Populism/Inequality

Dear Client, I am visiting clients in Asia. Along with a brief Weekly Report, we are sending you this Special Report written by my colleague Marko Papic, Chief Strategist of BCA's Geopolitical Strategy service. Marko argues that the U.S. is vulnerable to serious socio-political instability by the 2020 election, as a result of the widening gulf between elites and the rest. Trump, thus far, seems unlikely to bridge this gap. I hope you will find this report both interesting and informative. Best regards, Peter Berezin, Chief Strategist Global Investment Strategy Highlights The United States has produced too many elites, while popular well-being has fallen; Elite-controlled institutions have failed to protect households from the negatives of globalization and technological change; Tribalism, polarization, and money politics are preventing political compromise; Trump won by assaulting the "elites" but neither his policies, Congress, nor the economy look to improve well-being; With recession likely by 2019, the U.S. will see a revolt of some kind by the 2020 election. Feature Crime is increasing Trigger happy policing Panic is spreading God knows where We're heading Oh, make me wanna holler They don't understand Make me wanna holler They don't understand - Marvin Gaye, "Inner City Blues," 1971 If we had to explain the election of Donald Trump and the decision by U.K. voters to exit the EU with one chart it would be Chart 1. It depicts the relationship between high income inequality and low generational mobility and suggests that highly unequal societies develop structures that perpetuate unequal income through generations.1 The U.S. and the U.K. stand at the extreme of the relationship, with Italy close behind. Chart 1 Not surprisingly, the common people, "the plebs," in all three countries are dissatisfied with the arrangement. Low social mobility perpetuates unequal economic outcomes, throwing middle- and low-income voters into a sense of desperation. They fear that both their children's lot in life and their own is already decided, i.e. cannot and will not improve. A pre-election Gallup study of 125,000 American adults confirms that President Trump's support was strongest among voters in communities with poor health and low generational mobility.2 Of no relevance was whether respondents came from areas supposed to suffer most heavily from the ills that Trump opposed, i.e. communities exposed to global competition via trade, or those with high levels of immigration, or areas with relatively high unemployment and low incomes. America is supposed to be immune to income inequality because of social mobility. Equality of opportunity matters more than equality of outcome. This is the trade-off that has existed at the heart of America since its founding. For decades this trade-off has atrophied. Donald Trump was then elected to bring the U.S. back to its default setting. In this report, we explain why it may be too late and what will happen if he fails. If BCA's House View is correct, that a recession will occur by the end of 2019 (if not earlier), then the economic and political conditions are ripe for serious socio-political instability by the 2020 election.3 The Dynamic Of Elite Overproduction In Why Nations Fail, economist Daron Acemoglu and political scientist James Robinson tell a story of "How Venice Became A Museum."4 From the eleventh to fourteenth century, Venice was one of the richest places in the world. Behind its rapid economic expansion was the commenda, an early form of a joint-stock company formed for the duration of a single trading mission. It spurred Venice's ambitious entrepreneurs to find new trading routes by allowing them to share in the profits with the owners of capital who funded the risky journeys. As new families enriched themselves, political institutions grew more inclusive to accommodate them: in 1032, for instance, Venice held elections for its doge, or leader. An independent judiciary, private contracts, and bankruptcy laws followed. By 1330, Venice was a wealthy and strikingly modern republic with a population as large as that of Paris. The commenda system, however, had a dark side: creative destruction. Each new wave of young, enterprising explorers reduced the political privileges and profits of the established elites. In the late thirteenth century, these elites began to restrict membership in the Great Council, or legislature. Such efforts culminated in La Serrata ("The Closure") in 1297, which severely restricted access to the Great Council for new members but expanded it for families of established elites. An economic serrata quickly followed the political one, and the commenda system that underpinned Venice's wealth was replaced by a state monopoly on trade in 1314. The rest is, as they say, history. Venice rapidly declined as the newly closed economic and political institutions failed to deal with the rise of Portugal and Spain, the revolution in navigation and discovery of new trade routes to the East, and various regional attempts to encroach on its wealth and power. After the seventeenth century this decline accelerated. Today, its only source of income is tourism, which parlays the pre-Serrata wonders - such as the Doge's Palace and St. Mark's Cathedral - for cash that the city desperately needs to keep itself afloat.5 Acemoglu and Robinson make the case in their research that societies with both politically and economically inclusive institutions are rare. They cite a number of reasons for this, but the one that is most relevant to this report is "elite overproduction." Elites have a perfectly human and rational desire to perpetuate their political and economic privileges and pass them on to their children. A society that truly promotes equality of opportunity is one that leaves its elites to the fates. The elite desire to pass on privileges to future generations is a constant, but human conflict and state collapse are cyclical. Peter Turchin, a biologist who studies human conflict, has noted that periods of intense conflict in societies tend to recur within 40-to-60-year cycles. He posits that elite overproduction - and its counterpart, low societal well-being - is to blame.6 In post-industrial societies, low and falling labor costs are one of the principal conditions for elite multiplication. International trade, immigration, technological advancements, and investment in human and physical capital all suppress labor costs, benefiting the consumers of labor, i.e. the elites. Globalization has played a particularly important role in suppressing wages in the modern developed world. It expanded the global supply of labor by opening up new populations to capitalism (Chart 2), leading to suppressed wage growth for the middle classes in advanced economies (Chart 3). This process has been reinforced by technological change, particularly innovation that is biased in favor of capital (i.e. saving on labor costs) (Chart 4). Chart 2Globalization Expanded ##br##The Global Supply Of Labor... Globalization Expanded The Global Supply Of Labor... Globalization Expanded The Global Supply Of Labor... Chart 3 Chart 4 As elites capture an ever-greater share of the economic pie (even a growing economic pie), they become accustomed to ever greater levels of consumption, which drives inter-elite competition for social status. Everyone tries to "keep up with the Joneses," which for many is only achievable by supplementing wages with debt (Chart 5).7 The demand for elite goods - say homes in the "right" zip codes - exhibits runaway growth as the cost of elite membership rises and as sub-elites with rising income levels compete for access (Chart 6). Chart 5Credit Supplanted Income Credit Supplanted Income Credit Supplanted Income Chart 6Middle Class Incomes Don't ##br##Buy Middle Class Goods Middle Class Incomes Don't Buy Middle Class Goods Middle Class Incomes Don't Buy Middle Class Goods Focusing on the U.S., Turchin shows that Americans are today living in the second "Gilded Age." His research shows that "elite overproduction" has not been this high, and "population well-being" this low, since the early twentieth century (Chart 7). He calculates population well-being as a combination of general health, family formation, and wage and employment prospects. All indicators are currently in decline relative to history, save for health. But even life expectancy is taking a hit, albeit for select demographic groups most negatively impacted by poor job and wage prospects (Chart 8). Chart 7 Chart 8 For elite overproduction, Turchin relies on standard measures: wealth inequality, university education cost, and political polarization. This makes intuitive sense, since major policies aimed at reversing entrenched inequality can only be enacted after polarization has fallen due to events that subdued elites, such as major economic calamities or geopolitical challenges - e.g. the New Deal following the Great Depression, or the Great Society following World War II and amidst the Cold War. The danger of extreme polarization between elite prosperity and general well-being is that it is theoretically and empirically associated with political polarization, social unrest, and war. Acemoglu and Robinson detail case after case - from ancient Mayans and Romans to modern French and Japanese - in which the competition for resources between elites and the general population led to civil strife or all-out warfare. Meanwhile Turchin's research shows that politically motivated violence in the U.S. (Chart 9), which last peaked 50 years ago in the late 1960s, is associated with large gaps in well-being between elites and the masses (Chart 10).8 Chart 9 Chart 10 Bottom Line: Elite overproduction has been identified by academic research as a constant source of social instability throughout human history. Elites subvert inclusive political and economic institutions in order to stifle creative destruction, which would enrich new entrepreneurs but dilute elite privileges. As such, societies that prevent elite overproduction and promote equality of opportunity (and creative destruction) are successful in perpetuating themselves over the long term. Repatrimonialization In The U.S. Chart 11Tax Rates Were High In The Roaring '50s Tax Rates Were High In The Roaring '50s Tax Rates Were High In The Roaring '50s A sure sign that a society is in decline? When elites strive to hold onto their status and create barriers to entry for others. In the case of Venice, these barriers were overtly political. Le Serrata was followed by the introduction of Libro d'Oro (the "Golden Book"), which created an official registry of Venetian families that would be allowed to share in the deliberations of the Great Council. As the population revolted against such measures, Venice introduced a police force in 1310, with other coercive methods to follow. Today, the U.S. exhibits similar signs of institutional capture by the elites, albeit updated for the twenty-first century. Political theorist Francis Fukuyama calls this process "repatrimonialization." It occurs amidst long periods of economic prosperity and peace, as elites lose sight of their symbiotic relationship with fellow citizens and begin to serve their own "tribal" interests.9 Note in the above Chart 7 that elite overproduction, as defined by Turchin, reaches its peak after long periods of peace: the first high point came in 1902, 37 years after the Civil War, and the second came in 2007, 62 years after World War II. The latter case in particular suggests that as threats dissipate, elites lose sight of personal sacrifices - military service, income redistribution, public service, public works - that are required for geopolitical competition with peer challengers. At the height of the Cold War (1949 to 1962), for example, the top marginal tax rate in the U.S. was 92% (Chart 11).10 The point is not the tax rate, but that elites were far more acquiescent to fiscal sacrifices on behalf of the public. Fukuyama points to the U.K. and the U.S. as the two countries that have been the least politically responsive to the challenges of globalization and technological change in the developed world. In the case of the U.S., this is because interest groups are capable of steering policy towards further globalization and technological change. Both processes have also empowered elites, which have steered policy towards less redistribution and more austerity for the middle classes. The data is clear on this point. Despite Europe's being as exposed to globalization and technological advances as the U.S., European median wage growth has kept pace with GDP growth since 2000, whereas in the U.S. it not only failed to keep up but declined over the same time period (Chart 12). Chart 12Europe Shielded ##br##Households From Global Winds Europe Shielded Households From Global Winds Europe Shielded Households From Global Winds What are some of the mechanisms of repatrimonialization in the U.S. and can they be reversed? The good news is that elite capture of state institutions is now out in the open and easy to identify. Both Donald Trump and Democratic candidate Senator Bernie Sanders campaigned explicitly against it. The bad news is that it is unlikely to be reversed endogenously, at least not without a catalyst. What follows is a short description of the most salient problems facing the country as a result of elite entrenchment. Campaign Financing The 2010 Supreme Court decision Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission gave rise to political action committees, also known as Super PACs. These groups are allowed to receive unlimited contributions from individuals and corporations as long as they do not cooperate, coordinate, or directly contribute funding to actual candidates. This supposed firewall, however, is a fig leaf. The elimination of caps on this type of campaign financing allows single-issue groups and even single individuals with deep pockets to fund fringe candidates or support single-issue ballot measures that would otherwise lack sources of funding. This is especially important in primary elections where turnout is very low. In response, incumbent legislators have to tread carefully and avoid angering individual donors or Super PACs that could single-handedly fund a campaign against them in the primary elections, especially since the average cost of a congressional election campaign is relatively low at $1.4 million (a small amount compared to the funds that can be brought to bear by activist donors). In 2012, more than 40% of the campaign donations used in all federal elections was contributed by 0.01% of the voting-age population. That means that about 24,000 people were responsible for a near-majority of all contributions.11 Two other findings reported in the academic literature provide insight on how (and if) that money might steer policy. First, a study confirmed the general belief that the wealthiest Americans are much more conservative than the general public when it comes to tax policy and economic regulation.12 Second, another study found that when the policy preferences of the top 10% of income earners diverge from the preferences of the bottom 50%, the policy outcome is more likely to reflect the intentions of the former group.13 Polarization Political polarization benefits elites by impeding the democratic process and locking in rules that are beneficial to the status quo. Chart 13 shows that income inequality and political polarization in the sphere of economic policy are correlated.14 The simple reason the two are so highly correlated is because the right-of-center Republican Party increasingly opposes redistribution, while the left-of-center Democratic Party favors it. As the two parties diverge on matters of economic principle, compromises become virtually impossible, locking redistributive efforts at the current levels favored by the elites. Polarization is subsequently reinforced by electoral-district "gerrymandering" and an extremely bifurcated and increasingly distrusted news media. Over the last two decades, both the Democrats and Republicans (but mainly the latter due to their superior position at the state level) have redrawn administrative boundaries to create "ideologically pure" electoral districts. Of the 435 seats in the House of Representatives, only about 56 are truly competitive (Chart 14). Chart 13Inequality Fuels Political Polarization Inequality Fuels Political Polarization Inequality Fuels Political Polarization Chart 14Few Congressional Seats Truly Competitive Few Congressional Seats Truly Competitive Few Congressional Seats Truly Competitive Tribalization Elite overproduction often leads to the tribalization of society. Elites, to ensure that they are not torn asunder by the plebs, mobilize the population behind various causes that divert attention away from themselves, i.e. away from the real cause of social malaise. These causes are "wedge issues," in today's parlance. They can include identity politics, religious issues, as well as foreign policy. The Democratic Party has often relied on identity issues to mobilize support, but the effort kicked into high gear as it evolved from a redistributive "Old Left" party to the more centrist, "Third Way," neo-liberal orientation of Bill Clinton's presidency. Senator Bernie Sanders attempted to reverse this trend and overtly downplayed identity politics during his presidential campaign. He saw his party's neo-liberal turn as an elite-driven effort to distract from the real problems affecting low-income households. Hillary Clinton, the neo-liberal Democrat, by contrast, suffered as a result of the perception that she was an elite. Chart 15 The problem is that these wedge issues have begun to ossify into actual identities. For example, Pew Research showed in 2012 that the difference between Americans on a list of 48 values is the greatest between Republicans and Democrats, as opposed to other elements of identity. This has not always been the case, as Chart 15 shows. We suspect that this data will grow even starker after the divisive, borderline hysterical 2016 campaign. This means that "Republican" and "Democrat" labels have become almost tribal in nature. In fact, one's values are now determined more by one's party identification than race, education, income, religiosity, or gender! This is incredible, given America's history of racial and religious divisions. Bottom Line: America's repatrimonialization is advanced. The democratic process, which is supposed to adjudicate between interest groups and regulate elite economic and political privileges, has been drawn to a halt by polarization, the political influence of big money, and emerging tribalism between non-elites. It is extremely difficult to see how these hurdles can be overcome via America's regular political process. As such, they will be resolved only after some kind of crisis, whether endogenous or exogenous. Will Trump Fix It? President Donald Trump famously said in his nomination speech at the Republican Convention, "I alone can fix it." In a way, he may be correct. Although he is very much part of the American economic elite, he has no links to the D.C. establishment and owes no favors to special interest groups.15 His entire campaign personified the conclusions of this report: that the U.S. economy has been captured by economic and political elites and that the well-being of regular citizens is in the doldrums. It is unfair to judge President Trump's record and legacy based on a little over four months in office. However, we lean heavily towards the conclusion that his efforts to undermine American patricians will ultimately fail. Here is why: Policy President Trump does not have much of a legislative record. Nonetheless, his first major piece of legislation - the Obamacare repeal and replace bill - would, in its current form, leave 14 million people without health care - and an estimated 24 million by 2026. If not substantially revised, the bill is likely to impose a roughly $445 billion burden on U.S. households in order to pay for the "hyuge" tax cuts that Trump has promised (Chart 16). Further throwing Trump's plebeian credentials into doubt is his second signature legislative act: tax reform. His campaign proposal fell largely in line with previous Republican efforts, which, it should be noted, have contributed greatly to elite overproduction in the U.S. (Chart 17). Trump's original proposal would cut the top marginal rate from 39.6% to 33%, but would also leave a significant number of middle-class Americans with an increase, or no change, to their marginal tax rate.16 We expect that his White House team will adjust this original plan to offer middle-class tax cuts, but the main thrust of the effort is still to eliminate estate taxes and lower the top marginal rates significantly. Chart 16 Chart 17Tax Reform Always Benefits Elites Tax Reform Always Benefits Elites Tax Reform Always Benefits Elites On trade and immigration, Trump has little record to show. His meeting with President Xi Jinping of China revealed that he is like previous presidents in talking tough about Chinese trade on the campaign trail yet lacking the desire to take aggressive action once in office. We expect that Trump will eventually pivot towards greater protectionism, but it is not clear that it will be executed in a way that actually improves household well-being.17 Congress So far Trump has shown that he is more interested in getting legislation passed than shaping it in a populist way. For example, he has urged Congress to pass the Obamacare replacement even though many conservative Senators are wary of its negative impact on households. If he adopts the same strategy with tax reform, we would suspect that he will err on the side of "getting things done," rather than fulfilling his campaign pledges to blue-collar workers. The problem for Trump is the same problem President Obama had: polarization. Trump would be far more successful in passing populist legislation if he developed a working relationship with Democrats, who ostensibly have discarded the elitism of the Clinton years. Yet to do so he would have to "betray" his only friends, leaving himself vulnerable should the Democrats refuse to play ball. He is thus stuck with partisan Republican policies, which means voters are stuck with a lack of compromise. Macroeconomics Populists everywhere have one overarching goal when they come to power: boosting nominal GDP growth (Chart 18). We suspect that Trump will ultimately get tax reform through Congress and that it will be moderately stimulative.18 Chart 18 The problem is that the U.S. economic recovery is already far advanced. As such, even moderate stimulus could hasten the timing of an economic recession. Given the lack of major economic imbalances, it is unlikely that such a recession would freeze the financial system and be as painful as that of 2008-9. Nonetheless, the trade-off between moderate stimulus and a quicker recession is unlikely to benefit Trump's voters. Bottom Line: Donald Trump has tapped into the deep social malaise in the U.S. and responded to the populace's demands that elite overproduction be curbed. Unfortunately, his track record during the campaign and as president gives little evidence that he will be successful in restraining America's elites. Especially because he is forced to cooperate with them through Congress, and in a way that does not encourage broad compromise. Investment Implications We suspect that polarization will grow throughout Trump's term and that he will largely be unsuccessful in pursuing an agenda that genuinely increases opportunity or well-being. In fact, we would bet that most of his policies will contribute to, not reduce, elite overproduction in the U.S. What happens when Donald Trump fails to reform America and resolve its elite overproduction problem? If a recession occurs by 2019 - our House View at BCA - then the economic and political conditions suggest that a serious revolt is in the cards by the time of the 2020 election. By this we mean not just an electoral revolt, like Trump's election, but also a concrete increase in social tension and unrest. A repeat of the 2011 Occupy Wall Street protests, yet more violent, could be in cards. By the 2020 election, we would also suspect that our clients may look back fondly, with nostalgia, for Senator Bernie Sander's campaign platform, which by that point may look downright centrist. Investors should prepare for an increase in economic populist policy proposals, from both the left and the right. If economic policy begins to steer towards populism, investors should bet on higher inflation and thus higher nominal - but potentially lower real - Treasury yields. The independence of the Fed could also suffer, putting considerable downward pressure on the USD. In this environment, equities will outperform bonds, but global assets should outperform those of the U.S. Gold, which has failed as a safe-haven asset in the contemporary deflationary era, should become attractive once again.19 Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Chief Geopolitical Strategist marko@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see Miles Corak, "Income Inequality, Equality of Opportunity, and Intergenerational Mobility," Forschungsinstitut zur Zukunft der Arbeit, Discussion paper no. 7520, July 2013, available at iza.org. 2 Please see Jonathan Rothwell and Pablo Diego-Rosell, "Explaining Nationalist Political Views: The Case Of Donald Trump," Gallup, dated November 2, 2016, available at papers.ssrn.com. 3 Please see BCA's The Bank Credit Analyst Special Report, "Beware The 2019 Trump Recession," dated March 7, 2017, available at bca.bcaresearch.com, and Global Investment Strategy Outlook, "Second Quarter 2017: A Three-Act Play," dated March 31, 2017, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 4 Please see Daren Acemoglu and James A. Robinson, Why Nations Fail (New York: Crown Publishers, 2012). 5 Literally. 6 Please see Peter Turchin and Sergey Nefedov, Secular Cycles (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2009). 7 Please see Neal Fligstein et al, "Keeping up with the Joneses: Inequality and Indebtedness, in the Era of the Housing Price Bubble, 1999-2007," presented at the Annual Meetings of the American Sociological Association, August 2015. 8 Please see Peter Turchin, "Dynamics of political instability in the United States, 1780-2010," Journal of Peace Research 49:4 (2012), pp. 577-91. 9 Please see Francis Fukuyama, Political Order And Political Decay (New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 2014). 10 Today's dispersed terrorist threat does not even come close to approximating the threat that the Soviet Union during the Cold War presented to the U.S., and as such we do not consider it seriously as an existential threat to either the U.S. or the West. Please see BCA Global Investment Strategy and Geopolitical Strategy, "A Bull Market For Terror," dated August 5, 2016, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 11 Please see Adam Bonica et al., "Why Hasn't Democracy Slowed Rising Inequality?" Journal of Economic Perspectives 27:3 (Summer 2013), pp. 103-24. 12 Please see Benjamin Page et al., "Democracy And The Policy Preferences Of Wealthy Americans," Perspectives On Politics 11:1 (March 2013), pp. 51-73. 13 Please see Martin Gilens, "Inequality And Democratic Responsiveness," Public Opinion Quarterly 69:5 (2005), pp. 778-796. 14 The latter measure of polarization is one of Turchin's factors in elite overproduction. 15 Save for the Kremlin! We jest, we jest. At least, we think we jest ... 16 Several groups would have seen no substantial tax cuts under his original campaign plan. Those making $15,000-$19,000 would have seen their tax rate increase from 10% to 12%. Those making $52,500-101,500 would have seen their rate stay the same at 25%, while those making $127,500-$200,500 would have seen their rate rise from 28% to 33%. Please see Jim Nunns et al, "An Analysis Of Donald Trump's Revised Tax Plan," Tax Policy Center, October 18, 2016, available at www.taxpolicycenter.org. For our original discussion, see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Constraints And Preferences Of The Trump Presidency," dated November 30, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 17 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Political Risks Are Understated In 2018," dated April 12, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 18 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Buy In May And Enjoy Your Day," dated April 26, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 19 Please see The Bank Credit Analyst Special Report, "Stairway To (Safe) Haven: Investing In Times Of Crisis," dated August 25, 2016, available at bca.bcaresearch.com.

Highlights The United States has produced too many elites, while popular well-being has fallen; Elite-controlled institutions have failed to protect households from the negatives of globalization and technological change; Tribalism, polarization, and money politics are preventing political compromise; Trump won by assaulting the "elites" but neither his policies, Congress, nor the economy look to improve well-being; With recession likely by 2019, the U.S. will see a revolt of some kind by the 2020 election. Feature Crime is increasing Trigger happy policing Panic is spreading God knows where We're heading Oh, make me wanna holler They don't understand Make me wanna holler They don't understand - Marvin Gaye, "Inner City Blues," 1971 If we had to explain the election of Donald Trump and the decision by U.K. voters to exit the EU with one chart it would be Chart 1. It depicts the relationship between high income inequality and low generational mobility and suggests that highly unequal societies develop structures that perpetuate unequal income through generations.1 The U.S. and the U.K. stand at the extreme of the relationship, with Italy close behind. Chart 1 Not surprisingly, the common people, "the plebs," in all three countries are dissatisfied with the arrangement. Low social mobility perpetuates unequal economic outcomes, throwing middle- and low-income voters into a sense of desperation. They fear that both their children's lot in life and their own is already decided, i.e. cannot and will not improve. A pre-election Gallup study of 125,000 American adults confirms that President Trump's support was strongest among voters in communities with poor health and low generational mobility.2 Of no relevance was whether respondents came from areas supposed to suffer most heavily from the ills that Trump opposed, i.e. communities exposed to global competition via trade, or those with high levels of immigration, or areas with relatively high unemployment and low incomes. America is supposed to be immune to income inequality because of social mobility. Equality of opportunity matters more than equality of outcome. This is the trade-off that has existed at the heart of America since its founding. For decades this trade-off has atrophied. Donald Trump was then elected to bring the U.S. back to its default setting. In this report, we explain why it may be too late and what will happen if he fails. If BCA's House View is correct, that a recession will occur by the end of 2019 (if not earlier), then the economic and political conditions are ripe for serious socio-political instability by the 2020 election.3 The Dynamic Of Elite Overproduction In Why Nations Fail, economist Daron Acemoglu and political scientist James Robinson tell a story of "How Venice Became A Museum."4 From the eleventh to fourteenth century, Venice was one of the richest places in the world. Behind its rapid economic expansion was the commenda, an early form of a joint-stock company formed for the duration of a single trading mission. It spurred Venice's ambitious entrepreneurs to find new trading routes by allowing them to share in the profits with the owners of capital who funded the risky journeys. As new families enriched themselves, political institutions grew more inclusive to accommodate them: in 1032, for instance, Venice held elections for its doge, or leader. An independent judiciary, private contracts, and bankruptcy laws followed. By 1330, Venice was a wealthy and strikingly modern republic with a population as large as that of Paris. The commenda system, however, had a dark side: creative destruction. Each new wave of young, enterprising explorers reduced the political privileges and profits of the established elites. In the late thirteenth century, these elites began to restrict membership in the Great Council, or legislature. Such efforts culminated in La Serrata ("The Closure") in 1297, which severely restricted access to the Great Council for new members but expanded it for families of established elites. An economic serrata quickly followed the political one, and the commenda system that underpinned Venice's wealth was replaced by a state monopoly on trade in 1314. The rest is, as they say, history. Venice rapidly declined as the newly closed economic and political institutions failed to deal with the rise of Portugal and Spain, the revolution in navigation and discovery of new trade routes to the East, and various regional attempts to encroach on its wealth and power. After the seventeenth century this decline accelerated. Today, its only source of income is tourism, which parlays the pre-Serrata wonders - such as the Doge's Palace and St. Mark's Cathedral - for cash that the city desperately needs to keep itself afloat.5 Acemoglu and Robinson make the case in their research that societies with both politically and economically inclusive institutions are rare. They cite a number of reasons for this, but the one that is most relevant to this report is "elite overproduction." Elites have a perfectly human and rational desire to perpetuate their political and economic privileges and pass them on to their children. A society that truly promotes equality of opportunity is one that leaves its elites to the fates. The elite desire to pass on privileges to future generations is a constant, but human conflict and state collapse are cyclical. Peter Turchin, a biologist who studies human conflict, has noted that periods of intense conflict in societies tend to recur within 40-to-60-year cycles. He posits that elite overproduction - and its counterpart, low societal well-being - is to blame.6 In post-industrial societies, low and falling labor costs are one of the principal conditions for elite multiplication. International trade, immigration, technological advancements, and investment in human and physical capital all suppress labor costs, benefiting the consumers of labor, i.e. the elites. Globalization has played a particularly important role in suppressing wages in the modern developed world. It expanded the global supply of labor by opening up new populations to capitalism (Chart 2), leading to suppressed wage growth for the middle classes in advanced economies (Chart 3). This process has been reinforced by technological change, particularly innovation that is biased in favor of capital (i.e. saving on labor costs) (Chart 4). Chart 2Globalization Expanded ##br##The Global Supply Of Labor... Globalization Expanded The Global Supply Of Labor... Globalization Expanded The Global Supply Of Labor... Chart 3 Chart 4 As elites capture an ever-greater share of the economic pie (even a growing economic pie), they become accustomed to ever greater levels of consumption, which drives inter-elite competition for social status. Everyone tries to "keep up with the Joneses," which for many is only achievable by supplementing wages with debt (Chart 5).7 The demand for elite goods - say homes in the "right" zip codes - exhibits runaway growth as the cost of elite membership rises and as sub-elites with rising income levels compete for access (Chart 6). Chart 5Credit Supplanted Income Credit Supplanted Income Credit Supplanted Income Chart 6Middle Class Incomes Don't ##br##Buy Middle Class Goods Middle Class Incomes Don't Buy Middle Class Goods Middle Class Incomes Don't Buy Middle Class Goods Focusing on the U.S., Turchin shows that Americans are today living in the second "Gilded Age." His research shows that "elite overproduction" has not been this high, and "population well-being" this low, since the early twentieth century (Chart 7). He calculates population well-being as a combination of general health, family formation, and wage and employment prospects. All indicators are currently in decline relative to history, save for health. But even life expectancy is taking a hit, albeit for select demographic groups most negatively impacted by poor job and wage prospects (Chart 8). Chart 7 Chart 8 For elite overproduction, Turchin relies on standard measures: wealth inequality, university education cost, and political polarization. This makes intuitive sense, since major policies aimed at reversing entrenched inequality can only be enacted after polarization has fallen due to events that subdued elites, such as major economic calamities or geopolitical challenges - e.g. the New Deal following the Great Depression, or the Great Society following World War II and amidst the Cold War. The danger of extreme polarization between elite prosperity and general well-being is that it is theoretically and empirically associated with political polarization, social unrest, and war. Acemoglu and Robinson detail case after case - from ancient Mayans and Romans to modern French and Japanese - in which the competition for resources between elites and the general population led to civil strife or all-out warfare. Meanwhile Turchin's research shows that politically motivated violence in the U.S. (Chart 9), which last peaked 50 years ago in the late 1960s, is associated with large gaps in well-being between elites and the masses (Chart 10).8 Chart 9 Chart 10 Bottom Line: Elite overproduction has been identified by academic research as a constant source of social instability throughout human history. Elites subvert inclusive political and economic institutions in order to stifle creative destruction, which would enrich new entrepreneurs but dilute elite privileges. As such, societies that prevent elite overproduction and promote equality of opportunity (and creative destruction) are successful in perpetuating themselves over the long term. Repatrimonialization In The U.S. Chart 11Tax Rates Were High In The Roaring '50s Tax Rates Were High In The Roaring '50s Tax Rates Were High In The Roaring '50s A sure sign that a society is in decline? When elites strive to hold onto their status and create barriers to entry for others. In the case of Venice, these barriers were overtly political. Le Serrata was followed by the introduction of Libro d'Oro (the "Golden Book"), which created an official registry of Venetian families that would be allowed to share in the deliberations of the Great Council. As the population revolted against such measures, Venice introduced a police force in 1310, with other coercive methods to follow. Today, the U.S. exhibits similar signs of institutional capture by the elites, albeit updated for the twenty-first century. Political theorist Francis Fukuyama calls this process "repatrimonialization." It occurs amidst long periods of economic prosperity and peace, as elites lose sight of their symbiotic relationship with fellow citizens and begin to serve their own "tribal" interests.9 Note in the above Chart 7 that elite overproduction, as defined by Turchin, reaches its peak after long periods of peace: the first high point came in 1902, 37 years after the Civil War, and the second came in 2007, 62 years after World War II. The latter case in particular suggests that as threats dissipate, elites lose sight of personal sacrifices - military service, income redistribution, public service, public works - that are required for geopolitical competition with peer challengers. At the height of the Cold War (1949 to 1962), for example, the top marginal tax rate in the U.S. was 92% (Chart 11).10 The point is not the tax rate, but that elites were far more acquiescent to fiscal sacrifices on behalf of the public. Fukuyama points to the U.K. and the U.S. as the two countries that have been the least politically responsive to the challenges of globalization and technological change in the developed world. In the case of the U.S., this is because interest groups are capable of steering policy towards further globalization and technological change. Both processes have also empowered elites, which have steered policy towards less redistribution and more austerity for the middle classes. The data is clear on this point. Despite Europe's being as exposed to globalization and technological advances as the U.S., European median wage growth has kept pace with GDP growth since 2000, whereas in the U.S. it not only failed to keep up but declined over the same time period (Chart 12). Chart 12Europe Shielded ##br##Households From Global Winds Europe Shielded Households From Global Winds Europe Shielded Households From Global Winds What are some of the mechanisms of repatrimonialization in the U.S. and can they be reversed? The good news is that elite capture of state institutions is now out in the open and easy to identify. Both Donald Trump and Democratic candidate Senator Bernie Sanders campaigned explicitly against it. The bad news is that it is unlikely to be reversed endogenously, at least not without a catalyst. What follows is a short description of the most salient problems facing the country as a result of elite entrenchment. Campaign Financing The 2010 Supreme Court decision Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission gave rise to political action committees, also known as Super PACs. These groups are allowed to receive unlimited contributions from individuals and corporations as long as they do not cooperate, coordinate, or directly contribute funding to actual candidates. This supposed firewall, however, is a fig leaf. The elimination of caps on this type of campaign financing allows single-issue groups and even single individuals with deep pockets to fund fringe candidates or support single-issue ballot measures that would otherwise lack sources of funding. This is especially important in primary elections where turnout is very low. In response, incumbent legislators have to tread carefully and avoid angering individual donors or Super PACs that could single-handedly fund a campaign against them in the primary elections, especially since the average cost of a congressional election campaign is relatively low at $1.4 million (a small amount compared to the funds that can be brought to bear by activist donors). In 2012, more than 40% of the campaign donations used in all federal elections was contributed by 0.01% of the voting-age population. That means that about 24,000 people were responsible for a near-majority of all contributions.11 Two other findings reported in the academic literature provide insight on how (and if) that money might steer policy. First, a study confirmed the general belief that the wealthiest Americans are much more conservative than the general public when it comes to tax policy and economic regulation.12 Second, another study found that when the policy preferences of the top 10% of income earners diverge from the preferences of the bottom 50%, the policy outcome is more likely to reflect the intentions of the former group.13 Polarization Political polarization benefits elites by impeding the democratic process and locking in rules that are beneficial to the status quo. Chart 13 shows that income inequality and political polarization in the sphere of economic policy are correlated.14 The simple reason the two are so highly correlated is because the right-of-center Republican Party increasingly opposes redistribution, while the left-of-center Democratic Party favors it. As the two parties diverge on matters of economic principle, compromises become virtually impossible, locking redistributive efforts at the current levels favored by the elites. Polarization is subsequently reinforced by electoral-district "gerrymandering" and an extremely bifurcated and increasingly distrusted news media. Over the last two decades, both the Democrats and Republicans (but mainly the latter due to their superior position at the state level) have redrawn administrative boundaries to create "ideologically pure" electoral districts. Of the 435 seats in the House of Representatives, only about 56 are truly competitive (Chart 14). Chart 13Inequality Fuels Political Polarization Inequality Fuels Political Polarization Inequality Fuels Political Polarization Chart 14Few Congressional Seats Truly Competitive Few Congressional Seats Truly Competitive Few Congressional Seats Truly Competitive Tribalization Elite overproduction often leads to the tribalization of society. Elites, to ensure that they are not torn asunder by the plebs, mobilize the population behind various causes that divert attention away from themselves, i.e. away from the real cause of social malaise. These causes are "wedge issues," in today's parlance. They can include identity politics, religious issues, as well as foreign policy. The Democratic Party has often relied on identity issues to mobilize support, but the effort kicked into high gear as it evolved from a redistributive "Old Left" party to the more centrist, "Third Way," neo-liberal orientation of Bill Clinton's presidency. Senator Bernie Sanders attempted to reverse this trend and overtly downplayed identity politics during his presidential campaign. He saw his party's neo-liberal turn as an elite-driven effort to distract from the real problems affecting low-income households. Hillary Clinton, the neo-liberal Democrat, by contrast, suffered as a result of the perception that she was an elite. Chart 15 The problem is that these wedge issues have begun to ossify into actual identities. For example, Pew Research showed in 2012 that the difference between Americans on a list of 48 values is the greatest between Republicans and Democrats, as opposed to other elements of identity. This has not always been the case, as Chart 15 shows. We suspect that this data will grow even starker after the divisive, borderline hysterical 2016 campaign. This means that "Republican" and "Democrat" labels have become almost tribal in nature. In fact, one's values are now determined more by one's party identification than race, education, income, religiosity, or gender! This is incredible, given America's history of racial and religious divisions. Bottom Line: America's repatrimonialization is advanced. The democratic process, which is supposed to adjudicate between interest groups and regulate elite economic and political privileges, has been drawn to a halt by polarization, the political influence of big money, and emerging tribalism between non-elites. It is extremely difficult to see how these hurdles can be overcome via America's regular political process. As such, they will be resolved only after some kind of crisis, whether endogenous or exogenous. Will Trump Fix It? President Donald Trump famously said in his nomination speech at the Republican Convention, "I alone can fix it." In a way, he may be correct. Although he is very much part of the American economic elite, he has no links to the D.C. establishment and owes no favors to special interest groups.15 His entire campaign personified the conclusions of this report: that the U.S. economy has been captured by economic and political elites and that the well-being of regular citizens is in the doldrums. It is unfair to judge President Trump's record and legacy based on a little over four months in office. However, we lean heavily towards the conclusion that his efforts to undermine American patricians will ultimately fail. Here is why: Policy President Trump does not have much of a legislative record. Nonetheless, his first major piece of legislation - the Obamacare repeal and replace bill - would, in its current form, leave 14 million people without health care - and an estimated 24 million by 2026. If not substantially revised, the bill is likely to impose a roughly $445 billion burden on U.S. households in order to pay for the "hyuge" tax cuts that Trump has promised (Chart 16). Further throwing Trump's plebeian credentials into doubt is his second signature legislative act: tax reform. His campaign proposal fell largely in line with previous Republican efforts, which, it should be noted, have contributed greatly to elite overproduction in the U.S. (Chart 17). Trump's original proposal would cut the top marginal rate from 39.6% to 33%, but would also leave a significant number of middle-class Americans with an increase, or no change, to their marginal tax rate.16 We expect that his White House team will adjust this original plan to offer middle-class tax cuts, but the main thrust of the effort is still to eliminate estate taxes and lower the top marginal rates significantly. Chart 16 Chart 17Tax Reform Always Benefits Elites Tax Reform Always Benefits Elites Tax Reform Always Benefits Elites On trade and immigration, Trump has little record to show. His meeting with President Xi Jinping of China revealed that he is like previous presidents in talking tough about Chinese trade on the campaign trail yet lacking the desire to take aggressive action once in office. We expect that Trump will eventually pivot towards greater protectionism, but it is not clear that it will be executed in a way that actually improves household well-being.17 Congress So far Trump has shown that he is more interested in getting legislation passed than shaping it in a populist way. For example, he has urged Congress to pass the Obamacare replacement even though many conservative Senators are wary of its negative impact on households. If he adopts the same strategy with tax reform, we would suspect that he will err on the side of "getting things done," rather than fulfilling his campaign pledges to blue-collar workers. The problem for Trump is the same problem President Obama had: polarization. Trump would be far more successful in passing populist legislation if he developed a working relationship with Democrats, who ostensibly have discarded the elitism of the Clinton years. Yet to do so he would have to "betray" his only friends, leaving himself vulnerable should the Democrats refuse to play ball. He is thus stuck with partisan Republican policies, which means voters are stuck with a lack of compromise. Macroeconomics Populists everywhere have one overarching goal when they come to power: boosting nominal GDP growth (Chart 18). We suspect that Trump will ultimately get tax reform through Congress and that it will be moderately stimulative.18 Chart 18 The problem is that the U.S. economic recovery is already far advanced. As such, even moderate stimulus could hasten the timing of an economic recession. Given the lack of major economic imbalances, it is unlikely that such a recession would freeze the financial system and be as painful as that of 2008-9. Nonetheless, the trade-off between moderate stimulus and a quicker recession is unlikely to benefit Trump's voters. Bottom Line: Donald Trump has tapped into the deep social malaise in the U.S. and responded to the populace's demands that elite overproduction be curbed. Unfortunately, his track record during the campaign and as president gives little evidence that he will be successful in restraining America's elites. Especially because he is forced to cooperate with them through Congress, and in a way that does not encourage broad compromise. Investment Implications We suspect that polarization will grow throughout Trump's term and that he will largely be unsuccessful in pursuing an agenda that genuinely increases opportunity or well-being. In fact, we would bet that most of his policies will contribute to, not reduce, elite overproduction in the U.S. What happens when Donald Trump fails to reform America and resolve its elite overproduction problem? If a recession occurs by 2019 - our House View at BCA - then the economic and political conditions suggest that a serious revolt is in the cards by the time of the 2020 election. By this we mean not just an electoral revolt, like Trump's election, but also a concrete increase in social tension and unrest. A repeat of the 2011 Occupy Wall Street protests, yet more violent, could be in cards. By the 2020 election, we would also suspect that our clients may look back fondly, with nostalgia, for Senator Bernie Sander's campaign platform, which by that point may look downright centrist. Investors should prepare for an increase in economic populist policy proposals, from both the left and the right. If economic policy begins to steer towards populism, investors should bet on higher inflation and thus higher nominal - but potentially lower real - Treasury yields. The independence of the Fed could also suffer, putting considerable downward pressure on the USD. In this environment, equities will outperform bonds, but global assets should outperform those of the U.S. Gold, which has failed as a safe-haven asset in the contemporary deflationary era, should become attractive once again.19 Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Chief Geopolitical Strategist marko@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see Miles Corak, "Income Inequality, Equality of Opportunity, and Intergenerational Mobility," Forschungsinstitut zur Zukunft der Arbeit, Discussion paper no. 7520, July 2013, available at iza.org. 2 Please see Jonathan Rothwell and Pablo Diego-Rosell, "Explaining Nationalist Political Views: The Case Of Donald Trump," Gallup, dated November 2, 2016, available at papers.ssrn.com. 3 Please see BCA's The Bank Credit Analyst Special Report, "Beware The 2019 Trump Recession," dated March 7, 2017, available at bca.bcaresearch.com, and Global Investment Strategy Outlook, "Second Quarter 2017: A Three-Act Play," dated March 31, 2017, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 4 Please see Daren Acemoglu and James A. Robinson, Why Nations Fail (New York: Crown Publishers, 2012). 5 Literally. 6 Please see Peter Turchin and Sergey Nefedov, Secular Cycles (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2009). 7 Please see Neal Fligstein et al, "Keeping up with the Joneses: Inequality and Indebtedness, in the Era of the Housing Price Bubble, 1999-2007," presented at the Annual Meetings of the American Sociological Association, August 2015. 8 Please see Peter Turchin, "Dynamics of political instability in the United States, 1780-2010," Journal of Peace Research 49:4 (2012), pp. 577-91. 9 Please see Francis Fukuyama, Political Order And Political Decay (New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 2014). 10 Today's dispersed terrorist threat does not even come close to approximating the threat that the Soviet Union during the Cold War presented to the U.S., and as such we do not consider it seriously as an existential threat to either the U.S. or the West. Please see BCA Global Investment Strategy and Geopolitical Strategy, "A Bull Market For Terror," dated August 5, 2016, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 11 Please see Adam Bonica et al., "Why Hasn't Democracy Slowed Rising Inequality?" Journal of Economic Perspectives 27:3 (Summer 2013), pp. 103-24. 12 Please see Benjamin Page et al., "Democracy And The Policy Preferences Of Wealthy Americans," Perspectives On Politics 11:1 (March 2013), pp. 51-73. 13 Please see Martin Gilens, "Inequality And Democratic Responsiveness," Public Opinion Quarterly 69:5 (2005), pp. 778-796. 14 The latter measure of polarization is one of Turchin's factors in elite overproduction. 15 Save for the Kremlin! We jest, we jest. At least, we think we jest ... 16 Several groups would have seen no substantial tax cuts under his original campaign plan. Those making $15,000-$19,000 would have seen their tax rate increase from 10% to 12%. Those making $52,500-101,500 would have seen their rate stay the same at 25%, while those making $127,500-$200,500 would have seen their rate rise from 28% to 33%. Please see Jim Nunns et al, "An Analysis Of Donald Trump's Revised Tax Plan," Tax Policy Center, October 18, 2016, available at www.taxpolicycenter.org. For our original discussion, see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Constraints And Preferences Of The Trump Presidency," dated November 30, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 17 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Political Risks Are Understated In 2018," dated April 12, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 18 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Buy In May And Enjoy Your Day," dated April 26, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 19 Please see The Bank Credit Analyst Special Report, "Stairway To (Safe) Haven: Investing In Times Of Crisis," dated August 25, 2016, available at bca.bcaresearch.com.

Highlights Macron has won in France; Economic reforms are forthcoming; Euroskeptic parties are moving to the center; Yet Italy remains a real risk; Stick to long French industrials versus German; stay long EUR/USD for now. Feature "A chair, a table, or a bench would be elected rather than her [Le Pen] in this country." - Jean-Luc Mélenchon Third-party candidate Emmanuel Macron is the new president of France following his win over populist and nationalist Marine Le Pen (Table 1). The victory was resounding, with polls underestimating support for the centrist, and vociferously Europhile, Macron (Chart 1). Macron's victory was all the more impressive given the low turnout, which should have favored Le Pen. Table 1Results Of French Presidential Election Stick To The Macro(n) Picture Stick To The Macro(n) Picture Chart 1Underestimating Emmanuel Underestimating Emmanuel Underestimating Emmanuel There are numerous narratives competing to make sense of the election in France. Our conclusion is simple: Marine Le Pen got trounced by a 39-year old political neophyte with no party organization and an investment-banking background. Le Pen wasn't so much defeated as she was routed, in a veritable Battle of Sedan for the European populists. What does this mean for investors? First, European assets are about to "rip." Second, the EUR/USD may have some more upside in the short term. Third, investors remain overly complacent about Italy, which we think has a good chance of breaking the trend of victories for the centrist forces in Europe. However, this is a story for 2018 and thus off the radar screen for investors at the moment. Le Pen Loses More Than Macron Wins Left-wing firebrand, and surprise first-round performer, Jean-Luc Mélenchon forecast in April that "a chair, a table, or a bench" would defeat Le Pen head-to-head. Naturally, the comment was self-serving for Mélenchon as he was trying to convince swing voters to support his campaign. Nonetheless, we fully agree with his assessment! Not only did Le Pen lose, but she lost to a political neophyte with investment banking on his resume. In France... In 2017... Chart 2Le Pen's Flaw Is The Euro Le Pen's Ceiling Is Support For The Euro Le Pen's Ceiling Is Support For The Euro So what happened? It is not a coincidence that Le Pen got precisely the same proportion of voters as the percent of the French public that does not support the euro, around 30-35%. Le Pen's popularity has in fact closely mirrored French Euroskepticism for years, peaking in 2013. Chart 2 essentially illustrates that Le Pen's ceiling is determined by the Euroskeptic mood of the country. We have stressed to clients since the December 2015 regional elections that Le Pen's Euroskpeticism is a major handicap to her political fortunes. In that election, her Front National (FN) was massacred in the second round despite a highly favorable context for an anti-establishment, nationalist party. The election took place on the heels of an epic migration crisis and a massive terrorist attack (which occurred just 23 days before the election).1 The Front National was defeated in all 13 mainland French regions, despite leading in six following the first round. As such, investors should ignore both the positive and negative hype surrounding the media coverage of Macron. The main lesson of the French election is that Euroskepticism does not pay political dividends, not that Le Pen still has a chance in the next election or that Macron has pulled off an extraordinary victory. The upcoming legislative elections - set for two rounds on June 11 and 18 - will cement our call on Le Pen and FN. Polls are sparse, but what we have thus far suggests that Macron's En Marche and the center-right Les Républicains will capture the vast majority of seats in the legislature (Table 2). We do not have enough polling data to gauge the reliability of this forecast, but it does make sense given FN's previously weak electoral performances in legislative and regional elections. In fact, following Macron's strong performance on May 7, we would be surprised if FN gets more than 15-20 seats in the National Assembly. Table 2Macron May Have To Work With The Republicans Stick To The Macro(n) Picture Stick To The Macro(n) Picture What matters for investors is the likely strong performance in the legislative elections for the center-right Les Républicains. Its presidential candidate François Fillon was the leading centrist candidate to get into the second round for most of early 2017 and only faded due to his corruption scandal (Chart 3). His primary challenger - Bordeaux mayor and former conservative Prime Minister Alain Juppé - in fact was comfortably leading all candidates before he was bested by Fillon in late November in party primaries (Chart 4). Chart 3Scandal, Not Policies, Killed Fillon Scandal, Not Policies, Killed Fillon Scandal, Not Policies, Killed Fillon Chart 4Juppe Led The Race Before Fillon Took Over Juppé Led The Race (Prior To Fillon) Juppé Led The Race (Prior To Fillon) A Macron presidency supported by Les Républicains in the National Assembly could be the best outcome for investors. On the international stage - where the president has no constraints - France will be led by a committed Europhile willing to push Germany towards a more proactive - rather than merely reactive - policy. On the domestic stage - where the National Assembly dominates - Macron's cautiously pro-growth agenda will be pushed further to the right by Les Républicains. In our view, the best outcome would be either genuine "cohabitation," where Macron's En Marche does not get a majority and he is forced to cohabitate with a center-right prime minister, or an En Marche sweep. The worst outcome would be a hung parliament, where Les Républicains refuse to cooperate with En Marche so as not to give Macron any further political wins. We continue to believe that the context is ripe for genuine structural reforms. We expanded on this topic in a February report titled "The French Revolution" and will not repeat the arguments here.2 Suffice it to say that a "silent majority" in France appears ready to incur the pain of reforms (Chart 5). As a play on the reform theme, we have been long French industrial equities / short German industrial equities on a long-term horizon (Chart 6). The idea is that French reforms should suppress wage growth and make French exports more competitive vis-à-vis their main competitor, Germany (Chart 7). Chart 5"Silent Majority" Wants Reform Stick To The Macro(n) Picture Stick To The Macro(n) Picture Chart 6France Will Revive, Germany Is Peaking France Will Revive, Germany Is Peaking France Will Revive, Germany Is Peaking Chart 7Reforms Could Close This Gap Reforms Could Close This Gap Reforms Could Close This Gap Bottom Line: As we have expected for years, Marine Le Pen is unelectable due to her opposition to European integration. At the minimum, this should allay the fears of many investors that Frexit is a possibility. It has never even been close.3 At its most optimistic, Macron's victory will usher in a period of economic reforms in France. The Big Picture: Europe's Populists Defeated In April 2016 - ahead of the U.K. EU referendum and the U.S. general election - we made a controversial call: Anglo-Saxon populists would surprise to the upside in the upcoming plebiscites, whereas continental European would underperform.4 The U.K. has subsequently chosen Brexit and the U.S. electorate has chosen Donald Trump, both outcomes that we noted were more likely than the consensus expected. On the other side of the ledger, populists were defeated in two Spanish elections (December 2015 and June 2016), the Austrian presidential election in December 2016, and the Dutch general election in April 2017. The latest defeat for the anti-globalization populists is surprising because it happened in France, a country with a long tradition of both. One cannot blame relative economic performance for the outcome, as France has clearly underperformed the U.S. on both the growth and employment fronts (Chart 8). Nor can it be blamed on a more sanguine security situation: since 2015, France has experienced far more tragedy due to terrorist attacks than the U.S. and has been in a state of emergency since the November 2015 terror attack (Chart 9). And while France has largely avoided the 2015 European migration crisis, it was at least far more threatened by it than the U.S. due to mere geography. Chart 8Economic Woes Not Lacking In France... Economic Woes Not Lacking In France... Economic Woes Not Lacking In France... Chart 9... Nor Is Threat Of Terrorism Stick To The Macro(n) Picture Stick To The Macro(n) Picture In our view, the long-term socio-economic context is more important than the day-to-day economic and security situation in explaining the success of populists. The French social welfare state - which is onerous, inefficient, and clearly in need of reform (Chart 10) - has nonetheless played a crucial role in tempering the appeal of anti-establishment politics. Chart 10France: Welfare State Needs Reform Stick To The Macro(n) Picture Stick To The Macro(n) Picture Chart 11Anti-Establishment Candidates Win... The Median Voter Has Lost In America... The Median Voter Has Lost In America... Unlike the U.S. - which has seen the real median household income decline over the past two decades and grow much slower than the economy (Chart 11) - European countries have redistributed the gains of globalization in such a way as to ensure that more people benefit from it (Chart 12). Income inequality has grown in Europe regardless, but to a much lower level - and by a lower magnitude - than in the U.S. (Chart 13). This is perhaps most pronounced in France, where the top 10% of households by income retain much the same share of the economy as they did in 1950 (Chart 14). Chart 12Redistributing Globalization's Gains ...And Won In Europe ...And Won In Europe Chart 13U.S. & U.K.: Outliers On Inequality Stick To The Macro(n) Picture Stick To The Macro(n) Picture Chart 14France: Inequality Flat For 70 Years France: Inequality Flat For 70 Years France: Inequality Flat For 70 Years Many of our clients in the U.S. and the U.K. have reacted negatively to our view above. Our analysis is not meant to endorse French levels of social welfare spending. In fact, we are bullish on France precisely because we expect Emmanuel Macron to reduce French state largesse over time. We merely point out that the political effect of a redistributive socio-economic system is greater stability and centrism of the voting public in the midst of a painful socio-economic context. The median voter in Europe is simply not as angry as the median voter in the U.S. This is not by chance, but rather by design. Europe's "socialism" is a relatively modern development and a product of Europe's disastrous inter-war period, which instilled a fear of a populist backlash against failed economic policies of the time. The inter-war period saw the rise of both left- and right-wing extremism, which fed on each other with increasing intensity. These included a failed communist revolution in Germany (1918-1919), a failed Nazi coup in Germany (1923), a fascist takeover of Italy (1925), a Nazi takeover in Germany (1933), far-right unrest in France (1934), and the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). These political upheavals were a product of both the Great Depression and the First World War. But they were also colored by Europe's socio-economic context at the time: very high wealth inequality at the beginning of the twentieth century. In fact, Europe had a much higher starting level of wealth concentration than the U.S., resulting in a much sharper correction during the inter-war period (Chart 15). What most commentators who forecast Europe's doom after the Great Recession missed is that the socio-economic context matters. It is the reality through which voters filter contemporary events. In Europe's case, the median voter was in a much better place to deal with the post-2008 economic and financial crises because Europe's "socialism" had dampened the negative consequences of globalization. In the U.S., and we would argue in the U.K. to a much lesser extent, the median voter was far more exposed to the vagaries of globalization and thus was (and remains) more open to anti-establishment political outcomes. This is the great paradox of the past 18 months: that the two best performing economies in the developed world - the U.S. and the U.K. - experienced the greatest level of populism. To us, it is not much of a paradox. Economic performance is by nature a study of the mean performance, whereas political forecasting deals with the median outcomes. This is not to say that the French are not angry with elites. After all, nearly 50% of the votes cast in the first round of the election went to anti-establishment candidates (Chart 16). However, French voters are not angry enough to want a dramatic reordering of their society, particularly in terms of their support for European institutions. What about other countries in Europe? A trend is emerging across the continent where anti-establishment parties are retaining their commitment to economic redistribution, anti-immigrant sentiment, or unorthodox foreign policy, but abandoning their Euroskepticism for the sake of competitiveness. The best examples of this trend are Spain's Podemos and Greece's SYRIZA, which have evolved in a short period of time into mainstream left-wing parties. Meanwhile, parties that retain an official strategy of Euroskepticism are increasingly finding out that the "Euroskeptic ceiling" is real. As such, these parties are struggling between remaining politically competitive and staying true to their Euroskeptic ideals: Germany: The German Euroskeptic Alternative Für Deutschland (AfD) party has been beset by massive internal conflict and identity crisis. Ousted leader Frauke Petry tried to move the party towards the center, but was rebuked at an April party congress. The AfD is still polling just under 10% (Chart 17), and will therefore enter the Bundestag in the September 24 election, but its leadership is torn between openly embracing the German alt-right and setting a course as a conservative alternative to Angela Merkel's Christian Democratic Union. We would expect the party to enter the Bundestag, but only just, in the upcoming election. Chart 15U.S. And France: Different ##br##Starting Points Of Inequality... Stick To The Macro(n) Picture Stick To The Macro(n) Picture Chart 16French Voters##br## Are Angry French Voters Are Angry And Anti-Establishment Feeling High French Voters Are Angry And Anti-Establishment Feeling High Chart 17German Euroskeptics To ##br##Squeak Into Bundestag, At Best German Euroskeptics To Squeak Into Bundestag, At Best German Euroskeptics To Squeak Into Bundestag, At Best Austria: The presidential candidate of the anti-establishment Freedom Party of Austria (FPO), Norbert Hofer, tried mightily to soften his Euroskepticism ahead of the December 2016 elections. He failed and lost the election despite a solid lead in the polls for much of the year. Austria is set to hold general elections by October 2018 and support for the FPO has clearly peaked (Chart 18). Given that all other parties in Austria are pro-EU, the FPO is likely to remain isolated. Finland: The "True Finns," since rebranded as just "The Finns," were once the only competitive Euroskeptic party in northern Europe. They did very well in the 2015 general election and entered the governing coalition. To do so, they compromised on their Euroskeptic positions and became largely irrelevant, with a big dip in support (Chart 19). April municipal elections went terribly for The Finns, with the Europhile Green League emerging as the big winner. An upcoming party congress in June will determine the future of the party and whether it swings towards populism or centrism. Chart 18Austrian Anti-Establishment Has Peaked Stick To The Macro(n) Picture Stick To The Macro(n) Picture Chart 19Finnish Anti-Establishment Has Peaked Stick To The Macro(n) Picture Stick To The Macro(n) Picture Italy: The one party to watch over the next several months is Italy's Five Star Movement (5SM). There is evidence that 5SM is itself riven by internal conflict over how far to take its Euroskepticism. And several moves by party leadership - including attempting to leave the legislative alliance with UKIP at the European Parliament level - appear designed to pursue the political center. The problem, however, is that there is little evidence that the Italian median voter is as committed to European integration. This remains the key risk for Europe going forward. Bottom Line: Populism has underperformed in continental Europe, much to the surprise of most commentators. Europe's economic redistribution has dampened demands for anti-establishment outcomes. Evidence suggests that Euroskeptic parties will continue to migrate to the center, at least as far as European integration is concerned, in the near future. One outlier to this view is Italy, which we elaborate on below. Investment Implications European risk assets should continue to outperform the U.S. in the coming months. The European economy continues to fire on all cylinders, whereas the U.S. appears to have hit a soft patch, according to the sharply divergent Economic Surprise Indexes (Chart 20).5 The euro may benefit from the reduction in risk premia for the time being. We will retain our long EUR/USD for now, but look to close it over the summer as we doubt the ECB's commitment to a hawkish turn in monetary policy ahead of critical risks in 2018. At the forefront of those risks is the upcoming Italian election. As we have argued repeatedly for two years, the Italy's Euroskeptic turn is real and underpinned by data. Whereas the median European has been far less Euroskeptic than the conventional wisdom has held, the median Italian is becoming more Euroskeptic. We spent a week in Europe warning clients in London, Paris, and Zurich of the upcoming Italian risks. There was little appetite for our bearish view. Even clients in the U.K. who previously held deeply skeptical views of the Euro Area's ability to survive have changed their view on Italy. Why such complacency? The oft-repeated refrain was that Italian politics have always been a mess. The election, which is highly likely to produce either a weak coalition or a hung parliament, will therefore not produce a definitive outcome worthy of risk premia. We highly disagree with this view. Our concern with Italy is not the current polling of Euroskeptic parties, but rather the underlying turn in the Italian electorate towards greater acceptance of a future outside of Europe (Chart 21). If the median voter is more willing to entertain Euroskeptic outcomes, than the Euroskeptic parties will not be forced to adopt a centrist position, as they have done in the rest of Europe. Chart 20U.S. Economy Hits A Soft Patch U.S. Economy Hits A Soft Patch U.S. Economy Hits A Soft Patch Chart 21Italy: The Real Risk To Euro Area Italy: The Real Risk To Euro Area Italy: The Real Risk To Euro Area Nonetheless, investor complacency tells us that European asset outperformance could last well into late 2017. There will be no immediate risk rotation from the French election to the Italian one. The market will have to be shocked into pricing greater odds of Euro Area dissolution when Italy comes back into focus, likely in Q1 2018. Until then, the party will continue. Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Geopolitical Strategy marko@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "Strategic Outlook 2016: Multipolarity & Markets," dated December 9, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy and Foreign Exchange Strategy Special Report, "The French Revolution," dated February 3, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "After BREXIT, N-EXIT?" dated July 13, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 4 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "The End Of The Anglo-Saxon Economy?" dated April 13, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 5 Please see BCA Global Alpha Sector Strategy Weekly Report, "Buy The Breakout," dated May 5, 2017, available at gss.bcaresearch.com.

Highlights Chart 1European Policy Uncertainty Down European Policy Uncertainty Down European Policy Uncertainty Down Macron remains on target to win the French election, but Italy looms as a risk ahead; Fade any relief rally after South Korean elections; Russia is not a major source of geopolitical risk at present; Stay underweight Turkey and Indonesia within the EM universe. Feature The supposed pushback against populism is emerging as a theme in the financial industry. The expected defeat of nationalist-populist Marine Le Pen in the second round of the French election on May 7 has reduced Europe's economic policy uncertainty, despite continued elevated levels globally (Chart 1). We are not surprised by this outcome. A year ago, ahead of both the Brexit referendum and the U.S. election, we cautioned investors that it was the Anglo-Saxon world, not continental Europe, which would experience the greatest populist earthquake.1 The middle class in the U.S. and the U.K. lacks the socialist protections of large welfare states (Chart 2), leading to frustrating outcomes in terms of equality and social mobility (Chart 3). In other words, the gains of globalization have not been redistributed in the two laissez-faire economies. Hence the Anglo-Saxon world got Trump and Brexit while the continent got market-positive outcomes like Rajoy, Van der Bellen, Rutte, and (probably) Macron. Chart 2Given The Qualities Of The##br## Anglo-Saxon Economy ... What About Emerging Markets? What About Emerging Markets? Chart 3...Brexit And Trump ##br##Should Not Be A Surprise What About Emerging Markets? What About Emerging Markets? Looking forward, we agree with the consensus that Marine Le Pen will lose, as we have been stressing with high conviction since November.2 Despite a poor start to the campaign, Macron remains 20% ahead of Marine Le Pen with only four days left to the election (Chart 4). Could the polls be wrong? No. And not just because they were right in the first round. Polls are likely to be right because French polls have an exemplary track record (Chart 5) and there is no Electoral College to throw off the math. Chart 4Le Pen Unlikely To Bridge This Gap Le Pen Unlikely To Bridge This Gap Le Pen Unlikely To Bridge This Gap Chart 5French Polls Have Strong Track Record What About Emerging Markets? What About Emerging Markets? As we go to press, the two candidates are set to face off in an important televised debate. Given Le Pen's post-debate polling performance in the first round (Chart 6), we doubt she will perform well enough to make a change. Next week, we will review the second round and its implications for the legislative elections in June and French politics beyond. Overall, we think Europe's policy uncertainty dip is temporary, as the all-important Italian election risk looms just ahead in 2018.3 For now, we are sticking with our bullish European risk asset view, but will look to pare it back later in the year. Chart 6Debates Have Not Helped Le Pen Debates Have Not Helped Le Pen Debates Have Not Helped Le Pen Chart 7Commodity Currencies Suggest Global Trade Is At Risk... Commodity Currencies Suggest Global Trade Is At Risk... Commodity Currencies Suggest Global Trade Is At Risk... What about emerging markets? With investors laser-focused on developed market political risks - Trump's policies and protectionism, European elections, Brexit, etc - have EM political risks fallen by the wayside? Chart 8...And Commodities Are At Risk Too ...And Commodities Are At Risk Too ...And Commodities Are At Risk Too Chart 9China's Growth To Decelerate Again China's Growth To Decelerate Again China's Growth To Decelerate Again We don't think so. According to BCA's Emerging Market Strategy, the recent performance of the commodity currency index (an equally weighted average of AUD, NZD, and CAD) augurs a deceleration of global growth in the second half of this year (Chart 7) and a top in the commodity complex (Chart 8).4 At the heart of the reversal is the slowdown in China's credit and fiscal spending impulse (Chart 9).5 Given China's critical importance as the main source of EM final demand (Chart 10), the slowdown in money and credit growth is a significant risk to EM growth in the latter part of the year (Chart 11).6 Chart 10EM Is Leveraged To China Much More Than DM EM Is Leveraged To China Much More Than DM EM Is Leveraged To China Much More Than DM Chart 11China: Money/Credit Growth Is Slowing China: Money/Credit Growth Is Slowing China: Money/Credit Growth Is Slowing At the heart of China's credit slowdown are efforts by policymakers to cautiously introduce some discipline in the financial sector. Chinese interbank rates have risen noticeably, which should have a material impact on credit growth (Chart 12). Given that the all-important nineteenth National Party Congress is six-to-seven months away, we doubt that the tightening efforts will be severe. But they may foreshadow a much tighter policy in 2018, following the conclusion of the Congress, when President Xi has full reign and the ability to redouble his initial efforts at reform, namely to control the risks of excessive leverage to the state's stability. With both the Fed and PBoC looking to tighten over the next 12-18 months, in part to respond to improvements in global inflation expectations (Chart 13), highly leveraged EM economies may face a triple-whammy of USD appreciation, Chinese growth plateauing, and easing commodity demand. In isolation, none is critical, but as a combination, they could be challenging. Chart 12Chinese Policymakers End The Credit Party? Chinese Policymakers End The Credit Party? Chinese Policymakers End The Credit Party? Chart 13Global Tightening Upon Us? Global Tightening Upon Us? Global Tightening Upon Us? In this weekly report, we take an around-the-world look at several emerging economies that we believe are either defying the odds of political crisis or particularly vulnerable to growth slowdown. South Korea: Here Comes The Sunshine Policy, Part II South Korea's early election will be held on May 9. The victory of a left-wing candidate has been likely since April 2016, when the two main left-wing parties, the Democratic Party and the People's Party, won a majority of the 300-seat National Assembly. It has been inevitable since the impeachment of outgoing President Park Geun-hye in December - whose removal was deemed legal by the Constitutional Court in March - for a corruption scandal that split the main center-right party and decimated its popular support after ten years of ruling the country.7 The only question was whether Moon Jae-in, leader of the Democratic Party and erstwhile chief of staff of former President Roh Moo-hyun, would finally get his turn as president, or whether Ahn Cheol-soo, an entrepreneurial politician who broke from the Democratic Party to form the People's Party, would defeat him. At the moment, Moon has a significant lead in the polls, while Ahn has lost the bump in support he received after other candidates were eliminated through the primary process (Chart 14). Moon's lead has grown throughout the recent spike in saber-rattling between the United States and North Korea, which suggests that Moon is most likely to win the race. The debates have also hurt Ahn. Moon leads in every region, among blue collar and white collar voters, and among centrists as well as progressives. Also, the pollster Gallup Korea has a solid track record for presidential elections going back to 1987, with a margin of error of about 3%, so Moon is highly likely to win if polls do not change in Ahn's or Hong's favor. The key difference between Moon and Ahn boils down to this: Moon is the established left-wing candidate and has mainstream Democratic Party machinery backing him, a clear platform, and experience running the country from 2003-8. Ahn does not have experience in the executive branch (Blue House) and his policy platform is less clear. His party is a progressive offshoot of the Democratic Party, yet he is bidding for disenchanted center-right voters, a contradiction that has at times given him the appearance of flip-flopping on important issues. Thus Ahn's election would bring greater economic policy uncertainty than Moon's, though Ahn is more business-friendly by preference. Regardless, the new president will have to work with the opposing left-wing party in the National Assembly if he intends to get anything accomplished. The combined left-wing vote is 164, yielding only a 13-seat majority if the two parties work together. Differences between them will cause problems in passing legislation. It would be easier for Moon to legislate with his party's 119-seat base than for Ahn with his party's 40-seat base, unless Ahn can steer his party to cooperate with the center right like he is trying to do in the presidential campaign. Markets may celebrate the election regardless of the victor because it sets the country back on the path of stable government. The Kospi bottomed in November when the political crisis reached a fever pitch and has rallied since December 5, when it became clear that the conservatives in the assembly would vote for Park's impeachment. This suggested an early government change to restore political and economic leadership. The market rallied again when the Constitutional Court removed Park, which pulled the presidential elections forward to May and cut short what would otherwise have been another year of uncertainty until the original election date in December 2017 (Chart 15). Chart 14South Korea: Moon In The Lead What About Emerging Markets? What About Emerging Markets? Chart 15Korean Stocks Cheered Impeachment Korean Stocks Cheered Impeachment Korean Stocks Cheered Impeachment Investors can reasonably look forward to an increase in fiscal thrust after the election, particularly if Moon is elected. Table 1 compares the key policy initiatives of the top three candidates - both Moon and Ahn are pledging increases in government spending. Note that South Korean fiscal thrust expanded in the first two years of the last left-leaning government, i.e. the Roh Moo-hyun administration (Chart 16). Table 1South Korean Presidential Candidates And Their Policy Proposals What About Emerging Markets? What About Emerging Markets? Chart 16Left-Wing Leaders Drive Up Fiscal Spending Left-Wing Leaders Drive Up Fiscal Spending Left-Wing Leaders Drive Up Fiscal Spending Beyond any initial relief rally, however, investors may experience some buyer's remorse. South Korea is experiencing a leftward swing of the political pendulum that is not conducive to higher growth in corporate earnings. This is the implication of the April legislative elections and the collapse of President Park's support prior to the corruption scandal; it will also be the takeaway of either Moon's or Ahn's election win over a discredited conservative status quo (both fiscal and corporate). The leftward shift is motivated by structural factors, not mere political optics. Average growth rates have fallen since the Great Recession, yet South Korea lacks the social amenities of a slower-growing developed economy. The social safety net is comparable to Turkey's or Mexico's and wages have been suppressed to maintain competitiveness (Chart 17). Inequality has grown dramatically (Chart 18). Chart 17Keeping Labor Cheap Keeping Labor Cheap Keeping Labor Cheap Chart 18Fueling The Populist Fire What About Emerging Markets? What About Emerging Markets? Therefore the policies to come will emphasize redistribution, job security, and social benefits. Moon's policies, in particular, are aggressive. He has pledged to require the public sector to increase employment by 5% per year and add 810,000 jobs by 2022, and to expand welfare for the elderly regardless of their income level. This will swell the budget deficit and public debt, especially over time, given South Korea's demographic profile, which is rapidly graying (Chart 19). Moon also intends nearly to double the minimum wage, require private companies to hire 3-5% more workers each year, depending on company size, and give substantial subsidies to SMEs that hire more workers. He supports a hike in corporate taxes, though the details of any tax changes have yet to be disclosed. Chart 19Society Turning Gray Society Turning Gray Society Turning Gray Ahn's policy preferences are more focused on productivity improvements than social welfare. While Moon panders to middle-aged workers concerned about job security - among whom he leads Ahn by 30 percentage points - Ahn panders to the youth, who are currently battling an unemployment rate of 11%. He would pay subsidies to young workers while they look for jobs immediately after graduation ($266 per month) and for the first two years of their employment at an SME ($532 per month). He would direct budgetary funds to research and development, high-tech industries, and job training. The SME policies speak to the general dissatisfaction with the cozy relationship between large, export-oriented industrial giants - the chaebol - and the political elite. Both Moon and Ahn will attempt to remove subsidies and privileges from the chaebol, potentially forcing them to sell or spin-off branches that are unrelated to their core business, and will seek to incentivize SMEs. Chaebol reform is a long-running theme in South Korean politics with very little record of success, but the one thing investors can be sure of on this front is greater uncertainty regarding policies toward the country's multinationals. Bottom Line: South Korea is experiencing a swing of the political pendulum to the left regardless of who wins the presidential race on May 9. What About Geopolitics? Internationally, Moon, if he wins, will attempt to improve relations with China and North Korea at the expense of the U.S. and Japan. His voter base came of age during the democracy movement of the 1980s and is friendlier toward China and less hostile toward North Korea than other age groups (Chart 20 A&B). Ahn may attempt a similar foreign policy adjustment, but he is less willing to confront the United States. His attempt to woo the youth will constrain any engagement with Pyongyang, since young South Koreans feel the least connection with their ethnic brethren to the north. Given that a Moon presidency would be paired with that of Trump, it would likely precipitate tensions in the U.S.-Korean relationship. News headlines will announce that South Korea is "pivoting" toward China, much in the way that U.S. ally the Philippines was perceived as shifting toward China after President Rodrigo Duterte's election in 2016. This will be an exaggeration, since Koreans still generally prefer the U.S. to China and view North Korea as an enemy (Chart 21). Nevertheless, there is potential for real, market-relevant disagreements. Chart 20Moon's Middle-Aged Constituency What About Emerging Markets? What About Emerging Markets? Chart 21Constraints On The Sunshine Policy What About Emerging Markets? What About Emerging Markets? In the short term, the risk is to trade, given the South Korean Left's strain of opposition to the U.S.-Korea free trade agreement (KORUS) and Trump's intention to renegotiate it, or even impose tariffs. Trump is bringing a protectionist tilt to U.S. trade policy - at very least - and he is relatively unconstrained on trade so we consider this a high-level risk over his four-year term in office. Trade tensions could become consequential if South Korea breaks with the U.S. over North Korea, angering the Trump administration. At the same time, South Korea's trade with China (Chart 22) is a risk due to China's secular slowdown, protectionism, and intention to move up the value chain and compete with South Korea in global markets. Chart 22South Korea's Twin Trade Risks South Korea's Twin Trade Risks South Korea's Twin Trade Risks In the short and long term, Moon's attempt to revamp Kim Dae-jung's "Sunshine Policy" of economic engagement and denuclearization talks with North Korea could create serious frictions with the U.S. What Moon is proposing is to promote economic integration so that South Korea has more leverage over the North, which is increasingly reliant on China, and also to reduce military tensions via negotiations toward a peace treaty (the 1950-3 war ended with an armistice only). The idea is to launch a five-year plan toward an inter-Korean "economic union." This would begin by re-opening shuttered cooperative projects like the Kaesong Industrial Complex and Mount Kumgang tours and later establish duty-free agreements, free trade zones, and multilateral infrastructure projects that include Russia and China.8 The problem is that any new Sunshine Policy - which is ostensibly a boon for the region's security - will clash with the Trump administration's attempt to rally a new international coalition to tighten sanctions on North Korea to force it to freeze its nuclear and ballistic missile programs. North Korea will want to divide the allies and thus will be receptive to China's and South Korea's offers of negotiations; the U.S. and Japan will not want to allow any additional economic aid to the North without a halt to tests and tokens of eventual denuclearization. How will this tension be resolved? Trump is preparing for negotiations and over the next couple of years the U.S. and Japan are highly likely to give diplomacy at least one last chance, as we have argued in recent reports.9 Eventually, if the U.S. becomes convinced of total collaboration between China and South Korea with the North (i.e. skirting sanctions and granting economic benefits), while the North continues testing capabilities that would enable it to strike the U.S. homeland with a nuclear weapon, some kind of confrontation is inevitable. But first the U.S. will try another round of talks. The "arc of diplomacy" could extend for several years, as it did with Iran (Chart 23), if the North delays its missile progress or appears to do so. Chart 23The 'Arc Of Diplomacy' Can Last For Several Years What About Emerging Markets? What About Emerging Markets? Despite our belief that the North Korean situation will calm down as diplomacy gets under way, South Korea is seeing rising geopolitical headwinds for the following reasons: Sino-American tensions: U.S.-China competition is growing over time, notwithstanding the apparently friendly start between the Trump and Xi administrations.10 Trump's North Korea policy: The Trump administration has signaled that the U.S. does not accept a nuclear-armed North Korea and the need to maintain the credibility of the military option will keep tensions at a higher level than in recent memory.11 Japanese re-armament: Japanese tensions with China and both Koreas are rising as Japan increases military expenditures and maritime defenses and moves to revise its constitution to legitimize military action.12 The costs of peace: If diplomacy prevails, South Korean engagement with the North still poses massive uncertainties about the future of the relationship, the North's internal stability amid liberalization, whether the transition to greater economic integration will be smooth, and whether the South Korean economy (and public finances) can absorb the associated costs. This is not even to mention eventual unification. Bottom Line: The current saber-rattling around the Korean peninsula is not over yet, but tensions are soon to fall as international negotiations get under way. Still, geopolitical risks for South Korea are rising over the long run. Investment Conclusions The currency will be the first to react to the election results and will send a signal about whether the fall in policy uncertainty is deemed more beneficial than the impending rise in pro-labor policies. Beyond that, the won has been strong relative to South Korea's neighbors and competitors (Chart 24). The Korean central bank is considering cutting rates at a time when fiscal policy is set to expand substantially, a negative for the currency. Chart 24Won Strength, Yen Weakness Won Strength, Yen Weakness Won Strength, Yen Weakness Therefore we remain short KRW / long THB. Thailand, another U.S. ally, is running huge current account surpluses, is more insulated from U.S.-China geopolitical conflicts, and has navigated tensions between the two relatively well. We expect a relief rally in stocks due to resolution of the campaign and the likelihood of an easing in trade tensions with China. However, this is the only reason we are not yet ready to join our colleagues in the Emerging Markets Strategy in shorting Korean stocks versus Japanese. We will look to put on this trade in future. We do not have high hopes for Korean stocks over the long run due to the headwinds listed above. As for bonds, both Moon's and Ahn's agendas, particularly Moon's, will be bond bearish because they will increase deficits and debt. At the short end of the curve, yields may have reason to fall; but the long end should reflect looser fiscal policy, the worsening debt and demographic profile, and increasing geopolitical risk, whether from conflicts with the U.S. and North Korea, or from the rising odds of a greater future burden from subsidizing (or even merging with) North Korea. Therefore we recommend going long 2-year government bonds / short 10-year government bonds. Russia: Defying Odds Of A Political Crisis Russia has emerged from the oil-price shocks scathed, but unbowed.13 Its textbook macro policy amid a severe recession over the past two years has been exemplary: The government has maintained constant nominal expenditure growth and substantially cut spending in real terms (Chart 25). The fiscal deficit is still large at 3.7%, but it typically lags oil prices (Chart 26). Hence, the recovery in oil prices over the past year should lead to a notable improvement in the budget balance. For 2017, the budget is conservative, as it assumes $40/bbl Urals crude. Chart 25Russia Has Undergone##br## Through Real Fiscal Squeeze... Russia Has Undergone Through Real Fiscal Squeeze... Russia Has Undergone Through Real Fiscal Squeeze... Chart 26...Which Is##br## Now Over ...Which Is Now Over ...Which Is Now Over Early this year, the Ministry of Finance adopted a new fiscal rule where it will buy foreign currency when the price of oil is above the set target level of 2700 RUB per barrel (the price of oil in rubles at the $40 bbl Urals) and sell foreign exchange when the oil price is below that level (Chart 27). The objective of this policy is to create a counter-cyclical ballast that will limit fluctuations in the ruble caused by swings in oil prices. Chart 27Oil Price Threshold For New Fiscal Rule Oil Price Threshold For New Fiscal Rule Oil Price Threshold For New Fiscal Rule Chart 28Forex Reserves Have Stabilized Forex Reserves Have Stabilized Forex Reserves Have Stabilized The recovery of oil prices and strict macroeconomic policy has allowed Russia to stabilize its foreign exchange reserves (Chart 28), although they remain at a critical level as a percent of broad money supply. However, the GDP growth recovery will be tepid and fall far short of the high growth rates of the early part of the decade (Chart 29). Chart 29Russia: ##br##Recovery Is At Hand Russia: Recovery Is At Hand Russia: Recovery Is At Hand Chart 30Inventories Remain Far ##br##Above Average Levels Inventories Remain Far Above Average Levels Inventories Remain Far Above Average Levels Russian policymakers should be cautiously optimistic. On one hand, they have been able to withstand a massive decline in oil prices. On the other, the situation is still precarious and warrants caution given the delicate situation in oil markets. OECD oil inventories remain elevated and could precipitate an oil-price collapse without OPEC's active oil-production management (Chart 30). From this macroeconomic context, we would conclude that: Russia will abide by the OPEC 2.0 production-cut agreement: While the new budget rule will go a long way in insulating the ruble from swings in oil prices, Russia is still an energy exporter. As such, we expect Russia to play ball with Saudi Arabia and continue to abide by the conditions of the OPEC deal. Thus far, Russia has been less enthusiastic in cutting production than the Saudis, but still going along (Chart 31). Russia will not destabilize the Middle East: While Russia will continue to support President Bashar al-Assad of Syria, its involvement in the civil war will abate. Moscow already began to officially withdraw from the conflict in January. While part of its forces will remain in order to secure Assad's government, Russia has no intention of provoking its newfound OPEC allies with geopolitical tensions. Russia will talk tough, but carry a small stick: Shows of force will continue in the Baltics and the Arctic, but investors should fade any rise in the geopolitical risk premium (Chart 32). It is one thing to fly strategic bombers close to Alaska or conduct military exercises near the Baltic States; it is quite another to act on these threats. In fact, Russia has been doing both since about 2004 and its bluster has amounted to very little with respect to NATO proper. This is because Russia depends on Europe for almost all of its FDI and export demand and it is only in the very early innings of replacing European demand with Chinese (Chart 33). As long as Russia lacks the pipeline infrastructure to export the majority of its energy production to China, it will be reluctant to confront Europe. Chart 31Moscow Will Play ##br##Ball With OPEC Moscow Will Play Ball With OPEC Moscow Will Play Ball With OPEC Chart 32Fade Any Spike ##br##In Geopolitical Risk Fade Any Spike In Geopolitical Risk Fade Any Spike In Geopolitical Risk Chart 33Russia Relies On Europe;##br## China Not A Replacement What About Emerging Markets? What About Emerging Markets? As we have posited in the past, energy exporters are emboldened to be aggressive when oil prices are high.14 When oil prices collapse, energy exporters become far more compliant. Nowhere is this dynamic more true than with Russia, whose military interventions in foreign countries have served as a sure sign that the top of the oil bull market is at hand! Bottom Line: We do not expect any serious geopolitical risk to emanate from Russia, despite the supposed souring of relations between the Trump and Putin administrations due to the U.S. cruise-missile strike against Syria.15 And we also do not expect President Putin to manufacture a geopolitical crisis ahead of Russia's March 2018 presidential elections, given that his popularity remains high and that the opposition is in complete disarray. While Russia may continue to talk tough on a number of fronts, investors should fade the rhetoric as it is purely for domestic consumption. Turkey: Deceitful Stability Turkey held a constitutional referendum that dramatically expands the powers of the presidency on April 16.16 The proposed 18 amendments passed with a 51.41% majority and a high turnout of 85%. As with all recent Turkish referenda and elections, the results reveal a sharply divided country between the Aegean coastal regions and the Anatolian heartland, the latter being a stronghold of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Is Turkey Now A Dictatorship? First, some facts. Turkey has not become a dictatorship, as some Western press allege. Yes, presidential powers have expanded. In particular, we note that: The president is now both head of state and government and has the power to appoint government ministers; The president can issue decrees; however, the parliament has the ability to abrogate them through the legislative process; The president can call for new elections; however, he needs three-fifths of the parliament to agree to the new election; The president has wide powers to appoint judges. What the media is not reporting is that the parliament can remove or modify any state of emergency enacted by the president. In addition, overriding a presidential veto appears to be exceedingly easy, with only an absolute majority (not a super-majority) of votes needed. As such, our review of the constitutional changes is that Turkey is most definitely not a dictatorship. Yes, President Erdogan has bestowed upon the presidency much wider powers than the current ceremonial position possesses. However, the amendments also create a trap for future presidents. If the president should face a parliament ruled by an opposition party, he would lose much of his ability to govern. The changes therefore approximate the current French constitution, which is a semi-presidential system. Under the French system, the president has to cohabitate with the parliament. This appears to be the case with the Turkish constitution as well. Bottom Line: Turkish constitutional referendum has expanded the powers of the presidency, but considerable checks remain. If the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) were ever to lose parliamentary control, President Erdogan would become entrapped by the very constitution he just passed. Is Turkey Now Stable? The market reacted to the results of the referendum with a muted cheer. First, we disagree with the market consensus that President Erdogan will feel empowered and confident following the constitutional referendum that gives him more power. This is for several reasons. For one, the referendum passed with a slim majority. Even if we assume (generously) that it was a clean win for the government, the fact remains that the AKP has struggled to win over 50% of the vote in any election it has contested since coming to power in 2002 (Chart 34). Turkey is a deeply divided country and a narrow win in a constitutional referendum is not going to change this. Chart 34Turkey's Ruling Party Struggles To Get Over 50% Of The Vote What About Emerging Markets? What About Emerging Markets? Second, Erdogan is making a strategic mistake by giving himself more power. It will focus the criticism of the public on the presidency and himself if the economy and geopolitical situation surrounding Turkey gets worse. If the buck now stops with Erdogan, it means that all the blame will go to him in hard times. We therefore do not expect Erdogan to push away from populist economic and monetary policies. In fact, we could see him double down on unorthodox fiscal and monetary policies as protests mount against his rule. While he has expanded control over the army, judiciary, and police, he has not won over the major cities on the Aegean coast, which not only voted against his constitutional referendum but also consistently vote against AKP rule. Events in Turkey since the referendum have already confirmed our view. Despite rumors that the state of emergency would be lifted following the referendum, the parliament in fact moved to expand it by another three months. Furthermore, just a week following the plebiscite, the government suspended over 9,000 police officials and arrested 1,120 suspects of the attempted coup last summer, with another 3,224 at large. This now puts the total number of people arrested at around 47,000. Investors are confusing lack of opposition to stability. Yes, the opposition to AKP remains in disarray. As such, there is no political avenue for opposition to Erdogan. The problem is that such an arrangement raises the probability that the opposition takes the form of a social movement and protest. We would therefore caution investors that a repeat of the Gezi Park protests from 2013 could be likely, especially if the economy stumbles. Bottom Line: The referendum has not changed the facts on the ground. Turkey remains a deeply divided country. Erdogan will continue to feel threatened by the general sentiment on the ground and thus continue to avoid taking any painful structural reforms. We believe that economic populism will remain the name of the game. What To Watch? We would first and foremost watch for any sign of protest over the next several weeks. Any Gezi Park-style unrest would hurt Erdogan's credibility. May Day protests saw police scuffle with protesters in Istanbul, for example. Given his penchant for equating any dissent with terrorism, President Erdogan is very likely to overreact to any sign that a social movement is rising in Turkey to oppose him. It is not our baseline case that the constitutional referendum will motivate protests, but it is a risk investors should be concerned with. Next election is set for November 2019 and the constitutional changes will only become effective at that point (save for provisions on the judiciary). Investors should watch for any sign that Erdogan's or the AKP's popularity is waning in the interim. A failure to secure a majority in parliament could entrap Erdogan in an institutional fight with the legislature that creates a constitutional crisis. Chart 35Turkey Constrained By European Ties Turkey Constrained By European Ties Turkey Constrained By European Ties Relations with the EU remain an issue as well. Erdogan will likely further deepen divisions in the country if he goes ahead and makes a formal break with the EU, either by reinstituting the death penalty or holding a referendum on the EU accession process. Erdogan's hostile position towards the EU should be seen from the perspective of his own insecurity as a leader: he needs an external enemy in order to rally support around his leadership. We would recommend that clients ignore the rhetoric. Turkey depends on Europe far more than any other trade or investment partner (Chart 35). If Turkey were to lash out at the EU by encouraging migration into Europe, for example, the subsequent economic sanctions, which we are certain the EU would impose, would devastate the Turkish economy and collapse its currency. Nonetheless, Ankara's brinkmanship and anti-EU rhetoric will likely continue. It is further evidence of the regime's insecurity at home. Bottom Line: The more that Erdogan captures power within the institutions he controls, the greater his insecurities will become. This is for two reasons. First, he will increase the risk of a return of social movement protests like the Gezi Park event in 2013. Second, he will become solely responsible for everything that happens in Turkey, closing off the possibility to "pass the buck" to the parliament or the opposition when the economy slows down or a geopolitical crisis emerges. As such, we see no opening for genuine structural reform or orthodox policymaking. Turkey will continue to be run along a populist paradigm. Investment Conclusions BCA's Emerging Market Strategy recommends that clients re-instate short positions on Turkish assets, specifically going short TRY versus the U.S. dollar and shorting Turkish bank stocks. The central bank's net liquidity injections into the banking system have recently been expanded again (Chart 36). This is a form of quantitative easing and warrants a weaker currency. To be more specific, even though the overnight liquidity injections have tumbled, the use of the late liquidity money market window has gone vertical. This is largely attributed to the fact that the late liquidity window is the only money market facility that has not been capped by the authorities in their attempt to tighten liquidity when the lira was collapsing in January. The fact remains that Turkish commercial banks are requiring continuous liquidity and the Central Bank of Turkey (CBT) is supplying it. Commercial banks demand liquidity because they continue growing their loan books rapidly. Bank loan and money growth remains very strong at 18-20% (Chart 37). Such extremely strong loan growth means that credit excesses continue to be built. Chart 36Liquidity Injections Reaccelerating Liquidity Injections Reaccelerating Liquidity Injections Reaccelerating Chart 37Money And Credit Growth Strong Money And Credit Growth Strong Money And Credit Growth Strong Besides, wages are growing briskly - wages in manufacturing and service sector are rising at 18-20% from a year ago (Chart 38, top panel). Meanwhile, productivity growth has been very muted. This entails that unit labor costs are mushrooming and inflationary pressures are more entrenched than suggested by headline and core consumer price inflation. It seems Turkey is suffering from outright stagflation: rampant inflationary pressures with a skyrocketing unemployment rate (Chart 38, bottom panel). The upshot of strong credit/money and wage growth as well as higher inflationary pressures is currency depreciation. Excessive credit and income/wage growth are supporting import demand at a time when the current account deficit is already wide. This will maintain downward pressure on the exchange rate. The currency has been mostly flat year-to-date despite the CBT intervening in the market to support the lira by selling U.S. dollars (Chart 39). Without this support from the CBT, the lira would be much weaker than it currently is. That said, the CBT's net foreign exchange rates (excluding commercial banks' foreign currency deposits at the CBT) are very low - they stand at US$ 12 billion and are equal to 1 month of imports. Therefore, the central bank has little capacity to defend the lira by selling its own U.S. dollar. Chart 38Turkish Stagflation Turkish Stagflation Turkish Stagflation Chart 39Turkey Props Up The Lira Turkey Props Up The Lira Turkey Props Up The Lira We also believe there is an opportunity to short Turkish banks outright. The currency depreciation will force interbank rates higher (Chart 40, top panel). Chart 40Weak Lira Will Push Interbank Rates Higher Weak Lira Will Push Interbank Rates Higher Weak Lira Will Push Interbank Rates Higher Historically, currency depreciation has always been negative for banks' stock prices as net interest margins will shrink (Chart 40, bottom panel). Surprisingly, bank share prices in local currency terms have lately rallied despite the headwinds from higher interbank rates and the rollover in net interest rate margin. This creates an attractive opportunity to go short again. Bottom Line: We are already short the lira relative to the Mexican peso. In addition, we are recommending two new trades based on the recommendations of BCA's Emerging Market Strategy: long USD/TRY and short Turkish bank stocks. Dedicated EM equity as well as fixed-income and credit portfolios should continue underweighting Turkish assets within their respective EM universes. Indonesia: A Brief Word On Jakarta Elections President Joko "Jokowi" Widodo saw his ally, Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (nicknamed "Ahok"), badly defeated in the second round of a contentious gubernatorial election on April 19. Preliminary results suggest that Ahok received 42% against 58% for his contender, Anies Baswedan, a technocrat and defector from Jokowi's camp whose own party only expected him to receive 52% of the vote. This was a significant setback. Jokowi's loss of the Jakarta government is a rebuke from his own political base, a loss of prestige (since he campaigned to help Ahok), and a boost to the nationalist opposition party Gerindra and other opponents of Jokowi's reform agenda. Ahok is a Christian and ethnic Chinese, which makes him a double-minority in Muslim-majority Indonesia, which has seen anti-Chinese communal violence periodically and has also witnessed a swelling of Islamist politics since the decline of the oppressive secular Suharto regime in 1998. Ahok fell under popular scrutiny and later criminal charges for allegedly insulting the Koran in September 2016 by casting doubt on verses suggesting that Muslims should not be governed by infidels. Mass Islamist protests ensued in November. Gerindra exploited them, as did political forces behind the previous government of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and trade unions opposed to the Jokowi administration's attempt to regularize minimum wage increases.17 Ahok's sound defeat shows that the opposition succeeded in making the race a referendum on him versus Islam. Despite the blow, Jokowi's popularity remains intact (Chart 41). The latest reliable polling is months out of date but puts Jokowi 24% above Prabowo Subianto, leader of Gerindra, whom he has consistently led since defeating him in the 2014 election. Jokowi remains personally popular, maintains a large coalition in the assembly, and is still the likeliest candidate to win the 2019 election. Jokowi's approval ratings in the mid-60 percentile are comparable to those of former President Yudhoyono at this time in 2007, and the latter was re-elected for a second term. Moreover Yudhoyono slumped at this point in his first term down to the mid-40 percentile in 2008 before recovering dramatically in 2009, despite the global recession, to win re-election. In other words, according to recent precedent, Jokowi could fall much farther in the public eye and still recover in time for the election. However, Jokowi will now have to shore up his support among voters with a strong Muslim identity, which is a serious weak spot of his, as indicated in the regional electoral data in Table 2. Jokowi relies on two key Islamist parties in the National Assembly. He cannot afford to let opposition grow among Muslim voters at large (notwithstanding Gerindra's own problems working with Islamist parties). Chart 41Jokowi Still Likely To Be Re-Elected In 2019 What About Emerging Markets? What About Emerging Markets? Table 2Islamist Politics A Real Risk For Jokowi What About Emerging Markets? What About Emerging Markets? He clearly faces a tougher re-election bid now than he did before. Risks to China and EM growth on the two-year horizon are therefore even more threatening than they were. And since a Prabowo victory would mark the rise of a revanchist and nationalist government in Indonesia that would upset markets for fear of unorthodox economic policies, the political dynamic will be all the more important to monitor. These election risks also suggest that traditional interest-group patronage is likely to rise at the expense of structural economic reform over the next two years. Bottom Line: We remain bearish on Indonesian assets. Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Geopolitical Strategy marko@bcaresearch.com Jesse Anak Kuri, Research Analyst jesse.kuri@bcaresearch.com Ray Park, Research Analyst ray@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken, Associate Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Stephan Gabillard, Senior Analyst stephang@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "The End Of The Anglo-Saxon Economy?" dated April 13, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Client Note, "Will Marine Le Pen Win?" dated November 16, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "Political Risks Are Understated In 2018," dated April 12, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 4 Please see BCA Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report, "Signs Of An EM/China Growth Reversal," dated April 12, 2017, available at ems.bcaresearch.com. 5 Please see BCA Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report, "EM: The Beginning Of The End," dated April 19, 2017, available at ems.bcaresearch.com. 6 Please see BCA Emerging Markets Strategy Weekly Report, "Toward A Desynchronized World?" dated April 26, 2017, available at ems.bcaresearch.com. 7 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "Strategic Outlook 2017: We Are All Geopolitical Strategists Now," dated December 14, 2016; Weekly Report, "How To Play The Proxy Battles In Asia," dated March 1, 2017; and Special Report, "Five Myths About Chinese Politics," dated August 10, 2016, all available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 8 Please see "Moon Jae-in's initiative for 'Inter-Korean Economic Union," National Committee on North Korea, dated August 17, 2012, available at www.ncnk.org. 9 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "North Korea: Beyond Satire," dated April 19, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 10 For our latest feature update on what is one of our major themes, please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy and EM Equity Sector Strategy, "The South China Sea: Smooth Sailing?" dated March 28, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 11 Please see footnote 7 above. 12 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy and Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "The Geopolitics Of Trump," dated December 2, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 13 Please see BCA Emerging Markets Strategy and Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Russia: Entering A Lower-Beta Paradigm," dated March 8, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 14 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy and Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "Forget About The Middle East?" dated January 13, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 15 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Client Note, "Trump Re-Establishes America's 'Credible Threat'," dated April 7, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 16 An original version of this analysis of Turkey appeared in BCA Emerging Market Strategy Weekly Report, "EM: The Beginning Of The End," dated April 19, 2017, available at ems.bcaresearch.com. 17 Please see "Indonesia: Beware Of Excessive Wage Inflation" in BCA Emerging Markets Strategy Special Report, "Turkey: Military Adventurism And Capital Controls," dated December 7, 2016, available at ems.bcaresearch.com.

Dear Client, In addition to this abbreviated Weekly Report, I sent you a Special Report earlier today written by my colleague Mark McClellan of our monthly Bank Credit Analyst publication. Following up on many of the themes discussed in our latest Quarterly Strategy Outlook, Mark makes a convincing case that most of the factors that have suppressed global interest rates since the financial crisis could begin to unwind or even reverse over the coming years. Best regards, Peter Berezin, Chief Global Strategist Feature Davos Man Is Happy Chart 1Macron Leading Le Pen Macron Leading Le Pen Macron Leading Le Pen Populist forces have been in retreat of late. First came the Austrian presidential elections, which saw voters reject a populist right-wing challenger in favor of a former Green Party leader who pledged to be an "open-minded, liberal-minded, and above all a pro-European president." Then came the Dutch elections, where Prime Minister Mark Rutte won more seats than the maverick Geert Wilders. Last week the pound surged after U.K. Prime Minister Theresa May called for a fresh election. May's announcement was designed to expand the Conservative Party's majority, thus neutralizing the ability of a few hardline Tories to scuttle a Brexit deal. These uncompromising MPs would rather see negotiations break down than acquiesce to any of the EU's demands, including that the U.K. pay the remaining £60 billion portion of its contribution to the EU's 2014-20 budget. This week we have the results of the first round of the French presidential elections. Despite the media's absurd characterization of Emmanuel Macron as an "outsider," the former government minister was, in fact, the establishment's dream candidate: pro-business and fervently Europhile. Current polls show Macron beating Le Pen in a runoff by 21 points (Chart 1). Finally, on the other side of the Atlantic, Donald Trump has caved on most of his populist campaign pledges. He agreed to drop his requests that Congress pay for a border wall with Mexico and defund Planned Parenthood. The move is likely to avert an imminent government shutdown. In addition, Trump backed off his pledge to scrap NAFTA. This follows on the heels of his decision not to label China as a "currency manipulator," something he had promised to do during the campaign. And to top it all off, Trump released a one-page tax plan with all the goodies the Republican establishment has been craving: Lower corporate and personal tax rates and the abolition of the estate tax. Risk Assets Will Benefit... Not surprisingly, global equities have responded positively to these developments. The MSCI All-Country World Index hit a record high this week (Chart 2). A rebound in corporate earnings is helping to propel stocks higher. Our global earnings model points to further upside for profits over the coming months (Chart 3). Chart 2Global Equities At Record Highs Global Equities At Record Highs Global Equities At Record Highs Chart 3More Upside Ahead For Global Earnings More Upside Ahead For Global Earnings More Upside Ahead For Global Earnings The laggard remains the Treasury market. Trump's tax plan will add about $5 trillion to the national debt over the next decade above and beyond what the Congressional Budget Office is already projecting. Yet, the 10-year Treasury yield remains 30 basis points below where it was in early March. The market is pricing in just under two rate hikes over the next 12 months. This is below the Fed's guidance and our own expectations. We went short the January 2018 fed funds futures contract last week (Chart 4). Higher U.S. rate expectations should lead to a further widening of rate differentials between the U.S. and its trading partners (Chart 5). Mario Draghi underscored yesterday that the ECB has no plans to remove monetary stimulus anytime soon. If anything, rising inflation expectations in the euro area on the back of a firming economy could lead to lower real yields there, putting downward pressure on the euro. Chart 6 shows that the market expects real U.S. five-year yields to be only 11 basis points higher than in the euro area in 2022.1 That seems too low to us, given the euro area's bleak demographics and high debt levels. We continue to see EUR/USD reaching parity later this year. Chart 4The Market Is Lowballing The Fed The Market Is Lowballing The Fed The Market Is Lowballing The Fed Chart 5Higher U.S. Rate Expectations Will Lead To Further Widening Of Rate Differentials Higher U.S. Rate Expectations Will Lead To Further Widening Of Rate Differentials Higher U.S. Rate Expectations Will Lead To Further Widening Of Rate Differentials Chart 6The Vanishing Transatlantic Bond Spread The Establishment Strikes Back The Establishment Strikes Back ...But Populists Will Triumph In The End Steady growth and falling unemployment will reduce support for populist parties over the coming 12 months. This will help keep global equities in an uptrend. Beyond then, the clouds are likely to darken. We argued in our Q2 Strategy Outlook that global growth could begin to slow in the second half of next year.2 If that happens, support for mainstream political parties will fade. Structural forces will further bolster support for populist leaders. Chart 7 shows that Le Pen won the plurality of voters between the ages of 35 and 59. Young voters tilted towards Mélenchon, while older voters overwhelmingly went for Emmanuel Macron and François Fillon. If recent voting trends are any guide, the elderly of tomorrow will be more sympathetic to Le Pen than the elderly of today. Le Pen's populist message on the economy could resonate more with younger voters (indeed, Le Pen beat Macron among voters between the ages of 18 and 24). Chart 7Who Likes Le Pen? The Establishment Strikes Back The Establishment Strikes Back Meanwhile, worries about terrorism will undermine support for the establishment. There are 17,000 people on the French government's terrorist watch list, 2,000 of whom have fought in Syria and Iraq. Macron's feeble pledge to hire 10,000 additional police officers will do little to thwart future attacks. In the U.S., Trump's pivot towards the establishment wing of the Republican Party could prove to be short-lived. Most Republican voters have mixed feelings about Donald Trump the man. They voted for Trumpism, not Trump. Either Trump will start delivering on the promises that endeared him to blue-collar workers in states such as Ohio and Pennsylvania, or he will go down in flames in the next election. Bottom Line: Investors should overweight global equities in a balanced portfolio over the next 12 months, but look to reduce exposure in the second half of next year. Peter Berezin, Chief Global Strategist Global Investment Strategy peterb@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Talk Is Cheap: EUR/USD Is Heading Towards Parity," dated April 14, 2017, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see Global Investment Strategy Outlook: "Second Quarter 2017: A Three-Act Play," dated March 31, 2017, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. Strategy & Market Trends Tactical Trades Strategic Recommendations Closed Trades

Highlights Dear Client, In light of the recent political crisis in South Africa, we are re-publishing the following brief from BCA’s Emerging Markets Strategy service. As we have argued since 2015, South African politics are devolving into populism. We believe that the market is finally catching up to that reality and we see little to cheer in the short term. For our clients who are interested in EM macro fundamentals, we suggest they give our Emerging Markets Strategy a try. Please contact your account manager for more details. Kindest Regards, Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Geopolitical Strategy Feature Political risks have not risen in South Africa with the dismissal of Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan. They had never declined in the first place. The markets have, however, ignored them in the past 12 months. Investors have failed to recognize the fundamental problem underpinning the disarray in the ruling African National Congress (ANC): growing public discontent with persistently high unemployment and income inequality. Despite a growing body of evidence that political stability has been declining for a decade, strong foreign portfolio flows have papered over the reality on the ground and allowed domestic markets to continue "whistling in the dark." Investors even cheered the poor performance of the ANC in municipal elections in August 2016, despite the fact that by far the biggest winners of the election were the left-wing Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), not the centrist Democratic Alliance. This confirms BCA's Geopolitical Strategy's forecast that the main risk to President Jacob Zuma's rule is from his left flank, led by the upstart EFF of Julius Malema, and by the Youth and Women's Leagues of his own ANC.1 As such, it was absolutely nonsensical to expect Zuma to pivot towards pro-market reforms. Unsurprisingly, he has not. But could the Gordhan firing set the stage for an internal ANC dust-up that gives birth to a pro-reform, centrist party? This is the hopeful narrative in the press today. We doubt it. First, if the ANC splits along left-right lines, it is not clear that the reformers would end up in the majority. Therefore, the hope of the investment community that Deputy President Cyril Ramaphosa takes charge and enacts painful reforms is grossly misplaced. Second, Zuma may no longer be popular, but his populist policies are. While both the Communist Party (a partner of the Tripartite Alliance with the ANC) and the EFF now officially oppose his rule, they do not support pro-market reforms. Third, ethnic tensions are rising, particularly between the Zulu and other groups. These boiled over in social unrest last summer in Pretoria when the ruling ANC nominated a Zulu as the candidate for mayor of the Tshwane municipality (which includes the capital city). As such, we see the market's reaction as a belated acceptance of the reality in South Africa, which is that the country's consensus on market reforms is weakening, not strengthening. It is not clear to us that a change at the top of the ANC, or even a vote of non-confidence in Zuma, would significantly change the country's trajectory. In addition, the political tensions are growing at a time when budget revenue growth is dwindling and the fiscal deficit is widening (Chart 1). To placate investor anxiety over the long-term fiscal outlook, the government should ideally cut its spending. However, it is impossible to do so when there are escalating backlashes from populist parties and from within the ruling Tripartite Alliance. Odds are that the current and future governments will resort to more populist and unorthodox policies. That will jeopardize the public debt outlook and erode the currency's value. Needless to say, the nation's fundamentals are extremely poor - outright decline in productivity being one of the major causes (Chart 2). Chart 1South Africa: Fiscal Stress Is Building Up South Africa: Fiscal Stress Is Building Up South Africa: Fiscal Stress Is Building Up Chart 2Underlying Cause Of Economic Malaise Underlying Cause Of Economic Malaise Underlying Cause Of Economic Malaise We believe the rand has made a major top and local currency bond yields reached a major low (Chart 3). We continue to recommend shorting the ZAR versus both the U.S. dollar and Mexican peso. Traders, who are not short, should consider initiating these trades at current levels. Investors who hold local bonds should reduce their exposure. Dedicated EM equity investors should downgrade this bourse from neutral to underweight (Chart 4). Chart 3South Africa: ##br##Short The Rand And Sell Bonds South Africa: Short The Rand And Sell Bonds South Africa: Short The Rand And Sell Bonds Chart 4Downgrade South African##br## Equities To Underweight Downgrade South African Equities To Underweight Downgrade South African Equities To Underweight Finally, EM credit investors should continue underweighting the nation's sovereign credit within the EM universe and relative value trades should stay with buy South African CDS / sell Russian CDS protection. Arthur Budaghyan, Senior Vice President Emerging Markets Strategy arthurb@bcaresearch.com Stephan Gabillard, Research Analyst stephang@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy and Emerging Markets Strategy Special Report, "The Coming Bloodbath In Emerging Markets," dated August 12, 2015, and Strategic Outlook, "Strategic Outlook 2016: Multipolarity & Markets," dated December 9, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com.

Highlights Economic Outlook: The global economy is in a reflationary window that will stay open until mid-2018. Growth will then slow, culminating in a recession in 2019. While the recession is likely to be mild, the policy response will be dramatic. This will set the stage for a period of stagflation beginning in the early 2020s. Overall Strategy: Investors should overweight equities and high-yield credit during the next 12 months, while underweighting safe-haven government bonds and cash. However, be prepared to scale back risk next spring. Fixed Income: For now, stay underweight U.S. Treasurys within a global fixed-income portfolio; remain neutral on the euro area and the U.K.; and overweight Japan. Bonds will rally in the second half of 2018 as growth begins to slow, but then begin a protracted bear market. Equities: Favor higher-beta developed markets such as Europe and Japan relative to the U.S. in local-currency terms over the next 12 months. Emerging markets will benefit from the reflationary tailwind, but deep structural problems will drag down returns. Currencies: The broad trade-weighted dollar will appreciate by 10% before peaking in mid-2018. The yen still has considerable downside against the dollar. The euro will grind lower, as will the Chinese yuan. The pound is close to a bottom. Commodities: Favor energy over metals. Gold will move higher once the dollar peaks in the middle of next year. Feature Reflation, Recession, And Then Stagflation The investment outlook over the next five years can be best described as a three-act play: First Act: "Reflation" (The present until mid-2018) Second Act: "Recession" (2019) Third Act: "Stagflation" (2021 onwards) Investors who remain a few steps ahead of the herd will prosper. All others will struggle to stay afloat. Let us lift the curtain and begin the play. Act 1: Reflation Reflation Continues If there is one chart that best encapsulates the reflation theme, Chart 1 is it. It shows the sum of the Citibank global economic and inflation surprise indices. The combined series currently stands at the highest level in the 14-year history of the survey. Consistent with the surprise indices, Goldman's global Current Activity Indicator (CAI) has risen to the strongest level in three years. The 3-month average for developed markets stands at a 6-year high (Chart 2). Chart 1The Reflation Trade In One Chart The Reflation Trade In One Chart The Reflation Trade In One Chart Chart 2Current Activity Indicators Have Perked Up Current Activity Indicators Have Perked Up Current Activity Indicators Have Perked Up What accounts for the acceleration in economic growth that began in earnest in mid-2016? A number of factors stand out: The drag on global growth from the plunge in commodity sector investment finally ran its course. U.S. energy sector capex, for example, tumbled by 70% between Q2 of 2014 and Q3 of 2016, knocking 0.7% off the level of U.S. real GDP. The fallout for commodity-exporting EMs such as Brazil and Russia was considerably more severe. The global economy emerged from a protracted inventory destocking cycle (Chart 3). In the U.S., inventories made a negative contribution to growth for five straight quarters starting in Q2 of 2015, the longest streak since the 1950s. The U.K., Germany, and Japan also saw notable inventory corrections. Fears of a hard landing in China and a disorderly devaluation of the RMB subsided as the Chinese government ramped up fiscal stimulus. The era of fiscal austerity ended. Chart 4 shows that the fiscal thrust in developed economies turned positive in 2016 for the first time since 2010. Financial conditions eased in most economies, delivering an impulse to growth that is still being felt. In the U.S., for example, junk bond yields dropped from a peak of 10.2% in February 2016 to 6.3% at present (Chart 5). A surging stock market and rising home prices also helped buoy consumer and business sentiment. Chart 3Inventory Destocking Was A Drag On Growth Inventory Destocking Was A Drag On Growth Inventory Destocking Was A Drag On Growth Chart 4The End Of Fiscal Austerity? Second Quarter 2017: A Three-Act Play Second Quarter 2017: A Three-Act Play Chart 5Corporate Borrowing Costs Have Fallen Corporate Borrowing Costs Have Fallen Corporate Borrowing Costs Have Fallen Fine For Now... Looking out, global growth should stay reasonably firm over the next 12 months. Our global Leading Economic Indicator remains in a solid uptrend. Burgeoning animal spirits are powering a recovery in business spending, as evidenced by the jump in factory orders and capex intentions (Chart 6). The lagged effects from the easing in financial conditions over the past 12 months should help support activity. Chart 7 shows that the 12-month change in our U.S. Financial Conditions Index leads the business cycle by 6-to-9 months. The current message from the index is that U.S. growth will remain sturdy for the remainder of 2017. Chart 6Global Growth Will Stay Strong In The Near Term Global Growth Will Stay Strong In The Near Term Global Growth Will Stay Strong In The Near Term Chart 7Easing Financial Conditions Will Support Activity Easing Financial Conditions Will Support Activity Easing Financial Conditions Will Support Activity ... But Storm Clouds Are Forming Home prices cannot rise faster than rents or incomes indefinitely; nor can equity prices rise faster than earnings. Corporate spreads also cannot keep falling. As the equity and housing markets cool, and borrowing costs start climbing on the back of higher government bond yields, the tailwind from easier financial conditions will dissipate. When that happens - most likely, sometime next year - GDP growth will slow. In and of itself, somewhat weaker growth would not be much of a problem. After all, the economy is currently expanding at an above-trend pace and the Fed wants to tighten financial conditions to some extent - it would not be raising rates if it didn't! The problem is that trend growth is much lower now than in the past - only 1.8% according to the Fed's Summary of Economic Projections. Living in a world of slow trend growth could prove to be challenging. The U.S. corporate sector has been feasting on credit for the past four years (Chart 8). Household balance sheets are still in reasonably good shape, but even here, there are areas of concern. Student debt is going through the roof and auto loans are nearly back to pre-recession levels as a share of disposable income (Chart 9). Together, these two categories account for over two-thirds of non-housing related consumer liabilities. Chart 8U.S. Corporate Sector Has Been Feasting On Credit U.S. Corporate Sector Has Been Feasting On Credit U.S. Corporate Sector Has Been Feasting On Credit Chart 9U.S. Household Balance Sheets Are In Good Shape, But Auto And Student Loans Are A Potential Problem U.S. Household Balance Sheets Are In Good Shape, But Auto And Student Loans Are A Potential Problem U.S. Household Balance Sheets Are In Good Shape, But Auto And Student Loans Are A Potential Problem The risk is that defaults will rise if GDP growth falls below 2%, a pace that has often been described as "stall speed." This could set in motion a vicious cycle where slower growth causes firms to pare back debt, leading to even slower growth and greater pressure on corporate balance sheets - in other words, a recipe for recession. Act 2: Recession Redefining "Tight Money" "Expansions do not die of old age," Rudi Dornbusch once remarked, "They are killed by the Fed." On the face of it, this may not seem like much of a concern. If the Fed raises rates in line with the median "dot" in the Summary of Economic Projections, the funds rate will only be about 2.5% by mid-2019 (Chart 10). That may not sound like much, but keep in mind that the so-called neutral rate - the rate consistent with full employment and stable inflation - may be a lot lower now than in the past. Also keep in mind that it can take up to 18 months before the impact of tighter financial conditions take their full effect on the economy. Thus, by the time the Fed has realized that it has tightened monetary policy by too much, it may be too late. As we have argued in the past, a variety of forces have pushed down the neutral rate over time.1 For example, the amount of investment that firms need to undertake in a slow-growing economy has fallen by nearly 2% of GDP since the late-1990s (Chart 11). And getting firms to take on even this meager amount of investment may require a lower interest rate since modern production techniques rely more on human capital than physical capital. Chart 10Will The Fed's 'Gradual' Rate Hikes End Up Being Too Much? Second Quarter 2017: A Three-Act Play Second Quarter 2017: A Three-Act Play Chart 11Less Investment Required Less Investment Required Less Investment Required Rising inequality has also reduced aggregate demand by shifting income towards households with high marginal propensities to save (Chart 12). This has forced central banks to lower interest rates in order to prop up spending. From this perspective, it is not too surprising that income inequality and debt levels have been positively correlated over time (Chart 13). Chart 12Savings Heavily Skewed Towards Top Earners Savings Heavily Skewed Towards Top Earners Savings Heavily Skewed Towards Top Earners Chart 13U.S.: Positive Correlation Between Income Inequality And Debt-To-GDP U.S.: Positive Correlation Between Income Inequality And Debt-To-GDP U.S.: Positive Correlation Between Income Inequality And Debt-To-GDP Then there is the issue of the dollar. The broad real trade-weighted dollar has appreciated by 19% since mid-2014 (Chart 14). According to the New York Fed's trade model, this has reduced the level of real GDP by nearly 2% relative to what it would have otherwise been. Standard "Taylor Rule" equations suggest that interest rates would need to fall by around 1%-to-2% in order to offset a loss of demand of this magnitude. This means that if the economy could withstand interest rates of 4% when the dollar was cheap, it can only withstand interest rates of 2%-to-3% today. And even that may be too high. Consider the message from Chart 15. It shows that real rates have been trending lower since 1980. The real funds rate averaged only 1% during the 2001-2007 business cycle, a period when demand was being buoyed by a massive, debt-fueled housing bubble; fiscal stimulus in the form of the two Bush tax cuts and the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan; a weakening dollar; and by a very benign global backdrop where emerging markets were recovering and Europe was doing well. Chart 14The Dollar Is In The Midst Of Its Third Great Bull Market The Dollar Is In The Midst Of Its Third Great Bull Market The Dollar Is In The Midst Of Its Third Great Bull Market Chart 15The Neutral Rate Has Fallen The Neutral Rate Has Fallen The Neutral Rate Has Fallen Today, the external backdrop is fragile, the dollar has been strengthening rather than weakening, and households have become more frugal (Chart 16). And while President Trump has promised plenty of fiscal largess, the reality may turn out to be a lot more sobering than the rhetoric. Chart 16Return To Thrift Return To Thrift Return To Thrift End Of The Trump Trade? Not Yet The failure to replace the Affordable Care Act has cast doubt in the eyes of many observers about the ability of Congress to pass other parts of Trump's agenda. As a consequence, the "Trump Trade" has gone into reverse over the past few weeks, pushing down the dollar and Treasury yields in the process. We agree that the "Trump Trade" will eventually fizzle out. However, this is likely to be more of a story for 2018 than this year. If anything, last week's fiasco may turn out to be a blessing in disguise for the Republicans. Opinion polls suggest that the GOP would have gone down in flames if the American Health Care Act had been signed into law (Table 1). Table 1Passing The American Health Care Act Could Have Cost The Republicans Dearly Second Quarter 2017: A Three-Act Play Second Quarter 2017: A Three-Act Play The GOP's proposed legislation would have reduced federal government spending on health care by $1.2 trillion over ten years. Sixty-four year-olds with incomes of $26,500 would have seen their annual premiums soar from $1,700 to $14,600. Even if one includes the tax cuts in the proposed bill, the net effect would have been a major tightening in fiscal policy. That would have warranted lower bond yields and a weaker dollar. The failure to pass an Obamacare replacement serves as a reminder that comprehensive tax reform will be more difficult to achieve than many had hoped. However, even if Republicans are unable to overhaul the tax code, this will not prevent them from simply cutting corporate and personal taxes. Worries that tax cuts will lead to larger budget deficits will be brushed aside on the grounds that they will "pay for themselves" through faster growth (dynamic scoring!). Throw some infrastructure spending into the mix, and it will not take much for the "Trump Trade" to return with a vengeance. Trump's Fiscal Fantasy Where the disappointment will appear is not during the legislative process, but afterwards. The highly profitable companies that will benefit the most from corporate tax cuts are the ones who least need them. In many cases, these companies have plenty of cash and easy access to external financing. As a consequence, much of the corporate tax cuts may simply be hoarded or used to finance equity buybacks or dividend payments. A large share of personal tax cuts will also be saved, given that they will mostly accrue to higher income earners. Chart 17From Unrealistic To Even More Unrealistic From Unrealistic To Even More Unrealistic From Unrealistic To Even More Unrealistic The amount of infrastructure spending that actually takes place will likely be a tiny fraction of the headline amount. This is not just because of the dearth of "shovel ready" projects. It is also because the public-private partnership structure the GOP is touting will severely limit the universe of projects that can be considered. Most of America's infrastructure needs consist of basic maintenance, rather than the sort of marquee projects that the private sector would be keen to invest in. Indeed, the bill could turn out to be little more than a boondoggle for privatizing existing public infrastructure projects, rather than investing in new ones. Chart 18Euro Area Credit Impulse Will Fade In The Second Half Of 2018 Euro Area Credit Impulse Will Fade In The Second Half Of 2018 Euro Area Credit Impulse Will Fade In The Second Half Of 2018 Meanwhile, the Trump administration is proposing large cuts to nondefense discretionary expenditures that go above and beyond the draconian ones that are already enshrined into current law (Chart 17). As such, the risk to the economy beyond the next 12 months is that markets push up the dollar and long-term interest rates in anticipation of continued strong growth and lavish fiscal stimulus only to get neither. Euro Area: A 12-Month Window For Growth The outlook for the euro area over the next 12 months is reasonably bright, but just as in the U.S., the picture could darken later next year. Euro area private sector credit growth reached 2.5% earlier this year. This may not sound like a lot, but that is the fastest pace of growth since July 2009. A further acceleration is probable over the coming months, given rising business confidence, firm loan demand, and declining nonperforming loans. Conceptually, it is the change in credit growth that drives GDP growth. Thus, as credit growth levels off next year, the euro area's credit impulse will fall back towards zero, setting the stage for a period of slower GDP growth (Chart 18). In contrast to the U.S., the ECB is likely to resist the urge to raise the repo rate before growth slows. That's the good news. The bad news is that the market could price in some tightening in monetary policy anyway, leading to a "bund tantrum" later this year. As in the past, the ECB will be able to defuse the situation. Unfortunately, what Draghi cannot do much about is the low level of the neutral rate in the euro area. If the neutral rate is low in the U.S., it is probably even lower in the euro area, reflecting the region's worse demographics and higher debt burdens. The anti-growth features of the common currency - namely, the inability to devalue one's currency in response to an adverse economic shock, as well as the austerity bias that comes from not having a central bank that can act as a lender of last resort to solvent but illiquid governments - also imply a lower neutral rate. Chart 19Anti-Euro Sentiment Is High In Italy Anti-Euro Sentiment Is High In Italy Anti-Euro Sentiment Is High In Italy Indeed, it is entirely possible that the neutral rate is negative in the euro area, even in nominal terms. If that's the case, the ECB will find it difficult to keep inflation from falling once the economy begins to slow late next year. The U.K.: And Now The Hard Part The U.K. fared better than most pundits expected in the aftermath of the Brexit vote. Nevertheless, it would be a mistake to assume that the Brexit vote has not cast a pall over the economy. The pound has depreciated by 11% against the euro and 16% against the dollar since that fateful day, while gilt yields have fallen across the board. Had it not been for this easing in financial conditions, the economic outcome would have been far worse. As the tailwind from the pound's devaluation begins to recede next year, the U.K. economy could suffer. Slower growth in continental Europe and the rest of the world could also exacerbate matters. The severity of the slowdown will hinge on the outcome of Brexit negotiations. On the one hand, the EU has an interest in taking a hardline stance to discourage separatist forces elsewhere, particularly in Italy where pro-euro sentiment is tumbling (Chart 19). On the other hand, the EU still needs the U.K. as both a trade partner and a geopolitical ally. Investors may therefore be surprised by the relatively muted negotiations that transpire over the coming months. In fact, news reports indicate that Brussels has already offered the U.K. a three year transitional deal that will give London plenty of time to conclude a free trade agreement with the EU. In addition, the EU has dangled the carrot of revocability, suggesting that the U.K. would be welcomed back with open arms if enough British voters were to change their minds. Whatever the path, our geopolitical service believes that political risk actually bottomed with the January 17 Theresa May speech.2 If that turns out to be the case, the pound is unlikely to weaken much from current levels. China And EM: The Calm Before The Storm? The Chinese economy should continue to perform well over the coming months. The Purchasing Manager Index for manufacturing remains in expansionary territory and BCA's China Leading Economic Indicator is in a clear uptrend (Charts 20 and 21). Chart 20Bright Spots In The Chinese Economy Bright Spots In The Chinese Economy Bright Spots In The Chinese Economy Chart 21Improving LEI Points To Further Growth Acceleration Improving LEI Points To Further Growth Acceleration Improving LEI Points To Further Growth Acceleration Moreover, there has been a dramatic increase in the sales of construction equipment such as heavy trucks and excavators, with growth rates matching levels last seen during the boom years before the global financial crisis. Historically, construction machinery sales have been tightly correlated with real estate development (Chart 22). Reflecting this reflationary trend, the producer price index rose by nearly 8% year-over-year in February, a 14-point swing from the decline of 6% experienced in late-2015. Historically, rising producer prices have resulted in higher corporate profits and increased capital expenditures, especially among private enterprises (Chart 23). Chart 22An Upturn In Housing Construction? An Upturn In Housing Construction? An Upturn In Housing Construction? Chart 23Higher Producer Prices Boosting Profits Higher Producer Prices Boosting Profits Higher Producer Prices Boosting Profits The key question is how long the good news will last. As in the rest of the world, our guess is that the Chinese economy will slow late next year, setting the stage for a major growth disappointment in 2019. Weaker growth abroad will be partly to blame, but domestic factors will also play a role. The Chinese housing market has been on a tear. The authorities are increasingly worried about a property bubble and have begun to tighten the screws on the sector. The full effect of these measures should become apparent sometime next year. Fiscal policy is also likely to be tightened at the margin. The IMF estimates that China benefited from a positive fiscal thrust of 2.2% of GDP between 2014 and 2016. The fiscal thrust is likely to be close to zero in 2017 and turn negative to the tune of nearly 1% of GDP in 2018 and 2019. The growth outlook for other emerging markets is likely to mirror China's. The IMF expects real GDP in emerging and developing economies to rise by 5.1% in Q4 of 2017 relative to the same quarter a year earlier, up from 4.2% in 2016 (Table 2). The biggest acceleration is expected to occur in Brazil, where the economy is projected to grow by 1.4% in 2017 after having contracted by 1.9% in 2016. Russia and India should also see better growth numbers. Table 2World Economic Outlook: Global Growth Projections Second Quarter 2017: A Three-Act Play Second Quarter 2017: A Three-Act Play We do not see any major reason to challenge these numbers for this year, but think the IMF's projections will turn out to be too rosy for 2018, and especially, 2019. As BCA's Emerging Market Strategy service has documented, the lack of structural reforms in EMs over the past few years has depressed productivity growth. High debt levels also cloud the picture. Chart 24 shows that debt levels have continued to grow as a share of GDP in most emerging markets. In EMs such as China, where banks benefit from a fiscal backstop, the likelihood of a financial crisis is low. In others such as Brazil, where government finances are in precarious shape, the chances of another major crisis remains uncomfortable high. Japan: The End Of Deflation? If there is one thing investors are certain about it is that deflationary forces in Japan are here to stay. Despite a modest increase in inflation expectations since July 2016, CPI swaps are still pricing in inflation of only 0.6% over the next two decades, nowhere close to the Bank of Japan's 2% target. But could the market be wrong? We think so. Many of the forces that have exacerbated deflation in Japan, such as corporate deleveraging and falling property prices, have run their course (Chart 25). The population continues to age, but the impact that this is having on inflation may have reached an inflection point. Over the past quarter century, slow population growth depressed aggregate demand by reducing the incentive for companies to build out new capacity. This generated a surfeit of savings relative to investment, helping to fuel deflation. Now, however, as an ever-rising share of the population enters retirement, the overabundance of savings is disappearing. The household saving rate currently stands at only 2.8% - down from 14% in the early 1990s - while the ratio of job openings-to-applicants has soared to a 25-year high (Chart 26). Chart 24What EM Deleveraging? What EM Deleveraging? What EM Deleveraging? Chart 25Japan: Easing Deflationary Forces Japan: Easing Deflationary Forces Japan: Easing Deflationary Forces Chart 26Japan: Low Household Saving Rate And A Tightening Labor Market Japan: Low Household Saving Rate And A Tightening Labor Market Japan: Low Household Saving Rate And A Tightening Labor Market Government policy is finally doing its part to slay the deflationary dragon. The Abe government shot itself in the foot by tightening fiscal policy by 3% of GDP between 2013 and 2015. It won't make the same mistake again. The Bank of Japan's efforts to pin the 10-year yield to zero also seems to be bearing fruit. As bond yields in other economies have trended higher, this has made Japanese bonds less attractive. That, in turn, has pushed down the yen, ushering in a virtuous cycle where a falling yen props up economic activity, leading to higher inflation expectations, lower real yields, and an even weaker yen. Unfortunately, external events could conspire to sabotage Japan's escape from deflation. If the global economy slows in late-2018 - leading to a recession in 2019 - Japan will be hard hit, given the highly cyclical nature of its economy. And this could cause Japanese policymakers to throw the proverbial kitchen sink at the problem, including doing something that they have so far resisted: introducing a "helicopter money" financed fiscal stimulus program. Against the backdrop of weak potential GDP growth and a shrinking reservoir of domestic savings, the government may get a lot more inflation than it bargained for. Act 3: Stagflation Who Remembers The 70s Anymore? By historical standards, the 2019 recession will be a mild one for most countries, especially in the developed world. This is simply because the excesses that preceded the subprime crisis in 2007 and, to a lesser extent the tech bust in 2000, are likely to be less severe going into the next global downturn than they were back then. The policy response may turn out to be anything but mild, however. Memories of the Great Recession are still very much vivid in most peoples' minds. No one wants to live through that again. In contrast, memories of the inflationary 1970s are fading. A recent NBER paper documented that age plays a big role in determining whether central bankers turn out to be dovish or hawkish.3 Those who experienced stagflation in the 1970s as adults are much more likely to express a hawkish bias than those who were still in their diapers back then. The implication is the future generation of central bankers is likely to see the world through more dovish eyes than their predecessors. Even if one takes the generational mix out of the equation, there are good reasons to aim for higher inflation in today's environment. For one thing, debt is high. The simplest way to reduce real debt burdens is by letting inflation accelerate. In addition, the zero bound is less likely to be a problem if inflation were higher. After all, if inflation were running at 1% going into a recession, real rates would not be able to fall much below -1%. But if inflation were running at 3%, real rates could fall to as low as -3%. The Politics Of Inflation Political developments will also facilitate the transition to higher inflation. In the U.S., the presidential election campaign will start coming into focus in 2019. If the economy enters a recession then, Donald Trump will go ballistic. The infrastructure program that Republicans in Congress are downplaying now will be greatly expanded. Gold-plated hotels and casinos will be built across the country. Of course, several years could pass between when an infrastructure bill is passed and when most new projects break ground. By that time, the economy will already be recovering. This will help fuel inflation. As the economy turns down in 2019, the Fed will also be forced to play ball. The market's current obsession over whether President Trump wants a "dove" or a "hawk" as Fed chair misses the point. He wants neither. He wants someone who will do what they are told. This means that the next Fed chair will likely be a "really smart" business executive with little-to-no-experience in central banking and even less interest in maintaining the Federal Reserve's institutional independence. The empirical evidence strongly suggests that inflation tends to be higher in countries that lack independent central banks (Chart 27). This may be the fate of the U.S. Chart 27Inflation Higher In Countries Lacking Independent Central Banks Second Quarter 2017: A Three-Act Play Second Quarter 2017: A Three-Act Play Europe's Populists: Down But Not Out Whether something similar happens in Europe will also depend on political developments. For the next 18 months at least, the populists will be held at bay (Chart 28). Le Pen currently trails Macron by 24 percentage points in a head-to-head contest. It is highly unlikely that she will be able to close this gap between now and May 7th, the date of the second round of the Presidential contest. In Germany, support for the europhile Social Democratic Party is soaring, as is support for the common currency itself. For the time being, euro area risk assets will be able to climb the proverbial political "wall of worry." However, if the European economy turns down in 2019, all this may change. Chart 29 shows the strong correlation between unemployment rates in various French départements and support for Marine Le Pen's National Front. Should French unemployment rise, her support will rise as well. The same goes for other European countries. Chart 28France And Germany: Populists Held At Bay For Now France And Germany: Populists Held At Bay For Now France And Germany: Populists Held At Bay For Now Chart 29Higher Unemployment Would Benefit Le Pen Second Quarter 2017: A Three-Act Play Second Quarter 2017: A Three-Act Play Meanwhile, there is a high probability that the migrant crisis will intensify at some point over the next few years. Several large states neighboring Europe are barely holding together - Egypt being a prime example - and could erupt at any time. Furthermore, demographic trends in Africa portend that the supply of migrants will only increase. In 2005, the United Nations estimated that sub-Saharan Africa's population will increase to 2 billion by the end of the century, up from one billion at present. In its 2015 revision, the UN doubled its estimate to 4 billion. And even that may be too conservative because it assumes that the average number of births per woman falls from 5.1 to 2.2 over this period (Chart 30). Chart 30Population Pressures In Africa Second Quarter 2017: A Three-Act Play Second Quarter 2017: A Three-Act Play The existing European political order is not well equipped to deal with large-scale migration, as the hapless reaction to the Syrian refugee crisis demonstrates. This implies that an increasing share of the public may seek out a "new order" that is more attuned to their preferences. European history is fraught with regime shifts, and we may see yet another one in the 2020s. The eventual success of anti-establishment politicians on both sides of the Atlantic suggests that open border immigration policies and free trade - the two central features of globalization - will come under attack. Consequently, an inherently deflationary force, globalization, will give way to an inherently inflationary one: populism. The Productivity Curse Just as the "flation" part of stagflation will become more noticeable as the global economy emerges from the 2019 recession, so will the "stag." Chart 31 shows that productivity growth has fallen across almost all countries and regions. There is little compelling evidence that measurement error explains the productivity slowdown.4 Cyclical factors have played some role. Weak investment spending has curtailed the growth in the capital stock. This means that today's workers have not benefited from the same improvement in the quality and quantity of capital as they did in previous generations. However, the timing of the productivity slowdown - it began in 2004-05 in most countries, well before the financial crisis struck - suggests that structural factors have been key. Most prominently, the gains from the IT revolution have leveled off. Recent innovations have focused more on consumers than on businesses. As nice as Facebook and Instagram are, they do little to boost business productivity - in fact, they probably detract from it, given how much time people waste on social media these days. Human capital accumulation has also decelerated, dragging productivity growth down with it. Globally, the fraction of adults with a secondary degree or higher is increasing at half the pace it did in the 1990s (Chart 32). Educational achievement, as measured by standardized test scores in mathematics, is edging lower in the OECD, and is showing very limited gains in most emerging markets (Chart 33).5 Given that test scores are extremely low in most countries with rapidly growing populations, the average level of global mathematical proficiency is now declining for the first time in modern history. Chart 31Productivity Growth Has Slowed In Most Major Economies Second Quarter 2017: A Three-Act Play Second Quarter 2017: A Three-Act Play Chart 32The Contribution To Growth From Rising Human Capital Is Falling Second Quarter 2017: A Three-Act Play Second Quarter 2017: A Three-Act Play Chart 33Math Skills Around The World Second Quarter 2017: A Three-Act Play Second Quarter 2017: A Three-Act Play Productivity And Inflation The slowdown in potential GDP growth tends to be deflationary at the outset, but becomes inflationary later on (Chart 34). Initially, lower productivity growth reduces investment, pushing down aggregate demand. Lower productivity growth also curtails consumption, as households react to the prospect of smaller real wage gains. Chart 34A Decline In Productivity Growth Is Deflationary In The Short Run, But Inflationary In The Long Run Second Quarter 2017: A Three-Act Play Second Quarter 2017: A Three-Act Play Eventually, however, economies that suffer from chronically weak productivity growth tend to find themselves rubbing up against supply-side constraints. This leads to higher inflation.6 One only needs to look at the history of low-productivity economies in Africa and Latin America to see this point - or, for that matter, the U.S. in the 1970s, a decade during which productivity growth slowed and inflation accelerated. Financial Markets Overall Strategy Risk assets have enjoyed a strong rally since late last year, and a modest correction is long overdue. Still, as long as the global economy continues to grow at a robust pace, the cyclical outlook for risk assets will remain bullish. As such, investors with a 12-month horizon should stay overweight global equities and high-yield credit at the expense of government bonds and cash. Global growth is likely to slow in the second half of 2018, with the deceleration intensifying into 2019, possibly culminating in a recession in a number of countries. To what extent markets "sniff out" an economic slowdown before it happens is a matter of debate. U.S. equities did not peak until October 2007, only slightly before the Great Recession began. Commodity prices did not top out until the summer of 2008. Thus, the market's track record for predicting recessions is far from an envious one. Nevertheless, investors should err on the side of safety and start scaling back risk exposure next spring. The 2019 recession will last 6-to-12 months, followed by a gradual recovery that sees the restoration of full employment in most countries by 2021. At that point, inflation will take off, rising to over 4% by the middle of the decade. The 2020s will be remembered as a decade of intense pain for bond investors. In relative terms, equities will fare better than bonds, but in absolute terms they will struggle to generate a positive real return. As in the 1970s, gold will be the standout winner. Chart 35 presents a visual representation of how the main asset markets are likely to evolve over the next seven years. Chart 35Market Outlook For Major Asset Classes Second Quarter 2017: A Three-Act Play Second Quarter 2017: A Three-Act Play Equities Cyclically Favor The Euro Area And Japan Over The U.S. Stronger global growth is powering an acceleration in corporate earnings. Global EPS is expected to expand by 12% over the next 12 months. Analysts are usually too bullish when it comes to making earnings forecasts. This time around they may be too bearish. Chart 36 shows that the global earnings revision ratio has turned positive for the first time in six years, implying that analysts have been behind the curve in revising up profit projections. We prefer euro area and Japanese stocks relative to U.S. equities over a 12-month horizon. We would only buy Japanese stocks on a currency-hedged basis, as the prospect of a weaker yen is the main reason for being overweight Japan. In contrast, we would still buy euro area equities on a U.S. dollar basis, even though our central forecast is for the euro to weaken against the dollar over the next 12 months. Our cyclically bullish view on euro area equities reflects several considerations. For starters, they are cheap. Euro area stocks currently trade at a Shiller PE ratio of only 17, compared with 29 for the U.S. (Chart 37). Some of this valuation gap can be explained by different sector weights across the two regions. However, even if one controls for this factor, as well as the fact that euro area stocks have historically traded at a discount to the U.S., the euro area still comes out as being roughly one standard deviation cheap compared with the U.S. (Chart 38). Chart 36Global Earnings Picture Looking Brighter Global Earnings Picture Looking Brighter Global Earnings Picture Looking Brighter Chart 37Euro Area Stocks Are A Bargain... Euro Area Stocks Are A Bargain... Euro Area Stocks Are A Bargain... Chart 38...No Matter How You Look At It ...No Matter How You Look At It ...No Matter How You Look At It European Banks Are In A Cyclical Sweet Spot Of course, if euro area banks flounder over the next 12 months as they have for much of the past decade, none of this will matter. However, we think that the region's banks have finally turned the corner. The ECB is slowly unwinding its emergency measures and core European bond yields have risen since last summer. This has led to a steeper yield curve, helping to flatter net interest margins. Chart 39 shows that the relative performance of European banks is almost perfectly correlated with the level of German bund yields. Our European Corporate Health Monitor remains in improving territory, in contrast to the U.S., where it has been deteriorating since 2013 (Chart 40). Profit margins in Europe have room to expand, whereas in the U.S. they have already maxed out. The capital positions of European banks have also improved greatly since the euro crisis. Not all banks are out of the woods, but with nonperforming loans trending lower, the need for costly equity dilution has dissipated (Chart 41). Meanwhile, euro area credit growth is accelerating and loan demand continues to expand. Chart 39Performance Of European Banks And Bond Yields: A Good Fit Performance Of European Banks And Bond Yields: A Good Fit Performance Of European Banks And Bond Yields: A Good Fit Chart 40Corporations Healthier In The Euro Area Corporations Healthier In The Euro Area Corporations Healthier In The Euro Area Chart 41Cyclical Background Positive For Bank Stocks Cyclical Background Positive For Bank Stocks Cyclical Background Positive For Bank Stocks Beyond a 12-month horizon, the outlook for euro area banks and the broader stock market look less enticing. The region will suffer along with the rest of the world in 2019. The eventual triumph of populist governments could even lead to the dissolution of the common currency. This means that euro area stocks should be rented, not owned. The same goes for U.K. equities. EM: Uphill Climb Emerging market equities tend to perform well when global growth is strong. Thus, it would not be surprising if EM equities continue to march higher over the next 12 months. However, the structural problems plaguing emerging markets that we discussed earlier in this report will continue to cast a pall over the sector. Our EM strategists favor China, Taiwan, Korea, India, Thailand, Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic, and Russia. They are neutral on Singapore, the Philippines, Hong Kong, Chile, Mexico, Colombia, and South Africa; and are underweight Indonesia, Malaysia, Brazil, Peru, and Turkey. Fixed Income Global Bond Yields To Rise Further We put out a note on July 5th entitled "The End Of The 35-Year Bond Bull Market" recommending that clients go structurally underweight safe-haven government bonds.7 As luck would have it, we penned this report on the very same day that the 10-year Treasury yield hit a record closing low of 1.37%. We continue to think that asset allocators should maintain an underweight position in global bonds over the next 12 months. In relative terms, we favor Japan over the U.S. and have a neutral recommendation on the euro area and the U.K. Chart 42The Market Expects 50 Basis Points Of Tightening Over The Next 12 Months The Market Expects 50 Basis Points Of Tightening Over The Next 12 Months The Market Expects 50 Basis Points Of Tightening Over The Next 12 Months Underweight The U.S. For Now We expect the U.S. 10-year Treasury yield to rise to around 3.2% over the next 12 months. The Fed is likely to raise rates by a further 100 basis points over this period, about 50 bps more than the 12-month discounter is currently pricing in (Chart 42). In addition, the Fed will announce later this year or in early 2018 that it will allow the assets on its balance sheet to run off as they mature. This could push up the term premium, giving long Treasury yields a further boost. Thus, for now, investors should underweight Treasurys on a currency-hedged basis within a fixed-income portfolio. The cyclical peak for both Treasury yields and the dollar should occur in mid-2018. Slowing growth in the second half of that year and a recession in 2019 will push the 10-year Treasury yield back towards 2%. After that, bond yields will grind higher again, with the pace accelerating in the early 2020s as the stagflationary forces described above gather steam. Neutral On Europe, Overweight Japan Yields in the euro area will follow the general contours of the U.S., but with several important qualifications. The ECB is likely to roll back some of its emergency measures over the next 12 months, including suspending the Targeted Longer-Term Refinancing Operations, or TLTROs. It could also raise the deposit rate slightly, which is currently stuck in negative territory. However, in contrast to the Fed, the ECB is unlikely to hike its key policy rate, the repo rate. And while the ECB will "taper" asset purchases, it will not take any steps to shrink the size of its balance sheet. As such, fixed-income investors should maintain a benchmark allocation to euro area bonds. Chart 43A Bit More Juice Left A Bit More Juice Left A Bit More Juice Left A benchmark weighting to gilts is also warranted. With the Brexit negotiations hanging in the air, it is doubtful that the Bank of England would want to hike rates anytime soon. On the flipside, rising inflation - though largely a function of a weak currency - will make it difficult for the BoE to increase asset purchases or take other steps to ease monetary policy. We would recommend a currency-hedged overweight position in JGBs. The Bank of Japan is committed to keeping the 10-year yield pinned to zero. Given that neither actual inflation nor inflation expectations are anywhere close to that level, it is highly unlikely that the BoJ will jettison its yield-targeting regime anytime soon. With government bond yields elsewhere likely to grind higher, this makes JGBs the winner by default. High-Yield Credit: Still A Bit Of Juice Left The fact that the world's most attractive government bond market by our rankings - Japan - is offering a yield of zero speaks volumes. As long as global growth stays strong and corporate default risk remains subdued, investors will maintain their love affair with high-yield credit. Thus, while credit spreads have fallen dramatically, they could still fall further (Chart 43). Only when corporate stress begins to boil over in late 2018 will things change. Nevertheless, investors will continue to face headwinds from rising risk-free yields in most economies even in the near term. This implies that the return from junk bonds in absolute terms will fall short of what is delivered by equities over the next 12 months. Currencies And Commodities Chart 44Real Rate Differentials Are Driving Up The Dollar Real Rate Differentials Are Driving Up The Dollar Real Rate Differentials Are Driving Up The Dollar Real Rate Differentials Will Support The Greenback We expect the real trade-weighted dollar to appreciate by about 10% over the next 12 months. Historically, changes in real interest rate differentials have been the dominant driver of currency movements in developed economies. The past few years have been no different. Chart 44 shows that the ascent of the trade-weighted dollar since mid-2014 has been almost perfectly matched by an increase in U.S. real rates relative to those abroad. Interest rate differentials between the U.S. and its trading partners are likely to widen further through to the middle of 2018 as the Fed raises rates more quickly than current market expectations imply, while other central banks continue to stand pat. Accordingly, we would fade the recent dollar weakness. As we discussed in "The Fed's Unhike," the March FOMC statement was not as dovish as it might have appeared at first glance.8 Given that monetary conditions eased in the aftermath of the Fed meeting - exactly the opposite of what the Fed was trying to achieve - it is likely that the FOMC's rhetoric will turn more hawkish in the coming weeks. The Yen Has The Most Downside, The Pound The Least Among the major dollar crosses, we see the most downside for the yen over the next 12 months. The Bank of Japan will continue to keep JGB yields anchored at zero. As yields elsewhere rise, investors will shift their money out of Japan, causing the yen to weaken. Only once the global economy begins to teeter into recession late next year will the yen - traditionally, a "risk off" currency - begin to rebound. The euro will also weaken against the dollar over the next 12 months, although not as much as the yen. The ECB's "months to hike" has plummeted from nearly 60 last summer to 26 today (Chart 45). That seems too extreme. Core inflation in the euro area is well below U.S. levels, even if one adjusts for measurement differences between the two regions (Chart 46). The neutral rate is also lower in the euro area, as discussed previously. This sharply limits the ability of the ECB to raise rates. Chart 45Market's Hawkish View Of The ECB Is Too Extreme Market's Hawkish View Of The ECB Is Too Extreme Market's Hawkish View Of The ECB Is Too Extreme Chart 46Core Inflation In The U.S. Is Still Higher, Even Excluding Housing Core Inflation In The U.S. Is Still Higher, Even Excluding Housing Core Inflation In The U.S. Is Still Higher, Even Excluding Housing Unlike most currencies, sterling should be able to hold its ground against the dollar over the next 12 months. The pound is very cheap by most metrics (Chart 47). The prospect of contentious negotiations over Brexit with the EU is already in the price. What may not be in the price is the possibility that the U.K. will move quickly to reach a deal with the EU. If such a deal fails to live up to the promises made by the Brexit campaign - a near certainty in our view - a new referendum may need to be scheduled. A new vote could yield a much different result than the first one. If the market begins to sniff out such an outcome, the pound could strengthen well before the dust settles. EM And Commodity Currencies The RMB will weaken modestly against the dollar over the coming year. As we have discussed in the past, China's high saving rate will keep the pressure on the government to try to export excess production abroad by running a large current account surplus. This requires a weak currency.9 Nevertheless, a major devaluation of the RMB is not in the cards. Much of the capital flight that China has experienced recently has been driven by an unwinding of the hot money flows that entered the country over the preceding years. Despite all the talk about a credit bubble, Chinese external debt has fallen by around $400 billion since its peak in mid-2014 - a decline of over 50% (Chart 48). At this point, most of the hot money has fled the country. This suggests that the pace of capital outflows will subside. Chart 47Pound: Cheap By All Accounts Pound: Cheap By All Accounts Pound: Cheap By All Accounts Chart 48Hot Money In, Hot Money Out Hot Money In, Hot Money Out Hot Money In, Hot Money Out A somewhat weaker RMB could dampen demand for base and bulk metals. A slowdown in Chinese construction activity next year could also put added pressure on metals prices. Our EM strategists are especially bearish on the South African rand, Brazilian real, Colombian peso, Turkish lira, Malaysian ringgit, and Indonesian rupiah. Crude should outperform metals over the next 12 months. This will benefit the Canadian dollar and other oil-sensitive currencies. However, Canada's housing bubble is getting out of hand and could boil over if domestic borrowing costs climb in line with rising long-term global bond yields. A sagging property sector will limit the ability of the Bank of Canada to raise short-term rates. On balance, we see modest downside for the CAD/USD over the coming year. The Aussie dollar will suffer even more, given the country's own housing excesses and its export sector's high sensitivity to metal prices. Finally, a few words on the most of ancient of all currencies: gold. We do not expect bullion to fare well over the next 12 months. A stronger dollar and rising bond yields are both bad news for the yellow metal. However, once central banks start slashing rates in 2019 and stagflationary forces begin to gather steam in the early 2020s, gold will finally have its day in the sun. Peter Berezin, Senior Vice President Global Investment Strategy peterb@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Seven Structural Reasons For A Lower Neutral Rate In The U.S.," dated March 13, 2015, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see Geopolitical Strategy Weekly Report, "The "What Can You Do For Me" World?" dated January 25, 2017, and Special Report, "Will Scotland Scotch Brexit?" dated March 29, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 3 Ulrike Malmendier, Stefan Nagel, and Zhen Yan, "The Making Of Hawks And Doves: Inflation Experiences On The FOMC," NBER Working Paper No. 23228 (March 2017). 4 Please see Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "Weak Productivity Growth: Don't Blame The Statisticians," dated March 25, 2016, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 5 Please see The Bank Credit Analyst Special Report, "Taking Off The Rose-Colored Glasses: Education And Growth In The 21st Century," dated February 24, 2011, available at bca.bcaresearch.com. 6 Note to economists: We can think of this relationship within the context of the Solow growth model. The model says that the neutral real rate, r, is equal to (a/s) (n + g + d), where a is the capital share of income, s is the saving rate, n is labor force growth, g is total factor productivity growth, and d is the depreciation rate of capital. In the standard setup where the saving rate is fixed, slower population and productivity growth will always result in a lower equilibrium real interest rate. However, consider a more realistic setup where: 1) the saving rate rises initially as the population ages, but then begins to decline as a larger share of the workforce enters retirement; and 2) habit persistence affects consumer spending, so that households react to slower real wage growth by saving less rather than cutting back on consumption. In that sort of environment, the neutral rate could initially fall, but then begin to rise. If the central bank reacts slowly to changes in the neutral rate, or monetary policy is otherwise constrained by the zero bound on interest rates and/or political considerations, the initial effect of slower trend GDP growth will be deflationary while the longer-term outcome will be inflationary. 7 Please see Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "End Of The 35-Year Bond Bull Market," dated July 5, 2016, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 8 Please see Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "The Fed's Unhike," dated March 16, 2017, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 9 Please see Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, "Does China Have A Debt Problem Or A Savings Problem?" dated February 24, 2017, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. Strategy & Market Trends Tactical Trades Strategic Recommendations Closed Trades

Highlights Once the Brexit starting gun is fired, the EU27's high-level guidelines and red lines will create more vulnerabilities and uncertainties for the U.K. than for the euro area. The BoE will be more boxed in than the ECB. Brexit trades have more legs. We describe four structural disruptors to economies and financial markets (on page 6). Our favourite structural investment themes are Personal Product equities, euro/yuan, and real estate in Spain, Ireland and Germany. Feature "Many in Great Britain expected a major calamity... but what happened was near enough nothing ." The citation above perfectly describes the 9 months that have elapsed since the U.K.'s June 23 2016 vote to exit the EU. In fact, it refers to the 9 months that elapsed after Britain declared war on Germany on September 3 1939 - a period of calm, militarily speaking, which became known as the 'Phoney War'.1 But outside the military sphere a lot did happen in the Phoney War. Most notably, a propaganda war ensued. On the night of September 3 1939 alone, the Royal Air Force dropped 6 million leaflets over Germany titled 'Note to the German People'. Chart of the WeekOne Big Correlated Trade: Pound/Euro And Eurostoxx600 Vs. FTSE100 One Big Correlated Trade: Pound/Euro And Eurostoxx600 Vs. FTSE100 One Big Correlated Trade: Pound/Euro And Eurostoxx600 Vs. FTSE100 Brexit Phoney War And The Markets Fast forward 77 years. The 9 months since the Brexit vote has also been a period of calm, economically speaking. Indeed, the U.K. economy has sailed along remarkably smoothly. And this has fuelled a propaganda war for those who believe that Brexit's economic impact will be near enough nothing. But outside the economic sphere, a lot has happened in the Brexit Phoney War: The pound has slumped 12% versus the euro and 17% versus the dollar. The FTSE100 has surged 16%, substantially outperforming the 8% gain in the Eurostoxx600 The U.K. 10-year gilt yield is down 40 bps when the equivalent German bund yield is up 40 bps and the equivalent U.S. Treasury yield is up 90 bps. These relative moves appear to reflect different asset class stories, but it is crucial to realise that: All of these relative moves are just one big correlated trade. The relative moves in bond yields have just tracked the expected differences in central bank policy rates two years ahead (Chart I-2 and Chart I-3). This is exactly in line with the theory that a bond yield just equals the expected average interest rate over the bond's lifetime. Chart I-2Difficult Brexit = Gilt Yields Fall Vs. Bund Yields Difficult Brexit = Gilt Yields Fall Vs. Bund Yields Difficult Brexit = Gilt Yields Fall Vs. Bund Yields Chart I-3Difficult Brexit = Gilt Yields Fall Vs. T-Bond Yields Difficult Brexit = Gilt Yields Fall Vs. T-Bond Yields Difficult Brexit = Gilt Yields Fall Vs. T-Bond Yields Likewise, the moves in pound/dollar and pound/euro have also closely tracked the same expected differences in central bank policy rates (Chart I-4 and Chart I-5). Again, this is exactly in line with theory. Over short horizons, the biggest driver of exchange rates is fixed income cross-border portfolio flows - which always seek out the highest yield adjusted for hedging costs. Chart I-4Difficult Brexit = Pound/Euro Falls Difficult Brexit = Pound/Euro Falls Difficult Brexit = Pound/Euro Falls Chart I-5Difficult Brexit = Pound/Dollar Falls Difficult Brexit = Pound/Dollar Falls Difficult Brexit = Pound/Dollar Falls In turn, FTSE100 performance versus the Eurostoxx600 has near-perfectly tracked the inverse direction of pound/euro. Once more, this is exactly as theory would suggest. The FTSE100 and Eurostoxx600 are just a collection of multinational dollar-earning companies quoted in pounds and euros respectively. So when pound/euro weakens, the dollar earnings increase more in FTSE100 index terms than in Eurostoxx600 index terms, resulting in Eurostoxx600 underperformance (Chart of the Week). Now that the Brexit battle is about to begin in earnest, what will happen to these Brexit trades? Brexit Battle Begins It is not our intention here to forecast all the twists and turns of the Brexit battle. We will leave that to a later report. Instead, we just want to list the likely opening salvos. With Parliamentary approval now sealed, Theresa May is due to trigger Article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty in the week commencing March 27 and thereby formally begin the Brexit battle. Expect the first EU27 response within 48 hours, probably through the President of the European Council, Donald Tusk. In this response, Tusk may also give the date for the first European Council 'Brexit' summit. This EU27 Brexit summit will take place within 8 weeks of the Article 50 trigger, and likely after the two-round French Presidential Election in April/May. At the Brexit summit, the EU27 will establish its strategy, high-level guidelines and red lines for the Brexit negotiations. The European Council will present these negotiating guidelines to the European Commission. Drawing upon its own legal and policy expertise, the Commission will then draft a mandate which sets out more technical details of each area of negotiation. Next, the Council of the EU2 must approve this draft mandate by qualified majority vote (obviously excluding the U.K.) Once approved, the European Commission can begin the detailed negotiations with the U.K., keeping within the final mandate's guidelines. But what does all this mean for investors? The preceding analysis showed that the dominant driver for all Brexit trades is the expected difference in central bank policy interest rates two years ahead. Recall that not long ago the BoE was vying with the Fed to be the first to hike rates in this cycle, while the ECB was likely to ease further. But after the Brexit vote and the resulting uncertainty about the U.K.'s position in the world, the tables have turned. The EU27's high-level negotiating guidelines and red lines are likely to create more vulnerabilities and uncertainties for the U.K. than for the euro area. And now, these vulnerabilities and uncertainties are amplified by Scotland First Minister, Nicola Sturgeon, calling for a second referendum on Scottish Independence. For central bank policy, this means that the BoE will be hamstrung; whereas, absent any tail-events, the ECB can continue to back away from its extreme dovishness - a process that Draghi verbally started at the ECB Press Conference last week. Therefore, at least into the early summer, stay: Overweight U.K. gilts versus German bunds. Long euro/pound. Long FTSE100 versus Eurostoxx600 (or Eurostoxx50). Long U.K. Clothes and Apparel equities versus the market (Chart I-6). Short U.K. Real Estate equities versus the market (Chart I-7). But a word of warning for risk control. Remember that all five positions are in effect just one big correlated trade. So they will all work together, or they will all not work together! Chart I-6Difficult Brexit = U.K. Clothes And Apparel Outperforms Difficult Brexit = U.K. Clothes And Apparel Outperforms Difficult Brexit = U.K. Clothes And Apparel Outperforms Chart I-7Difficult Brexit = U.K. Real Estate Equities Underperform Difficult Brexit = U.K. Real Estate Equities Underperform Difficult Brexit = U.K. Real Estate Equities Underperform Four Disruptors The final section this week takes a wider-angle view of the world, and briefly highlights four structural disruptors to economies and financial markets in the coming years. Disruptor 1: Protectionism. Since the Great Recession, an extremely polarised distribution of economic growth has left most people's standard of living stagnant - despite seemingly decent headline economic growth and job creation (Chart I-8). Looking to find a scapegoat, economic nationalism and protectionism have resonated very strongly with voters in the U.K. and U.S. - resulting in Brexit and President Donald Trump. Other voters could follow in the same vein. But history teaches us that protectionism ends up hurting many more people than it helps. Disruptor 2: Technology. The bigger danger is that people are misdiagnosing the illness. The vast majority of middle-income job losses are not due to globalization, but due to technology. Specifically, Artificial Intelligence (AI) is replacing secure middle-income jobs and displacing workers into insecure low-income manual jobs - like bartending and waitressing - which AI cannot (yet) replace (Table I-1). And AI's impact on middle-income jobs is only in its infancy.3 The worry is that by misdiagnosing the illness as globalization and wrongly taking a protectionist medicine, the illness will intensify, rather than improve. Chart I-8Disruptor 1: Protectionism Disruptor 1: Protectionism Disruptor 1: Protectionism Table I-1Disruptor 2: Technology Phoney War Ends. Battle Begins. Phoney War Ends. Battle Begins. Disruptor 3: Debt super-cycles have reached exhaustion. The protectionist medicine carries a further danger. Major emerging market economies are coming to the end of structural credit booms and need to wean themselves off their credit addictions (Chart I-9). At this point of vulnerability, aggressive protectionism risks tipping these emerging economies into a sharp slowdown. Chart I-9Disruptor 3: Debt Super-Cycles Have Reached Exhaustion Disruptor 3: Debt Super-Cycles Have Reached Exhaustion Disruptor 3: Debt Super-Cycles Have Reached Exhaustion Disruptor 4: Equities are overvalued. Disruptors one, two and three come at a time when equities are valued to generate feeble total nominal returns over the next decade (Chart I-10). Risk premiums are extremely compressed. And if investors suddenly demand that risk premiums rise to average historical levels, it necessarily requires equity prices to adjust downwards. Chart I-10Disruptor 4: Equities Are Overvalued Disruptor 4: Equities Are Overvalued Disruptor 4: Equities Are Overvalued The long-term investment message is crystal clear. With the four disruptors in play, we strongly advise long-term investors not to follow passive (equity) index-tracking strategies. Instead, we advise long-term investors to stick to bespoke structural investment themes. Our favourite structural investment themes are Personal Product equities, euro/yuan, and real estate in Spain, Ireland and Germany. Dhaval Joshi, Senior Vice President European Investment Strategy dhaval@bcaresearch.com 1 C N Trueman 'The Phoney War'. 2 The Council of the EU should not be confused with the European Council. 3 Please see the European Investment Strategy Special Report, "The Superstar Economy: Part 2," dated January 19, 2017, available at eis.bcaresearch.com Fractal Trading Model This week's trade is to short Netherlands equities, but wait until after the election result. For any investment, excessive trend following and groupthink can reach a natural point of instability, at which point the established trend is highly likely to break down with or without an external catalyst. An early warning sign is the investment's fractal dimension approaching its natural lower bound. Encouragingly, this trigger has consistently identified countertrend moves of various magnitudes across all asset classes. Chart I-11 Short AEX Short AEX Recommendations Equities Bond & Interest Rates Currency & Other Positions Closed Fractal Trades Trades Closed Trades Asset Performance Currency & Bond Equity Sector Country Equity Indicators Bond Yields Chart II-1Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-2Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-3Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-4Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Interest Rate Chart II-5Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-6Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-7Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-8Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations

Highlights We discuss three "battles" that will shape the investment landscape in the euro area over the remainder of the decade. Battle #1: Reflation Versus Deleveraging - Reflation will triumph over the next 12 months. For the time being, this justifies an overweight position in euro area equities. Beyond then, the outlook is likely to darken. Battle #2: Hawks Versus Doves - The doves will win. Germany will reluctantly accept an overheated economy and higher inflation. Stay short the euro. Battle #3: Globalists Versus Populists - Marine Le Pen will lose this year's election, but Europe's populist parties will finally gain the upper hand by the end of the decade. Buy gold as a long-term hedge. Feature Market Update Global equities are technically overbought in the short term, but the longer-term cyclical (12-month) trend remains to the upside. Chart 1 illustrates the "reflation trade" in a nutshell. The Citigroup global economic and inflation surprise indices have surged and now stand at their highest combined level in the 14-year history of the series. While tracking estimates for Q1 U.S. GDP growth have fallen, this is mainly because of negative contributions from government spending, net exports, and inventories. Taken together, these three factors have shaved about 1.4 percentage points off of Q1 growth according to the Atlanta Fed's GDPNow model (Chart 2). Private final domestic demand is still growing at a reasonably robust 2.6% pace, and forward-looking indicators such as the ISM indices suggest that this number could rise over the next few quarters. Chart 1The Reflation Trade In One Chart The Reflation Trade In One Chart The Reflation Trade In One Chart Chart 2Underlying U.S. Growth Is Still Healthy Three Battles That Will Determine The Euro Area's Destiny Three Battles That Will Determine The Euro Area's Destiny As such, it is not too surprising that U.S. equities have had little trouble digesting the prospect of a March Fed rate hike. The market is still pricing in less than three rate increases this calendar year. Four hikes would not be out of the question. Investors should remain positioned for a stronger dollar and higher Treasury yields. We continue to favor higher beta developed markets such as the euro area and Japan over the U.S. on a currency-hedged basis. The Battle For Europe History is often shaped by great battles. Sometimes these are of the military variety. But often they transcend physical conflict, pitting competing ideas, interests, and trends against one another. In the remainder of this week's report, we discuss three economic and political battles that will determine Europe's fortunes over the next 12 months and beyond. Battle #1: Reflation Versus Deleveraging The euro area grew faster than the U.S. in 2016, the first time this has happened since 2008. While the U.S. is likely to resume pole position in 2017, we still expect the euro area economy to expand at an above-trend pace. That should be enough to keep unemployment on a downward trajectory. The euro area economic surprise index remains in positive territory. The composite PMI rose to 56 in February - the highest level since April 2011 - with the forward-looking "new orders" component hitting new cyclical highs. Capital goods orders continue to trend higher, which bodes well for investment spending over the coming months (Chart 3). In addition, private-sector credit growth has sped up to the fastest pace since the 2008-09 financial crisis (Chart 4). All this is good news for the region. Investors should overweight euro area equities on a currency-hedged basis over the next 12 months. Chart 3Euro Area Growth Holding Up Well Euro Area Growth Holding Up Well Euro Area Growth Holding Up Well Chart 4Euro Area: Accelerating Private-Sector ##br##Credit Growth Euro Area: Accelerating Private-Sector Credit Growth Euro Area: Accelerating Private-Sector Credit Growth Beyond then, things look murkier. The ECB's Bank Lending Standards survey showed a modest tightening in lending standards for business loans in Q4 of 2016 (Chart 5). Private-sector debt levels also remain elevated across the region, which is likely to dampen credit demand (Chart 6). Both of these factors suggest that loan growth could begin to moderate later this year. Chart 5Slight Tightening In Lending Standards ##br##For Business Loans And Mortgages In Q4 Of 2016 Slight Tightening In Lending Standards For Business Loans And Mortgages In Q4 Of 2016 Slight Tightening In Lending Standards For Business Loans And Mortgages In Q4 Of 2016 Chart 6Still A Lot Of Debt Still A Lot Of Debt Still A Lot Of Debt If the positive impulse from rising credit growth does begin to fade, GDP growth will fall off. Whether that proves to be just another run-of-the-mill "mid-cycle slowdown" or something more nefarious will depend on the policy response. On the fiscal side, the period of extended austerity has ended. The fiscal thrust in the euro area turned positive last year, the first time this has happened since 2010. The European Commission is advising member states to loosen fiscal policy further this year, but the governments themselves are targeting a modest tightening (Chart 7). With a slew of elections slated for this year, budget overruns will be hard to avoid. Nevertheless, barring a significant economic slowdown, no major European economy is likely to launch a large fiscal stimulus program anytime soon. Thus, while fiscal policy will not be a drag on growth, it will not provide much of a tailwind either. Chart 7European Commission Recommending Greater Fiscal Expansion Three Battles That Will Determine The Euro Area's Destiny Three Battles That Will Determine The Euro Area's Destiny This puts the ball back in the ECB's court. As we discuss next, monetary policy is likely to stay highly accommodative. That should help extend the cyclical recovery into 2018. Battle #2: Hawks Versus Doves Jean Claude Trichet's decision to raise rates in 2011 would have gone down as the most disastrous blunder the ECB ever made, were it not for his even more disastrous decision to raise rates in 2008. Mario Draghi has gone out of his way to avoid repeating the mistakes of his predecessor. Nevertheless, the risk is that the improving growth backdrop instills a false sense of complacency. There is no doubt that Draghi has become more confident about the economic outlook. The ECB revised up its growth and inflation projections for 2017-18 at this week's meeting and signaled that it was unlikely to extend its targeted longer-term refinancing operations, or TLTROs. The ECB is also likely to further reduce the value of its monthly asset purchases in 2018 with a view towards phasing them out completely by the end of that year. It is possible that these steps could trigger a "taper tantrum" in European government debt markets of the sort the U.S. experienced in 2013. If that were to happen, we would see it as a buying opportunity. As Draghi stressed during his press conference, wage growth is anemic. Without faster wage growth, inflationary pressures will remain muted. Granted, euro area headline inflation reached 2.0% in February. However, this was mainly the result of base effects stemming from higher food and energy prices. Our expectation is that headline inflation will fall back close to 1% by the end of the year. This is where core inflation currently stands. One should also keep in mind that the trade-weighted euro has depreciated by 8% since mid-2014 (Chart 8). To the extent that a weaker euro has put upward pressure on import prices, this has caused core inflation to be higher than it would otherwise have been. In contrast, the trade-weighted U.S. dollar has appreciated by 24% over this period. Yet, despite the diverging path between the two currencies, core inflation in the euro area remains noticeably lower than in the U.S. This is true even if one excludes housing costs from the U.S. CPI in order to make it more comparable to the European estimate of inflation. Excluding shelter, U.S. core inflation is currently 43 basis points higher than in the euro area (Chart 9). The point is that the Fed is much further along the path to monetary policy normalization than the ECB. Chart 8A Stronger Dollar Has Restrained U.S. Inflation... A Stronger Dollar Has Restrained U.S. Inflation… A Stronger Dollar Has Restrained U.S. Inflation… Chart 9...Yet Core Inflation In The U.S. ##br##Is Still Higher, Even Excluding Housing ...Yet Core Inflation In The U.S. Is Still Higher, Even Excluding Housing ...Yet Core Inflation In The U.S. Is Still Higher, Even Excluding Housing If that were all to the story, it would be enough to justify the ECB's wait-and-see approach. But there is so much more. Start with the fact that the euro area's poor demographics, high debt levels, and dysfunctional institutions all imply that the neutral rate - the interest rate consistent with full employment - is lower there than in the U.S. How does one ensure that real rates can fall to a low enough level in the event of an economic slowdown? One solution is to target a higher inflation rate. If inflation is running at 1% going into a recession, it might be impossible to bring real rates down much below -1%. But if inflation is running at 3%, real rates can fall to as low as -3%. This implies that the ECB should actually target a higher inflation rate than the Fed. Then there are the internal constraints imposed by the common currency. Countries with flexible exchange rates can adjust to adverse economic shocks by letting their currencies depreciate. That is not possible within the euro area. If one or a few countries in the region are suffering while others are not, the unlucky ones have to engineer an "internal devaluation." This requires that wages and prices in the ill-fated countries decline in relation to those in the better-performing ones. However, if inflation is already low in the latter, outright deflation may be necessary in the former, something that only a deep recession can achieve. The travails experienced by the peripheral countries over the past eight years brought home this lesson in stark and painful terms. Will Germany accept higher inflation? There is little in its recent history to suggest that it won't. Mario Draghi was not the odds-on favorite to become ECB president. That job was supposed to go to Axel Weber, the former president of the Bundesbank. Weber met with Angela Merkel on February 10, 2011. During this meeting with the chancellor, he made it clear that he did not support the ECB's emergency bond buying. Merkel balked and so the next day Weber tendered his resignation. Six months after that, ECB board member and uber-hawk Jürgen Stark quit, leaving the ECB more firmly in the control of the doves.1 Chart 10Germans Turning Radically Europhile Germans Turning Radically Europhile Germans Turning Radically Europhile Merkel's preference for a less hawkish ECB leadership wasn't solely based on altruistic feelings towards her European compatriots. Politically, Merkel knew full well that Germany would be blamed for the breakup of the euro area. Economically, German taxpayers also stood to lose a lot from a breakup. It is easy to forget now, but Germany spent 8% of GDP during the global financial crisis on bailing out its own banks. All that effort would have been for naught if German banks had been forced to write off billions of euros in loans that they had extended to peripheral Europe. Critically, the demise of the euro would have also saddled German exporters with a much more expensive Deutsche Mark, thus blowing a hole through the country's gargantuan current account surplus. The calculus has not changed much over the last six years. Germany may not welcome higher inflation, but the alternative is much worse. If anything, the polls suggest that German voters have become even more Europhile since the euro crisis ended (Chart 10). This gives Draghi even more free rein. For investors, this implies that the ECB is unlikely to raise rates for the next two years, and perhaps not until the end of the decade. As inflation expectations across the euro area drift higher, real rates will fall. This will push down the value of the euro. We expect EUR/USD to approach parity over the course of this year. Battle #3: Globalists Versus Populists First Brexit, then Trump, and now Le Pen? The spread between French and German 10-year government bond yields briefly touched 68 basis points in February, the highest level since the euro crisis (Chart 11). While the spread has edged down since then, investors remain on edge. Betting markets are currently assigning a one-in-three chance that Le Pen will become president, close to the odds that they were giving Donald Trump before his surprise victory (Chart 12). Chart 11Investors Worried About The Coming ##br##French Election Investors Worried About The Coming French Election Investors Worried About The Coming French Election Chart 12Will Le Pen Rule? Wanna Bet? Will Le Pen Rule? Wanna Bet? Will Le Pen Rule? Wanna Bet? There is little doubt that populism is in a secular "bull market." However, that doesn't mean that every populist politician is going to win every single election. For all their faults, U.S. nationwide presidential election polls were not that far off the mark. The RealClearPolitics average had Clinton up by 3.2% going into the election. She won by 2.1 points. Where the polls fell flat was at the state level. They completely underestimated Trump support in the Rust Belt states of Pennsylvania, Ohio, Michigan, and Wisconsin. That's not an issue in France, where the presidential vote is tallied at the national level. Le Pen currently trails Macron by 26 percentage points in a head-to-head contest (Chart 13). It is highly unlikely that she will be able to close this gap between now and May 7th, the date of the second round of the Presidential contest. The only way that Le Pen could win is if one of the two leftist candidates drops out.2 However, given the animosity between Benoit Hamon and Jean-Luc Mélenchon, that is almost inconceivable. And even if that did occur, the odds would still favor Macron slipping into the final round. As such, investors should downplay risks of a populist uprising this year. Beyond then, things are likely to get messier. At some point, Europe will face another downturn, either of its own doing or the result of an external shock. Many voters have been reluctant to vote for populist leaders out of fear that the ensuing economic turmoil could leave them out of a job. But if they have already lost their jobs, that reason goes away. Chart 14 shows the strong correlation between unemployment in various French départements, and support for Marine Le Pen's National Front. If French unemployment rises, her support is likely to increase as well. The same goes for other European countries. Chart 13Macron Leads Le Pen By A Mile Macron Leads Le Pen By A Mile Macron Leads Le Pen By A Mile Chart 14Higher Unemployment Would Benefit Le Pen Three Battles That Will Determine The Euro Area's Destiny Three Battles That Will Determine The Euro Area's Destiny In addition, worries about large-scale immigration from outside Europe will continue to work to the advantage of populist leaders. Recent immigrants and their children have sometimes struggled to integrate into European society. This has manifested itself in the form of low labor participation rates, poor educational achievement, elevated involvement in criminal activity, and high welfare usage. The problem has been especially acute in European countries with very generous welfare states (Chart 15). Chart 15Many Immigrants To Europe Are Lagging Behind Three Battles That Will Determine The Euro Area's Destiny Three Battles That Will Determine The Euro Area's Destiny The reaction of establishment parties to mounting concerns about immigration has been completely counterproductive. Rather than acknowledging the problems, they have sought to censor uncomfortable "hatefacts" and stage show trials of populist leaders - such as the one Marine Le Pen will likely be subjected to for her alleged crime of tweeting graphic photos of terrorist atrocities. This strategy will backfire and the result will be a wave of populist victories towards the end of the decade. With that in mind, investors should consider buying some gold as a long-term hedge. Peter Berezin, Senior Vice President Global Investment Strategy peterb@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, “Europe: Game Was Changed A Long Time Ago,” in a Monthly Report, “Fortuna And Policymakers,” dated October 2012, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, “Europe – Election Update, France,” in a Weekly Report, “Donald Trump Is Who We Thought He Was,” dated March 8, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. Strategy & Market Trends Tactical Trades Strategic Recommendations Closed Trades