Fed has both raised and lowered rates during these periods. Chart 4Widespread##BR##Global Growth... Chart 5... Supports Risk Assets,##BR##Trade And A Narrower Output Gap Nonetheless, while the dollar jumped in the 1990s when BCA's OECD growth index was above 90%, it fell from 2001 to 2007, and it's performance since 2015 has been mixed. The unemployment rate declined in the mid-to-late 1990s, but initially rose in the 2001-2007 period and has dropped since 2010. The Fed both raised and lowered rates during the previous episodes, but has only boosted rates in the current phase. Core inflation slowed in the 1990s when 90% of countries saw positive GDP growth, but accelerated in the early 2000s. Since 2015, core inflation has both climbed and decelerated. What will trigger higher inflation if more than 90% of the globe is experiencing positive economic growth? BCA's Global Fixed Income Strategy service notes that1 67% of OECD nations have unemployment rates under the organization's assessment of "global NAIRU", a level not seen since before the Great Recession when inflation expanded in both the goods and service sectors (Chart 6). However, the link between inflation and NAIRU waned during and just after the 2007-2009 recession and only reconnected lately. The implication for investors is that there is a global NAIRU level (or global output gap), which is more important in determining worldwide inflation rates than individual country NAIRU measures. Chart 6The NAIRU Concept Is Not Dead Yet Bottom Line: Surging global growth is a precondition for higher inflation, but sustained improvement in the labor market is needed to drive up inflation and prompt more action from the Fed. Investors may be downplaying the NAIRU concept at a time when it is finally set to bite. If that is the case, inflation expectations around the world are too low, although it will take some evidence of faster realized inflation (especially in the U.S. and Europe) before the markets begin to discount that view in bond yields. Stay underweight duration. Flow Of Funds Update On Consumer And Corporate Health The latest readings on the health of household and corporate balance sheets from the Fed's flow of funds accounts reinforce BCA's stance that consumer spending will provide strong support for the U.S. economy through 2017 and 2018. Household net worth continues to rise and is well above average at this point in a long expansion (Chart 7). The total wealth effect for consumer spending is still lagging prior cycles, but remains supportive. Debt-to-income ratios are at multi-decade lows. The ongoing repair of consumer balance sheets has led to an all-time high in FICO scores (Chart 7, panel 4). Last week's U.S. flow of funds report also allows us to update BCA's Corporate Health Monitor (CHM) (Chart 8). The level of the CHM improved slightly between Q1 and Q2, but the overall level still suggests corporate balance sheets are deteriorating. The progress in Q2 was broadbased, as all the components improved, notably the net leverage component. Profit growth surged while debt moved up modestly in Q2, modestly reducing leverage. The Monitor has been a reliable indicator of the trend in corporate bond spreads. The upswing in the CHM in Q2 - and particularly the dip in leverage - supports our corporate bond overweight. On the consumer front, while the recent weakness in vehicle sales and overall retail sales are noteworthy, they do not signal the end of the business cycle. We found2 that a peak in vehicle sales leads the end of the economic cycle by two years. Moreover, Hurricane Harvey weighed on August's retail sales report and Irma will have the same impact on September's sales.3 Instead, the backdrop for consumer spending remains strong. For example, the most recent Fed Senior Loan Officer's Survey suggests that the banking sector is willing to lend to households and that consumers are open to borrowing, although household demand for loans has weakened in recent quarters (Chart 9). Chart 7Support For The Consumer##BR##Remains In Place Chart 8Improved A Bit In Q2##BR##But Still Deteriorating Chart 9Senior Loan Officers##BR##Survey Still Supportive In addition, consumer spending intentions remain in an uptrend and the decade-high readings on "plans to buy" a house and a car are telling (Chart 10, panels 1 and 2). Overall measures of consumer confidence remain at 16-year peaks (Chart 10, panel 3). Furthermore, the sturdy labor market, modest wage growth and low inflation are all factors that support a solid pace of real income growth, which reinforces the spending backdrop (Chart 10, panel 4). Student loan debt increased again in Q2 and investors are concerned by the risks posed by the upswing. The Bank Credit Analyst covered the topic in a comprehensive report in November 2016.4 The key message was that student debt is a modest drag on economic growth, but is not a threat to U.S. government finances and does not represent the next subprime crisis. Nearly a year later, BCA's conclusions remain unchanged. A recent report5 by the Federal Reserve Bank of New York provides data on student loans through Q2 2017. The report noted that while student debt levels were little changed between Q1 and Q2 2017, they are up $85B from a year ago and at record highs (Chart 11). Although student loan delinquencies ticked higher in Q2, and remain elevated by historical standards, they have moved sideways in recent years. We will continue to monitor all types of consumer indebtedness as we assess hazards in the U.S. economy. Student loans are only a mild economic headwind and do not represent a source of systemic financial risk. Chart 10Consumers Upbeat And Ready To Spend Chart 11Student Loan Debt Is Elevated Bottom Line: The consumer - a key driver of the U.S. economy and corporate earnings - will provide a solid backdrop for the economy through 2017 and beyond. This climate will allow the Fed to boost rates one more time this year and begin paring its balance sheet starting next month. The solid underpinnings for the consumer will sustain corporate earnings growth and, ultimately, higher stock prices. However, favorable consumer attitudes toward U.S. equity prices are a mild concern. Signals From Stock Sentiment Surveys Record U.S. consumer optimism - as measured by the University of Michigan (UM) - on forward stock returns does not necessarily signal a market top. On the other hand, it supports BCA's view that investors be prudent with risk allocations. Respondents to the UM Survey of Consumers assign a 65% probability that the U.S. stock market will move higher in the next 12 months, surpassing the previous zenith in mid-2004. Interestingly, before the 2014 high (60%), the top reading was in mid-2007 (62%), only three months prior to the October 2007 equity market peak. A cursory look at Chart 12, panel 1 shows that peaks on this metric line up with those in equities. We view it another way. Investors should not assume that stocks are peaking based on the UM data. The bottom panel of Chart 12 shows that at just 5.6%, the annual change in the percentage of respondents who expect stocks to move higher in the next 12 months is not at an extreme. The 12-month change was as high as 18% in early 2004 and again in March 2010. Stock returns in the 12 months after these peaks in sentiment were lower than in the 12 months prior. However, we are not yet in the danger zone based on this indicator. Furthermore, BCA's Investor Sentiment Composite Index (not shown) is not at an extreme, although it is at the top end of its bull market range. We expect the stock-to-bond ratio to move higher in the next 6-to-12 months, despite the elevated readings on households' expected return on stocks. Our position is driven more by our bearish stance on Treasury bond prices than on an overly bullish call on equity returns. Chart 13 illustrates this point across three time horizons given our view of fair value on the 10-year Treasury yield (2.67%).6 Our analysis assumes a 2% annualized dividend yield on the S&P 500. Panel 1 shows the ratio between now and year end will remain positive if U.S. equities dip by 5%. Looking ahead 6 and 12 months (Panels 2 and 3), the S&P 500 will have to drop by between 5% and 10% to signal a localized peak in the stock-to-bond ratio. Chart 12Consumers' Expectations For Equity Returns Are Elevated Chart 13Scenarios For Stock-To-Bond Ratio Bottom Line: Despite heightened consumer sentiment toward equities, we expect the stock-to-bond ratio to move higher in the next 6 to 12 months. Nonetheless, investors should be prudent with risk assets, paring back any maximum overweight positions and holding some safe-haven assets within diversified portfolios. John Canally, CFA, Senior Vice President U.S. Investment Strategy johnc@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see BCA's Global Fixed Income Strategy Weekly Report, "Have Bond Yields Peaked For The Cycle? No.", September 12, 2017. Available at gfis.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see BCA's U.S. Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Disconnected," September 11, 2017. Available at usis.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see BCA's U.S. Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Shelter From The Storm, "September 5, 2017. Available at usis.bcaresearch.com. 4 Please see The Bank Credit Analyst Special Report, "Student Loan Blues: Can't Replay What I Borrowed", November 2016. Available at bca.bcaresearch.com. 5 https://www.newyorkfed.org/medialibrary/interactives/householdcredit/data/pdf/HHDC_2017Q2.pdf 6 Please see BCA's U.S. Bond Strategy Portfolio Allocation Summary, "The Cyclical Sweet Spot Rolls On," September 5, 2017. Available at usbs.bcaresearch.com.
Highlights This week's FOMC statement telegraphed another rate hike in December and three more hikes in 2018. The ability of the Fed to deliver on these hikes will depend on whether inflation picks up. We think it will. Stronger GDP growth will push the unemployment rate below 4% next year, the threshold at which the Phillips curve becomes quite steep. The often-cited reasons for why the Phillips curve has become defunct - well-anchored inflation expectations, decreased union bargaining power, a more globalized economy, and technological trends - are less convincing than they appear. Underweight long-term government bonds and overweight equities for the next 12 months. Look to reduce risk exposure late next year. The beleaguered dollar could catch a bid over the coming months. We are closing our long Brent oil trade for a gain of 13.8%. Feature The Fed Delivers A "Hawkish Hold" Going into this week's FOMC meeting, there was some speculation among market participants that the Fed would signal a reluctance to raise rates in December and reduce the number of rate hikes planned for next year. In the end, that didn't happen. Twelve of the sixteen participants indicated that they expected the fed funds rate to rise in December, exactly the same number as in June. The Fed downplayed the effects of the hurricanes, noting that they would not "materially alter" medium-term growth prospects. The median number of rate hikes planned for next year also remained at three. The FOMC kept the long-term estimate of unemployment at 4.6%, despite trimming the forecast for end-2018 unemployment rate from 4.2% to 4.1%. The only substantive dovish changes to the dots came in the form of a cut in the number of hikes planned for 2019 from three to two, and a reduction in the terminal rate from 3% to 2.75%. Not surprisingly, the somewhat hawkish tone of the FOMC statement caused the implied odds of a December rate hike to jump from about one-in-two to two-in-three. The dollar also rallied, with the euro falling a full big figure against the greenback immediately following the release of the statement. Don't Write Off The Phillips Curve Just Yet Last week's higher-than-expected inflation print undoubtedly increased the Fed's willingness to keep raising rates. Nevertheless, despite the tentative rebound in inflation, core CPI inflation is down 0.6 percentage points since January on a year-over-year basis, while core PCE inflation is down 0.5 points over the same period. The failure of inflation to accelerate in response to diminished economic slack has convinced many people that the Fed will not be able to continue scaling back monetary stimulus. It has also prompted numerous commentators to pen obituaries for the so-called Phillips curve. Named after New Zealand economist William Phillips, the curve predicts that falling unemployment will lead to rising inflation. It is certainly true that the Phillips curve has become flatter over the past few decades (Chart 1). However, we think that it is premature to write it off as a useful tool for predicting inflation. This is because the Phillips curve tends to become much steeper once the economy reaches full employment. As we have discussed in the past, a variety of measures suggest that the U.S. is approaching this "kink" in the curve (Chart 2).1 Chart 1The Phillips Curve Has Gotten Flatter Chart 2U.S. Economy At Full Employment The idea that the Phillips curve steepens at low levels of unemployment is very intuitive: If excess capacity is high to begin with, a modest decline in slack will still leave many workers idle. In such a setting, inflation is unlikely to rise. However, once the output gap is fully closed, any further decline in slack will cause bottlenecks to emerge, pushing wages and prices higher. The empirical evidence supports this conclusion. Chart 3 shows that U.S. wage growth has tended to accelerate once the unemployment rate falls into the range of 4%-to-5%. Chart 3U.S. Wage Growth Accelerates Once The Unemployment Rate Falls To Low Levels The Absence Of Evidence Is Not Evidence Of Absence The past three U.S. business-cycle expansions never reached the stage where the economy had the chance to fully overheat. The 1982-90 cycle was cut short by the spiraling effects of the Savings & Loan crisis, while the 2001-2007 cycle was short-circuited by the housing bust. The closest the economy came to boiling over was during the 1990s expansion. However, that cycle was also prematurely terminated by the dotcom bust and the adverse knock-on effect this had on business investment spending. Moreover, the late 1990s expansion occurred against the backdrop of a soaring dollar, turmoil in emerging markets, and plummeting commodity prices. These external deflationary forces arguably overwhelmed the inflationary impulse stemming from an overheated domestic economy. The tendency of financial imbalances to metamorphize into full-blown recessions before inflation has had a chance to take off means that the U.S. has spent the past 30 years on the flat side of the Phillips curve. One can see this point analytically: Between 1964 and 1980, the unemployment rate was below the Fed's estimate of NAIRU 79% of the time, compared to only 29% of the time since 1980. It is thus no wonder that the Phillips curve looks dead - it has not been given a chance to come alive. This makes us sceptical of studies such as the recent one by the Philadelphia Fed which purported to show that the Phillips curve is no longer useful for forecasting inflation.2 The Kinky Sixties We argued several weeks ago that the next recession could resemble the "classic recessions" of the post-war era, which were caused by the Fed's decision to raise rates aggressively after realizing it was behind the curve in normalizing monetary policy.3 The 1960s provides a useful lesson in that regard. Just like today, inflation hovered below 2% during the first half of that decade, even though unemployment was trending downward over this period. To most observers back then, the Phillips curve would have also appeared defunct. However, once the unemployment rate fell below 4%, core inflation took off, rising from 1.5% in early 1966 to nearly 4% in 1967 (Chart 4). The kink in the Phillips curve had been reached. Inflation ultimately made its way to 6% in 1970, four years before the first oil shock struck. One might challenge the 1960s comparison on four grounds: First, inflation expectations are allegedly better anchored today; Second, trade unions play a much smaller role in the wage bargaining process; Third, globalization has purportedly made both product and labour markets much more competitive than they were back then, thus severely limiting the scope of firms to raise prices and wages; Fourth, the deflationary impact of new technologies such as robotics and online commerce has become more pervasive. We think all four of these explanations leave much to be desired. As far as inflation expectations are concerned, it is certainly true that central banks did not pursue explicit inflation targets during the 1960s. However, this does not mean that inflation expectations were necessarily poorly anchored. Ten-year Treasury yields averaged 4.1% in the first half of the sixties, well below the 6.6% pace of nominal GDP growth. Investors back then were clearly quite relaxed about inflation risk. This is not that surprising, given that the U.S. had not seen a period of sustained inflation since the Civil War. A decline in unionization rates is also often cited as a reason for why the Phillips curve may be flatter today. The problem with this argument is that it is very U.S.-centric. For example, while the U.S. has experienced a pronounced drop in unionization rates since the 1960s, Canada has not (Chart 5). Yet, the sensitivity of inflation to economic fluctuations has fallen in both countries by roughly the same magnitude. Likewise, the increased use of inflation-linked wage contracts in the 1970s appears mainly to have been a response to rising inflation rather than the cause of it (Chart 6). Chart 4Inflation In The 1960s Took Off Once The Unemployment Rate Fell Below 4% Chart 5Inflation Fell In Canada Despite A High Unionization Rate Chart 6Wage Indexation Was Mainly A Response To Rising Inflation Globalization And The Phillips Curve The extent to which globalization has flattened the Phillips curve remains the subject of intense debate. The empirical evidence is mixed, with most studies leaning towards the conclusion that globalization has had only a limited impact on the slope of the curve in large economies such as the U.S. This makes perfect sense, considering that the import share in U.S. personal consumption stands at less than 15%.4 Supporting this conclusion is the fact that wage growth appears to be just as sensitive to changes in the unemployment rate in industries that are highly exposed to trade as those which face little import competition. Upon deeper inspection, many of the arguments for why globalization has led to a flatter Phillips curve are really arguments for why globalization has limited the degree of movement along the Phillips curve. In a highly globalized world, a decline in slack in one country - unless matched by reduced slack in other countries - will lead to higher interest rates in that country and a stronger currency. A stronger currency, in turn, will choke off growth, preventing the unemployment rate from falling as much as it otherwise would. Clearly, such a sequence of events has not applied to the U.S. dollar since the start of the year. This suggests that the unemployment rate will either keep falling towards the steeper part of the Phillips curve, or the Fed will be forced to turn more hawkish. The Effects Of Technology What about the possibility that technological advances have led to a flatter Phillips curve? The problem here is that the data do not fit the story. As my colleague Mark McClellan has pointed out, almost all of the decline in inflation since the Great Recession has occurred in categories of the CPI - such as energy, food, and rent - that have little to do with e-commerce (Table 1).5 Also keep in mind that while online sales have grown rapidly during the past two decades, they still account for only 8.9% of total retail sales and less than 5% of the U.S. Consumer Price Index. Amazon's recent growth has actually lagged behind what Walmart experienced during its heyday (Chart 7). Table 1Comparison Of Pre- And Post-Lehman Inflation Rates Chart 7Amazon Vs. Walmart: Who's More Deflationary? The proliferation of big-box retailers pushed up productivity growth in the retail sector to 3.9% between 1992 and 2007. Productivity growth in this sector has fallen to 2.1% since then. This undercuts the notion that the explosion in e-commerce has produced major efficiency gains for the broader economy, thus contributing to deflationary pressures.6 Investment Conclusions U.S. inflation is likely to trend higher over the coming months as a variety of one-off factors that depressed inflation earlier this year fall out of the equation. The effects of the hurricanes complicate the picture, but history suggests that both inflation and growth tend to renormalize fairly quickly after such disasters. Hence, the markets will look through any near-term noise in the data, focusing instead on the cyclical growth outlook, which remains reasonably upbeat. Chart 8 shows that fluctuations in the ISM manufacturing index have often predicted changes in inflation. The current level of the ISM implies that core inflation will rebound to about 2% by the second half of next year. Risk assets are unlikely to suffer if inflation rises towards the Fed's target against the backdrop of stronger growth. However, if inflation moves above the Fed's target due to brewing supply bottlenecks, the Fed will have little choice but to pick up the pace of rate hikes. This could unsettle markets and sow the seeds for the next recession, which we tentatively expect to occur in the second half of 2019. What should investors do? Right now, none of our leading indicators are warning of an imminent economic downturn (Chart 9). Thus, we continue to recommend a cyclically overweight position in equities. However, we would not fault longer-term investors for starting to take money off the table, especially in light of today's lofty valuations. Chart 8ISM Has Often Predicted Changes In Inflation Chart 9No Warnings Of An Imminent Downturn The Fed is likely to raise rates in December and three or four more times in 2018. We are positioned for this by being short the December 2018 Fed funds futures contract, a trade that has gained 22 basis points so far. Considering that the market is pricing in only 42 basis points of hikes between now and the end of next year, there is plenty of juice left in this trade. A more aggressive-than-expected Fed could give the beleaguered dollar a much-needed lift. We see EUR/USD falling back to 1.15 by the end of the year and USD/JPY moving to 115. We are less bearish towards the British pound and the Swedish krona. Our short EUR/GBP and long SEK/CHF trades are up 2.6% and 5.4%, respectively, since we initiated them. Finally, we are closing our long December 2017 Brent oil futures contract for a gain of 13.8%. We still see modest upside for oil prices, and are expressing this view by being long the Canadian dollar and Russian ruble against the euro. Both currency trade recommendations remain in the money. Peter Berezin, Chief Global Strategist Global Investment Strategy peterb@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "A Secular Bottom In Inflation," dated July 28, 2017; and "What's the Matter With Wages?" dated August 11, 2017. 2 Michael Dotsey, Shigeru Fujita, and Tom Stark, "Do Phillips Curves Conditionally help To Forecast Inflation?"Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia, Working Paper no. 17-26 (August 2017). 3 Please see Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "From Slow Burn Recovery To Retro-Recession?" dated August 18, 2017. 4 Galina Hale and Bart Hobijn, "The U.S. Content of "Made in China"," FRBSF Economic Letter 2011-25 (August 8, 2011). 5 Please see The Bank Credit Analyst, "Did Amazon Kill The Phillips Curve?" dated August 31, 2017. 6 Ironically, if technological change has made the Phillips curve more flat, it may be because it has reduced competition rather than fostered it. The shift to a digital economy has allowed more companies to dominate their markets by virtue of network and scale effects. The expansion of such "winner-take-all markets" helps explain why industry concentration has risen over the past few decades, boosting profit margins in the process. A recent NBER working paper by Jan De Loecker and Jan Eeckhout found that the average U.S. publicly-listed firm set prices 67% above marginal costs in 2014 compared to 30% in 1990 and 18% in 1980. Economic theory suggests that firms with significant market power will tend to raise prices by less than highly competitive firms in response to costs increases. This would make the Phillips curve more flat. Strategy & Market Trends Tactical Trades Strategic Recommendations Closed Trades
Highlights A major investment theme for the coming years will be the resynchronization of developed economy monetary policies. Expect substantial further convergence between U.S. T-bond yields and both German bund yields and Swedish bond yields. This yield convergence necessarily supports the currency crosses EUR/USD and SEK/USD. Underweight U.K. consumer services versus the FTSE100. Overweight German consumer services versus the DAX. The September 24 German election and October 1 proposed referendum on Catalan independence are not major catalysts for the financial markets. Feature A major investment theme for the coming years will be the resynchronization of developed economy monetary policies. As monetary policy resynchronizes, it will become clear that the extreme desynchronization of monetary policies over the past few years was the great anomaly (Chart of the Week and Chart I-2). This anomaly reached its peak in 2014 when policies at the ECB and the Federal Reserve moved in diametrically opposite directions. The ECB signalled the start of its quantitative easing just as the Fed began to end its own. Chart of the WeekThe Desynchronization Of Monetary##br## Policy Was An Anomaly Chart I-2The Desynchronization Of Monetary##br## Policy Was An Anomaly Why Did Monetary Policy Desynchronize? The extreme desynchronization of monetary policy would not have happened if it was just about economics. On the basis of the hard economic data, the ECB could have emulated the unconventional policies of the Fed, BoJ and BoE years before it eventually did in 2015. If it had, ECB policy would have been much more synchronized with the other major central banks. However, unconventional monetary policy wasn't, and isn't, just about economics. The ECB faced, and still faces, much tougher political and technical hurdles than other central banks. The euro area does not have one government, it has 19. The ECB had to convince sceptical core euro area governments that zero and negative interest rate policy and bond buying were not just a bailout for the periphery, especially with the euro debt crisis so fresh in the mind. Likewise, the euro area does not have one sovereign bond, it has 19. To design and implement an asset purchase program in the euro area is much more complicated than in the U.S., Japan or the U.K. But by mid-2014 it had become clear that each wave of unconventional monetary easing - through its impact on exchange rates - had allowed other major economies to 'steal' some inflation from the euro area (Chart I-3). With the ECB still undershooting its inflation mandate, it was becoming a dereliction of duty for the ECB not to do what the Fed, BoJ and BoE had already done several years earlier. As the saying goes, it is better for a reputation to fail conventionally, than to succeed unconventionally. Chart I-3Currency Depreciations "Steal" Inflation From Other Economies Why Will Monetary Policy Resynchronize? Three years and several trillion euros later, the ECB can feel it has had a fair crack at unconventional easing (Chart I-4). At the same time, the central bank must contend with fresh political and technical hurdles. How many more German bunds can it realistically buy without irking Germany's policymakers? Chart I-4The ECB Has Had A Fair Crack At QE The ECB is also aware that ultra-loose monetary policy - by compressing banks' net interest margins - endangers banks' fragile profitability. This impairs the bank credit channel which is the mainstay of private sector credit intermediation in the euro area.1 Meanwhile, the euro area's configuration of solid economic growth, solid job growth and subdued inflation is common to most large developed economies (the exception is the U.K. which we explain below). Putting all of this together, the theme for the coming years has to be monetary policy resynchronization, one way or the other. One way is that the more hawkish central banks will become less hawkish, as subdued inflation limits the scope for monetary policy tightening. The other way is that the more dovish central banks will become less dovish as the benefits of ultra-accommodation diminish and the costs rise. Or, both ways will happen together. Nowhere are negative bond yields more absurd and more inappropriate than in Sweden (Chart I-5). In just three years the economy has grown 12% and house prices have surged 50%. Furthermore, unlike in other parts of Europe, the housing market in Sweden did not suffer a meaningful setback in either 2008 or 2011. Yet Sweden's negative interest rate policy means that it stills pays people to borrow and further bid up house prices. If anywhere is at risk of a bubble from ultra-accommodative monetary policy, Sweden must be it. For bond yield spreads and currencies - which are relative trades - it doesn't really matter how the resynchronization of monetary policies occurs. We expect substantial further convergence between U.S. T-bond yields and both German bund yields and Swedish bond yields. And this yield convergence necessarily supports the currency crosses EUR/USD and SEK/USD (Chart I-6). Chart 5A Negative Bond Yield ##br##In Sweden Is Absurd Chart I-6If The Swedish Bond Yield Shortfall ##br##Compresses, The Krona Will Rally The Myth Of The Beneficial Currency Devaluation Sharp depreciations in a currency result in an economy 'stealing' inflation from its major trading partners. Chart I-7 and Chart I-8 suggest that absent the post Brexit vote slump in the pound, the gap between U.K. and euro area inflation would be almost 1% less than it is. Chart I-7The Weaker Pound Lifted ##br##U.K. Headline Inflation... Chart I-8...And U.K. ##br##Core Inflation So the Brexit vote explains why the U.K. is one of the few major economies where inflation is running well north of 2%. Unfortunately for U.K. households, nominal wage inflation has not followed price inflation higher. Which means that the pound's weakness has choked households' real incomes. Against this, textbook economic theory says that a currency devaluation should make a country's exports more competitive and thereby boost the net export contribution to economic growth. But in the textbook the only thing that is supposed to change is the exchange rate. The textbook assumes that the country's trading framework with its partners remains unchanged. In the case of the U.K. leaving the EU, this assumption clearly does not apply, mitigating the concept of the 'beneficial currency devaluation'. A lot of the benefits of the textbook devaluation come because firms can trade in markets that were previously unprofitable to them. This process requires investment - for example, in marketing and distribution. If Brexit means that many of those markets are no longer available, or come with tariffs, then firms will hold off making the necessary investments - unless the currency devaluation is massive. But in this case, the corresponding surge in inflation and choke on households' real incomes would also be massive. We also hear the myth of the beneficial currency devaluation applied to the weaker members of the euro area. As in, why don't these countries just break free from the euro, and devalue their way to prosperity? The simple answer is that if they left the euro, they would also risk losing access to the largest single market in the world - defeating the whole purpose of the beneficial currency devaluation! A Tale Of Two Consumers Chart I-9A Good Pair Trade: Long German Consumer ##br##Services, Short U.K. Consumer Services For the time being, hawkish comments from the BoE have given the pound a boost. But U.K. consumer spending now faces one of two headwinds. If the BoE follows through with a rate hike, household borrowing is likely to fade as a driver of spending. Alternatively, if the BoE backs off from its threat, the pound will once again weaken, push up inflation and weigh on real incomes. So for the time being, stay underweight U.K. consumer services versus the FTSE100. In Germany, the opposite logic applies. Stay overweight German consumer services versus the DAX. Euro strength helps German consumers in as much as it reduces the prices of imported food and energy. But for German exporters, the strong euro hurts the translation of their multi-currency international profits back into local currency terms. A good pair trade is to be long German consumer services, short U.K. consumer services (Chart I-9). Finally, regarding two upcoming political events - the September 24 German election and the October 1 proposed referendum on Catalan independence, we do not see either as a major catalyst for the financial markets. In the case of the German election, it is because no likely outcome is especially malign (or benign). In the case of the Catalan referendum, it is because it will be hard to draw any meaningful conclusion from the result, given that Madrid has ruled the referendum illegal - and many 'unionists' are unlikely to participate. Please note that there is no Weekly Report scheduled for next week as I will be at our New York Conference. I hope to see some of you there. Dhaval Joshi, Senior Vice President Chief European Investment Strategist dhaval@bcaresearch.com 1 In the euro area, small and medium sized companies tend to access credit through banks rather than through the bond market. Fractal Trading Model This week, we note an excessive underperformance of U.K. personal and household goods (dominated by BAT, Unilever, Reckitt Benckiser) versus U.K. food and beverages (dominated by Diageo and Associated British Foods). Go long U.K. personal and household goods versus U.K. food and beverages with a profit target / stop loss of 4.5%. In other trades, short nickel / long silver hit its 8% profit target, while short MSCI China / long MSCI EM hit its 2.5% stop loss. This leaves three open trades. For any investment, excessive trend following and groupthink can reach a natural point of instability, at which point the established trend is highly likely to break down with or without an external catalyst. An early warning sign is the investment's fractal dimension approaching its natural lower bound. Encouragingly, this trigger has consistently identified countertrend moves of various magnitudes across all asset classes. Chart I-10 The post-June 9, 2016 fractal trading model rules are: When the fractal dimension approaches the lower limit after an investment has been in an established trend it is a potential trigger for a liquidity-triggered trend reversal. Therefore, open a countertrend position. The profit target is a one-third reversal of the preceding 13-week move. Apply a symmetrical stop-loss. Close the position at the profit target or stop-loss. Otherwise close the position after 13 weeks. Use the position size multiple to control risk. The position size will be smaller for more risky positions. * For more details please see the European Investment Strategy Special Report "Fractals, Liquidity & A Trading Model," dated December 11, 2014, available at eis.bcaresearch.com Fractal Trading Model Recommendations Equities Bond & Interest Rates Currency & Other Positions Closed Fractal Trades Trades Closed Trades Asset Performance Currency & Bond Equity Sector Country Equity Indicators Bond Yields Chart II-1Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-2Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-3Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-4Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Interest Rate Chart II-5Indicators To Watch##br## - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-6Indicators To Watch##br## - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-7Indicators To Watch##br## - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-8Indicators To Watch##br## - Interest Rate Expectations
Special Report The Federal Reserve faces unprecedented turnover in its Board of Governors over the coming year. The recent resignation of Stanley Fischer occurred when three of the Board's positions were already vacant and there is the additional issue that Janet Yellen's term as Chair ends in January. It remains far from clear that she will be offered another term or would even choose to stay if given the chance.1 Even Governor Lael Brainard's position could change - her willingness to stay on at the Fed may depend on who is the next Chair and on the other Board appointments. The point is that President Trump has the opportunity to choose the people who will run the nation's monetary policy for years to come. The first Board appointment will be Randal Quarles, nominated to be vice-chair for supervision, a position created by the 2010 Dodd-Frank Act to oversee the banking industry. His nomination was recently cleared by the Senate Banking Committee and he should soon be accepted by the full Senate. Quarles has indicated that his position on financial regulations is much softer than that of Yellen. Not surprisingly, there are widespread concerns about the looming changes to the Fed's Board. There are fears that new appointments may lack appropriate expertise and/or that they will have an intellectual bias that could result in overly tight or overly easy policies. Most Fed Chairmen have been highly-regarded economists with extensive experience in policymaking. One notable exception was G. William Miller, who served as Fed Chair from March 1978 until August 1979. Mr. Miller, appointed by President Jimmy Carter, came from a business background - he was CEO of the conglomerate Textron Inc. His short tenure at the Fed was regarded as a failure because he did not take tough action to deal with a growing inflation problem. That challenge was left to his successor, Paul Volcker. Many names have been touted as possible successors to Janet Yellen, including former Fed Governors Kevin Warsh and Larry Lindsey, Professors John Taylor and Glen Hubbard, and former bank CEOs Richard Davis and John Allison. Media reports suggest that the previous front-runner, Gary Cohn, is out of consideration following his criticism of President Trump's response to the Charlottesville clash between right-wing extremists and their objectors. How much will it matter to the economy and markets which person is chosen? The Fed's Scorecard Monetary policy is important because its sets the short-term price of a very important commodity - money! If the price is set too low, then financial excesses are virtually inevitable and if the price is set too high then economic activity is choked off. Yet knowing exactly where to set that price is no simple matter. The appropriate level of short-term interest rates is not observable and is a function of many variables, including the amount of slack in the economy, inflationary pressures, the level of financial conditions, and international factors. The Fed uses different economic models to help its decision making, but these have proved to be of dubious value. As we highlighted in an earlier report this year, the Fed has failed to forecast every recession during the past 60 years (Table 1).2 Yes, the Fed has been successful in achieving low and relatively stable inflation, but only after major policy errors during the 1960s and 1970s allowed inflation to spiral out of control. Table 1Fed Economic Forecasts Versus Outcomes The Fed's Open Market Committee (FOMC) is not run as a dictatorship, yet the person at the helm does have real power. Weak leadership was partly responsible for the inflationary policy errors of the 1960s and 1970s and the strong hand of Paul Volcker was important in launching the attack on inflation in the 1980s. The aura of invincibility surrounding Alan Greenspan during the second half of his tenure as Fed Chair cowed opposition from other FOMC members and contributed to the major error of weak regulatory oversight during a massive buildup of financial imbalances in the 2000s. Central bankers have long believed that price stability is a key prerequisite for maximizing an economy's potential. If we judge the effectiveness of post-WWII Fed leaders solely by the performance of inflation during their tenure, then Chart 1 shows we must give failing grades to those in charge during the 1950s, 60s and 70s - William McChesney Martin (1951-1970), Arthur Burns (1970-78) and G. William Miller (1978-79). Subsequent Chairs get passing grades - Paul Volcker (1979-87), Alan Greenspan (1987-06), Ben Bernanke (2006-2014) and Janet Yellen (2014-). However, it is not quite as simple as that. The Fed has a dual mandate - the Federal Reserve Act requires that policy achieves maximum employment as well as stable prices. And the Fed also plays an important regulatory role in maintaining financial stability. Chart 1The Fed's Record With Its Dual Mandate If we also take account of trends in the labor market and financial stability, the performance of Fed Chairs alters a bit. The second panel of Chart 1 shows the difference between the unemployment rate and its full employment level (based on estimates by the Congressional Budget Office). The Chairs who presided over rising inflation also managed to keep unemployment low for most of the time. And the cost of Volcker's attack on inflation was a deep recession and spike in unemployment. On average, Greenspan's record on growth and thus unemployment was good, but as we noted, he allowed an unprecedented buildup of financial excesses. This helped to create the conditions for the deepest economic and financial downturn since the 1930s but it was his successor, Ben Bernanke, who had to deal with that problem. Another way to assess the Fed's record is to compare the actual funds rate to the level implied by the Taylor Rule. Professor John Taylor's rule calculates the appropriate funds rate based on the deviation of inflation from 2% and the gap between real GDP and its full employment level. The starting point is the assumption that the real equilibrium rate is 2%. If, for example, inflation was above target and the economy was operating above potential, then the rule would require a real funds rate above 2%. There is a widely-accepted view that the real equilibrium rate declined after the 2007-09 downturn so, in our calculations, we use a level of 0.5% after 2007.3 Chart 2 shows that rising inflation of the 1950s, 60s and 70s coincided with the funds rate being kept below the level implied by the Taylor Rule estimate. Not surprisingly, Volcker had to push the funds rate far above normal to start the disinflation process. Subsequently, both Greenspan and Bernanke kept the funds rate relatively close to the Taylor-implied level. Yellen has kept the rate below our estimate and Taylor has been a critic of the Fed's easy money policies. However, some studies suggest that the real equilibrium rate may be even lower than the 0.5% we have assumed. Chart 2The Fed Funds Rate: Actual Versus The Taylor Rule Which Fed Chair was best for investors? Chart 3 shows real return indexes for bonds and equities. Not surprisingly, bond returns performed poorly during the periods of rising inflation and Volcker's reign coincided with the start of a long-term bull market. The equity market rose strongly under Martin, helped by a healthy economy, but in terms of annualized returns during the various Chairs, Volcker takes first place. The real returns for both markets are summarized in Table 2. Although the market did well under Greenspan, the severe bear market of 2000-02 occurred under his watch and, as previously noted, his regulatory lapses set the scene for the 2007-09 market debacle. Yellen had the second-best returns among the Fed Chairs listed for both bonds and stocks, highlighting the power of zero interest rates and quantitative easing! Chart 3The Fed And Market Returns Table 2Fed Chairs And Market Returns So What? The errors made by policymakers to some extent reflect the biases created during their formative years. For example, for those in charge during the 1950s and 60s, fears of renewed depression probably outweighed those of inflation. And the experience of runaway inflation in the 1970s cemented a powerful anti-inflation bias in those central bankers who gained experience during that time. Volcker was in the Fed before inflation took root, but one could argue that whoever had taken over from William Miller would have been forced to take tough action. Inflation was such a severe problem that no Fed Chair could have allowed it to continue. While Volcker deserves a lot of praise, it should be noted that inflation declined in virtually all industrial countries during the 1980s and beyond, even in cases where central banks had not yet achieved independence. The U.S. was in the vanguard of fighting inflation, but the trend in inflation rates was broadly the same in the U.S. and in the median of 18 other industrial countries (Chart 4). Chart 4The Fed Was Not Unique In Driving Down Inflation At the swearing-in ceremony for Fed Chair Arthur Burns, President Richard Nixon reportedly said "I respect his independence. However, I hope that independently he will conclude that my views are the ones that should be followed". Burns did indeed take an overly soft line on inflation. It is widely assumed that President Trump would prefer someone who will maintain a low interest rate policy in order to support economic growth. It would be a particular concern if the U.S. Administration were to fill the Fed Board with people who had little or no economic and/or policy experience. With the looming departure of Stanley Fischer, there already is a worrying dearth of policy expertise and institutional memory on the Board. President Trump has shown a predilection to favor successful businesspeople for senior cabinet posts and the William Miller's record is not encouraging in that regard. However, it is doubtful that the Senate would approve a full slate of new Board members that is completely devoid of appropriate experience. Moreover, some of the people being touted as possible successors to Yellen, most notably John Taylor, Kevin Warsh and Glenn Hubbard are respected economists who would not be political puppets in pursued of irresponsible policies. If Quarles joins the Fed Board he will push for an easing in bank regulations and will likely get the support from the Chair if a former bank CEO replaces Yellen. However, there would be severe pushback from the staff and other Governors. With memories of the 2007-09 downturn still relatively fresh, Congress also may be wary of a major rollback of regulations. Some Dodd-Frank regulations may be eased - especially for community banks - but we do not anticipate a return to a systemically-dangerous lax regime. What about the Fed's vulnerability to attempted interference from the Administration? Even if President Trump managed to install a new Chair that he deemed loyal and who shared his policy visions, this person would face challenges. The Fed staff is powerful and would make strong arguments against policies they believed to be inappropriate. Importantly, the policymaking process is a lot more transparent now than in the days when Fed Chairs Burns and Miller bowed to political influence. The publication of Fed economic forecasts and detailed meeting minutes would quickly highlight internal policy disagreements and financial market pressures would come into play. And while the Administration gets to nominate people to the Fed's Board, it is not able to remove them. A bigger concern is the possibility that Congress could pass legislation to audit the Fed, including its policy decisions. Earlier this year, the House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform approved the Federal Reserve Transparency Act of 2017, a bill sponsored by Rand Paul, a frequent Fed critic. The bill "directs the Government Accountability Office (GAO) to complete, within 12 months, an audit of the Federal Reserve Board and Federal Reserve banks. In addition, the bill allows the GAO to audit the Federal Reserve Board and Federal Reserve banks with respect to: (1) international financial transactions; (2) deliberations, decisions, or actions on monetary policy matters; (3) transactions made under the direction of the Federal Open Market Committee; and (4) discussions or communications among Federal Reserve officers, board members, and employees regarding any of these matters." Attempts to pass similar legislation in the past have failed, but President Trump is apparently in favor, as are many in Congress. The Fed Chair already faces twice-yearly interrogations by the House and Senate Banking Committees and that has not impacted policy decisions. Nevertheless, any politicization of Fed decisions would be a problem. At the moment, detailed transcripts of Fed meetings are released with a five-year time lag. Publication of internal Fed deliberations within a year of the bill's passage could compromise the willingness of FOMC participants to take unpopular decisions. The Policy Outlook The reality is that Fed policy will largely be constrained by economic environment, regardless of who is the Chair. A lackluster economic expansion and softer-than-expected wage growth and inflation have supported the maintenance of accommodative policies. But, in the absence of a new downturn, the Fed will stick to its plan of winding down its balance sheet and slowly raising interest rates. If anything, market expectations of a fed funds rate of only 1.5% by the end of 2018 seem too low. Dollar weakness and a strong stock market have meant an easing in overall financial conditions and the fiscal environment is set to become more stimulative. Whoever is leading the Fed next year will be under pressure to communicate a more hawkish stance to the markets. The long-run outlook for monetary policy is a more open question. There will be another recession - possibly as soon as 2019 - and that could be quite a deflationary affair. The next generation of central bankers will have spent more of their formative policy years in an environment when inflation was not a major economic problem and they will have come to terms with the extreme monetary actions needed during the 2007-09 collapse. And with massive quantitative easing failing to deliver the high inflation that many feared, any barriers to even more desperate measures may be limited. Thus, the next downturn may sow the seeds of a return to much higher inflation. Given that demographic trends and a political failure to reign in entitlements will lead to rapidly growing public sector debt, higher inflation would be welcomed by the political establishment. The bottom line is that looming changes in the composition of the Fed's Board of Governors is important, but we doubt that the overall integrity of the Fed will be seriously compromised by bad appointments. However, at this stage, it is futile to guess who the Administration will choose. Regardless of who controls the Fed, there always will be the potential for errors because their economic models (along with everybody else's) are imprecise, data can be unreliable, and the policy tools are crude. Some uptick in inflation is likely and would even be desirable, but it will not be allowed to get out of control. The bigger uncertainty is what will happen after the next economic downturn because even the most hawkish policymakers may be forced to embrace inflationary policies that will make the past cycle's actions pale by comparison. Martin H. Barnes, Senior Vice President Economic Advisor mbarnes@bcaresearch.com 1 Yellen's renomination chances may have been undermined by her recent Jackson Hole speech defending the current financial regulatory regime because that puts her at odds with the Administration's desire to unwind some of the Dodd-Frank rules. 2 This table was originally shown in our Special Report "Beware the 2019 Trump Recession", March 7, 2017. 3 There are several variants of the Taylor Rule, depending on smoothing co-efficients and the choice of the real equilibrium rate. We base our estimates on the formula used by the Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta, with the one change of lowering the real equilibrium rate to 0.5% after 2007. The FRB Atlanta data can be accessed at https://www.frbatlanta.org/cqer/research/taylor-rule.aspx
Highlights Duration: The bond market is quick to react to any signs that inflation might put in a bottom, but Treasuries are still not priced for a resumption of inflation's modest cyclical uptrend. Remain at below-benchmark duration and short the July 2018 fed funds futures contract. Fed Balance Sheet: The Fed will announce the run-off of its balance sheet at tomorrow's FOMC meeting. This decision has implications for Treasury issuance and how monetary policy will be conducted in the future, but we do not envision a large impact on yields. Investors should remain focussed on changes in the expected path of the fed funds rate to assess the outlook for Treasury yields. Feature Yields bounced back strongly last week, driven by a combination of easing flight-to-safety flows and a reasonably strong August CPI report. Even so, the bond market remains priced for an environment where inflation will never return to the Fed's 2% target, no matter the pace of economic growth. It should therefore not be shocking that yields are quick to spring higher on any evidence that core inflation might re-gain its cyclical uptrend (Chart 1). As we have previously written,1 we anticipate that core inflation will soon respond to above-trend growth and resume its modest cyclical uptrend. It is therefore worth considering whether last week's August CPI report represents a step in that direction or whether it should be written off as an outlier. After digging into the report's details we conclude that while it was probably stronger than we should expect going forward, it also suggests that core inflation is poised to put in a bottom. A Bottom In Core Inflation? Month-over-month core CPI increased 0.248% in August, an annualized pace of 3.02%, and the annualized 3-month rate of change rose back above the 12-month growth rate (Chart 2). This often signals a near-term trend reversal. Chart 1Very Sensitive To Inflation Chart 2Core Inflation By Major Component Shelter inflation jumped higher in August from 3.18% year-over-year to 3.30%. But our model suggests that this uptrend will not persist (Chart 2, panel 2). Notably, the increase in shelter inflation was concentrated in the Houston/Galveston/Brazoria area and as such reflects the one-off impact of Hurricane Harvey. The bottom line is that the positive August number should be considered an outlier. The underlying trend remains one of decelerating shelter inflation. Chart 3Ignore CPI Medical Care In contrast, year-over-year core goods prices decelerated in August, but this deceleration is equally unsustainable. The recent depreciation of the U.S. dollar and surge in non-oil import prices suggest that core goods inflation is poised to increase (Chart 2, panel 3). We expect accelerating core goods prices to offset decelerating shelter prices during the next few months. In the longer-run, neither shelter nor core goods will be sustainable drivers of inflation. Shelter has already rolled over, and core goods inflation will do the same once the dollar reverses its downtrend. For overall core inflation to sustainably return to the Fed's 2% target, core services inflation (excluding shelter and medical care) must be the main source of price pressure. Historically, this component of inflation is the most tightly linked to wage growth (Chart 2, bottom panel), and it has fallen precipitously so far this year. In August, however, year-over-year core services inflation (excluding shelter and medical care) ticked higher from 1.18% to 1.40%. While this is a positive sign, we will need to see further strength in this component to be certain that the downtrend in core inflation has turned. Some pundits have pointed to the steep decline in medical care CPI inflation as an additional deflationary force, but this is a red herring (Chart 3). In the CPI basket, medical care includes only consumers' out of pocket healthcare expenses. It does not include spending by the government on households' behalf, which is included in the Fed's target PCE inflation measure. Unlike CPI medical care, PCE medical care inflation has seen only a mild downturn and should move higher in August based on the most recent PPI numbers (Chart 3, panel 3). The bottom line is that the downtrend in CPI medical care inflation represents nothing more than a convergence between CPI and PCE inflation. Since the Fed targets PCE inflation, falling CPI medical care inflation can be safely ignored. The Fed's Reaction The Fed has already sent a strong signal that there will be no rate hike at this week's meeting, but that it will announce the run-off of its balance sheet (see next section). Our view has been that if inflation shows some signs of rebounding, the Fed will deliver another rate hike in December. The market appears to have taken a similar view and, on the strength of last week's CPI report, is now discounting a 51% chance of another rate hike this year. Last week's CPI report was probably strong enough to ensure that the median FOMC forecast will still call for one more hike this year when the revised forecasts are released tomorrow. However, we suspect that stronger inflation will need to persist for the next few months in order for that hike to be delivered on time. The reading from our Fed Monitor2 underscores how close a call another rate hike is at the moment (Chart 4). The monitor remains in "tighter money required" territory, but only faintly so. Notably, the economic growth and financial conditions components of the monitor both suggest that higher rates are required, but the inflation component remains below zero. This supports the notion that any sign of stronger inflation makes the case for further rate hikes a slam dunk. Chart 4A Close Call For The Fed Bottom Line: The bond market is quick to react to any signs that inflation might put in a bottom, but Treasuries are still not priced for a resumption of inflation's modest cyclical uptrend. Remain at below-benchmark duration and short the July 2018 fed funds futures contract. Five Questions About The Fed's Balance Sheet As was mentioned above, the Fed appears set to announce that it will cease the reinvestment of its bond holdings, meaning that its balance sheet will finally start to shrink. In all likelihood this announcement will come in tomorrow's FOMC statement. To recap, here is what we already know about how the plan will proceed: The Fed will cease the reinvestment of Treasuries and MBS at the same time. For the first three months the Fed will allow a maximum of $6 billion in Treasuries and $4 billion in MBS to run off each month. These caps will increase in steps of $6 billion and $4 billion, respectively, every three months until they level off at $30 billion per month for Treasuries and $20 billion per month for MBS. Question 1: How Long Will It Take? To answer this question we must first recall that the Fed does not target a specific level of assets on its balance sheet. Rather, it is the amount of bank reserves in the system (a liability on the Fed's balance sheet) that is the crucial variable for the economy. Bank reserves are the single biggest liability on the Fed's balance sheet, but the amount of currency in circulation is the second biggest. As of last Wednesday, bank reserves totaled $2.4 trillion and currency in circulation totaled $1.6 trillion. The amount of currency in circulation also increases as the economy grows. This means that during normal times the Fed must increase its asset holdings in line with the amount of outstanding currency just to keep the level of bank reserves constant. In other words, even if the Fed allows bank reserves to fall all the way to zero, it will still carry a larger balance sheet than it did prior to the start of QE because of the rising amount of currency in circulation. We have received no official guidance on the level of bank reserves the Fed will target for the end of the run-off process. However, New York Fed President William Dudley recently recommended that this level should be higher than during the pre-QE period. Together, as a rough starting point, we have suggested that the necessary amount of excess reserves could be in a range of $400 billion to $1 trillion. Coupled with uncertainty about the likely growth in other factors, such as currency outstanding, this implies a normalized balance sheet size of, perhaps, $2.4 trillion to $3.5 trillion in the early 2020s.3 In our estimates we have assumed that bank reserves will level-off once they reach $650 billion, considerably above levels maintained prior to the financial crisis. Bank reserves averaged $20 billion between 2000 and 2007. There are two main reasons why the Fed will favor a higher level of reserves. The first was also stated in President Dudley's speech: Having managed the System Open Market Account during the financial crisis - a period during which the demand for reserves was very volatile - I very much favor a floor-type system. It is much easier to manage on a day-to-day basis. A "floor system" means that the Fed controls the overnight rate by paying interest on excess reserves and conducting reverse repos with the securities on its balance sheet. This is the system currently in use, and it requires a glut of reserves in the banking system. Prior to the financial crisis, the Fed used a "corridor system" to control interest rates. This system required the Fed to transact in the interbank market to manage interest rates, and it required a dearth of reserves.4 The second reason is that the demand for safe short-maturity investment vehicles has been steadily increasing for at least the past fifteen years, largely due to rising cash balances on corporate balance sheets. Prior to the financial crisis this demand was intermediated through the repo market, but now that repo has mostly gone away, that cash is sitting on deposit at the Fed in the form of reserves (Chart 5). With all this demand, if the Fed tries to remove too many reserves from the banking system it could have difficulty keeping a floor under interest rates. That is, unless some other investment vehicle is supplied to mop up the rising demand for safety. In this regard, T-bills would be the most likely candidate, and fortunately, with T-bills at multi-decade lows as a percentage of the outstanding funding mix (Chart 6), there is ample room for the Treasury to increase bill supply. In short, the secular uptrend in demand for safe short-maturity financial assets means that going forward either: (i) the Fed will have to maintain a greater level of reserves in the banking system, (ii) the Treasury will have to increase the supply of T-bills, or (iii) some combination of the two. With all that in mind, let's answer the initial question of how long the Fed will allow its balance sheet to shrink. Our projections are shown in Chart 7, and make the following assumptions: Chart 5Rising Demand For Safe Short-Dated Assets Chart 6T-Bill Issuance Has Room To Rise Chart 7Fed Balance Sheet Projections Balance sheet run-off begins October 1, 2017 Bank reserves level-off at $650 billion. At that point, the Fed will continue to allow MBS to run off its balance sheet, but will start buying Treasuries to keep reserves stable. MBS will run off at a pace of $15 billion per month, before considering the caps.5 Currency in circulation will grow at a pace of 4.5% per year. Under these assumptions, we estimate that bank reserves will reach the target level of $650 billion in June 2021. At that point, the Fed's securities holdings will total $2.9 trillion - down from the current $4.3 trillion - and the Fed will have to start buying Treasuries to keep reserves stable and compensate for the continued run-off of MBS. Question 2: What Does This Mean For Bond Supply? To compensate for balance sheet run-off, The Treasury will have to increase issuance by $217 billion in 2018, $249 billion in 2019 and $182 billion in 2020 (Chart 8). Then, in 2021 and beyond, the Fed will once again start removing Treasury supply from the market as it stabilizes reserve balances. We estimate that an extra $150 billion of MBS supply will also hit the market in 2018, but we will save a discussion of the impact on MBS spreads for a future report. Chart 8Fed Starts Buying Again In 2021 The form in which this extra issuance will reach the marketplace is a question for the Treasury department. Officially, the Treasury has said: Treasury will likely respond to the additional borrowing needs associated with SOMA redemptions by increasing both Treasury bill and Treasury nominal coupon auction sizes, beginning with bills and then coupons, as appropriate.6 But the Treasury Borrowing Advisory Committee has recommended both that the Treasury increase the proportion of T-bills in its funding mix and increase the size of future coupon auctions, starting as early as next quarter. We expect these recommendations will be heeded. Question 3: Who Will Buy All These Bonds? A full breakdown of Treasury demand from different financial market actors is beyond the scope of this report. However, there is one sector that will need to greatly increase its holdings of Treasury securities as reserves are drained. That is the banking sector. The relatively new Liquidity Coverage Ratio (LCR) mandates that banks hold high-quality liquid assets (HQLA) in an amount sufficient to cover net cash outflows during a stressed 30-day period. HQLAs consist of Level 1 assets and Level 2 assets. Level 1 assets are bank reserves and Treasury securities, Level 2 assets are other riskier securities such as Agency MBS. A haircut is applied to level 2 assets for the purposes of calculating HQLA. Based on disclosures from the eight U.S. Systemically Important Financial Institutions (SIFIs), we calculate that HQLAs total about $2.4 trillion from those 8 banks alone (Table 1). If we assume that required HQLAs increase at a pace of about 4% per year (in line with expected growth in deposits), then that represents close to $100 billion of baseline Treasury demand next year and in 2019. This demand will also have to increase to compensate for the draining of reserves from the system (Chart 9). Table 1Liquidity Coverage Ratios For The 8 U.S. SIFIs Chart 9Bank Balance Sheets Loaded With Reserves At least at present, the eight largest U.S. banks do not have much of a buffer above the 100% mandated LCR. This means they will have to be active buyers of securities in order to compensate for lost reserves and keep their ratios stable. Question 4: What Will Be The Market Impact? It has been our long-standing view that the bulk of the impact on Treasury yields from Federal Reserve asset purchases can be attributed to signaling about the future path of short rates. In fact, throughout the entire QE period, there remained a strong positive correlation between long-maturity real Treasury yields and the number of rate hikes expected during the next 24 months (Chart 10). Chart 10Real Yields Driven By Rate Expectations Even theoretically, as Michael Woodford explained in his seminal Jackson Hole address from 2012,7 there is little reason to expect that central bank asset purchases exert an impact on bond yields beyond signaling about the future path of interest rates: In the representative-household theory, the market price of any asset should be determined by the present value of the random returns to which it is a claim, [...]. Insofar as a mere re-shuffling of assets between the central bank and the private sector should not change the real quantity of resources available for consumption in each state of the world, [...] the market price of one unit of a given asset should not change [...]. A more thorough empirical examination also suggests that the "signaling channel" explains most of the reaction in long-maturity Treasury yields to announcements about Fed asset purchases. We looked at a sample of dates where the Fed either made or teased an announcement related to its asset purchases, and then looked at how different financial markets reacted to those announcements. Chart 11 shows changes in the 10-year Treasury yield on the days in our sample versus changes in our 24-month fed funds discounter - the expected number of rate hikes during the next 24 months as discounted in the overnight index swap (OIS) curve. The chart shows a very strong linear relationship between changes in the 10-year Treasury yield and in expected rate hikes on those days. Chart 1110-Year Treasury Yield Vs. 24-Month Fed Funds Disc Chart 12 uses the same sample of dates, but this time looks at the change in the 10-year Treasury yield versus the change in the 10-year OIS rate. The pay-off on overnight index swaps is directly tied to the level of the fed funds rate. Therefore, if Fed asset purchases exert some impact on Treasuries above and beyond sending a signal about the future path of the fed funds rate, we should expect that impact to show up in Treasury yields but not in OIS rates. However, Chart 12 shows that changes in the 10-year Treasury yield and in the 10-year OIS rate remained tightly linked throughout our sample. Chart 1210-Year Treasury Yield Vs. 10-Year OIS Rate* Following Announcements Related##br## To Federal Reserve Asset Purchases Why is it important that the impact of Fed asset purchases on Treasury yields was mostly about signaling? It is because the Fed is following a "subordination strategy" with respect to the wind-down of its balance sheet. It plans to provide us with the schedule of balance sheet run-off in advance, and then leave that schedule un-touched regardless of economic developments. Put differently, it will respond to deteriorating economic conditions by cutting the fed funds rate before it alters the pace of balance sheet run off. In essence, the link between the Fed's balance sheet and signals about the path of the fed funds rate has been severed. As long as the "subordination strategy" is strictly enforced, we should not expect much of an impact on long-maturity Treasury yields from the unwinding of the Fed's balance sheet. Question 5: Are There Any Other Potential Market Impacts? Where Fed asset purchases essentially removed Treasuries (and MBS) from the market and replaced them with bank reserves (cash), the running down of the Fed's balance sheet will reverse this swap. Supplying securities into the market and removing cash. Some have argued that this removal of cash could lead to an appreciation of the U.S. dollar. In particular, Zoltan Pozsar of Credit Suisse has observed a correlation between U.S. bank reserves and FX basis swap spreads.8 There is also a strong correlation between FX swap spreads and the U.S. dollar (Chart 13). Chart 13Basis Swaps, Reserves And The Dollar One possible chain of events is that as the Fed drains cash from the market, there will be less liquidity in the FX swap market. Basis swap spreads will widen as a result, and this will cause the dollar to appreciate. In this framework, the unwinding of the Fed's balance sheet will put upward pressure on the U.S. dollar. However, it is also possible that the chain of causation runs in the other direction. The BIS has proposed a model9 where a stronger dollar weakens the capital positions of bank balance sheets. This causes them to back away from providing liquidity to the FX swap market, leading to wider basis swap spreads. In this model, a strong dollar leads to wider basis swap spreads and not the reverse. If this is the correct direction of causation, then we should not expect any impact on the dollar from the unwinding of the Fed's balance sheet. At the moment it is impossible to tell which of the above two theories are correct. All we can do is monitor the correlation between reserves, FX basis swap spreads and the dollar going forward. Bottom Line: The Fed will announce the run-off of its balance sheet at tomorrow's FOMC meeting. This decision has implications for Treasury issuance and how monetary policy will be conducted in the future, but we do not envision a large impact on yields. Investors should remain focussed on changes in the expected path of the fed funds rate to assess the outlook for Treasury yields. Ryan Swift, Vice President U.S. Bond Strategy rswift@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see U.S. Bond Strategy Weekly Report, "Open Mouth Operations", dated September 2, 2017, available at usbs.bcaresearch.com 2 For further details on the monitor please see U.S. Bond Strategy Weekly Report, "Buy The Back-Up In Junk Spreads", dated March 14, 017, available at usbs.bcaresearch.com 3 https://www.newyorkfed.org/newsevents/speeches/2017/dud170907 4 For a detailed description of the differences between a floor and corridor system please see U.S. Bond Strategy / Global Fixed Income Strategy Special Report, "The Way Forward For The Fed's Balance Sheet", dated February 28, 2017, available at usbs.bcaresearch.com 5 For simplicity we assume a constant pace of $1 billion MBS refinancing every month. This is somewhat below recent averages to account for the likelihood that interest rates will rise. 6 https://www.treasury.gov/press-center/press-releases/Pages/current_PolicyPressRelease.aspx 7 http://www.columbia.edu/~mw2230/JHole2012final.pdf 8 https://ftalphaville.ft.com/2017/04/13/2187317/where-would-you-prefer-your-balance-sheet-banks-or-the-federal-reserve/ 9 http://www.bis.org/publ/work592.pdf Fixed Income Sector Performance Recommended Portfolio Specification
Highlights Fed vs. BoE: U.S. inflation data is stabilizing, while financial conditions continue to ease. The market is underestimating the potential for the Fed to hike rates again, perhaps as soon as December. At the same time, markets have priced in too many rate hikes in the U.K., with the Bank of England's growth and inflation forecasts unlikely to be realized. USTs vs. Gilts: Maintain an overall below-benchmark portfolio duration tilt, while keeping an underweight stance on U.S. Treasuries and a neutral bias towards Gilts. Look to upgrade Gilts on any additional spread widening versus Treasuries or core Europe. Duration Checklists: An update of our Duration Checklists shows that the backdrop for growth, inflation and investor risk appetite remains bearish for U.S. Treasuries and German Bunds. Maintain below-benchmark duration exposure to both markets on a medium-term basis. Feature Inflation: Waking Up In The U.S., Peaking Out In The U.K. The bull market in risk assets remains powerful. Investors have shrugged off the worries about U.S. hurricanes and geopolitical tensions and have returned to focusing on the global growth and inflation backdrop. The fact that the S&P 500 could close at a new all-time high just above 2500 last Friday, shortly after another North Korean missile launch and a terrorist attack on the London Underground, speaks volumes about the renewed confidence (or is it hubris?) of investors. For bond markets, two events stood out - the firming read on August U.S. CPI inflation data and the surprisingly hawkish commentary from the Bank of England (BoE). We advise that investors pay more attention to the former and fade the latter. The U.S. inflation data is far more important, as it showed a decent rise in core inflation after five months of very weak prints (Chart of the Week). Chart of the WeekUSTs At Risk From A Rebound In Inflation A rebound in inflation is critical to our call for U.S. bond yields to rise over the next 6-12 months, as it would bring Fed rate hikes back into play. Right now, there is still a significant gap between market expectations for the fed funds rate by the end of 2018 and the current FOMC projection ("dot"). If the latest inflation data is the beginning of a sustained period of faster monthly price increases, then there is room for investors to reprice their expectations for both inflation and the funds rate (bottom two panels). There is a risk that the median FOMC rate projection for next year comes down a bit when the new "dots" are released after this week's FOMC meeting. Although with market-based inflation expectations firming, and survey-based measures holding steady near the Fed's 2% target amid easing financial conditions, the FOMC may choose to hold steady and wait to see if the August inflation data is the beginning of a trend - especially with the Fed set to announce the timing and details of the reduction of its balance sheet at this week's meeting. Downgrading interest rate expectations while also starting the unwind of the balance sheet could send a confusing message to markets. At the same time, any shift to a more hawkish or less dovish message from the Fed would be taken negatively by the Treasury market. The experience of Gilts last week is a warning sign about how unprepared investors are for a change in tone from central bankers. The language in the statement released after last week's BoE Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) meeting suggested that a rate hike may come within the next few months if U.K. economic growth evolves along the lines of the MPC's forecasts. That was enough to trigger a bear-flattening move in the Gilt curve, with the markets quickly pricing in one full additional rate hike by the BoE over the next year (Chart 2, second panel). A similar move could happen if the Fed were to send any new hawkish signals, although that is unlikely to occur at this week's FOMC meeting. We see a greater potential for the Fed's forecasts to be realized than the BoE's over the next year. Financial conditions have eased and leading indicators are still pointing to a reacceleration in U.S. growth in the coming months. The impact of the hurricanes in Texas and Florida will be a drag on growth in the 3rd quarter of this year, but this will not be enough to materially impact the Fed's growth forecasts for 2018. Meanwhile, the inflationary backdrop for the U.S. may finally be bottoming out, for a few reasons: 1. Our CPI diffusion index rising back above the 50 line in August (Chart 3, top panel), although additional gains will be necessary to herald a more sustained rise in core inflation. Chart 2Markets Have Bet Heavily##BR##On Central Bank Inaction Chart 3U.S. Inflation##BR##Stabilizing? 2. The U.S. labor market continues to tighten, with the gap between the "jobs plentiful" minus "jobs hard to get" indices from the Conference Board's consumer confidence survey widening to the widest level since 2001 (2nd panel), putting upward pressure on wage growth. 3. One of the biggest sources of the surprising downturn in core inflation seen in 2017, the plunge in wireless phone prices back in the spring, has fully stabilized (3rd panel). That decline alone represented a drag on the rate of inflation for core CPI services (excluding shelter) of 1.2 percentage points (bottom panel), and on overall core CPI inflation of around 35bps - ½ of the total decline in core CPI inflation since January. As the impact of that collapse in wireless charges falls out of the inflation data in the coming months, the drag on core CPI will fade. There is now a much better chance for the Fed's inflation forecasts to be realized next year, especially once the impact of a weaker dollar (and higher energy prices) is taken into account. While some of the doves on the FOMC may downgrade their inflation forecasts this week, a major reduction is unlikely in the absence of signs of a weakening U.S. labor market or renewed strength in the U.S. dollar. The U.S. backdrop contrasts sharply with what is going on in the U.K. While the labor market is even tighter there than in the U.S., the current upturn in U.K. inflation has also occurred alongside a sharp depreciation of the Pound since the 2016 Brexit vote (Chart 4). The currency has stabilized over the course of this year, with the year-over-year change in the BoE's trade-weighted index now nearly flat (bottom panel). Against this backdrop, inflation is more likely to peak out than reaccelerate from current levels. A similar argument can be made for the U.K. economy. Leading economic indicators have rolled over, while actual real GDP growth has decelerated (Chart 5, 3rd panel). Consumer confidence has steadily declined as the currency-driven inflation increase has eroded real income growth. This has created a very odd divergence between falling confidence and an increased market expectation for BoE rate hikes over the next year, which typically move in unison (bottom panel). Add in the ongoing uncertainties over Brexit that continue to weigh on business confidence and investment spending, and it is far more likely that the U.K. economy will lag versus the BoE's forecasts. Chart 4Currency Impact On U.K. Inflation Is Fading Chart 5Why Should The BoE Hike? For now, we are maintaining our recommended neutral allocation on Gilts in our model bond portfolio. Although we would view any additional widening in yield spreads between Gilts and U.S. Treasuries and core European yields as an opportunity to move to overweight. Simply put, the odds are far greater that the Fed's economic and inflation forecasts for the next year will be realized than those of the BoE, suggesting that there is more upside risk for yields in Treasuries than Gilts. Bottom Line: U.S. inflation data is stabilizing, while financial conditions continue to ease. The market is underestimating the potential for the Fed to hike rates again, perhaps as soon as December. At the same time, markets have priced in too many rate hikes in the U.K., with the Bank of England's growth and inflation forecasts unlikely to be realized. Maintain an overall below-benchmark portfolio duration tilt, while keeping an underweight stance on U.S. Treasuries and a neutral bias towards Gilts. Look to upgrade Gilts on any additional spread widening versus Treasuries or core Europe. Duration Checklist Update Back in February of this year, we introduced a list of indicators we need to monitor to determine if our recommended defensive duration stance on U.S. Treasuries and German Bunds was still warranted.1 These "Duration Checklists" combined data on overall global growth, as well as U.S. and Euro Area economic activity, inflation, investor risk-seeking behavior and technical positioning on government bonds. At the time, the Checklists were almost unanimous in pointing to a period of rising bond yields based on an improving growth profile and slowly rising inflation pressures. We updated the Checklists in May and, for the most part, the majority of the indicators were still flagging more upward pressures on yields, although some series on global growth and inflation had softened.2 With the benefit of hindsight, we now know that these factors - especially the pullback in U.S. inflation pressures - were enough to trigger a significant bond rally. With the U.S. inflation downdraft now in the process of stabilizing, as discussed earlier, this is now a good opportunity to revisit our Duration Checklists to assess the current backdrop for bond yields. The broad conclusion is that the majority of the indicators are still pointing to higher bond yields in the months ahead (Table 1). Table 1A Bearish Message From Our Duration Checklists Global economic activity indicators are mixed, but may be bottoming. The global leading economic indicator (LEI) continues to rise, heralding a continuation of the current economic uptrend (Chart 6). The breadth of that advance, however, is fading with our LEI diffusion index having fallen below the 50 line, meaning that there are more countries with a falling LEI. The global ZEW indicator of investor sentiment is also trending downward, another factor weighing on yields. The near-term dynamics on growth are starting to shift more bearishly for bonds, however, with the global data surprise index rising and the latest read on our Global Credit Impulse indicator ticking upward. We are giving a "check" to 3 of the 5 global growth elements in our Duration Checklists (LEI, data surprises, Credit Impulse), which represents a bond-bearish shift from the last update of the Checklists in May when only the LEI warranted a "check". Domestic economic growth in the U.S. and Euro Area is solid. Manufacturing PMIs in both the U.S. (the ISM index) and Europe are rising, as is consumer and business confidence (Charts 7 & 8). The latter is not surprising given the strong growth in corporate profits on both sides of the Atlantic that our models expect will continue. This bodes well for future growth momentum, as firms will not be forced to retrench on hiring and investment spending to protect profitability. We are giving a "check" to all domestic growth components of our Duration Checklists, highlighting that the economic backdrop remains bond bearish. Chart 6Yields Are Exposed To##BR##Improving Global Growth Chart 7A Solid U.S.##BR##Economic Expansion Chart 8European Growth Momentum##BR##Is Bearish For Bunds Realized inflation has dipped, but the worst looks to be over. In our Checklists, we include measures on energy prices, labor market tightness and wage inflation as the primary inflation indicators to monitor. On that front, the story still looks fairly benign for U.S. inflation given the dip in wage inflation measures like Average Hourly Earnings growth and the Atlanta Fed Wage Tracker (Chart 9). The unemployment gap (unemployment rate vs. NAIRU) is still negative, and other wage measures like the wage & salaries component Employment Cost Index are steadily expanding, suggesting that the underlying wage dynamics in the U.S. may not be as slow as indicated by Average Hourly Earnings. In the Euro Area, wage growth has accelerated above 2%, occurring alongside a grinding increase in core inflation and an unemployment gap that is almost fully closed (Chart 10). Meanwhile, the downward momentum in the growth of energy prices - denominated in both dollars and euros - has bottomed out after the sharp decline since the beginning of the year, although the rebound has been tepid so far (top panel of Charts 9 & 10). Chart 9Not Much Inflationary##BR##Pressures On UST Yields Chart 10Core Inflation & Wages Are##BR##Grinding Higher In Europe The most significant divergences between the regions exist within the inflation elements of our Checklists. For wage growth, we are giving an "x" to the U.S. but a "check" to Europe. For the unemployment gap, we are giving a "check" to both regions. For energy prices, however, we are not giving any indication (a "?") until we see more decisive evidence of a sustained acceleration that is pressuring headline inflation rates even higher. Both the Fed and ECB are biased to remove monetary accommodation. The Fed is in the midst of a rate-hiking cycle that began in late 2015, and is now about to begin the long process of shrinking its swollen balance sheet. The ECB has been slowly preparing the market for a shift to a slower pace of asset purchases, although rate hikes are still at least a couple of years away. For both central banks, we are giving a "check" for having a more hawkish/less dovish policy bias that is not bullish for bonds. Investors remain in risk-seeking mode. The way that we interpret investor risk aversion in the Checklists is if growth-sensitive risk assets like equities and corporate credit are rallying, then this is bearish for government bonds. The logic here is that private investor demand for Treasuries and Bunds is diminished when risk assets are rallying, as long as equities are not stretched to a point where the risks of a correction are elevated (i.e. indices trading 10% above their 200-day moving average). Also, the easing of financial conditions stemming from rallying stock and credit markets is a boost to growth that central banks will likely respond to by becoming less accommodative. From that perspective, the persistent bull markets in equities and corporate credit on both sides of the Atlantic are bearish for Treasuries (Chart 11) and Bunds (Chart 12). With stocks not looking stretched versus the medium-term trend and with volatility remaining low, all the related elements of our Checklists earn a "check". Chart 11Still A Pro-Risk Bias##BR##Among U.S. Investors Chart 12Still A Pro-Risk Bias##BR##Among Euro Area Investors Bond yields do not look stretched to the upside from a technical perspective. The Treasury sell-off from the 2017 peak back in March has pushed the 10-year yield back below its 200-day moving average, while also boosting the 6-month total return into positive territory (Chart 13). There is also a persistent net long position in 10-year Treasury futures (bottom panel). Add it all up and the technical backdrop for Treasuries is stretched in a way pointing to greater near-term risks of higher yields. In Europe, momentum measures all look neutral (Chart 14) and are no impediment to rising yields. We give all technical elements of our Duration Checklists a "check". Chart 13UST Rally Since March##BR##Is Looking Stretched Chart 14Neutral Technical##BR##Backdrop For Bunds Net-net, the Checklists show that the majority of indicators are still pointing to a bond-bearish backdrop. The only bond-bullish factors are the soft inflation readings in the U.S. although that may be in the process of shifting, as discussed earlier. There is not a major difference in the number of checkmarks for both the U.S. and Euro Area Checklists, thus we see no reason to favor either market from a relative perspective - there is pressure for both Treasury and Bund yields to rise. Thus, we are maintaining our recommended below-benchmark medium-term duration stance in both the U.S. and core Europe within hedged global bond portfolios. Chart 15UST Yields Have More Near-Term Upside From a shorter-term tactical perspective, however, we see more upside for Treasury yields vs Bunds with U.S. economic data surprising to the upside at a faster pace than in Europe (Chart 15). Throw in the potential for U.S. inflation to also rise above depressed expectations and a wider Treasury-Bund spread - a trade that we currently have in our Tactical Overlay portfolio and which goes against the tightening currently priced into the forwards - is the more likely outcome in the next few months. Bottom Line: An update of our Duration Checklists shows that the backdrop for growth, inflation and investor risk appetite remains bearish for U.S. Treasuries and German Bunds. Maintain below-benchmark duration exposure to both markets on a medium-term basis. Robert Robis, Senior Vice President Global Fixed Income Strategy rrobis@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see BCA Global Fixed Income Strategy Special Report, "A Duration Checklist For U.S. Treasuries & German Bunds", dated February 15th 2017, available at gfis.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see BCA Global Fixed Income Strategy Special Report, "Fade The "Trump Fade"", dated May 23rd 2017, available at gfis.bcaresearch.com. Recommendations Duration Regional Allocation Spread Product Tactical Trades Yields & Returns Global Bond Yields Historical Returns
Highlights Finally, an upside surprise on inflation. Recent significant developments reinforce BCA's bullish view on crude oil. Investors should consider the Monthly Report on personal income and spending, and not the quarterly GDP data, to gauge hurricanes' impact on economy. While the Fed will consider impact of Harvey and Irma, policy will ultimately be made on health of underlying economy. Feature Chart 1Rally For Risk Assets##BR##A Week Before The FOMC Risk assets and oil prices rose last week along with Treasury yields ahead of this week's FOMC meeting. Both the S&P 500 and the Dow hit new highs last week as the dollar moved lower. The stock-to-bond ratio also climbed, approaching the highs it reached earlier this year (Chart 1). All of this occurred amid an absence of any meaningful news on corporate earnings, aside from Apple's launch of the latest iPhone. Q3 earnings season is still a month away. Our base case projects stocks outperforming cash and bonds over the next 6-12 months, but in early September we recommended that clients be prudent, pare back any overweight positions and hold some safe-haven assets within diversified portfolios. The most significant movement in assets prices last week came in the U.S. Treasury market. Aided by hints of some progress on tax cuts in Washington less damage than initially feared from Hurricane Irma's impact on Florida, and despite another rocket launch by North Korea, the 10-year Treasury yield moved from near 2.0% in the first week of September to 2.20% on September 15. BCA's U.S. Bond Strategy service notes1 that bond markets are priced as though the link between growth and inflation is broken. We expect they will be proven wrong as inflation regains its uptrend during the next few months. Finally A Surprise On Inflation Chart 2Does One Month Make A Trend? After five months of downside surprises, U.S. core CPI met expectations in August. It is still too soon say that this is enough for the Fed to raise rates again this year. To get a better sense of the underlying trends, we like to break core CPI into three sub-groups: shelter, core goods and core services ex-shelter and medical care. Shelter, which accounts for over 40% of core CPI, rose 0.4% m/m in August. This was the biggest contributor to core CPI during the month. Our shelter model suggests that this strength is unlikely to persist. On the flip-side, core goods prices (25% of core CPI) fell 0.1% m/m. Given the weakness in the dollar, core goods prices should soon begin to rise. To some degree, a slowdown in shelter and a pick-up in core goods could offset each other over the coming months (Chart 2). Therefore, a sustained pick-up in overall core inflation requires an upturn in core services ex-shelter and medical. This sub-component of core CPI is the most tightly correlated with wage inflation. There was a slight tick higher in annual core services ex-shelter and medical inflation in August. However, it is still near a 25-year low of just 1.1%. Bottom Line: Following five months of persistent downside surprises, the 0.2% m/m increase in core CPI during August was a welcomed change for the Fed. However, one month does not make a trend and Fed will need to see more evidence of inflation turning the corner before raising interest rates again. Any rise in oil prices would also give inflation a lift, although it would affect the headline more than the core inflation rate. Bullish Oil Supply And Demand Recent significant developments reinforce BCA's bullish view on crude oil. The International Energy Agency (IEA) revised its forecasts for global oil demand. Oil consumption will be 100,000 bpd higher this year than the IEA's previous projection. Furthermore, renewed turmoil in Libya curbed production by 300,000 bpd from a 4-year high of more than 1 million bpd. BCA's Commodity & Energy Strategy service states that while predicting OPEC compliance is tricky, little to no cheating will occur. At worst, Saudi Arabia will step in and curtail production if Libya and/or Iraq begins to pump oil above quota. Finally, the Energy Information Administration (EIA) in the U.S. lowered its estimated shale oil output by 200,000 bpd for this year's third quarter. The decreased estimation confirms BCA's assertion that the EIA has overestimated the pace of the shale production response during 2017. Chart 3Drawdown In Global Oil##BR##Inventories Is Underway Taken together, these factors will help to improve the global net demand/supply balance by 600,000 bpd, if the current situation remains unchanged. As a result, global oil inventories will continue to be drawn down (Chart 3). Severe weather in the U.S. has temporarily distorted the energy markets. Crack spreads have widened in the U.S. as product inventories have declined along with Brent - WTI spreads. Nonetheless, BCA's commodity strategists remain bullish on crude oil, forecasting a rise in WTI to over $55/bbl and Brent to $60/bbl by year-end. Looking to next year, crude prices could go higher with an extension of the OPEC/Russian production cuts beyond March 2018 and continued strong growth in global oil demand. A sudden jump in the U.S. dollar could risk BCA's bullish view. Bottom Line: There is a disagreement between the market's view of the fundamentals of the global oil balance, which is guided by the EIA data, and BCA's view that is driven by the OPEC 2.0 framework.2 Oil prices could spike higher if the market adheres to the OPEC framework. BCA's Equity Trading Strategy service recommends an overweight to the S&P 500 Energy Sector and initiated an overweight in the Oil and Gas Refining and Marketing sub-group on September 11, 2017.3 Hurricane Redux Turning to the U.S. hurricane destruction, history shows that natural disasters have only a passing effect on the U.S. economy, the financial markets and the Fed.4 Ultimately, the macro environment in place before the storm will reassert itself. Nonetheless, it may be a few months before investors determine the long-term impact of the storms on Houston, Florida and nearby southern states. The U.S. data gathering agencies (BEA, BLS and Census) have processes to ensure that the storm's sway is reflected in the economic data. In the past, all three have produced post-disaster evaluations and will likely release the same type of information in the months ahead. Most of the storms' effects will be felt in the September data, but have already affected the initial claims data for the last week in August and the first week of September. The storms will also buffet the Q3 GDP (due out in late October). However, GDP data may not provide a comprehensive picture; GDP is not directly affected by natural disaster losses involving property, plants, equipment and structures. However, GDP can take a direct hit from the loss of productive capacity linked to a storm. The BEA notes that "while GDP may be affected by the actions that consumers, businesses, and governments take in response to a disaster, these responses are generally not separately identifiable, and they may be spread out over a long period of time." Investors should consider the monthly report on personal income and spending, and even more, the regional accounts by state, and not the quarterly GDP data, for details on the storms' economic fallout. Only hurricanes Katrina and Rita warranted a mention in the Q3 2005 GDP release, and none of the other major storms since that time have been noted by the agency. On the other hand, the personal income and spending reports released after all the major hurricanes since 2005 have provided key specifics on incomes. For example, the BEA stated that "work interruptions" linked to Hurricane Sandy reduced wages by $18 billion in October 2012 when the storm hit the northeastern U.S. The Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA) also tends to note a storm's influence on other primary income categories including personal rental incomes, proprietors' incomes, and other current transfer receipts (i.e. insurance payments received). Table 1Total Federal Spending And Total Economic Damage For Selected Hurricanes, 2000 To 2015 A 2016 Congressional Budget Office (CBO) report found that federal spending after major hurricanes can add as much as 0.6% to GDP growth (Table 1). CBO notes that most of the economic impact is in the first year after a storm, with most of those expenditures helping victims to obtain food and shelter, fund search and rescue operations, and protect critical infrastructure. Federal outlays for public infrastructure occur after the first year and provide a much smaller lift to GDP (Chart 4). Chart 4Federal Government Outlays For Hurricane Relief The severe weather in the U.S. has raised the odds that the Trump administration and Congress will make progress on fiscal policy this fall. We think that the outlines of a tax bill will emerge in the next month or so, and while the probability of passing legislation this year is still low, BCA's Geopolitical Strategy service expects the market to react when it sees the bill. The implication for investors is that the President Trump trades (Chart 5) that have unwound since the start of the year may soon become profitable again. The recent agreement between Trump and the Democrats to extend the debt ceiling and avoid a government shutdown support our stance. Chart 5Trump Trades Making A Comeback? Bottom Line: The hurricanes may have a bearing on the economic data for the next few months. Investors should closely monitor the input data to GDP, but not GDP itself. However, we do not anticipate that any economic disruptions from the storms will have a meaningful influence on near-term Fed monetary policy. Disasters And The Fed The hurricanes will probably play a supporting role in the Fed's outlook on the economy, inflation and labor market at this week's meeting. The FOMC statement will mention the storms and Fed Chair Yellen may include them in her opening remarks. Moreover, the news conference will provide another opportunity to discuss the issue. For example, the FOMC statement released in mid-December 2012, six weeks after Sandy, stated that "economic activity and employment have continued to expand at a moderate pace in recent months, apart from weather-related disruptions". Fed staff noted that manufacturing production was held down by Sandy and that household spending, notably vehicle sales, declined in October due to the storm (Table 2). Similarly, the wrath of Hurricanes Katrina and Rita was noted in FOMC statements and minutes in the fall and early winter of 2005. For example, in the statement released at the meeting after Katrina hit in August 2005, the FOMC observed: "The widespread devastation in the Gulf region, the associated dislocation of economic activity, and the boost to energy prices imply that spending, production, and employment will be set back in the near term." Fed policymakers made similar observations in the aftermath of other natural and man-made disasters in the past 25 years (Table 2). Table 2FOMC Reaction To Disasters, Natural And Man Made Bottom Line: Fed officials will consider the disruptions to the economy and economic data caused by Hurricanes Harvey and Irma, but ultimately make policy decisions based on the underlying strength of the economy, labor market and inflation. FOMC Preview The FOMC will initiate shrinking its balance sheet at this week's meeting, but neither BCA nor the market anticipate that the Fed will bump up rates. Moreover, the Fed will need more evidence that inflation, inflation expectations and/or inflation surprise has turned higher before resuming its rate hike regime. Furthermore, there is still a significant disconnect between the market and the Fed concerning rates for the next 12 months, and how that gap closes could be crucial for the financial markets, especially the bond market. At 43 basis points, the gap between the June dot plots and the market on the Fed funds rate in the next 12 months remains near its widest level of the year. The market is currently predicting only 30 bps in increases in the next 12 months. However, an uptick in inflation could quickly change that view (Chart 6). Despite the disagreement on rates, the Fed and the market are mostly aligned on the economy, the labor market and inflation, at least in 2017. For the first time, the FOMC will provide projections for 2020 at this week's meeting. At 4.4% in August, the unemployment rate is a mere tenth above the Fed's end-2017 forecast, but it is 0.2% below the central bank's latest estimate of full employment (4.6%). The Fed's measure of full employment has declined in recent years and we would not be shocked to see a drop again this week. The consensus outlook for the unemployment rate matches the Fed's path through the end of 2018 (Chart 7 and Chart 8). Chart 6Big Disagreement Between The Fed ##br##And The Market On Rates Chart 7The Fed Vs. The Market Chart 8The FOMC's "Long Run"##BR##Forecasts Since 2012 The economy is on pace this year to grow at the Fed's 2.2% projection but is running above the FOMCs long-run calculation of 1.8%, which is the low point since the Fed started publishing these long-run projections in 2009. The consensus forecast for GDP in 2018 and 2019 is slightly above the upper end of the Fed's range set in June (Chart 7 and Chart 8). The Fed and the market are relatively close on inflation this year, but there is still a wide gap in 2018 and beyond. In June, the Fed lowered its inflation forecast for 2017 to 1.6% from 1.9% in March. PCE inflation is at only 1.4% (year-to-date in 2017), so there is not much disagreement in this regard. The market does not agree with the Fed's view that inflation will return to 2.0%, and this is a key reason why the 10-year Treasury yield recently touched a new post-election low at 2.0%, although geopolitical tensions also played a role. The central bank's view of inflation in the long run has not deviated from 2.0% since 2012. Bloomberg consensus estimates for core inflation for this year and next are below the low end of the Fed's forecast range (Chart 7 and Chart 8). Market participants and some Fed officials are still concerned that the traditional Phillips curve model may be broken and that inflation may never accelerate even with an unemployment rate that is below the Fed's estimate of full employment. (Please see a BCA Special Report, "Did Amazon Kill The Phillips Curve?").5 Who Will Be The Next Fed Chair? As some investors consider the Fed's next policy move, others are taking a longer view and thinking about Fed Chair Yellen's replacement. Yellen's term as Chair will end in February 2018, and the markets have not yet shown any concerns about her potential replacement. Until last month, the frontrunner to replace Yellen was Gary Cohn, the Chairman of President Trump's National Economic Committee; his appointment would conform to some historical precedents but violate others.6 Several new names have emerged as possible Fed nominees as Cohn fell out of favor in the White House in early September. Kevin Warsh, Glen Hubbard and John Taylor, are all high-profile economists with links to the GOP, but Warsh stands out because he served on Trump's Strategic and Policy forum before it disbanded in August, and was a Fed Governor in the early 2000s (Table 3). Hubbard, who is currently an academic, was President George W. Bush's chief economist. However, he has not worked with Trump and has no Fed experience. John Taylor is well known in monetary policy circles, but has no Fed or government background, nor has he served with Trump. Taylor advocates for rules-based monetary policy.7 Another possible name, Larry Lindsey, an advisor to George W. Bush's campaign in 2000, a Fed Governor in the 1990s, and worked in the Reagan White House but he has no connection to Trump. He has recently spoken in favor of the House tax plan. Table 3Characteristics Of Fed Chairs Since 1970 The other two names under consideration - Richard Davis and John Allison - may have difficulty winning confirmations by the Senate. Both men were CEOs at major banks although neither have directly served Trump, nor been at the Fed or in government. Allison, a former president of the Libertarian Cato Institute, has argued that the Fed should be abolished and blamed the Fed for the financial crisis. The timing of Trump's announcement on Yellen's replacement may be critical. As a reminder, names floated by the Obama White House in the summer of 2013 were mainly rejected by the markets. Yellen's official announcement came in early October 2013. In August 2009, President Obama reappointed Bernanke for a second four-year term. Bernanke was initially nominated to be Fed Chair by George W. Bush in October 2005. If the appointment comes in October and the nominee is perceived to be hawkish, the risk is that markets may begin to price in the regime change sometime in the next few months. As we noted in the sections above, there is already a wide discrepancy between the Fed and the market over the pace and timing of rate hikes in the coming year. BCA's fair value model for the 10-year Treasury yield (based on Global PMI and dollar sentiment) currently places fair value at 2.67%.8 Moreover, our 3-factor version of the model (which includes the Global Economic Policy Uncertainty Index), puts fair value slightly higher at 2.68%. Investors should continue to position for a steeper curve by favoring the 5-year bullet versus a duration-matched 2/10 barbell. Bottom Line: Markets will be increasingly concerned in the next six weeks about the next Fed Chair and his or her policies. While the reappointment of Fed Chair Yellen for another term would please the markets, several other possible successors would not. We anticipate that the President will make a choice within the next month. Taking a longer view, the next Fed chair will oversee the policy response to the next recession and its aftermath. Investors should understand how the next Chair views the Fed's role in the business cycle. Economy Focus: Some Good News From The Quarterly Services Survey Even with the increasingly dominant role of the service sector's contribution to the economy (~69% of GDP), most of the high-frequency data are related to the manufacturing sector (~12% of GDP) (Chart 9, top panel). However, the Quarterly Services Survey (QSS), initiated in 2003-2004 by the Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA), measures the services sector of the economy, including companies of all sizes (small- and medium-sized). It produces the most timely revenue data, on a quarterly basis, within the flourishing service sector. The dataset is used primarily by the BEA to estimate a more accurate picture of the national accounts, notably personal consumption and the intellectual property segment of private fixed investment. The survey is also essential for FOMC policymakers as it is very useful to track current economic performance. Even more, during the financial crisis, the BEA "aggressively responded to policymakers' needs for data on financial services". The QSS is a significant source of revisions to real GDP, as about 42% of the quarterly estimates of PCE for services is now based on QSS data. The "key services statistics" include information services; health care services; professional, scientific, and technical services; administrative and support and waste management and remediation services (Chart 9). For the first half of 2017, upward revisions to second and third estimates to real GDP stemmed from revisions to PCE services and nonresidential fixed investment, namely: health care services, financial & insurance services and intellectual property products (specifically software) and other services accounted for by cellular telephone services. The most recent QSS for 2017Q2 showed U.S. selected services total revenue rising by 3.2% over the last quarter and 6.2% over the last four quarters (in nominal terms and non-seasonally adjusted data only available). The strongest growth came from revenues of Other Services (9.4% QoQ% and 18.4% YoY) followed by Arts, Entertainment & Recreation and Administration, Support & Waste Management. Sales in Finance & Insurance and Health Care & Social Assistance, which make up about 50% of total service revenues, are advancing at a sturdy pace, as is revenue in Information services (Chart 9). Chart 9Growth For Service Sector##BR##Industries Is Broad-Based Chart 10QSS Survey Heralds Some##BR##Upward Revision To Real GDP Bottom Line: Given that the majority of service industries from the QSS sample survey continue to show upward momentum, perhaps we will see some upward revision to real consumer spending for services for the third estimate of real GDP next week (Chart 10). We continue to expect U.S. GDP growth to match or exceed the Fed's modest target for 2017. John Canally, CFA, Senior Vice President U.S. Investment Strategy johnc@bcaresearch.com Jizel Georges, Senior Analyst jizelg@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see BCA U.S. Bond Strategy Weekly Report "Open Mouth Operations", published September 12, 2017. Available at usbs.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see BCA Commodity & Energy Strategy Weekly Report "Hurricane Recovery Obscures OPEC 2.0's Forward Guidance", published September 14, 2017. Available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see BCA U.S. Equity Strategy Weekly Report "Still Goldilocks", published September 11, 2017. Available at uses.bcaresearch.com. 4 Please see BCA U.S. Investment Strategy Weekly Report "Shelter From The Storm", published September 5, 2017. Available at usis.bcaresearch.com. 5 Please see The Bank Credit Analyst Special Report "Did Amazon Kill The Phillips Curve?", published August 31, 2017. Available at bca.bcaresearch.com. 6 Please see BCA U.S. Investment Strategy Weekly Report "Global Monetary Policy Recalibration", published July 17, 2017. Available at usis.bcaresearch.com. 7 Please see BCA U.S. Investment Strategy Weekly Report "Trump And The Fed", published March 6, 2017. Available at usis.bcaresearch.com. 8 Please see BCA U.S. Bond Strategy Weekly Report "The Cyclical Sweet Spot Rolls On", published September 5, 2017. Available at usbs.bcaresearch.com.
Special Report Dear Client, We are sending you a Special Report prepared by my colleague Matt Gertken, associate vice president of our Geopolitical Strategy team. This report focuses on the upcoming 19th Party congress and discusses its implications on China’s economic and political outlook, as well as its impact on financial markets. I trust you will find this report insightful. Best regards, Yan Wang, Senior Vice President China Investment Strategy Highlights The Communist Party will hold its nineteenth National Congress on Oct. 18. This is the "midterm election" for President Xi Jinping, whose political capital will be replenished; Recent Chinese leaders have a greater impact in their second term than their first; Base case: Xi consolidates power while preserving a balance on the Politburo Standing Committee; Stay long Chinese equities versus emerging market peers. Feature China's Communist Party will hold the nineteenth National Party Congress on October 18-25. This is a critical "midterm" leadership reshuffle that will also mark the halfway point of General Secretary Xi Jinping's term in office. Investors around the world will watch closely to see what insight can be gained about the political trajectory of the world's second-largest economy. This report serves as a "primer" for readers to understand the party congress and its investment takeaways. Why Is The Party Congress Important? Because it rotates China's political leaders! Chart 1So Long To The 18th Central Committee In a political system without popular representation, the rotation of personnel according to promotion and retirement is the only way to rejuvenate the policy process. The average rate of turnover on the Communist Party's Central Committee at each five-year congress has been 62%, which is a remarkably high rate (Chart 1). It reveals an underrated dynamism in Chinese politics. This leadership rotation also allows the top leader (Xi Jinping) to consolidate power by putting his supporters into key positions. This in turn alters the policymaking environment and the way in which China formulates policies and responds to external events. China has a "parallel" political system in which the ruling Communist Party operates alongside (and above) the state. Xi Jinping is "General Secretary" of the party, president of the People's Republic of China, and (not least) chairman of the Central Military Commission. The party maintains supremacy by independently controlling the state and the army. Since fall 2016, Xi has been dubbed the "core" of the Communist Party, putting him on a par with previous core leaders Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping and Jiang Zemin.1 The party's nearly 90 million members convene large congresses of about 2,000 members every five years to select the membership of the key decision-making bodies (Diagram 1), a practice known as "intra-party democracy."2 The key body is the Central Committee, which consists of about 200 full members and another 100-some alternative members. The Central Committee then "elects" the General Secretary, Political Bureau (a.k.a. "Politburo," the top 25 or so leaders) and Politburo Standing Committee (the "PSC," the top five-to-nine leaders) - though in reality the Politburo and the PSC are chosen through intense negotiations among the incumbent PSC and former leaders. Diagram 1National Party Congress Of The Communist Party Of China The handful of men on the PSC are the chief decision-makers in China, often in league with the broader Politburo (and former PSC members who exercise some power through the back door). Most of the key personnel decisions will have been made before the Central Committee votes.3 Hence the current top leaders have a chance to put their loyalists and supporters in key positions, potentially improving the implementation of their agenda. The outgoing eighteenth Central Committee will meet for its last session on October 11, and then the nineteenth party congress will meet on October 18 to elect a new Central Committee. It will in turn ratify the new Politburo and PSC. At the beginning of the party congress, Xi Jinping will deliver a keynote political report on the state of the party and nation, reviewing the progress of the past five years and mapping out a vision for the next five. The party congress will also amend the Communist Party constitution.4 By the end of the week, the members of the new PSC will step out to meet the press together for the first time. Only later will the party's key decisions be incorporated by the state, i.e. China's central government, including key personnel appointments and policy initiatives. This will occur when the legislature, the National People's Congress ("NPC," not to be confused with party congress), convenes at its annual "Two Sessions" in early March 2018. Chart 2Bold Action Can Follow Midterm Congresses Any NPC session following a five-year party congress carries more weight than usual not only because it approves of the party congress's leadership decisions but also because it kicks off major new policy initiatives. For instance, Premier Zhu Rongji was appointed to launch the "assault stage" of President Jiang Zemin's reforms of state-owned enterprise at the NPC in March 1998 (Chart 2). Similarly, Hu Jintao's Premier Wen Jiabao launched extensive administrative reforms at the NPC meeting in early 2008.5 How does a "midterm" party congress differ from others? Typically, in even-numbered years, the top two leaders change over, as with Xi Jinping and Premier Li Keqiang in 2012. These transitions are highly significant as they mark a leadership succession, a transfer of power to a new general secretary in a heavily centralized, authoritarian system that does not have a codified succession process. By contrast, in odd-numbered years like 2017, the Communist Party promotes, demotes, and retires a large number of other top leaders. Thus Xi Jinping's place is assured, and Li Keqiang's place is probably assured as well, but most likely the other five members of the PSC will be gone.6 This year's transition is also significant because the total turnover on the Central Committee is expected to be higher than usual (perhaps 70%) as a result of President Xi's aggressive anti-corruption campaign and other factors (see Chart 1 above).7 Leaders often spend the bulk of their first five years consolidating power and the second five years pushing forward their true policy agenda. Even President Hu Jintao, who failed to see his preferred social safety-net policies fully implemented, had a vastly more influential second term than first term in office: the 2007-12 period saw the 4 trillion RMB stimulus package to thwart the Global Recession. Moreover, Chinese leaders do not normally become "lame ducks" toward the end of their last term: Deng Xiaoping recommitted the country to pro-market reforms in 1992, after having stepped down as general secretary, while Jiang Zemin reached the height of his power at the end of his term in 2002, when he chose to hang onto the position of top military leader for two extra years. Many observers suspect that Xi Jinping will hold onto power beyond 2022. Bottom Line: The National Party Congress coincides with a sweeping rotation of the Chinese political elites, which is a critical way of ensuring that China, unlike a monarchy or personalized "dictatorship," has an orderly way of updating its policy-makers and (hopefully) policies. Midterm reshuffles allow top leaders to promote supporters and re-energize the implementation of their policy agenda. The past two Chinese leaders were more consequential in their second term than their first. How Is The Nineteenth Congress Unique? Chart 3Xi Jinping's Generation Taking Command The most important change this year is the passing of a generation.8 China's political elites are classified into "leadership generations," with Mao Zedong symbolizing the first generation, Deng Xiaoping the second, Jiang Zemin the third, Hu Jintao the fourth, and Xi Jinping the fifth generation. The current reshuffle will see the following generational trends: The End of the Jiang Zemin Era: The key figures retiring on the PSC are those who were born before 1950 and put in place by Jiang Zemin. Thus in a very real sense, Jiang Zemin's influence is coming to a close (Chart 3).9 This generational shift is likely to force the retirement of 11 of the 25-member Politburo, and five of the seven PSC members (Table 1), as well as other major figures, such as the long-serving central bank Governor Zhou Xiaochuan. Table 1Chinese Leaders Set To Retire On Politburo And Politburo Standing Committee Jiang-era leaders are defined by certain characteristics that are now fading. As Chart 4 demonstrates, these leaders came of age in the early, idealistic days of the Revolution, leading them to have a conservative streak in ideological matters. Yet they are well-known pragmatists in economic matters. They studied engineering and natural sciences in answer to the call for the young to develop the country's heavy industry. They tended to hail from capitalist-leaning coastal provinces, and often gained first-hand experience operating China's state-owned enterprises. This last point became especially important when they pioneered pro-market corporate reforms in the 1990s. By contrast, fewer of them served as government ministers on the State Council (China's cabinet) than subsequent generations. Chart 4Leadership Characteristics Of The Politburo Standing Committee The Middle of the Hu Jintao Era: The passing of Jiang's cohort will necessarily give his successor Hu Jintao's cohort a boost in relative influence at the top levels. Hu's generation is marked by leaders who studied the "soft sciences" (like law and economics). Several of them (including Hu and Premier Wen Jiabao) have links with the politically liberal wing of the party. They have far less experience in the military or state-owned business, but are more likely to have governing experience in the central government and especially the provinces (Chart 4 above). This includes the interior provinces from which they often hail. They are thus highly attuned to the problem of maintaining social stability, arguably to the neglect of economic dynamism. Hu Jintao's influence may be underrated. Xi's administration has shown important continuities with Hu's, and Hu's followers are well positioned in the Central Committee, the Politburo, and the provincial governments (though not the current PSC). If Xi does not take decisive moves to replace some of Hu's acolytes on the PSC at the coming party congress, then Hu's men will likely outnumber Xi's on the PSC as they graduate up the ladder from the Politburo.10 A strong showing by Hu's faction could affect China's policy priorities, given that Xi showed different preferences from Hu in the first few years of his rule (Table 2). However, the factions do not maintain consistent policy platforms. The bottom line is that Hu's faction could act as more or less of a constraint on Xi regardless of what policies the latter pursues. Table 2Fiscal Priorities Of Recent Chinese Presidents The True Beginning of the Xi Jinping Era: Xi's generation has yet to reveal its full character - the demographics of the new Central Committee will help determine it. So far it is a continuation of the trends above: more likely than not to come from interior than coastal provinces, to have studied the humanities, to have governed in the provinces or central ministries, and to lack military or business experience (Chart 4 above). The coming reshuffle could initiate a change in some of these trends, given some of Xi's revealed preferences, but that will not become clear until this fall.11 Xi is not stereotypical when it comes to China's political cycles: he consolidated power rapidly in his first term.12 The question, then, is whether Xi can continue to accrue power at the party congress, or whether his second term will become complicated by an infusion of Hu Jintao supporters into top party posts. Thus the success of Hu's supporters (particularly on the PSC) is the critical moving part that could determine the political constraints on Xi Jinping from 2017-22. Will Xi be able to arrange a favorable power-sharing agreement? Or will he go further and try to remove this political constraint entirely, even at the risk of political instability? The above points raise two critical questions: Will Chinese politics become more institutionalized? Investors should expect China to maintain a stridently informal political system. Rules and norms can and will be bent, but key principles will be upheld. In other words, the goal posts can be moved, but not too far. Going beyond certain limits would be destabilizing for China's political, institutional, and factional balances, and so far Xi has exhibited poise and the desire to maintain stability that is characteristic of post-1978 Chinese leaders.13 We think there is a low probability that Xi will overthrow all the norms of leadership selection and overturn the balance of power on the Politburo and PSC. If he does, it will raise alarms that he is setting up a new "cult of personality" like Mao, which could cause domestic economic and market instability. Rather, we expect him to modify the rules to maintain control of the PSC without excluding Hu Jintao's faction from power. Will Xi initiate the succession process for 2022? Some commentators suspect that Xi will use the party congress to pave the way for him to cling to power beyond 2022. Clearly Xi could retain the top military post and stay within recent precedent. But any hints at altering recent succession patterns, despite the fact that they are informal, are dangerous for investors in the long run because they raise deep uncertainty about the range of possibilities and political conflicts that could occur upon the actual change of power in 2022. Nevertheless, bear in mind the following points: The question of succession will not be resolved this October. If Xi plans to hang on beyond 2022, then he will continue amassing power and positioning loyalists over the next five years so that he will have full institutional support at the critical moment in 2022 - like Jiang Zemin did when he chose to hang onto the military chairmanship from 2002-04. Thus while Xi may lay some groundwork that makes political observers uneasy, the question will not be resolved either way this fall. Xi's tenure will be an ongoing topic for investors to monitor. Xi is already set to be the most powerful Chinese leader well into the 2020s. Xi's anti-corruption campaign is remarkable evidence of his strength as a ruler. Significantly, this campaign has focused on rooting out Jiang Zemin's influence. Yet Jiang stepped down way back in 2004! In other words, Jiang wielded massive influence between 2004 and 2017. Indeed, Xi's boldest move this year so far was to remove Sun Zhengcai, a Jiang acolyte. It stands to reason that, even if Hu Jintao's faction pulls off a relative victory this year, Xi Jinping's faction will likely be well positioned for a victory in 2022. And if Hu loses out this year, Xi's followers will be better positioned in 2027, as well as 2022. In short, market participants are unlikely to be able to tell the difference this October between (1) Xi getting a boost of political capital for his second term and (2) Xi getting such a big boost that he is on track to overstay his second term.14 Xi might intend to become a dictator and cling to power for longer, but all the market will know for certain is that he has maintained control of the PSC and his general policy framework will be more or less continuous, which is likely a relief in the near term. Finally, investors may not initially care if Xi seizes additional power at the expense of party norms and the succession process. A-shares sold off, but H-shares rallied, when Jiang Zemin decided not to step down entirely in 2002 (Chart 5). Russian stocks and the RUB/USD only fleetingly sold off when Vladimir Putin made clear his intention to return to the presidency yet again in 2011 (Chart 6). Chart 5Foreign Investors Cheered Jiang's Clinging To Power Chart 6Russian Investors Cheered Putin's Second Presidency While it is impossible to know whether markets will cheer any signs of "Papa Xi" doing away with term limits, it is bad for China's governance in the long run if Xi does not clearly begin grooming a successor with this fall's promotions. An heir-apparent for 2022 would reduce the risks of disruptive power-struggle and would impose a personal deadline on Xi Jinping's reform agenda. That is, a deadline above and beyond the 2020 deadline in the 13th Five Year Plan and the 2021 deadline for the 100th anniversary of the Communist Party's founding. That reform agenda, in turn, is essential for improving China's long-term productivity.15 Bottom Line: The Chinese political system is informal, which means that rules and norms can be bent without altering the underlying principles of balance among the key factions and stability of the regime and society as a whole. Our baseline scenario is a market-positive one: that Xi Jinping will win a victory at the party congress, but that he will not overthrow Hu Jintao's followers and abandon the "collective leadership" model, since that would destroy the overall balance of power and heighten domestic political risks. If Xi loses out to the Hu faction, then we would expect Chinese and China-exposed risk assets to sell off, at least initially. If Xi romps to total victory, excluding Hu's clique from power, we would fade any market rally. Such a development would heighten political risks for the foreseeable future. Investment Conclusions The prospect of a Xi-dominated, yet stable, PSC in China is promising because it suggests that China will have at least a marginally improved policy framework for managing the immense challenges it faces. On the economic front, the loss of the demographic dividend threatens to make China old before it gets rich (Chart 7). Xi will need a unified party, as well as loyal supporters in key posts, if he is to re-energize his productivity-enhancing reforms. On the socio-political front, China's intensifying focus on domestic security is symbolized by draconian media censorship ahead of the party congress and, more broadly, a faster rate of spending on public security than national defense in recent years (Chart 8). Such trends suggest that policy makers are concerned about public support. Income inequality and regional disparities are burning issues in an authoritarian country with a larger and more connected middle class and an incipient civil rights movement. Chart 7Rising Participation Boosted Euro Area Labor Force Growth China's Demographic Challenge Chart 8Social Stability A Major Concern In China In terms of the likely economic and market response, we have highlighted in the past that larger macro-economic trends tend to swamp any effects of China's five-year party congresses. There is no observable correlation between these events and the deviations of China's nominal GDP, credit, or fixed investment from long-term averages going back to 1992 (Chart 9). Chart 9No Clear Policy Impact From Past Party Congresses Moreover, China only has two midterm party congresses to compare to today's party congress, and both occurred in the thick of global financial crises (1997, 2007). This makes it difficult to draw firm conclusions about any impact on Chinese risk assets. A-shares were mostly flat after the 1997 congress but fell after 2007, while H-shares broadly fell after both meetings, as one might expect given the crises raging around them (Chart 10 A&B). Chart 10AChinese Stocks Were Flat Or Down ... Chart 10B... After Past Midterm Party Congresses H-shares, being highly responsive to global financial market turmoil, fell relative to emerging market (EM) equities as well in 1997 and 2007. A-shares were more insulated and outperformed EM stocks during the 1997 crisis, though not in the 2007 crisis (Chart 11 A&B). What is clear - for Chinese domestic investors - is that A-shares outperformed H-shares after the party congresses in 1997 and 2007 (Chart 12). Chart 11AChinese Stocks Sold Off In Relative Terms... Chart 11B...Except A-Shares During The Asian Crisis Chart 12A-Shares Outperformed H-Shares After Midterm Congresses This fall, it would not be surprising to see Chinese and global risk-on attitudes prevail in the immediate aftermath of China's party congress: in the broadest sense, the meeting represents a political recapitalization for the Xi administration. Moreover, the backdrop is positive: global and Chinese growth are on a synchronized upswing, Chinese industrial profits have improved, the Fed is on hold, and China's growth risks and capital outflow pressures have diminished.16 This suggests a marginal positive impact for H-shares as well as A-shares. However, Chinese stocks are no longer trading at a discount relative to peers. Moreover, BCA's Geopolitical Strategy believes that the Xi administration's reform reboot will likely bring tougher financial and environmental regulation that will slow credit growth and cut into corporate profits.17 It also seems likely that 2018 will see the dollar stage a comeback as inflation recovers and the Fed resumes hiking rates.18 For all these reasons, we recommend staying long Chinese stocks relative to EM, on the basis that China's reform efforts will be positive for China's productivity outlook but negative for commodities and EM in 2018. Matt Gertken, Associate Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com 1 Mao's successor Hua Guofeng, and Xi's predecessor Hu Jintao, are the two leaders who did not obtain "core" status. 2 The current norms developed mostly in the 1980s and have evolved since. The list of candidates is mostly pre-arranged by the top leaders. The party congress then votes on which candidates to include, leaving a remainder of about 10% who do not take seats in the Central Committee. 3 Nevertheless, the Central Committee could produce a few surprises. It is almost inevitable that a few major personalities will fail to get promoted into key positions, while others will be catapulted to higher places. There will also be some tea leaves to read about the share of negative votes or abstentions and the implications for different candidates. 4 The political report is filled with arcane Communist Party jargon but is very important. It is a consensus document that takes multiple committees a year or more to draft, though Xi Jinping will give the finishing touches. It will cover a comprehensive range of policies and will be scrutinized closely by experts for slight changes of terminology, emphasis, or omission. Key things to watch for are whether Xi adds or removes entire sections; whether he alters developmental goals outlined in previous administrations; and whether he inserts new concepts or revises party ideology to make way for contentious reforms. As for the party's constitution, the main question of any change is whether Xi's leadership philosophy is incorporated into the Communist Party's guiding thought, and if so, whether Xi's name is explicitly attached to it. The latter in particular would be a sign that Xi's political capital within the party is massive. For additional commentary, please see Alice Miller, "How To Read Xi Jinping's 19th Party Congress Political Report," China Leadership Monitor 53 (2017), available at www.hoover.org. 5 For the "assault stage" of reform, see Robert Lawrence Kuhn, The Man Who Changed China: The Life And Legacy Of Jiang Zemin (NY: Crown, 2004). Jiang had first targeted SOE reform in 1996 in a speech, he launched the policy itself at the party congress in September 1997, and the state began to implement it at the NPC in March 1998. For Hu Jintao's and Wen Jiabao's administrative reforms after the seventeenth party congress, see Willy Wo Lap Lam, "Beijing Unveils Plan For Super Ministries," China Brief, Jamestown Foundation, February 4, 2008. These reforms, which were only part of the overall agenda after the congress, included restructuring the State Council, empowering the National Development and Reform Commission, and setting up "Super-Ministries" to streamline cabinet-level functions. 6 Rumor has it that Xi will keep his anti-corruption chief, Wang Qishan, on the PSC beyond the 69-year mandatory retirement age, and that he could even replace Premier Li Keqiang. We do not expect either to happen, but both are well within the realm of political possibility - particularly retaining Wang. 7 For this estimate, please see Cheng Li, Chinese Politics In The Xi Jinping Era: Reassessing Collective Leadership (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 2016), chapter 9. 8 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "China: Looking Beyond The Party Congress," dated July 19, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 9 Traces of Jiang's power will persist here and there, especially if Wang Qishan remains on the PSC, but the overall effect will be a diminishment of this powerful leadership cohort. Symbolically, just as Deng Xiaoping's death loomed over the fifteenth party congress in 1997, Jiang's impending death will loom over the nineteenth party congress today. 10 Indeed judging solely by the cyclical rotation of Chinese leaders according to generation and faction, Hu Jintao's acolytes are favored to outnumber Jiang Zemin's and Xi Jinping's in the 2017 reshuffle. Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "China: Two Factions, One Party," dated September 2012, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. However, Xi's effectiveness and good luck since coming to power lead us to believe that he will secure his followers on the PSC and Politburo this year: please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Strategic Outlook 2017, "We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now," dated December 14, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 11 For example, Xi Jinping's recent promotions have re-emphasized SOE managers and his policies have supported large "state champion" SOEs. Please see Cheng Li and Lucy Xu, "The rise of state-owned enterprise executives in China's provincial leadership," Brookings, February 22, 2017, available at www.brookings.edu. 12 He came to the top office at a time of significant public dissatisfaction (2012), which meant that he received a kind of "mandate" to make big changes. His faction dominated the PSC, and his sweeping anti-corruption campaign purged the party and state of formidable rivals. In the fall of 2016 he clinched his status as the "core" of the party. 13 As to specific rules, no one should be surprised if they are altered. Take the age limit, which is hotly debated: Jiang Zemin introduced a hard age limit into the PSC in 1997, specifically in a way that prevented the promotion of a heavy-hitting politician, Qiao Shi, while allowing Jiang to continue in power. Now, assume Xi alters the rules to preserve Wang Qishan: this would not necessarily mean that Xi plans to overstay his term limits, though some observers will take it that way. For market participants, the important point is that slight tweaks to informal rules are unlikely to have a big market impact. Consider that Wang has overseen a massive crackdown on corruption, helping clean up the party's image, and is known to be competent in financial regulation as well. If he is retained, will the market really protest? We doubt it. Having said that, we expect him to retire according to the existing rule of thumb. 14 The exception to this statement is if Xi reforms Communist Party political institutions, as some commentators suspect he might, in order to allow the Central Committee to elect the Politburo and PSC directly from its members, thus expanding "intra-party democracy" while also giving Xi a higher likelihood of staying in power. Please see Bo Zhiyue, "Commentary: Sweeping Reforms Expected At Party Congress, But Will Xi Jinping Get All He Wants?" Channel News Asia, August 20, 2017, available at www.channelnewsasia.com. 15 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "Reflections On China's Reforms," in "The Great Risk Rotation - December 2013," dated December 11, 2013; and Special Report, "Taking Stock Of China's Reforms," dated May 13, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. Please also see BCA China Investment Strategy, "Understanding China's Master Plan," dated November 20, 2013, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 16 Please see BCA China Investment Strategy Weekly Reports, "China: Earnings Scorecard And Market Tea Leaves," dated September 7, 2017, and "Monitoring Chinese Capital Outflows And The RMB Internationalization Process," dated August 24, 2017, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 17 Please see BCA China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "A Closer Look At Chinese Equity Valuations," dated August 31, 2017, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. For the reform agenda, please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "China: Looking Beyond The Party Congress," dated July 19, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 18 Please see BCA Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Central Bank Showdown," dated September 8, 2017, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. Cyclical Investment Stance Equity Sector Recommendations
Special Report Highlights The Communist Party will hold its nineteenth National Congress on Oct. 18. This is the "midterm election" for President Xi Jinping, whose political capital will be replenished; Recent Chinese leaders have a greater impact in their second term than their first; Base case: Xi consolidates power while preserving a balance on the Politburo Standing Committee; Stay long Chinese equities versus emerging market peers. Feature China's Communist Party will hold the nineteenth National Party Congress on October 18-25. This is a critical "midterm" leadership reshuffle that will also mark the halfway point of General Secretary Xi Jinping's term in office. Investors around the world will watch closely to see what insight can be gained about the political trajectory of the world's second-largest economy. This report serves as a "primer" for readers to understand the party congress and its investment takeaways. Why Is The Party Congress Important? Because it rotates China's political leaders! Chart 1So Long To The 18th Central Committee In a political system without popular representation, the rotation of personnel according to promotion and retirement is the only way to rejuvenate the policy process. The average rate of turnover on the Communist Party's Central Committee at each five-year congress has been 62%, which is a remarkably high rate (Chart 1). It reveals an underrated dynamism in Chinese politics. This leadership rotation also allows the top leader (Xi Jinping) to consolidate power by putting his supporters into key positions. This in turn alters the policymaking environment and the way in which China formulates policies and responds to external events. China has a "parallel" political system in which the ruling Communist Party operates alongside (and above) the state. Xi Jinping is "General Secretary" of the party, president of the People's Republic of China, and (not least) chairman of the Central Military Commission. The party maintains supremacy by independently controlling the state and the army. Since fall 2016, Xi has been dubbed the "core" of the Communist Party, putting him on a par with previous core leaders Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping and Jiang Zemin.1 The party's nearly 90 million members convene large congresses of about 2,000 members every five years to select the membership of the key decision-making bodies (Diagram 1), a practice known as "intra-party democracy."2 The key body is the Central Committee, which consists of about 200 full members and another 100-some alternative members. The Central Committee then "elects" the General Secretary, Political Bureau (a.k.a. "Politburo," the top 25 or so leaders) and Politburo Standing Committee (the "PSC," the top five-to-nine leaders) - though in reality the Politburo and the PSC are chosen through intense negotiations among the incumbent PSC and former leaders. Diagram 1National Party Congress Of The Communist Party Of China The handful of men on the PSC are the chief decision-makers in China, often in league with the broader Politburo (and former PSC members who exercise some power through the back door). Most of the key personnel decisions will have been made before the Central Committee votes.3 Hence the current top leaders have a chance to put their loyalists and supporters in key positions, potentially improving the implementation of their agenda. The outgoing eighteenth Central Committee will meet for its last session on October 11, and then the nineteenth party congress will meet on October 18 to elect a new Central Committee. It will in turn ratify the new Politburo and PSC. At the beginning of the party congress, Xi Jinping will deliver a keynote political report on the state of the party and nation, reviewing the progress of the past five years and mapping out a vision for the next five. The party congress will also amend the Communist Party constitution.4 By the end of the week, the members of the new PSC will step out to meet the press together for the first time. Only later will the party's key decisions be incorporated by the state, i.e. China's central government, including key personnel appointments and policy initiatives. This will occur when the legislature, the National People's Congress ("NPC," not to be confused with party congress), convenes at its annual "Two Sessions" in early March 2018. Chart 2Bold Action Can Follow Midterm Congresses Any NPC session following a five-year party congress carries more weight than usual not only because it approves of the party congress's leadership decisions but also because it kicks off major new policy initiatives. For instance, Premier Zhu Rongji was appointed to launch the "assault stage" of President Jiang Zemin's reforms of state-owned enterprise at the NPC in March 1998 (Chart 2). Similarly, Hu Jintao's Premier Wen Jiabao launched extensive administrative reforms at the NPC meeting in early 2008.5 How does a "midterm" party congress differ from others? Typically, in even-numbered years, the top two leaders change over, as with Xi Jinping and Premier Li Keqiang in 2012. These transitions are highly significant as they mark a leadership succession, a transfer of power to a new general secretary in a heavily centralized, authoritarian system that does not have a codified succession process. By contrast, in odd-numbered years like 2017, the Communist Party promotes, demotes, and retires a large number of other top leaders. Thus Xi Jinping's place is assured, and Li Keqiang's place is probably assured as well, but most likely the other five members of the PSC will be gone.6 This year's transition is also significant because the total turnover on the Central Committee is expected to be higher than usual (perhaps 70%) as a result of President Xi's aggressive anti-corruption campaign and other factors (see Chart 1 above).7 Leaders often spend the bulk of their first five years consolidating power and the second five years pushing forward their true policy agenda. Even President Hu Jintao, who failed to see his preferred social safety-net policies fully implemented, had a vastly more influential second term than first term in office: the 2007-12 period saw the 4 trillion RMB stimulus package to thwart the Global Recession. Moreover, Chinese leaders do not normally become "lame ducks" toward the end of their last term: Deng Xiaoping recommitted the country to pro-market reforms in 1992, after having stepped down as general secretary, while Jiang Zemin reached the height of his power at the end of his term in 2002, when he chose to hang onto the position of top military leader for two extra years. Many observers suspect that Xi Jinping will hold onto power beyond 2022. Bottom Line: The National Party Congress coincides with a sweeping rotation of the Chinese political elites, which is a critical way of ensuring that China, unlike a monarchy or personalized "dictatorship," has an orderly way of updating its policy-makers and (hopefully) policies. Midterm reshuffles allow top leaders to promote supporters and re-energize the implementation of their policy agenda. The past two Chinese leaders were more consequential in their second term than their first. How Is The Nineteenth Congress Unique? Chart 3Xi Jinping's Generation Taking Command The most important change this year is the passing of a generation.8 China's political elites are classified into "leadership generations," with Mao Zedong symbolizing the first generation, Deng Xiaoping the second, Jiang Zemin the third, Hu Jintao the fourth, and Xi Jinping the fifth generation. The current reshuffle will see the following generational trends: The End of the Jiang Zemin Era: The key figures retiring on the PSC are those who were born before 1950 and put in place by Jiang Zemin. Thus in a very real sense, Jiang Zemin's influence is coming to a close (Chart 3).9 This generational shift is likely to force the retirement of 11 of the 25-member Politburo, and five of the seven PSC members (Table 1), as well as other major figures, such as the long-serving central bank Governor Zhou Xiaochuan. Table 1Chinese Leaders Set To Retire On Politburo And Politburo Standing Committee Jiang-era leaders are defined by certain characteristics that are now fading. As Chart 4 demonstrates, these leaders came of age in the early, idealistic days of the Revolution, leading them to have a conservative streak in ideological matters. Yet they are well-known pragmatists in economic matters. They studied engineering and natural sciences in answer to the call for the young to develop the country's heavy industry. They tended to hail from capitalist-leaning coastal provinces, and often gained first-hand experience operating China's state-owned enterprises. This last point became especially important when they pioneered pro-market corporate reforms in the 1990s. By contrast, fewer of them served as government ministers on the State Council (China's cabinet) than subsequent generations. Chart 4Leadership Characteristics Of The Politburo Standing Committee The Middle of the Hu Jintao Era: The passing of Jiang's cohort will necessarily give his successor Hu Jintao's cohort a boost in relative influence at the top levels. Hu's generation is marked by leaders who studied the "soft sciences" (like law and economics). Several of them (including Hu and Premier Wen Jiabao) have links with the politically liberal wing of the party. They have far less experience in the military or state-owned business, but are more likely to have governing experience in the central government and especially the provinces (Chart 4 above). This includes the interior provinces from which they often hail. They are thus highly attuned to the problem of maintaining social stability, arguably to the neglect of economic dynamism. Hu Jintao's influence may be underrated. Xi's administration has shown important continuities with Hu's, and Hu's followers are well positioned in the Central Committee, the Politburo, and the provincial governments (though not the current PSC). If Xi does not take decisive moves to replace some of Hu's acolytes on the PSC at the coming party congress, then Hu's men will likely outnumber Xi's on the PSC as they graduate up the ladder from the Politburo.10 A strong showing by Hu's faction could affect China's policy priorities, given that Xi showed different preferences from Hu in the first few years of his rule (Table 2). However, the factions do not maintain consistent policy platforms. The bottom line is that Hu's faction could act as more or less of a constraint on Xi regardless of what policies the latter pursues. Table 2Fiscal Priorities Of Recent Chinese Presidents The True Beginning of the Xi Jinping Era: Xi's generation has yet to reveal its full character - the demographics of the new Central Committee will help determine it. So far it is a continuation of the trends above: more likely than not to come from interior than coastal provinces, to have studied the humanities, to have governed in the provinces or central ministries, and to lack military or business experience (Chart 4 above). The coming reshuffle could initiate a change in some of these trends, given some of Xi's revealed preferences, but that will not become clear until this fall.11 Xi is not stereotypical when it comes to China's political cycles: he consolidated power rapidly in his first term.12 The question, then, is whether Xi can continue to accrue power at the party congress, or whether his second term will become complicated by an infusion of Hu Jintao supporters into top party posts. Thus the success of Hu's supporters (particularly on the PSC) is the critical moving part that could determine the political constraints on Xi Jinping from 2017-22. Will Xi be able to arrange a favorable power-sharing agreement? Or will he go further and try to remove this political constraint entirely, even at the risk of political instability? The above points raise two critical questions: Will Chinese politics become more institutionalized? Investors should expect China to maintain a stridently informal political system. Rules and norms can and will be bent, but key principles will be upheld. In other words, the goal posts can be moved, but not too far. Going beyond certain limits would be destabilizing for China's political, institutional, and factional balances, and so far Xi has exhibited poise and the desire to maintain stability that is characteristic of post-1978 Chinese leaders.13 We think there is a low probability that Xi will overthrow all the norms of leadership selection and overturn the balance of power on the Politburo and PSC. If he does, it will raise alarms that he is setting up a new "cult of personality" like Mao, which could cause domestic economic and market instability. Rather, we expect him to modify the rules to maintain control of the PSC without excluding Hu Jintao's faction from power. Will Xi initiate the succession process for 2022? Some commentators suspect that Xi will use the party congress to pave the way for him to cling to power beyond 2022. Clearly Xi could retain the top military post and stay within recent precedent. But any hints at altering recent succession patterns, despite the fact that they are informal, are dangerous for investors in the long run because they raise deep uncertainty about the range of possibilities and political conflicts that could occur upon the actual change of power in 2022. Nevertheless, bear in mind the following points: The question of succession will not be resolved this October. If Xi plans to hang on beyond 2022, then he will continue amassing power and positioning loyalists over the next five years so that he will have full institutional support at the critical moment in 2022 - like Jiang Zemin did when he chose to hang onto the military chairmanship from 2002-04. Thus while Xi may lay some groundwork that makes political observers uneasy, the question will not be resolved either way this fall. Xi's tenure will be an ongoing topic for investors to monitor. Xi is already set to be the most powerful Chinese leader well into the 2020s. Xi's anti-corruption campaign is remarkable evidence of his strength as a ruler. Significantly, this campaign has focused on rooting out Jiang Zemin's influence. Yet Jiang stepped down way back in 2004! In other words, Jiang wielded massive influence between 2004 and 2017. Indeed, Xi's boldest move this year so far was to remove Sun Zhengcai, a Jiang acolyte. It stands to reason that, even if Hu Jintao's faction pulls off a relative victory this year, Xi Jinping's faction will likely be well positioned for a victory in 2022. And if Hu loses out this year, Xi's followers will be better positioned in 2027, as well as 2022. In short, market participants are unlikely to be able to tell the difference this October between (1) Xi getting a boost of political capital for his second term and (2) Xi getting such a big boost that he is on track to overstay his second term.14 Xi might intend to become a dictator and cling to power for longer, but all the market will know for certain is that he has maintained control of the PSC and his general policy framework will be more or less continuous, which is likely a relief in the near term. Finally, investors may not initially care if Xi seizes additional power at the expense of party norms and the succession process. A-shares sold off, but H-shares rallied, when Jiang Zemin decided not to step down entirely in 2002 (Chart 5). Russian stocks and the RUB/USD only fleetingly sold off when Vladimir Putin made clear his intention to return to the presidency yet again in 2011 (Chart 6). Chart 5Foreign Investors Cheered Jiang's Clinging To Power Chart 6Russian Investors Cheered Putin's Second Presidency While it is impossible to know whether markets will cheer any signs of "Papa Xi" doing away with term limits, it is bad for China's governance in the long run if Xi does not clearly begin grooming a successor with this fall's promotions. An heir-apparent for 2022 would reduce the risks of disruptive power-struggle and would impose a personal deadline on Xi Jinping's reform agenda. That is, a deadline above and beyond the 2020 deadline in the 13th Five Year Plan and the 2021 deadline for the 100th anniversary of the Communist Party's founding. That reform agenda, in turn, is essential for improving China's long-term productivity.15 Bottom Line: The Chinese political system is informal, which means that rules and norms can be bent without altering the underlying principles of balance among the key factions and stability of the regime and society as a whole. Our baseline scenario is a market-positive one: that Xi Jinping will win a victory at the party congress, but that he will not overthrow Hu Jintao's followers and abandon the "collective leadership" model, since that would destroy the overall balance of power and heighten domestic political risks. If Xi loses out to the Hu faction, then we would expect Chinese and China-exposed risk assets to sell off, at least initially. If Xi romps to total victory, excluding Hu's clique from power, we would fade any market rally. Such a development would heighten political risks for the foreseeable future. Investment Conclusions The prospect of a Xi-dominated, yet stable, PSC in China is promising because it suggests that China will have at least a marginally improved policy framework for managing the immense challenges it faces. On the economic front, the loss of the demographic dividend threatens to make China old before it gets rich (Chart 7). Xi will need a unified party, as well as loyal supporters in key posts, if he is to re-energize his productivity-enhancing reforms. On the socio-political front, China's intensifying focus on domestic security is symbolized by draconian media censorship ahead of the party congress and, more broadly, a faster rate of spending on public security than national defense in recent years (Chart 8). Such trends suggest that policy makers are concerned about public support. Income inequality and regional disparities are burning issues in an authoritarian country with a larger and more connected middle class and an incipient civil rights movement. Chart 7Rising Participation Boosted Euro Area Labor Force Growth China's Demographic Challenge Chart 8Social Stability A Major Concern In China In terms of the likely economic and market response, we have highlighted in the past that larger macro-economic trends tend to swamp any effects of China's five-year party congresses. There is no observable correlation between these events and the deviations of China's nominal GDP, credit, or fixed investment from long-term averages going back to 1992 (Chart 9). Chart 9No Clear Policy Impact From Past Party Congresses Moreover, China only has two midterm party congresses to compare to today's party congress, and both occurred in the thick of global financial crises (1997, 2007). This makes it difficult to draw firm conclusions about any impact on Chinese risk assets. A-shares were mostly flat after the 1997 congress but fell after 2007, while H-shares broadly fell after both meetings, as one might expect given the crises raging around them (Chart 10 A&B). Chart 10AChinese Stocks Were Flat Or Down ... Chart 10B... After Past Midterm Party Congresses H-shares, being highly responsive to global financial market turmoil, fell relative to emerging market (EM) equities as well in 1997 and 2007. A-shares were more insulated and outperformed EM stocks during the 1997 crisis, though not in the 2007 crisis (Chart 11 A&B). What is clear - for Chinese domestic investors - is that A-shares outperformed H-shares after the party congresses in 1997 and 2007 (Chart 12). Chart 11AChinese Stocks Sold Off In Relative Terms... Chart 11B...Except A-Shares During The Asian Crisis Chart 12A-Shares Outperformed H-Shares After Midterm Congresses This fall, it would not be surprising to see Chinese and global risk-on attitudes prevail in the immediate aftermath of China's party congress: in the broadest sense, the meeting represents a political recapitalization for the Xi administration. Moreover, the backdrop is positive: global and Chinese growth are on a synchronized upswing, Chinese industrial profits have improved, the Fed is on hold, and China's growth risks and capital outflow pressures have diminished.16 This suggests a marginal positive impact for H-shares as well as A-shares. However, Chinese stocks are no longer trading at a discount relative to peers. Moreover, BCA's Geopolitical Strategy believes that the Xi administration's reform reboot will likely bring tougher financial and environmental regulation that will slow credit growth and cut into corporate profits.17 It also seems likely that 2018 will see the dollar stage a comeback as inflation recovers and the Fed resumes hiking rates.18 For all these reasons, we recommend staying long Chinese stocks relative to EM, on the basis that China's reform efforts will be positive for China's productivity outlook but negative for commodities and EM in 2018. Matt Gertken, Associate Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com 1 Mao's successor Hua Guofeng, and Xi's predecessor Hu Jintao, are the two leaders who did not obtain "core" status. 2 The current norms developed mostly in the 1980s and have evolved since. The list of candidates is mostly pre-arranged by the top leaders. The party congress then votes on which candidates to include, leaving a remainder of about 10% who do not take seats in the Central Committee. 3 Nevertheless, the Central Committee could produce a few surprises. It is almost inevitable that a few major personalities will fail to get promoted into key positions, while others will be catapulted to higher places. There will also be some tea leaves to read about the share of negative votes or abstentions and the implications for different candidates. 4 The political report is filled with arcane Communist Party jargon but is very important. It is a consensus document that takes multiple committees a year or more to draft, though Xi Jinping will give the finishing touches. It will cover a comprehensive range of policies and will be scrutinized closely by experts for slight changes of terminology, emphasis, or omission. Key things to watch for are whether Xi adds or removes entire sections; whether he alters developmental goals outlined in previous administrations; and whether he inserts new concepts or revises party ideology to make way for contentious reforms. As for the party's constitution, the main question of any change is whether Xi's leadership philosophy is incorporated into the Communist Party's guiding thought, and if so, whether Xi's name is explicitly attached to it. The latter in particular would be a sign that Xi's political capital within the party is massive. For additional commentary, please see Alice Miller, "How To Read Xi Jinping's 19th Party Congress Political Report," China Leadership Monitor 53 (2017), available at www.hoover.org. 5 For the "assault stage" of reform, see Robert Lawrence Kuhn, The Man Who Changed China: The Life And Legacy Of Jiang Zemin (NY: Crown, 2004). Jiang had first targeted SOE reform in 1996 in a speech, he launched the policy itself at the party congress in September 1997, and the state began to implement it at the NPC in March 1998. For Hu Jintao's and Wen Jiabao's administrative reforms after the seventeenth party congress, see Willy Wo Lap Lam, "Beijing Unveils Plan For Super Ministries," China Brief, Jamestown Foundation, February 4, 2008. These reforms, which were only part of the overall agenda after the congress, included restructuring the State Council, empowering the National Development and Reform Commission, and setting up "Super-Ministries" to streamline cabinet-level functions. 6 Rumor has it that Xi will keep his anti-corruption chief, Wang Qishan, on the PSC beyond the 69-year mandatory retirement age, and that he could even replace Premier Li Keqiang. We do not expect either to happen, but both are well within the realm of political possibility - particularly retaining Wang. 7 For this estimate, please see Cheng Li, Chinese Politics In The Xi Jinping Era: Reassessing Collective Leadership (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 2016), chapter 9. 8 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "China: Looking Beyond The Party Congress," dated July 19, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 9 Traces of Jiang's power will persist here and there, especially if Wang Qishan remains on the PSC, but the overall effect will be a diminishment of this powerful leadership cohort. Symbolically, just as Deng Xiaoping's death loomed over the fifteenth party congress in 1997, Jiang's impending death will loom over the nineteenth party congress today. 10 Indeed judging solely by the cyclical rotation of Chinese leaders according to generation and faction, Hu Jintao's acolytes are favored to outnumber Jiang Zemin's and Xi Jinping's in the 2017 reshuffle. Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "China: Two Factions, One Party," dated September 2012, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. However, Xi's effectiveness and good luck since coming to power lead us to believe that he will secure his followers on the PSC and Politburo this year: please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Strategic Outlook 2017, "We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now," dated December 14, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 11 For example, Xi Jinping's recent promotions have re-emphasized SOE managers and his policies have supported large "state champion" SOEs. Please see Cheng Li and Lucy Xu, "The rise of state-owned enterprise executives in China's provincial leadership," Brookings, February 22, 2017, available at www.brookings.edu. 12 He came to the top office at a time of significant public dissatisfaction (2012), which meant that he received a kind of "mandate" to make big changes. His faction dominated the PSC, and his sweeping anti-corruption campaign purged the party and state of formidable rivals. In the fall of 2016 he clinched his status as the "core" of the party. 13 As to specific rules, no one should be surprised if they are altered. Take the age limit, which is hotly debated: Jiang Zemin introduced a hard age limit into the PSC in 1997, specifically in a way that prevented the promotion of a heavy-hitting politician, Qiao Shi, while allowing Jiang to continue in power. Now, assume Xi alters the rules to preserve Wang Qishan: this would not necessarily mean that Xi plans to overstay his term limits, though some observers will take it that way. For market participants, the important point is that slight tweaks to informal rules are unlikely to have a big market impact. Consider that Wang has overseen a massive crackdown on corruption, helping clean up the party's image, and is known to be competent in financial regulation as well. If he is retained, will the market really protest? We doubt it. Having said that, we expect him to retire according to the existing rule of thumb. 14 The exception to this statement is if Xi reforms Communist Party political institutions, as some commentators suspect he might, in order to allow the Central Committee to elect the Politburo and PSC directly from its members, thus expanding "intra-party democracy" while also giving Xi a higher likelihood of staying in power. Please see Bo Zhiyue, "Commentary: Sweeping Reforms Expected At Party Congress, But Will Xi Jinping Get All He Wants?" Channel News Asia, August 20, 2017, available at www.channelnewsasia.com. 15 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "Reflections On China's Reforms," in "The Great Risk Rotation - December 2013," dated December 11, 2013; and Special Report, "Taking Stock Of China's Reforms," dated May 13, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. Please also see BCA China Investment Strategy, "Understanding China's Master Plan," dated November 20, 2013, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 16 Please see BCA China Investment Strategy Weekly Reports, "China: Earnings Scorecard And Market Tea Leaves," dated September 7, 2017, and "Monitoring Chinese Capital Outflows And The RMB Internationalization Process," dated August 24, 2017, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. 17 Please see BCA China Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "A Closer Look At Chinese Equity Valuations," dated August 31, 2017, available at cis.bcaresearch.com. For the reform agenda, please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "China: Looking Beyond The Party Congress," dated July 19, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 18 Please see BCA Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Central Bank Showdown," dated September 8, 2017, available at gis.bcaresearch.com.
Special Report Highlights We estimate total Belt & Road Initiative (BRI) investment will rise from US$120 billion this year to about US$170 billion in 2020. The size of BRI investments is about 47 times smaller than China's annual gross fixed capital formation (GFCF). Therefore, a slump in domestic capital spending in China will fully offset the increase in demand for industrial goods and commodities as a result of BRI projects. Pakistan, Kazakhstan and Ghana will benefit the most among major frontier markets from BRI. Investors should consider buying these bourses in sell-off. On a positive note, BRI leads to improved global capital allocation, allows China to export its excess construction and heavy industry capacity, and boosts recipient countries' demand for Chinese exports. Feature China's 'Belt and Road' Initiative (BRI) is on an accelerating path (Chart I-1), with total investment expected to rise from US$120 billion to about US$170 billion over the next three years. Chart I-1Accelerating BRI Investment From China The BRI has been one of the central government's main priorities since late 2013. The primary objectives of the BRI are: To export China's excess capacity in heavy industries and construction to other countries - i.e., build infrastructure in other countries; To expand the country's international influence via a grand plan of funding investments into the 69 countries along the Belt and the Road (B&R) (Chart I-2); To build transportation and communication networks as well as energy supply to facilitate trade and provide China access to other regions, especially Europe and Africa; To facilitate the internationalization of the RMB; To speed up the development of China's poor (and sometimes restive) central and western regions, namely by turning them into economic hubs between coastal China and the BRI countries in the rest of Asia; To boost China's strategic position in central, south, and southeast Asia through security linkages arising from BRI cooperation, as well as from assets (like ports) that could provide military as well as commercial uses in the long run. From a cyclical investment perspective, the pertinent questions for investors are: How big is the current scale of BRI investment, and where is the funding coming from? Will rising BRI investment be able to offset the negative impact from a potential slowdown in Chinese capex spending? Which frontier markets will benefit most from Chinese BRI investment? Chart I-2The Belt And Road Program China's BRI: Scale And Funding Scale China has been implementing its strategic BRI since 2013. To date it has invested in 69 B&R countries through two major approaches: infrastructure project contracts and outward direct investment (ODI). The first approach - investment through projects - is the main mechanism of BRI implementation. BRI projects center on infrastructure development in recipient countries, encompassing construction of transportation (railways, highways, subways, and bridges), energy (power plants and pipelines) and telecommunication infrastructure. The cumulative size of the signed contracts with B&R countries over the past three years is US$383 billion, of which US$182 billion of projects are already completed. However, the value of newly signed contracts in a year does not equal the actual project investment occurred in that year, as generally these contracts will take several years to be implemented and completed. Table I-1 shows our projection of Chinese BRI project investment over the years of 2017-2020, which will reach US$168 billion in 2020. This projection is based on two assumptions: an average three-year investing and implementation period for BRI projects from the date of signing the contract to the commercial operation date (COD) of the project, and an average annual growth rate of 10% for the total value of the annual newly signed contracts over the next three years. Table I-1Projection Of Chinese BRI Project Investment Over The Years 2017-2020 The basis for the first assumption is that the majority of the completed BRI projects were by and large finished within three years, and most of the existing and future BRI projects are also expected to be completed within a three-year period.1 The second assumption of the 10% future growth rate is reasonable, given the 13.5% average annual growth rate for the past two years, but from a low base. These large-scale infrastructure projects were led mainly by Chinese state-owned enterprises (SOEs), and often in the form of BOTs (Build-Operate Transfers), Design-Build-Operate (DBOs), BOOT (Build-Own-Operate-Transfers), BOO (Build-Own-Operate) and other types of Public-Private Partnerships (PPPs). After a Chinese SOE successfully wins a bid on an infrastructure project in a hosting country, the company will typically seek financing from a Chinese source to fund the project, and then execute construction of the project. After the completion of the project, depending on the terms pre-specified in the contract, the company will operate the project for a number of years, which will generate revenues as returns for the company. The second approach - investing into the recipient countries through ODI - is insignificant, with an amount of US$14.5 billion last year. This was only 12% of BRI project investment, and only 8.5% of China's total ODI. Chinese ODI has so far been mainly focused on tertiary industries, particularly in developed countries that can educate China in technology, management, innovation and branding. Besides, most of the Chinese ODI has been in the form of cross-border M&A purchases by Chinese firms, with only a small portion of the ODI targeted at green-field projects, which do not lead to an increase in demand for commodities and capital goods. Therefore, in this report we will only focus on the analysis of project investment as a proxy of Chinese BRI investment, as opposed to ODI. The focal point of this analysis is to gauge the demand outlook for commodities and capital goods originating from BRI. The Sources Of Chinese Funding The projected US$120 billion to US$170 billion BRI investment every year seems affordable for China. This is small in comparison to about US$3-3.5 trillion of new money origination, or about US$3 trillion of bank and shadow-bank credit (excluding borrowing by central and local governments) annually in the past two years. The financing sources for China's BRI investment include China's two policy banks (China Development Bank and the Export-Import Bank of China), two newly established funding sources (Silk Road Fund and Asia Infrastructure Investment Bank), Chinese commercial banks, and other financial institutions/funds. Table I-2 shows our estimate of the breakdown of BRI funding in 2016. Table I-2BRI Funding Sources In 2016 China Development Bank (CDB): As the country's largest development bank, the CDB has total assets of US$2.1 trillion, translating into more than US$350 billion of potential BRI projects over the next 10 years, which could well result in US$35 billion in funding annually from the CDB. The Export-Import Bank of China (EXIM): The EXIM holds an outstanding balance of over 1,000 BRI projects, and has also set up a special lending scheme worth US$19.5 billion over the next three years. This will increase EXIM's BRI lending from last year's US$5 billion to at least US$6.5 billion per year. Silk Road Fund (SRF): The Chinese government launched the SRF in late 2014 with initial funding of US$40 billion to directly support the BRI mission. This year, Chinese President Xi Jinping pledged a funding boost to the SRF with an extra 100 billion yuan (US$15 billion). Therefore, SRF funding to BRI projects over the next three years will be higher than the US$6 billion recorded last year. The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB): The AIIB was established in October 2014 and started lending in January 2016. It only invested US$1.7 billion in loans for nine BRI projects last year. The BRI funding from the AIIB is set to accelerate as the number of member countries has significantly expanded from an original 57 to 80 currently. Chinese commercial banks: Chinese domestic commercial banks, the largest source of BRI funding, have been driving BRI investment momentum. Chinese commercial banks currently fund about 62% of BRI investment and the main financiers are Bank of China (BoC) and Industrial & Commercial Bank of China (ICBC). After lending about US$60 billion over the past two years, the BOC plans to provide US$40 billion this year. The ICBC has 412 BRI projects in its pipeline, involving a total investment of US$337 billion over the next 10 years, which will likely result in an annual US$34 billion in BRI investment. The China Construction Bank (CCB) also has over 180 BRI projects in its pipeline, worth a total investment of US$90 billion over the next five to 10 years. Only three commercial banks will likely fund US$80 billion of BRI projects over the next three years. A few more words about the currency used in BRI funding. The U.S. dollar and Chinese RMB will be the two main currencies employed in BRI funding. Chinese companies can get loans denominated either in RMBs or in USDs from domestic commercial banks/policy banks/special funds/multilateral international banks to buy machinery and equipment (ME) from China. For some PPP projects that involve non-Chinese companies or governments (i.e. those of recipient countries), the local presence can use either USD loans or their central bank's Chinese RMB reserves from the currency swap deal made with China's central bank. China has long looked to recycle its large current account surpluses by pursuing investments in hard assets (land, commodities, infrastructure, etc.) across the world, to mitigate its structural habit of building up large foreign exchange reserves that are mostly invested in low-interest-bearing American government securities. Risky but profitable BRI infrastructure projects are a continuation of this trend. China had so far signed bilateral currency swap agreements worth an aggregate of more than 1 trillion yuan (US$150 billion) with 22 countries or regions along the B&R. The establishment of cross-border RMB payment, clearing and settlement has been gaining momentum, and the use of RMB has been expanding gradually in global trade and investment, notwithstanding inevitable setbacks. Bottom Line: We estimate total BRI investment with Chinese financing will rise from US$120 billion this year to about US$170 billion in 2020, and Chinese financial institutions will be capable of funding it. Can BRI Offset A Slowdown In China's Capex? From a global investors' perspective, a pertinent question around the BRI program is whether the BRI-funded capital spending can offset the potential slowdown in China's domestic investment expenditure. This is essential to gauge the demand outlook for industrial commodities and capital goods worldwide. Our short answer is not likely. Table I-3 reveals that in 2016, gross fixed capital formation (GFCF) in China was estimated by the National Bureau of Statistics to be at RMB 32 trillion, or $4.8 trillion. Table I-3China's GFCF* Vs. China's BRI Investment Expenditures Meantime, China-funded BRI investment expenditure amounted to US$102 billion in 2016. In a nutshell, last year GFCF in China was about 47 times larger than BRI investment expenditures. The question is how much of a drop in mainland GFCF would need to take place to offset the projected BRI investment. The latter will likely amount to US$139 billion in 2018, US$153 billion in 2019 and US$168 billion in 2020. Provided estimated sizes of Chinese GFCF in 2017 are RMB 33.5 trillion (US$4.9 trillion), it would take only 0.4% contraction in GFCF in 2018, 0.3% in 2019 and 2020 to completely offset the rise in BRI-related investment expenditure (Table 3). Chart I-3Record Low Credit Growth... We derive these results by comparing the expected absolute change in BRI capital spending expenditures with the size of China's GFCF. The expected increases in BRI in 2018, 2019 and 2020 are US$20 billion, US$14 billion and US$15 billion. Given the starting point of GFCF in 2017 was US$4.9 trillion, it will take only about 0.4% of decline in $4.9 trillion to offset the $20 billion rise in BRI. In the same way, we estimated that it would take only an annual 0.3% contraction in nominal GFCF in China to completely offset the rise in BRI capital spending in both 2019 and 2020. To be sure, we are not certain that the GFCF will contract in each of the next three years. Yet, odds of such shrinkage in one of these years are substantial. As always, investors face uncertainty, and they need to make assessments. Is an annual 0.4% decline in China's GFCF likely in 2018? In our opinion, it is quite likely, based on our money and credit growth, as illustrated in Chart I-3. Importantly, interest rates in China continue to drift higher. A higher cost of borrowing and regulatory tightening on banks and shadow banking will lead to a meaningful deterioration in China's credit origination. The latter will weigh on investment expenditures. The basis is that the overwhelming portion of GFCF is funded by credit to public and private debtors, and aggregate credit growth has already relapsed. Chart I-4 and Chart I-5 demonstrate that money and credit impulses lead several high-frequency economic variables that tend to correlate with capital expenditure cycles. Chart I-4Negative Money Credit Impulses Point To... Chart I-5...Slowing Capital Expenditure Therefore, we conclude that meaningful weakness in the GFCF is quite likely in 2018, and that it will spill out to 2019 if the government does not counteract it with major stimulus. By and large, odds are that a slump in domestic capital spending in China offset the rise in BRI-related capital expenditures. BCA's Emerging Markets Strategy service has written substantively on motives surrounding China's capital spending and how it is set to slow, and we will not cover these topics. Some reasons why investment spending is bound to slow include: considerable credit excesses/high indebtedness of companies; misallocation of capital and resultant weak cash flow position of companies; non-performing assets on banks' and other creditors' balance sheets and their weak liquidity position. To be sure, investors often ask whether or not material weakness in mainland growth will lead the authorities to stimulate. Odds are they will. Yet, before the slowdown becomes visible in economic numbers, financial markets will likely sell-off. In brief, policymakers are currently tightening and will be late to reverse their policies. Finally, should one compare the entire GFCF, or only part of it? There is a dearth of data to analyze various types of capital spending. In a nutshell, Chart I-6 reveals that installation accounts for roughly 70% of investment, while purchases of equipment account for the remaining 18%. Therefore, we guess the composition of BRI projects will be similar to structure of investment spending in China, and hence it makes sense to use overall GFCF as a comparative benchmark. In addition, the GFCF data is a better measure for Chinese capital spending over Chinese fixed asset investment (FAI) data, as the FAI number includes land values, which have risen significantly over the years and already account for about half of the FAI (Chart I-7). Chart I-6Chinese Fixed Investment Structure Chart I-7GFCF Is A Better Measure Than FAI Bottom Line: While it is hard to forecast and time exact dynamics over the next several years, odds are that the next 12-24 months will turn out to be a period of a slump in China's capital spending. This will more than offset the increase in demand for industrial goods and commodities as a result of BRI projects. Implication For Frontier Markets The BRI, which currently covers 69 countries, will keep expanding its coverage for the foreseeable future. Insofar as it is a way for China to create new markets for its exports, Beijing has no reason to exclude any country. In practice, however, certain countries will receive greater dedication, for the simple reason that their development fits into China's political, military and strategic interests as well as economic interests. As most of the investments are infrastructure-focused, aiming to improve transportation, energy and telecommunication connectivity as well as special economic zones, the recipient countries, especially underdeveloped frontier markets, will benefit considerably from China's BRI. Table I-4 shows that Pakistan, Kazakhstan and Ghana will benefit the most among major frontier markets, as the planned BRI investment in those countries amounts to a significant amount of their GDP. Chart I-8 also shows that, in terms of current account deficit coverage by the Chinese BRI funding, the three countries that stand to benefit most are also Pakistan, Kazakhstan and Ghana. Table I-1The B&R Countries That Benefit From ##br##China's BRI Investment (Ranged From High-To-Low) Chart I-8Chinese BRI Funding's Impact On ##br##External Account Of B&R Countries Of these, clearly Pakistan and Kazakhstan have the advantage of attracting China's strategic as well as economic interest: Kazakhstan offers China greater access into Central Asia and broader Eurasia; Pakistan is a large-population market that offers a means of accessing the Indian Ocean without the geopolitical complications of Southeast and East Asia. These states also neighbor China's restive Xinjiang, where Beijing hopes economic development can discourage separatist and terrorist activities. Pakistan Pakistan is a key prospect for China's exports in of itself, and in the long run offers a maritime waystation and an energy transit hub separate from China's other supply lines. For China, it is a critical alternative to Myanmar and the Malacca Strait. In April 2015, China announced a remarkable US$46.4 billion CPEC (China-Pakistan Economic Corridor) investment plan in Pakistan, equal to 16.4% of Pakistani GDP. It is expected to be implemented over five years. In particular, the planned US$33.2 billion energy investment will increase Pakistan's existing power capacity by 70% from 2017 to 2023. On the whole, China's CPEC plan will be significantly positive to economic development in Pakistan in the long run, but in the near term it is still not enough to boost the nation's competitiveness (Chart I-9A, top panel). Chart I-9AOur Calls Have Been Correct Chart I-9BTop 3 Frontier Markets Benefiting Most ##br##From Chinese BRI Investment Also, as about 40% of the investment has already been invested over the previous two years, odds are that China's CPEC investment will go slower and smaller this year and over the next few years. BCA's Frontier Markets Strategy service's recent tactical bearish call on Pakistani stocks has been correct, with a 25% decline in the MSCI Pakistan Index in U.S. dollar terms since our recommendation in March (Chart I-9B, top panel).2 We remain tactically cautious for now. Kazakhstan Kazakhstan is a key transit corridor for Chinese goods to enter Europe and the Middle East. In June 2017, Chinese and Kazakh enterprises and financial institutions signed at least 24 deals worth more than US$8 billion. China's BRI investment in Kazakhstan facilitated the country's accelerated economic growth (Chart I-9A, middle panel). BCA's Frontier Markets Strategy service reiterates its positive view on Kazakhstan equities because of a recuperating economy, considerable fiscal stimulus and rising Chinese BRI investment (Chart I-9B, middle panel).3 Ghana Ghana is not strategic for China (it is a minor supplier of oil). Instead, it illustrates the fact that BRI is not always relevant to China's strategic or geopolitical interests. Sometimes it is simply about China's need to invest its surplus U.S. liquidity into hard assets around the world. Of course, Ghana itself will benefit considerably from the committed US$19 billion BRI investment, which was announced only a few months ago. This is a huge amount for the country, equaling 45% of Ghana's 2016 GDP. This massive fresh investment will boost Ghana's economic growth in both the near and long term (Chart I-9A, bottom panel). BCA's Frontier Markets Strategy service upgraded its stance on the Ghanaian equity market from negative to neutral in absolute terms at the end of July, and we also recommended overweighting the bourse relative to the broader MSCI EM universe (Chart I-9B, bottom panel).4 Our positive view on Ghana remains unchanged for now and we are looking to establish a long position in the absolute terms in this bourse amid a potential EM-wide sell-off. Other Macro Ramifications Industrial goods and commodities/materials are vulnerable. BRI will not change the fact that a potential relapse in capital spending in China will lead to diminishing growth in commodities demand. If there is a massive slowdown in property market like China experienced in 2015, which is very likely due to lingering excesses, Chinese commodity and industrial goods demand could even contract (Chart I-10). Notably, mainland's imports of base metals have been flat since 2010, and imports of capital goods shank in 2015 even though GDP and GFCF growth were positive (Chart I-11). The point is that there could be another cyclical contraction in Chinese imports of commodities and industrial goods, even if headline GDP and GFCF do not contract. Chart I-10Chinese Capital Goods Imports Could Contract Again Chart I-11Imports Of Metals Could Slow Further As China accounts for 50% of global demand of industrial metals and it imports about US$ 589 billion of industrial goods and materials annually, either decelerating growth or outright demand contraction will be negative news for global commodities markets and industrial goods producers. China's Exports Have A Brighter Outlook China's machinery and equipment (ME) exports account for 47% of total exports, and 9% of its GDP (Table I-5). The BRI investment will boost Chinese ME exports directly through large infrastructure projects. Table I-5Structure Of Chinese Exports (2016) Meantime, robust income growth in the recipient countries will boost their demand for household goods (Chart I-12). China has a very strong competitive advantage in white and consumer goods production, especially in low-price segments that are popular in developing economies. Therefore, not only is China exporting its excess construction and heavy industry capacity, but the BRI is also boosting recipient countries' demand for Chinese household and other goods exports. Adding up dozens of countries like Ghana can result in a meaningful augmentation in China's customer base. Notably, Chinese total exports have exhibited signs of improvement as Chinese ME exports and exports to the major B&R countries have contributed to a rising share of total Chinese exports since 2015 (Chart I-13). Chart I-12BRI Will Lift Chinese Exports Of ##br##Capital And Consumer Goods Chart I-13Signs Of Improvement In Chinese Exports ##br##Due To Rising BRI Investment BRI Leads To Improved Global Capital Allocation BRI is one of a very few global initiatives that improves the quality of global capital allocation. Therefore, it is bullish for global growth from a structural perspective. By shifting capital spending from a country that has already invested a lot in the past 20 years (China) to the ones that have been massively underinvested, BRI boosts the marginal productivity of capital. One billion dollars invested in the underinvested recipient countries will generate more benefits than the same amount invested in China. Risks To BRI Projects Notable deterioration in the health of Chinese banks may meaningfully curtail BRI funding, as Chinese non-policy banks will likely need to provide 60% of BRI projects' funding. Political stability/changes in destination countries: As most infrastructure projects have been authorized by the top government and need their cooperation, any changes in the recipient countries' governments or regimes may slow down or deter BRI projects. China already has a checkered past with developing countries where it has invested heavily. This is because of its employment of Chinese instead of local labor, its pursuit of flagship projects seen as benefiting elites rather than commoners, its allegedly corrupt ties with ruling parties, and perceived exploitation of natural resources to the neglect of the home nation. As China's involvement grows, local politics will be more difficult to manage, requiring China to suffer occasional losses due to political reversals or to defend its assets through aggressive economic sanctions, or even expeditionary force. For now, as there are no clear signs that any these risks are imminent, we remain positive on the further implementation of China's BRI program. Ellen JingYuan He, Editor/Strategist ellenj@bcaresearch.com Arthur Budaghyan, Senior Vice President Emerging Markets Strategy arthurb@bcaresearch.com 1 China has long been known to use three-year periods - as distinct from its better known "five year plans" - for major domestic initiatives. In 2016, the National Development and Reform Commission re-emphasized three-year planning periods for "continuous, rolling" implementation. 2 Please see BCA's Frontier Markets Strategy Special Report "Pakistani Stocks: A Top Is At Hand", published March 13, 2017. Available at fms.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see BCA's Frontier Markets Strategy Special Report "Kazakhstan: A Touch Less Dependent On Oil Prices", published March 28, 2017. Available at fms.bcaresearch.com. 4 Please see BCA's Frontier Markets Strategy Special Report "Ghana: Sailing On Chinese Winds", published July 31, 2017. Available at fms.bcaresearch.com.