Russia

Investors should maintain a conservative and defensive strategy until recession risks are clearly reduced.

The Chinese government will repress social unrest, then relax Covid-19 social restrictions to try to stabilize the economy. Russia will be aggressive in the short term but will pursue a ceasefire before March 2024. European and Italian risk will stay high on energy constraints.

OPEC 2.0’s decision to cut 2mm b/d of output beginning in December telescopes the loss of Russian volumes we expect over the course of the coming year. OPEC 2.0 clearly is not playing by the G7’s or the US’s rules. This will keep prices volatile.

Russia’s conflict with the West will escalate and trigger more bad news for risky assets this fall. Beyond that, stalemate looms. Latin American equities present a potential opportunity once the macro and geopolitical backdrop improve.

Investors should go long US treasuries and stay overweight defensive versus cyclical sectors, large caps versus small caps, and aerospace/defense stocks. Regionally we favor the US, India, Southeast Asia, and Latin America, while disfavoring China, Taiwan, Hong Kong, eastern Europe, and the Middle East.

Executive Summary EU Metal Industry Under Threat EU Energy Crisis, Strong USD Imperil Bloc’s Metals Industry EU Energy Crisis, Strong USD Imperil Bloc’s Metals Industry Russia’s threat to cut off all remaining exports of natural gas to the EU via Ukraine will further imperil the bloc’s struggling metals industry, particularly aluminum smelting – where half of its capacity already has been shut – and zinc refining. The EU will have to prioritize energy security over its renewable-energy goals, given the challenges its manufacturing industries will confront for the next 3-5 years. Surging imports of raw copper concentrates and unwrought metal will consolidate the global dominance of China’s copper refiners, which sharply increased their treatment and refining charges this week. The US likely will see more investment in metals mining and refining on the back of the EU distress, which realistically cannot be addressed until gas and power prices fall to levels that allow them to sustain their operations. Bottom Line: Ongoing supply shocks to the EU’s base-metals industry will force the bloc to prioritize energy security over its renewable-energy goals. This will drive the bloc’s demand for liquified natural gas (LNG) and oil higher, even after short-term measures to increase LNG intake and distribution capacity are completed over the next 2-3 years. We expect the equities of oil and gas producers to outperform metals miners over this period. After being stopped out, we will be re-instating our long XOP ETF position at tonight’s close. Feature Earlier this month, Eurometaux, the EU metals lobbying group, published a memo to the European Commission drawing attention to “Europe’s worsening energy crisis and its existential threat to our future.”1 This is not hyperbole. At the heart of the industry’s woes is a chronic shortage of energy – in any form – for industrial use. Utilities are signing long-term LNG supply contracts to address this shortage, but they can expect to wait 3-4 years or more before gas arrives on Europe’s shores.2 Spot and one-off cargoes will become available over that time, but most of the existing LNG production is under long-term contract. Oil, coal, and nuclear energy are available for power generation, industrial applications and space-heating, and they increasingly are being used in the bloc, but these too are constrained.3 Measures to address the chronic energy shortage hammering the EU base-metals industry will take years to effect, and could come too late to meaningfully preserve existing refining capacity, which has been contracting for years (Chart 1).4 Most of the EU’s metals production is accounted for by aluminum, copper and zinc, which are extremely energy intensive, copper only less so (Chart 2). The surge in LNG prices following Russia's invasion of Ukraine propelled electricity prices higher, given gas is the marginal fuel for EU power generation (Chart 3). This crushed zinc and aluminum refining. Half of the EU’s aluminum smelter capacity – ~ 1mm MT – will be curtailed or shuttered this year, according to European Aluminum.5 Chart 1EU Metal Industry Under Threat EU Energy Crisis, Strong USD Imperil Bloc’s Metals Industry EU Energy Crisis, Strong USD Imperil Bloc’s Metals Industry Chart 2EU Metals Are Extremely Energy Intensive EU Energy Crisis, Strong USD Imperil Bloc’s Metals Industry EU Energy Crisis, Strong USD Imperil Bloc’s Metals Industry Chart 3EU Power Price Surge Crushes Metals Refining EU Energy Crisis, Strong USD Imperil Bloc’s Metals Industry EU Energy Crisis, Strong USD Imperil Bloc’s Metals Industry The surge in European electricity prices and the resulting curtailment or shuttering of zinc refining paced the 2.6% y/y decline in global output in 1H22, which took global production down to 6.77mm MT, according to the International Lead and Zinc Study group. Europe accounts for ~ 15% of global zinc refining.6 Refined zinc consumption fell 3% y/y in 1H22 to 6.74mm MT. China Bingeing On Copper Global refined copper output in the January – July 2022 period slightly outpaced usage – with 3% growth in the former and 2.6% growth in the latter, according to the International Copper Study Group (ICSG). On the back of this report, we lowered our expected supply growth estimate to 3% this year, (Chart 4). This brings our estimate for total supply down by ~400k MT vs. our previous iteration to 25.3mm MT. We are keeping our estimate of 2023 supply growth rate at ~ 4.5%. Our copper demand estimate is a function of real GDP estimated by the World Bank, and remains at just under 26mm MT and 27.2 mm MT for 2022 and 2023 respectively. As a result of the lower 2022 production growth rate, our forecasted copper deficit has widened to ~ 605k tons in 2022 and 480k tons in 2023. The mismatch in supply and demand levels will keep inventories in China and the West under pressure (Charts 5A and 5B). Chart 4Copper Supply Estimate Lowered Copper Supply Estimate Lowered Copper Supply Estimate Lowered   Chart 5AChinese Copper Inventories Continue To Draw Chinese Copper Inventories Continue to Draw Chinese Copper Inventories Continue to Draw Chart 5BAs Do Stocks In The West As Do Stocks In The West As Do Stocks In The West China’s imports of copper condensates – the raw material used to make refined copper – surged to 16.65mm tons over January – August 2022, up 9% y/y. Imports of unwrought and semi-fabricated copper were up 8% over the same period at 3.9mm MT, according to Mysteel.com. As is to be expected, treatment and refining charges at Chinese smelters also moved higher: for 3Q22, refiners were charging $93/MT, up $13 from 2Q22 levels and $23/MT from 4Q21, according to Reuters. These charges increase when raw-material supplies increase, and vice versa. This is meant to be a floor charged for refining concentrates to produce refined copper. Real USD Matches US PPI After Re-Opening In an unusual turn of events, the USD Real Effective Exchange Rate (REER) has been moving higher along with the US Producer Price Index for all commodities. This trend started as the global economy accelerated its re-opening in 2021 (Chart 6). The USD has a profound affect on commodity prices: Most globally traded commodities are denominated in USD, funded in USD and invoiced in USD. This is the channel through which the Fed’s monetary policy impacts commodity buyers ex-US. A stronger dollar means commodities in local-currency terms are more expensive, and vice versa. It also means production costs in states that do not peg their currencies to the USD go down, and vice versa. Chart 6Real USD Gains With US PPI During Reopening Real USD Gains With US PPI During Reopening Real USD Gains With US PPI During Reopening Given the USD’s elevated level, copper prices in local-currency terms will continue to face a massive headwind on the demand side, and a massive tailwind on the production side. For households and firms buying commodities, or durable goods with a lot of metals in them (copper, stainless steel, etc.), Fed policy has a direct effect on how their budgets get allocated.7 In the short and long run macroeconomic variables such as the USD influence copper prices by increasing the cost of copper ex-US when the dollar rallies, and vice versa. Fundamental variables like tight inventories, which arise when demand is consistently above supply, impart an upward price bias to the copper forward curve (backwardation increases as inventories decrease). Domestic economic factors matter, too.  Copper prices have been pummeled by the meltdown of China’s property sector, which has been the growth engine for the country’s economy, accounting for ~ 30% of its copper demand. The USD has remained well bid following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, presenting a powerful headwind to commodity prices in general. This is particularly true for refined copper, given China accounts for more than 50% of total global consumption. China’s RMB dropped 11.4% vs. the USD from the start of the year to now. This has not stood in the way of a sharp increase in imports of the copper ore and refined metal this year, despite the country’s weak economic performance. Given China’s property-market slowdown and its zero-tolerance COVID-19 policy and its attendant lockdowns, it is difficult to pinpoint a cause for its increased copper demand. It may be opportunistic purchasing – buying the metal when prices are far lower than their peak earlier this year – or it could signal a post-Communist Party Congress increase in economic activity (e.g., more fiscal stimulus hitting the system) officials are preparing for. Investment Implications The EU’s metals-refining sector faces existential challenges as a result of the bloc’s energy crisis. Significant employers – not just the metal refiners – will be confronting limited energy supply and higher costs for years, given the tightness in conventional energy markets – oil, gas and coal. The renewable-energy sector also faces daunting challenges, as a result of difficulties faced by metals refiners and the energy crisis they presently confront. It is worthwhile noting that none of the renewables technology is possible without metals. Given the abundant lessons re reliance on a single supply source Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has provided, we expect investment in US metals mining and refining to increase, as consumers of copper, aluminum and zinc seek to diversify away from Chinese dominance of this sector. This will take time to build out, just as the increase in LNG supplies will take time. This likely will keep a bid under the USD, as manufacturing, mining and refining capex investment shifts to the US. We expect the EU’s drive to secure conventional energy will drive the bloc’s demand for liquified natural gas (LNG) and oil higher, even after currently planned short-term measures to increase LNG intake and distribution capacity are completed over the next 2-3 years. After being stopped out this past week, we will be re-instating our long XOP ETF position on tonight’s close, consistent with our view.   Robert P. Ryan Chief Commodity & Energy Strategist rryan@bcaresearch.com Ashwin Shyam Research Analyst Commodity & Energy Strategy ashwin.shyam@bcaresearch.com   Commodities Round-Up Energy: Bullish. European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen proposed additional economic sanctions against Russia yesterday including extending price caps on oil to third countries, following the call-up of reserves in Russia last week, and a veiled threat to use nuclear weapons against Ukraine. In a related matter, Gazprom, the state-owned gas producer and trading company, threatened to cut off the remaining gas sales to Europe via Ukraine – close to half the ~ 80mm cm /d still being sold via pipeline to the continent (Chart 7). It is apparent the EU has been anticipating a full shut-off of Russian pipeline gas shipments, which likely motivates von der Leyen’s proposal. Any proposal to increase sanctions on Russia would have to be unanimously approved. Base Metals: Bullish. In a boost to prospective Chile copper production, a BHP executive indicated he expects regulatory uncertainties in the largest copper producing state to ease. BHP mentioned earlier this year that legal certainty in Chile would be key to investing over USD 10 billion in the state. Earlier this month, Chilean voters rejected a constitution, which, among other things, could have curtailed mining operation by including new taxes and environmental regulations. Precious Metals: Neutral. In their Q2 platinum balances report, the World Platinum Investment Council (WPIC) expects FY 2022 surplus to rise more than 50% vs. its Q1 estimates to 974k oz. Weak platinum ETF demand resulting from a strong USD and rising interest rates is expected to outweigh operational constraints in South African and North American mining operations. Bolstering supply is the fact that Russian platinum – which constitutes ~11% of global supply – has been reaching buyers. However, this security of supply may not last. Once buyers’ long-term contracts for Russian platinum end, as in the case with aluminum, companies may self-sanction, turning to the spot market and other producing states instead. For palladium, SFA Oxford sees the metal's surplus dropping to ~92% y/y, as demand is expected to increase and production is forecast to fall (Chart 8). Chart 7 EU Energy Crisis, Strong USD Imperil Bloc’s Metals Industry EU Energy Crisis, Strong USD Imperil Bloc’s Metals Industry Chart 8 Palladium Balances Expected To Drop Palladium Balances Expected To Drop     Footnotes 1     Please see Europe’s non-ferrous metals producers call for emergency EU action to prevent permanent deindustrialisation from spiralling electricity and gas prices, posted by Eurometaux 6 September 2022. 2     See, e.g., Exclusive: German utilities close to long-term LNG deals with Qatar, sources say published by reuters.com 20 September 2022. 3    For additional discussion, please see Energy Security Rolls Over EU's ESG Agenda, which we published 28 July 2022.  It is available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 4    Please see Agenda for a resilient European metals supply for the green and digital transitions, posted by Eurometaux in mid-2020.   5    Please see Reconciling growth and decarbonisation amidst the energy crisis, posted by European Aluminium May 2022. 6    Please see Column: European smelter hits mean another year of zinc shortfall published by reuters.com 17 May 2022.  7    Please see "Global Dimensions of U.S. Monetary Policy" by Maurice Obstfeld, which appeared in the February 2020 issue of International Journal of Central Banking for an in-depth discussion and analysis. Investment Views and Themes Strategic Recommendations Trades Closed in 2022

Executive Summary The US inflation surprise increases the odds of both congressional gridlock and recession, which increases uncertainty over US leadership past 2024 and reduces the US’s ability to lower tensions with China and Iran.   Despite the mainstream media narrative, the Xi-Putin summit reinforces our view that China cannot reject Russia’s strategic partnership. The potential for conflict in Taiwan forces China to accept Russia’s overture. For the same reason the US and China cannot re-engage their economies sustainably, even if Biden and Xi somehow manage to reduce tensions after the midterm elections and twentieth national party congress. Russia could reduce oil exports as well as natural gas, intensifying the global energy shock. Ukraine’s counter-offensive and Europe’s energy diversification increase the risk of Russian military and economic failure. The Middle East will destabilize anew and create a new source of global energy supply disruptions. US-Iran talks are faltering as expected. Russian Oil Embargo Could Deliver Global Shock Xi-Putin Summit, Ukraine Offensive, Iran Tensions Xi-Putin Summit, Ukraine Offensive, Iran Tensions Asset Initiation Date Return LONG GLOBAL DEFENSIVES / CYCLICALS EQUITIES 2022-01-20 19.1% Bottom Line: Stay long US stocks, defensive sectors, and large caps. Avoid China, Taiwan, eastern Europe, and the Middle East. Feature Several notable geopolitical developments occurred over the past week while we met with clients at the annual BCA Research Investment Conference in New York. In this report we analyze these developments using our geopolitical method, which emphasizes constraints over preferences, capabilities over intentions, reality over narrative. We also draw freely from the many valuable insights gleaned from our guest speakers at the conference.  China Cannot Reject Russia: The Xi-Putin Summit In Uzbekistan Presidents Xi Jinping and Vladimir Putin are meeting in Uzbekistan as we go to press and Putin has acknowledged China’s “questions and concern” about the war in Ukraine.1 They last met on February 4 when Xi gave Putin his blessing for the Ukraine invasion, promising to buy more Russian natural gas and to pursue a “no limits” strategic partnership (meaning one that includes extensive military cooperation). The meeting’s importance is clear from both leaders’ efforts to make it happen. Putin is leaving Russia despite rising domestic criticism over his handling of the Ukraine war and European energy war. Ukraine is making surprising gains in the battlefield, particularly around Kharkiv, threatening Russia’s ability to complete the conquest of Donetsk and the Donbas region. Meanwhile Xi is leaving China for the first time since the Covid-19 outbreak, despite the fact that he is only one month away from the most important political event of his life: the October 16 twentieth national party congress, where he hopes to clinch another five, ten, or fifteen years in power, expand his faction’s grip over the political system, and take over Mao Zedong’s unique title as chairman of the Communist Party. We do not yet know the full outcome of the Uzbek summit but we do not see it as a turning point in which China turns on Russia. Instead the summit reinforces our key point to investors all year: China cannot reject Russia. Russia broke energy ties with Europe and is fighting a proxy war with NATO. The Putin regime has lashed Russia to China’s side for the foreseeable future. China may not have wanted to move so quickly toward an exclusive relationship but it is not in a position to reject Russia’s diplomatic overture and leave Putin out to dry. The reason is that China is constrained by the US-led world order and like Russia is attempting to change that order and carve a sphere of influence to improve its national security. Beijing’s immediate goal is to consolidate power across the critical buffer territories susceptible to foreign interests. It has already consolidated Tibet, Xinjiang, Hong Kong, and to some extent the South China Sea, the critical approach to Taiwan. Taiwan is the outstanding buffer space that needs to be subjugated. Xi Jinping has taken it upon himself to unify China and Taiwan within his extended rule. But Taiwanese public opinion has decisively shifted in favor of either an indefinite status quo or independence. Hence China and Taiwan are on a collision course. Regardless of one’s view on the likelihood of war, it is a high enough chance that China, Taiwan, the US, and others will be preparing for it in the coming years. Chart 1US Arms Sales To Taiwan Xi-Putin Summit, Ukraine Offensive, Iran Tensions Xi-Putin Summit, Ukraine Offensive, Iran Tensions The US is attempting to increase its ability to deter China from attacking Taiwan. It believes it failed to deter Russia from invading Ukraine – and Taiwan is far more important to US economy and security than Ukraine. The US is already entering discussions with Taiwan and other allies about a package of severe economic sanctions in the event that China attacks – sanctions comparable to those imposed on Russia. The US Congress is also moving forward with the Taiwan Policy Act of 2022, which will solidify US support for the island as well as increase arms sales (Chart 1).2  Aside from China's military preparation – which needs to be carefully reviewed in light of Russia’s troubles in Ukraine and the much greater difficulty of invading Taiwan – China must prepare to deal with the following three factors in the event of war: 1. Energy: China is overly exposed to sea lines of communication that can be disrupted by the United States Navy. Beijing will have to partner with Russia to import Russian and Central Asian resources and attempt to forge an overland path to the Middle East (Chart 2). Unlike Russia, China cannot supply its own energy during a war and its warfighting capacity will suffer if shortages occur or prices spike. 2. Computer Chips: China has committed at least $200 billion on a crash course to build its own semiconductors since 2013 due to the need to modernize its military and economy and compete with the US on the global stage. But China is still dependent on imports, especially for the most advanced chips, and its dependency is rising not falling despite domestic investments (Chart 3). The US is imposing export controls on advanced microchips and starting to enforce these controls on third parties. The US and its allies have cut off Russia’s access to computer chips, leading to Russian shortages that are impeding their war effort.  Chart 2China’s Commodity Import Vulnerability Xi-Putin Summit, Ukraine Offensive, Iran Tensions Xi-Putin Summit, Ukraine Offensive, Iran Tensions Chart 3China's Imports Of Semiconductors China's Imports Of Semiconductors China's Imports Of Semiconductors     3. US Dollar Reserves: China is still heavily exposed to US dollar assets but its access will be cut off in the event of war, just as the US has frozen Russian, Iranian, Venezuelan, and Cuban assets over the years. China is already diversifying away from the dollar but will have to move more quickly given that Russia had dramatically reduced its exposure and still suffered severely when its access to dollar reserves was frozen this year (Chart 4). Where will China reallocate its reserves? To developing and importing natural resources from Russia, Central Asia, and other overland routes. Chart 4China's US Dollar Exposure China's US Dollar Exposure China's US Dollar Exposure Russia may be the junior partner in a new Russo-Chinese alliance but it will not be a vassal. Russia has resources, military power, and regional control in Central Asia that China needs. Of course, China will maintain a certain diplomatic distance from Russia because it needs to maintain economic relations with Europe and other democracies as it breaks up with the United States. Europe is far more important to Chinese exports than Russia. China will play both sides and its companies will develop parallel supply chains. China will also make gestures to countries that feel threatened by Russia, including the Central Asian members of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). But the crucial point is that China cannot reject Russia. If the Putin regime fails, China will be diplomatically isolated, it will lose an ally in any Taiwan war, and the US will have a much greater advantage in attempting to contain China in the coming years and decades. Russo-Chinese Alliance And The US Dollar Many investors speculate that China’s diversification away from the US dollar will mark a severe downturn for the currency. This is of course possible, given that Russia and China will form a substantial anti-dollar bloc. Certainly there can be a cyclical downturn in the greenback, especially after the looming recession troughs. But it is harder to see a structural collapse of the dollar as the leading global reserve currency. The past 14 years have shown how global investors react to US dysfunction, Russian aggression, and Chinese slowdown: they buy the dollar! The implication is that a US wage-price spiral, a Russian détente with Europe, and a Chinese economic recovery would be negative for the dollar – but those stars have not yet aligned. Related Report  Geopolitical StrategyThe Geopolitical Consequences Of The Ukraine War The reason China needs to diversify is because it fears US sanctions when it invades Taiwan. Hence reducing its holdings of US treasuries and the dollar signals that it expects war in future. But will other countries rush into the yuan and yuan-denominated bonds if Xi is following in Putin’s footsteps and launching a war of choice, with damaging consequences for the economy? A war over Taiwan would be a global catastrophe and would send other countries plunging into the safe-haven assets, including US assets.   Nevertheless China will diversify and other countries will probably increase their yuan trade over time, just as Russia has done. This will be a cyclical headwind for the dollar at some point. But it will not knock the US off the premier position. That would require a historic downgrade in the US’s economic and strategic capability, as was the case with the United Kingdom after the world wars. China will continue to stimulate the economy after the party congress. A successful Chinese and global economic rebound next year – and a decision to pursue “jaw jaw” with the US and Taiwan rather than “war war” – would be negative for the dollar. Hence we may downgrade our bullish dollar view to neutral on a cyclical basis before long … but not yet and not on a structural basis.  Bottom Line: Favor the US dollar and the euro over the Chinese renminbi and Taiwanese dollar. Underweight Chinese and Taiwanese assets on a structural basis. Ukraine’s Counter-Offensive And A Russian Oil Embargo Ukraine launched a counter-offensive against Russia in September and achieved significant early victories. Russians fell back away from Kharkiv, putting Izyum in Ukrainian hands and jeopardizing Russia’s ability to achieve its war aim of conquering the remaining half of Donetsk province and thus controlling the Donbas region of eastern Ukraine. Russian positions also crumbled west of the Dnieper river, which was always an important limit on Russian capabilities (Map 1). Map 1Status Of Russia-Ukraine War: The Ukrainian Counter-Offensive (September 15, 2022) Xi-Putin Summit, Ukraine Offensive, Iran Tensions Xi-Putin Summit, Ukraine Offensive, Iran Tensions Some commentators, such as Francis Fukuyama in the Washington Post, have taken the Ukrainian counter-offensive as a sign that the Ukrainians will reconquer lost territory and Russia will suffer an outright defeat in this war.3 If Russia cannot conquer the Donbas, its control of the “land bridge” to Crimea will be unsustainable, and it may have to admit defeat. But we are very skeptical. It will be extremely difficult for Ukrainians to drive the Russians out of all of their entrenched positions. US military officials applauded Ukraine’s counter-offensive but sounded a cautious note. The chief problem is that neither President Putin nor the Russian military can afford such a defeat. They will have to double down on the Donbas and land bridge. The war will be prolonged. Ultimately we expect stalemate, which will be a prelude to ceasefire negotiations. But first the fighting will intensify and the repercussions for global economy and markets will get worse. Russia’s war effort is also flagging because Europe is making headway in finding alternatives for Russian natural gas. Russia has cut off flows through the Nord Stream pipeline to Germany, the Yamal pipeline to Poland, and partially to the Ukraine pipeline system, leaving only Turkstream operating normally. Yet EU gas storage is in the middle of its normal range and trending higher (Chart 5).   Chart 5Europe Handling Natural Gas Crisis Well … So Far Xi-Putin Summit, Ukraine Offensive, Iran Tensions Xi-Putin Summit, Ukraine Offensive, Iran Tensions Of course, Europe’s energy supply is still not secure. Cold weather could require more heating than expected. Russia has an incentive to tighten the gas flow further. Flows from Algeria or Azerbaijan could be sabotaged or disrupted (Chart 6). Chart 6Europe’s NatGas Supply Still Not Secure Xi-Putin Summit, Ukraine Offensive, Iran Tensions Xi-Putin Summit, Ukraine Offensive, Iran Tensions Chart 7Europe Tipping Into Recession Anyway Europe Tipping Into Recession Anyway Europe Tipping Into Recession Anyway Russia’s intention is to inflict a recession on Europe so that it begins to rethink its willingness to maintain a long-term proxy war. Recession will force European households to pay the full cost of the energy breakup with Russia all at once. Popular support for war will moderate and politicians will adopt more pragmatic diplomacy. After all they do not have an interest in prolonging the war to the point that it spirals out of control. Clearly the economic pain is being felt, as manufacturing expectations and consumer confidence weaken (Chart 7). Europe’s resolve will not collapse overnight. But the energy crisis can get worse from here. The deeper the recession, the more likely European capitals will try to convince Ukraine to negotiate a ceasefire.   However, given Ukraine’s successes in the field and Europe’s successes in diversification, it is entirely possible that Russia faces further humiliating setbacks. While this outcome may be good for liberal democracies, it is not good for global financial markets, at least not in the short run. If Russia is backed into a corner on both the military and economic fronts, then Putin’s personal security and regime security will be threatened. Russia could attempt to turn the tables or lash out even more aggressively. Already Moscow has declared a new “red line” if the US provides longer-range missiles to Ukraine. A US-Russia showdown, complete with nuclear threats, is not out of the realm of possibility. Russia could also start halting oil exports, as it has threatened to do, to inflict a major oil shock on the European economy. Investors will need to be prepared for that outcome.  Bottom Line: Petro-states have geopolitical leverage as long as global commodity supplies remain tight. Investors should be prepared for the European embargo of Russian oil to provoke a Russian reaction. A larger than expected oil shock is possible given the risk of defeat that Russia faces (Chart 8). Chart 8Russian Oil Embargo Could Deliver Global Shock Xi-Putin Summit, Ukraine Offensive, Iran Tensions Xi-Putin Summit, Ukraine Offensive, Iran Tensions US-Iran Talks Falter Again This trend of petro-state geopolitical leverage was one of our three key views for 2022 and it also extends to the US-Iran nuclear negotiations, which are faltering as expected. Tit-for-tat military action between Iran and its enemies in the Persian Gulf will pick up immediately – i.e. a new source of oil disruption will emerge. If global demand is collapsing then this trend may only create additional volatility for oil markets at first, but it further constrains the supply side for the foreseeable future. It is not yet certain that the talks are dead but a deal before the US midterm looks unlikely. Biden could continue working on a deal in 2023-24. The Democratic Party is likely to lose at least the House of Representatives, leaving him unable to pass legislation and more likely to pursue foreign policy objectives. The Biden administration wants the Iran deal to tamp down inflation and avoid a third foreign policy crisis at a time when it is already juggling Russia and China. The overriding constraints in this situation are that Iran needs a nuclear weapon for regime survival, while Israel will attack Iran as a last resort before it obtains a nuclear weapon. Yes, the US is reluctant to initiate another war in the Middle East. But public war-weariness is probably overrated today (unlike in 2008 or even 2016) and the US has drawn a hard red line against nuclear weaponization. Iran will retaliate to any US-Israeli aggression ferociously. But conflict and oil disruptions will emerge even before the US or Israel decide to launch air strikes, as Iran will face sabotage and cyber-attacks and will need to deter the US and Israel by signaling that it can trigger a region-wide war. Chart 9If US-Iran Talks Fail, Iraq Will Destabilize Further If US-Iran Talks Fail, Iraq Will Destabilize Further If US-Iran Talks Fail, Iraq Will Destabilize Further Recent social unrest in Iraq, where the nationalist coalition of Muqtada al-Sadr is pushing back against Iranian influence, is only an inkling of what can occur if the US-Iran talks are truly dead, Iran pushes forward with its nuclear program, and Israel and the US begin openly entertaining military options. The potential oil disruption from Iraq presents a much larger supply constraint than the failure to remove sanctions on Iran (Chart 9). A new wave of Middle Eastern instability would push up oil prices and strengthen Russia’s hand, distracting the US and imposing further pain on Europe. It would not strengthen China’s hand, but the risk itself would reinforce China’s Eurasian strategy, as Beijing would need to prepare for oil cutoffs in the Persian Gulf. Iran’s attempts to join the Shanghai Cooperation Organization should be seen in this context. Ultimately the only factor that could still possibly convince Iran not to make a dash for the bomb – the military might of the US and its allies – is the same factor that forces China and Russia to strengthen their strategic bond. The emerging Russo-Chinese behemoth, in turn, acts as a hard constraint on any substantial reengagement of the US and Chinese economies. The US cannot afford to feed another decade of Chinese economic growth and modernization if China is allied with Russia and Central Asia. Of course, we cannot rule out the possibility that the Xi and Biden administrations will try to prevent a total collapse of US-China relations in 2023. If China is not yet ready to invade Taiwan then there is a brief space for diplomacy to try to work. But there is no room for long-lasting reengagement – because the US cannot simply cede Taiwan to China, and hence China cannot reject Russia, and Russia no longer has any options. Bottom Line: Expect further oil volatility and price shocks. Sell Middle Eastern equities. Favor North American, Latin American, and Australian energy producers. Investment Takeaways Recession Risks Rising: The inflation surprise in the US in August necessitates more aggressive Fed rate hikes in the near term, which increases the odds of rising unemployment and recession. US Policy Uncertainty Rising: A recession will greatly increase the odds of US political instability over the 2022-24 cycle and reduce the incentive for foreign powers like Iran or China to make concessions or agreements with the US. European Policy Uncertainty Rising: We already expected a European recession. Russia’s setbacks make it more likely that it will adopt more aggressive military tactics and economic warfare. Chinese Policy Uncertainty Rising: China will continue stimulating next year but its economy will suffer from energy shocks and its stimulus is less effective than in the past. It will likely increase economic and military pressure on Taiwan, while the US will increase punitive measures against China. It is not clear that it will launch a full scale invasion of Taiwan – that is not our base case – but it is possible so investors need to be prepared. Long US and Defensives: Stay long US stocks over global stocks, defensive sectors over cyclicals, and large caps over small caps. Buy safe-havens like the oversold Japanese yen. Long Arms Manufacturers: Buy defense stocks and cyber-security firms. Short China and Taiwan: Favor the USD and EUR over the CNY. Favor US semiconductor stocks over Taiwanese equities. Favor Korean over Taiwanese equities. Favor Indian tech over Chinese tech. Favor Singaporean over Hong Kong stocks. Matt Gertken Chief Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1     Tessa Wong and Simon Fraser, “Putin-Xi talks: Russian leader reveals China's 'concern' over Ukraine,” BBC, September 15, 2022, bbc.com. 2     US Senate Foreign Relations Committee, “The Taiwan Policy Act of 2022,” foreign.senate.gov. 3    Greg Sargent, “Is Putin facing defeat? The ‘End of History’ author remains confident,” Washington Post, September 12, 2022, washingtonpost.com.                                                                                         Strategic Themes Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Regional Geopolitical Risk Matrix

Executive Summary At the margin, the European Union’s proposed €140 billion “windfall profits” tax on electricity providers not using natural gas to generate power will blunt the message markets are sending to consumers to conserve energy, by distributing this windfall to households to offset higher energy costs. A “solidarity contribution” from oil, gas and coal producers – an Orwellian rendering of “fossil-fuel tax” – will reduce capex at a time when it is needed to expand supply. These measures – the direct fallout of the EU’s failed Russia-engagement policy – will compound policy uncertainty in energy markets, which also will discourage investment in new supply. Efforts to contain energy prices of households and firms in the UK will be borne by taxpayers, who will be left with a higher debt load in the wake of the government’s programs to limit energy costs, and higher taxes to service the debt. EU Still At Risk To Russia Gas Cutoff EU Energy Markets: "Not Fit For Purpose" For A Reason EU Energy Markets: "Not Fit For Purpose" For A Reason Bottom Line: The EU and UK governments are inserting themselves deeper into energy markets, which will distort fundamentals and prices, leaving once-functioning markets “unfit for purpose.” This likely will reduce headline inflation beginning in 3Q22 by suppressing energy prices, and will discourage conservation and capex. Energy markets will remain tight as a result. We were stopped out of our long the COMT ETF with a loss of 5.4% and our XOP ETF with a gain of 24.6%. We will re-open these positions at tonight’s close with 10% stop-losses. Feature The EU is attempting to address decades of failed policy – primarily its Ostpolitik change-through-trade initiative vis-à-vis Russia – in a matter of months.1 This policy was brought to a crashing halt earlier this year by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, which led to an economic war pitting the EU and its NATO allies against Russia. This conflict is playing out most visibly in energy markets. For investors, the most pressing issue in the short term center around the trajectory of energy prices – primarily natural gas, which, unexpectedly, has become the most important commodity in the world: It sets the marginal cost of power in the EU; forces dislocations in oil and coal markets globally via fuel substitution, and drives energy and food inflation around the world higher by increasing space-heating fuel costs and fertilizer costs. These effects are unlikely to disappear quickly, especially in the wake of deeper government involvement in these markets. The EU is dealing with its energy crisis by imposing taxes on power generators and hydrocarbons producers. It is proposing a €140 billion “windfall profits” tax on electricity providers not using natural gas to generate power, and is advancing a “solidarity contribution” from oil, gas and coal producers – an Orwellian rendering of a “fossil-fuel tax. Lastly, the EU will mandate energy rationing to stretch natural gas supplies over the summer and winter heating season. The tax hikes under consideration will reduce capex at a time when it is needed to expand supply. Related Report  Commodity & Energy StrategyOne Hot Mess: EU Energy Policy The UK is taking a different route v. the EU, by having the government absorb the cost of stabilizing energy prices for households and firms directly on its balance sheet. Beginning 1 October, annual energy bills – electricity and gas – will be limited to £2,500. The government is ready to provide support for firms facing higher energy costs out of a £150 billion package that still lacks formal approval via legislation to be dispensed. This obviously has businesses concerned.2 Over the medium to long term, this economic war will realign global energy trade – bolstering the US as the world’s largest energy exporter, and cementing the alliance of China-Russia energy trade. Whether this ultimately evolves into a Cold War standoff remains an open question. EU Policy Failures And The Power Grid’s Limitations Chart 1Russia Plugged The Gap In EU Energy Supply EU Energy Markets: "Not Fit For Purpose" For A Reason EU Energy Markets: "Not Fit For Purpose" For A Reason In addition to its failed Russia policy, the EU’s aggressive support of renewable energy disincentivized domestic fossil fuel production and forced an increased reliance on imports – with a heavy weighting toward Russian hydrocarbons – instead. Once Russia stopped playing the role of primary energy supplier to the EU, the bloc’s energy insecurity became obvious (Chart 1). The EU’s current power-pricing system is forcing households and industries to bear the brunt of energy insecurity and high natgas prices resulting from poor energy policy design.3 And it forces the government to tax energy suppliers – with “windfall profits” taxes ostensibly meant to capture economic rents, as officials are wont to describe the taxes – to fund consumer-support programs. While REPowerEU aims to alleviate the bloc’s energy insecurity by importing non-Russian LNG and increasing renewable energy’s share in the energy mix, both alternatives face bottlenecks, which could delay their implementation. This could keep energy markets in the EU tight over the medium term, until additional LNG capacity comes online in the US and elsewhere. Renewable electricity is not as reliable as electricity generated by fossil fuels on the current power grid, which needs to be constantly balanced to avoid cascading failure. This means power consumed must equal power supplied on a near-instantaneous basis to avoid grid failure. However, given its reliance on variable weather conditions, renewable energy by itself cannot keep the grid balanced, primarily due to the lack of utility-scale storage for renewable power. Battery-storage technology and green-hydrogen energy can be used in conjunction with other renewables to balance the power grid, but they still are nascent technologies and not yet scalable to the point where they can replace hydrocarbon energy sources. Furthermore, the continued addition of small-scale renewables-based power generation located further away from demand centers – cities and industrial complexes – will continue to increase the complexity and scale of the power grid.4 Realizing the importance of incumbent power sources and the infrastructure requirements to diversify away from Russian fuels, the EU labelled investments in natural gas and nuclear power as green investments in July.5 Of the two energy sources, natural gas will likely play a larger role in ensuring the bloc’s energy security over the next 3-5 years, given the polarized views on nuclear power.6 In its most recent attempt to stabilize power prices, the EU plans to redirect “inframarginal” power producers’ windfall profits to households and businesses, provided those producers do not generate electricity using natgas. The Commission did not suggest capping Russian natgas prices since that could be divisive among EU member states, and could further jeopardize the bloc’s energy security. The redistribution of the windfall profits taxes is coupled with calls for mandatory electricity demand reductions in member states. We are unsure of the net effect of these directives on physical power and natural gas balances. However, government interference will feed into the policy uncertainty surrounding electricity and natural gas markets. EU Storage Continues To Build Against all odds, the EU has been aggressively building gas in storage (Chart 2), as demand from Asia has been low during the summer months (Chart 3). This has allowed high Dutch Title Transfer Facility (TTF) prices – the European natgas benchmark – to lure US LNG exports away from Asia (Chart 4). According to Refinitiv data, US exports of LNG to Europe increased 74% y/y to a total of over 1,370 Bcf for the first half of 2022. Chart 2Europe Has Been Aggressively Building Gas Storage EU Energy Markets: "Not Fit For Purpose" For A Reason EU Energy Markets: "Not Fit For Purpose" For A Reason Chart 3US LNG Exports To Asia Dropped In H1 2022 US LNG Exports To Asia Dropped In H1 2022 US LNG Exports To Asia Dropped In H1 2022 Chart 4High TTF Prices Attract US LNG EU Energy Markets: "Not Fit For Purpose" For A Reason EU Energy Markets: "Not Fit For Purpose" For A Reason Since Russian gas flows to Asian states have not been completely cut off, this will reduce ex-EU demand for US LNG, providing much needed breathing room for international LNG markets. However, as the pre-winter inventory-injection period in Asia continues, there is an increasing likelihood the spread between Asian and European gas prices narrows. This could incentivize US producers to export more fuel to Asia, slowing the EU’s build-up of gas storage. US plans to increase LNG export capacity will alleviate current tightness in international gas markets over the medium term, as new export facilities are expected to begin operations by 2024, and be fully online by 2025 (Chart 5). Until US LNG exports increase, global natgas markets will continue to remain tight and prices will be volatile. Chart 5US LNG Export Capacity Projected To Rise EU Energy Markets: "Not Fit For Purpose" For A Reason EU Energy Markets: "Not Fit For Purpose" For A Reason Russia’s Asian Gas Pivot Since the energy crisis began, China has accelerated the rate at which it imports discounted Russian LNG.7 Russia is aiming to increase gas exports to China to replace the sales lost to the EU following its invasion of Ukraine. Russia recently signed a deal with China to increase gas flows by an additional 353 Bcf per year, with both states agreeing to settle this trade in yuan and rouble to circumvent Western currencies, primarily the USD. Additionally, the Power of Siberia pipeline is expected to reach peak transmission capacity of ~ 1,340 Bcf per year by 2025. Chart 6China Will Not Want All Eggs In One Basket EU Energy Markets: "Not Fit For Purpose" For A Reason EU Energy Markets: "Not Fit For Purpose" For A Reason Adding to the China-Russia gas trade is the planned Power of Siberia 2 pipeline, which will have an annual expected capacity of 1,765 Bcf. This will move gas to China from western Siberia via Mongolia, and is expected to come into service by 2030; construction is scheduled to begin in 2024. This will redirect gas once bound toward the EU to China. Russia’s ability to develop and construct the required infrastructure to pivot gas exports to China and the rest of Asia will be hindered by Western sanctions, as international private companies walk away from Russian projects and international investment in that state decline. This is a deeper consequence of the sanctions imposed by the US and its allies, as it denies Russia the capital, technology and expertise needed to fully develop its resource base. On China’s side, even if both Power of Siberia pipelines are developed to operate at full capacity, the world’s largest natgas importer may be wary of becoming overly reliant on Russia for a significant proportion of its gas (and oil) imports. China has developed a diversified network of natgas suppliers, which, as the experience of the EU demonstrates, is the best way to avoid energy-supply shocks (Chart 6). Investment Implications We expect natural gas price volatility to remain elevated over the next 2-3 years. EU governments’ interference with the natgas and power markets' structure and pricing mechanisms – be it via natgas price caps or skimming gas suppliers’ profits – will distort price signals, detaching them from fundamental gas balances. This will perpetuate the energy crisis currently plaguing the EU, by encouraging over-consumption of gas and reducing capex via taxes and levies on profitable companies operating below the market’s marginal cost curve. As a result of the dislocations caused by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, dislocations in natural gas trade flows will continue, forcing markets to find work-arounds to replace lost Russian pipeline exports in the short-to-medium term. The EU will become more reliant on US LNG supplies, and will – over the next 2-3 years – have to outbid Asian states for supplies. Trade re-routing will take time and likely will lead to sporadic, localized shortages in the interim. The US is the largest exporter of LNG at present, but, by next year, it’s export capacity will max out. It will only start to increase from 2024, reaching full capacity by 2025. While higher export capacity from the world’s largest LNG supplier will help alleviate tight markets, in the interim, global gas prices, led by the TTF will remain elevated and volatile. The EU still receives ~ 80mm cm /d of pipeline gas from Russia, or ~ 7.4% of 2021 total gas consumption on an annual basis (Chart 7). A complete shut-off of Russian gas flows to the EU means the bloc would face even more difficulty refilling storage in time for next winter. This would keep the energy- and food-driven components of inflation high, and constrain aggregate demand in the EU generally. Chart 7EU Still At Risk To Russia Gas Cutoff EU Energy Markets: "Not Fit For Purpose" For A Reason EU Energy Markets: "Not Fit For Purpose" For A Reason We continue to expect global natural gas markets to remain tight this year and next. We also expect natural gas prices to remain extremely volatile – particularly in winter (November – March), when weather will dictate the evolution of price levels. We were stopped out of our long the COMT ETF with a loss of 5.4% and our XOP ETF with a gain of 24.6%. We remain bullish commodities generally and oil in particular, and will re-open these positions at tonight’s close with 10% stop-losses.   Robert P. Ryan Chief Commodity & Energy Strategist rryan@bcaresearch.com Ashwin Shyam Research Analyst Commodity & Energy Strategy ashwin.shyam@bcaresearch.com Paula Struk Research Associate Commodity & Energy Strategy paula.struk@bcaresearch.com Commodities Round-Up Energy: Bullish US distillate and jet-fuel stocks recovered slightly in the week ended 9 September 2022, rising by 4.7mm barrels to just over 155mm barrels, according to the US EIA. Distillate inventories – mostly diesel fuel and heating oil – stood at 116mm barrels, down 12% y/y. At 39.2mm barrels, jet fuel stocks are 7% below year-earlier levels. Refiners are pushing units to build distillates going into winter, in order to meet gas-to-oil switching demand in Europe and the US. Distillate inventories have been under pressure for the better part of the summer on strong demand. This is mostly driven by overseas demand. Distillate demand fell by 492k b/d last week, which helped domestic inventories recover. Year-on-year distillate demand was down 1.6% in the US. Ultra-low sulfur diesel prices delivered to the NY Harbor per NYMEX futures specification are up 50% since the start of the year (Chart 8). Base Metals: Bullish On Monday Chile’s government launched a plan to boost foreign investments, which includes providing copper miners with a 5-year break from the ad-valorem tax proposed in a new mining royalty. The plan however does not provide relief from the tax on operating profits, which are also part of the royalty. According to Fitch, the originally planned mining royalty would have significantly depleted copper miners’ profits, disproportionately impacting smaller operators, which cannot avail themselves of the benefits of economies of scale. In a sign that higher taxes spooked bigger players as well, in mid-July, BHP stated that it would reconsider investment plans in Chile if the state proceeded with the mining royalty in its original format. Ags/Softs: Neutral In its September WASDE, the USDA adjusted its supply and demand estimates for soybeans, and made substantial changes to new-crop 2022/23 US production estimates. This reduced acreage and yields by 2.7% from the previous August 2022 forecast. Ukraine’s soybean production was increased in the USDA's estimate. The USDA's soybean projections also include lower ending stocks, which are reduced from 245 million bushels to 200 million bushels. This is 11% below than 2021 levels for beans. The USDA's 2021/22 average price for soybeans remains at $14.35/bu, unchanged from last month but $1.05/bu above the 2021/22 average price (Chart 9). Chart 8NY Harbor ULSD Price Going Down NY Harbor ULSD Price Going Down NY Harbor ULSD Price Going Down Chart 9Soybean Prices Going Down Soybean Prices Going Down Soybean Prices Going Down   Footnotes 1 For a discussion of the EU’s past policy mistakes which laid the foundation for current crisis, please see One Hot Mess: EU Energy Policy, which we published on May 26, 2022. It is available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see UK business warned of delay to state energy support, published by ft.com on September 13, 2022. 3 The current EU power pricing system is set up so that the most expensive power generator – currently plants using natgas – set the price for the entire electricity market. This system was put in place to incentivize renewably  generated power, however, the EU does not have the required infrastructure and technology to be reliant solely on green electricity. 4 For a more detailed discussion on power grid stability, and how renewables will affect it, please ENTSO-E’s position paper on Stability Management in Power Electronics Dominated Systems: A Prerequisite to the Success of the Energy Transition. According to estimates by WindEurope and Hitachi Energy, Europe will need to double annual investments in the power grid to 80 billion euros over the next 30 years to prepare the power grid for renewables. 5 For our most recent discussion on the infrastructure requirements of pivoting away from Russian piped gas, please see Natgas Markets: The Eye Of The Storm, which we published on June 9, 2022. It is available at ces.bcaresearch.com.  6 In 2021, nuclear power constituted majority of France’s energy mix at 36% and had nearly the lowest share for Germany at 5%. In response to the current energy crisis, Germany has opted to restart coal power plants and only keep nuclear plants on standby, signaling that the EU’s largest energy consumer would prefer to use coal despite its carbon emissions target. 7 According to Bloomberg, China signed a tender to receive LNG from Russia’s Sakhalin-2 project through December at nearly half the cost of the spot gas rates at the time. Investment Views and Themes  New, Pending And Closed Trades WE WERE STOPPED OUT OF OUR LONG THE COMT ETF WITH A LOSS OF 5.4% AND OUR XOP ETF WITH A GAIN OF 24.6%. WE WILL RE-OPEN THESE POSITIONS AT TONIGHT’S CLOSE WITH 10% STOP-LOSSES. Strategic Recommendations Trades Closed in 2022

Executive Summary Our negative view on the summer rally is coming to fruition, with equities falling back on the negative geopolitical, macro, and monetary environment. China is easing policy ahead of its full return to autocratic government this fall. Yet the Fourth Taiwan Strait Crisis has only just begun. Tensions can still deal nasty surprises to global investors. It is essential to verify that relations will thaw after the US midterm and Chinese party congress is critical. Russia continues to tighten energy supply as predicted. Ukraine’s counter-offensive is pushing back the time frame of a ceasefire deeper into next year. Putin may declare victory and quit while he is ahead – but Russia will not be forced to halt its invasion until commodity prices fall significantly. Sweden’s election will not interfere with its NATO bid; Australia’s new government will not re-engage with China; Malaysia’s election will be a positive catalyst; South Africa’s political risks are reawakening; Brazil’s risks are peaking; Turkey remains a leading candidate for a negative “black swan” event. China’s Confluence Of Domestic And Foreign Political Risk China's Confluence Of Domestic And Foreign Political Risk China's Confluence Of Domestic And Foreign Political Risk Asset Initiation Date Return LONG GLOBAL DEFENSIVES / CYCLICALS EQUITIES 2022-01-20 17.4% Bottom Line: Investors should stay defensive in the short run until recession risks and geopolitical tensions abate. Feature Last week we visited clients across South Africa and discussed a broad range of global macro and geopolitical issues. In this month’s GeoRisk Update we relate some of the key points in the context of our market-based quantitative risk indicators. While we were traveling, US-Iran negotiations reached a critical phase. A deal is said to be “closer” but we remain pessimistic (we still give 40/60 odds of a deal). The important point for investors is that the supply side of global oil markets will remain tight even if a deal is somehow agreed, whereas it will get much tighter if a deal is not agreed. China’s rollout of 1 trillion yuan ($146 billion) in new fiscal stimulus and rate cuts (5 bps cut to 1-year Loan Prime Rate and 15 bps cut to 5-year LPR) is positive on the demand side and supports our key view in our 2022 annual outlook that China would ease policy ahead of the twentieth national party congress. However, it is still the case that China is not providing enough stimulus to generate a new cyclical rally. Second quarter US GDP growth was revised slightly upwards but was still negative. Russia tightened control of European energy, as expected, increasing the odds of a European recession. Europeans are getting squeezed by rising energy prices, rising interest rates, and weak external demand. China Eases Policy Ahead Of Return To Autocracy China is facing acute political risk in the short term but it is also delivering more stimulus to try to stabilize the economy ahead of the twentieth national party congress this fall (Chart 1). The People’s Bank of China cut the benchmark lending rate by (1-year LPR) by 5 basis points, while authorities unveiled fiscal spending worth 1 trillion renminbi. Chart 1China's Confluence Of Domestic And Foreign Political Risk China's Confluence Of Domestic And Foreign Political Risk China's Confluence Of Domestic And Foreign Political Risk After the party congress, the regime is likely to “let 100 flowers bloom,” i.e. continue with a broad-based policy easing to secure the recovery from the Covid-19 shock. This will include loosening social restrictions and aggressive regulations against industrial sectors like the tech sector. It should also include some diplomatic improvements, especially with Europe. But it is only a short term (12-month) trend, not a long-term theme. Related Report  Geopolitical StrategyRoulette With A Five-Shooter China’s return to autocratic government under General Secretary Xi Jinping is a new, negative, structural factor and is nearly complete. Xi is highly likely to secure another decade in power and promote his faction of Communist Party stalwarts and national security hawks. The period around the party congress will be uncertain and dangerous. The exact makeup of the next Politburo could bring some surprises but there is very little chance that Xi and his faction will fail to consolidate power. The nomination of an heir-apparent is possible but of limited significance since Xi will not step down anytime soon or in a regular, predictable manner. Larger stimulus combined with power consolidation could spur greater risk appetite around the world, as it would portend a stabilization of growth and policy continuity. However, China’s underlying problems are structural. The manufacturing and property bust can be delayed but not reversed. China’s foreign policy will continue to get more aggressive due to domestic vulnerability, prompting foreign protectionism, export controls, sanctions, saber-rattling, and the potential for military conflict. Bottom Line: Investors should use any rally in Chinese assets over the coming 12 months as an opportunity to sell and reduce exposure to China’s historic confluence of political and geopolitical risk. Fourth Taiwan Strait Crisis Only Beginning The Fourth Taiwan Strait Crisis has only just begun. The previous three crises ranged from four to nine months in duration. The current crisis cannot possibly abate until November at earliest. Taiwan’s political risk will stay high and we would not buy any relief rally until there is a firm basis for believing tensions have fallen (Chart 2). Chart 2Taiwan: The Fourth Taiwan Strait Crisis Taiwan: The Fourth Taiwan Strait Crisis Taiwan: The Fourth Taiwan Strait Crisis If this year’s crisis were driven by US and Chinese domestic politics – the US midterm election and China’s party congress – then both Presidents Biden and Xi Jinping would already have achieved what they want and could proceed to de-escalate tensions by the end of the year – i.e. before somebody really gets hurt. The two leaders could hold a bilateral summit in Asia in November and agree to uphold the one China policy and status quo in the Taiwan Strait. We have given a 40% chance to this scenario, though we would still remain pessimistic about the long-term outlook for Taiwan. But if this year’s crisis is driven by a change in US and Chinese strategic thinking as a result of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and China’s rising domestic instability, then there will not be a quick resolution on Taiwan. The crisis would grow next year, increasing the risk of aggression or miscalculation. We have given a 60% probability to this scenario, of which full-scale war comprises 20 percentage points. Bottom Line: Our geopolitical risk indicator for Taiwan spiked and Taiwanese equities rolled over relative to global equities as we expected. However, our oldest trade to capture the high long-term risk of a war in the strait – long Korea / short Taiwan – has performed badly despite the crisis. South Korea: China Stimulus A Boon But Not Geopolitics US-China rivalry – and the thawing of Asia’s once-frozen conflicts – is also manifest on the Korean peninsula, where the limited détente between the US and North Korea negotiated by President Donald Trump and Kim Jong Un has fallen apart. South Korea’s situation is not as risky as Taiwan’s but it is nevertheless less stable than it appears (Chart 3). Chart 3South Korea: Lower Geopolitical Risk Than Taiwan South Korea: Lower Geopolitical Risk Than Taiwan South Korea: Lower Geopolitical Risk Than Taiwan South Korea resumed its full-scale joint military exercise with the US, the Ulchi Freedom Shield, from August 22 to September 1. The drills involve amphibious operations and a carrier strike group. Full-scale drills were scaled down or cancelled under the Trump and Moon Jae-In administrations with the hopes of facilitating diplomacy and reducing tensions on the peninsula. North Korea was to discontinue ballistic missile tests and threats to the United States. But after the 2020 election neither Washington nor Pyongyang considered itself bound by this agreement. This year the US went forward with Ulchi Freedom even though regional tensions were sky-high because of House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s visit to Taiwan and the De-Militarized Zone in Korea. The US is flagging its regional interests and power bases. North Korea is increasing the frequency of missile tests this year and is likely to conduct an eighth nuclear test. On August 17, it fired two cruise missiles towards the Yellow Sea. Pyongyang does not want to be ignored amid so many other geopolitical crises. It is emboldened by the fact that Russia and China will not be voting with the US for another round of sanctions at the United Nations Security Council due to the war in Ukraine and tensions over Taiwan. On August 11, South Korea responded to China’s insistence that the new government should abide by the “Three No’s,” i.e. three negatives that the Moon administration allegedly promised China: no additional deployments of the US’s Terminal High-Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) system, no Korean integration into US-led missile defense, and no trilateral military alliance with the US and Japan. Korea’s Foreign Minister Park Jin told reporters upon his return from China that the three no’s were “neither an agreement nor a promise.” South Korea’s new and conservative President Yoon Suk-yeol is unpopular and gridlocked at home but he is using the opportunity to reassert Korean national interests, including the US military alliance. Tension with the North and cold relations with China are coming at a time when the economy is slowing down. Korean GDP grew by 0.7% in Q2 2022 on a quarter-on-quarter basis, supported by household and government spending, while exports and investments shrank. Roughly a quarter of Korean exports go to China, its biggest trading partner. Korean exports to China have suffered due to China’s economic woes but cold relations could bring new economic sanctions, as China has hit South Korea before over THAAD. With the Yoon administration planning to bring the fiscal deficit back to below 3% of GDP next year, and a broader backdrop of weak Chinese and global demand, it is hard to find bright corners in the Korean economy in the near term. With Yoon’s basement level approval rating, he will resort to foreign policy to try to revive his political capital. Saber rattling and tough talk with North Korea and China will increase tensions in an already hot region – geopolitical risk is bound to stay high on the back of the Taiwan crisis. Bottom Line: On a relative basis, due to the ironclad US security guarantee, South Korea is safer than Taiwan. Investors wanting exposure to Chinese economic stimulus, electric vehicles, and semiconductors should go long South Korea. But some volatility is likely because the North’s eighth nuclear test will occur in the context of high and rising regional tensions. Australia: Stimulus Is Positive But No “Thaw” With China Australia is blessed with strong geopolitical fundamentals but it is seeing a drop in national security and economic security due to the deterioration of China relations. Domestic political turmoil is one of the consequences (Chart 4). Most recently Australia has been roiled by the revelation that former Prime Minister Scott Morrison secretly ran five ministries during the pandemic: the ministries of Home, Treasury, Finance, Resources, and Health. Chart 4Australian Geopolitical Risk Limited Australian Geopolitical Risk Limited Australian Geopolitical Risk Limited After an investigation and review by the Solicitor General Stephen Donaghue, Morrison’s action was determined to be legal, although highly inappropriate and inconsistent with the principles of responsible governance. Morrison’s appointments to these ministries were approved by the Governor General but the announcement or publication of appointments has always been the prerogative of the government of the day. One might think that this investigation is merely politically motivated but the Solicitor General is an apolitical position unlike the Attorney General, and Donaghue had been serving with Morrison, guiding him about the constitutionality of a vaccine mandate during the pandemic. The new Labor Party government of Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has vowed to be more transparent and will seek to enshrine a transparency measure into the law. Its political capital will improve, which is helpful for its ability to achieve its chief election promises. With the change of the government, it was hoped that there would be a thaw in the Australia-China relationship. China is Australia’s largest export destination and it erected boycotts against certain Australian exports in 2020 in response to Prime Minister Morrison’s inquiry into the origin of Covid-19. Hence Australia’s new defense minister, Richard Marles, met with his Chinese counterpart, General Wei Fenghe, on the sideline of the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore in June, which rekindled the hope that a thaw might happen. Yet a thaw is unlikely for strategic reasons, as highlighted by the Fourth Taiwan Strait Crisis, the Biden administration’s retention of former President Trump’s tariffs, and Australia’s fears of China’s rising influence in the Pacific Islands. The US and Australia are preparing for a long-term policy of containing China’s ambitions. A few days after his election, Prime Minister Albanese flew to Tokyo to attend a meeting of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (the Quad), sending a signal that there will be policy continuity with respect to Australian foreign policy. On May 26, Chinese fighter jets flew closely to an Australian surveillance plane on its routine operation and released aluminum chaffs that were ingested by the P8’s engines. An Australian warship, the HMAS Parramatta, was tracked by a People’s Liberation Army nuclear power submarine and multiple aircrafts on its way back from Vietnam, Korea, and Japan as part of its regional presence deployment in June. Currently Australia is hosting the Pitch-Black military exercise, with 17 countries participating. This exercise will last for three weeks – focusing on air defense and aerial refueling. It will also see the German air force with 13 military aircrafts deployed to the Indo-Pacific region for the very first time. They will be stopping in Japan after the exercise. As Australia’s policy towards China is unlikely to change, geopolitical risk will remain elevated. On the economic front, Australia’s misery index is at the highest point since 2000, with an unemployment rate at 3% and inflation at 6%. GDP growth in the first quarter was 0.8% compared to 3.6% in Q4 2021, propped up by government and household consumption while investment and exports contracted. The good news for the government is that it is inheriting this negative backdrop and can benefit from cyclical improvements in the next few years. Since the Labor government lacks a single-party majority in the Senate (where it must rely on the Greens and independents), it will be difficult for the government to raise new taxes. So far, Albanese has indicated that the budget to be tabled in October will focus on pre-election promises, which includes childcare, healthcare, and energy reforms. At worst, Australian government spending will stay flat, but it is unlikely to shrink considering Labor’s narrow control of the House of Representatives. Australian equities have not outperformed those of developed market peers despite high industrial metal prices. The stock market’s weak performance is attributable to the stumbling Chinese economy (Chart 5). Australian exports to China in June are still down 14% from June of last year. Chinese economic woes will be a headwind to Aussie growth and equity markets until next year, when Chinese stimulus efforts reach their full effect. Chart 5Australian Equities Have Yet to Benefit from Industrial Metal Prices Australian Equities Have Yet to Benefit from Industrial Metal Prices Australian Equities Have Yet to Benefit from Industrial Metal Prices On the other hand, the value of Australian natural gas and oil exports in June grew by 118% and 211% respectively (Chart 6), compared to June of last year. Chart 6Geopolitics: A Boon and Bane to Aussie Growth Geopolitics: A Boon and Bane to Aussie Growth Geopolitics: A Boon and Bane to Aussie Growth ​​​​​ Bottom Line: As China will continue stimulating the economy and global energy markets will remain tight, investors should look for opportunities in Aussie energy and materials stocks. Malaysia Closes A Chapter … And Opens A Better One? Rarely do we get to revisit our positive outlook on Malaysia – a Southeast Asian state with an ability to capitalize on the US break-up with China. On August 23, the embattled ex-prime minister of Malaysia, Najib Razak, lost his final appeal at the Federal Court in Putrajaya after being found guilty in 2020 for abuse of power, criminal breach of trust, and money laundering tied to Malaysia’s sovereign wealth fund, 1MDB. The high court instructed that he serves his 12-years prison sentence immediately, becoming the first prime minister to be imprisoned in the country’s 60-years plus of history. Political risk has weighed on the Malaysian economy for almost a decade starting with the contentious 2013 general election, which saw the collapse of non-Malay voter support for the ruling party. Then came the 2015 Wall Street Journal bombshell about 1MDB, and then the 2018 general election that resulted in Malaysia’s first change of government since independence. The pandemic also led to political crisis in 2020. Each crisis resulted in a successive weakening of animal spirits and ever lower investments, resulting in Malaysia’s loss of competitiveness (Chart 7). Malaysia’s cheap currency was unable to increase its competitiveness, due to the low investments in the economy, and reflected higher political risks in the country (Chart 8). Chart 7Political Risk Undermines Competitiveness Political Risk Undermines Competitiveness Political Risk Undermines Competitiveness ​​​​​​ Chart 8Cheap Currency Reflects Political Risk Cheap Currency Reflects Political Risk Cheap Currency Reflects Political Risk ​​​​​​ Nonetheless this entire saga has proved that Malaysia’s legal system is independent and that its political system is capable of holding policymakers accountable. The next general election will come in a matter of months and recent state elections bodes well for the institutional ruling party, the United Malay National Organization (UMNO), and its coalition, Barisan Nasional. The coalition is managing to claw back support from the Malay and non-Malay voters. The opposition had the bad luck of ruling during the pandemic and its rocky aftermath, which has helped to rehabilitate the traditional ruling party. We have long seen Malaysia as a potential opportunity. But we would advise investors to wait until the new election is held and a new government takes power before buying Malaysian equities. With the conclusion of its decade-long 1MDB saga, we would turn more bullish if the next election produces a sizeable and enduring majority, if the use of racial and sectarian rhetoric tones down, and if the governing coalition pursues pro-competitiveness policies. Bottom Line: Structurally, Malaysia is one of the largest exporters of semiconductors and will benefit from the US’s shift away from China and attempt to reconstruct supply chains so they run through the economies of allies and partners. Russia: Escalating To De-Escalate? Russia increased the number of active military personnel in a move that points to an escalation of the conflict with Ukraine and the West, even as Ukraine wages a counter-offensive against Russia in Crimea and elsewhere. The time frame for a ceasefire has been pushed further into next year. As long as the war escalates, European energy relief will be elusive. Our risk indicators will rise again (Chart 9). Chart 9Russia: Geopolitical Risk To Rise Again, Ceasefire Pushed Back Into Next Year Russia: Geopolitical Risk To Rise Again, Ceasefire Pushed Back Into Next Year Russia: Geopolitical Risk To Rise Again, Ceasefire Pushed Back Into Next Year Ukraine will not be able to drive Russians out of territory in which they are entrenched. It would need a coalition of western powers willing to go on the offense, which will not happen. Russia is also threatening to cut off the Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant, ostensibly removing one-fifth of Ukraine’s electricity. Once the Ukrainian counter-offensive grinds to a halt, a stalemate will ensue, incentivizing ceasefire talks – but not until then. The Europeans will have to support Ukraine now but will become less and less inclined to extend the war as they get hit with recession. Russia says it is prepared for a long war but that kind of rhetoric is necessary for propaganda purposes. The truth is that Russia does not have great success with offensive wars. Russia usually suffers social instability in the aftermath. The best indicator for the duration of the war is probably the global oil price: If it collapses for any reason then Russia’s war machine will fall short of funds and the Kremlin will probably have to accept a ceasefire. This what happened in 2014-15 with the Minsk Protocols. Putin will presumably try to quit while he is ahead, i.e. complete the conquest and shift to ceasefire talks, while commodity prices are still supportive and Europe is economically weak. If commodity prices fall, Russia’s treasury dries up while Europe regains strength. So while military setbacks can delay a ceasefire, Russia should be seen as starting to move in that direction. The deal negotiated with Turkey and the United Nations to ship some grain from Odessa is not reliable in the short run but does show the potential for future negotiations. However, a high conviction on the timing is not warranted. Also, the US and Russia could enter a standoff over the US role in the war, or NATO enlargement, at any moment, especially ahead of the US midterm election. Bottom Line: Ukraine’s counteroffensive and Russia’s tightening of natural gas exports increases the risk to global stability and economic growth in the short run, even if it is a case of “escalating tensions in order to de-escalate” later when ceasefire talks begin. Italy: Election Means Pragmatism Toward Russia Italy’s election is the first large crack in the European wall as a result of Russia’s cutoff of energy. The party best positioned for the election – the right-wing, anti-establishment party called the Brothers of Italy – will have to focus on rebooting Italy’s economy once in power. This will require pragmatism toward Russian and its natural gas. Regardless of whether a right-wing coalition obtains a majority or the parliament is hung, Italian political risk will stay high in the short run (Chart 10). Chart 10Italy: Election Brings Uncertainty, Then Economic Stimulus Italy: Election Brings Uncertainty, Then Economic Stimulus Italy: Election Brings Uncertainty, Then Economic Stimulus Although the center-left Democratic Party (PD) is narrowing the gap with the Brothers of Italy in voting intentions, it is struggling to put together an effective front against the right-wing bloc. After its alliance with the centrist Azione party and +Europa party broke down, PD’s chance of winning has become even slimmer. Even if the alliance revives, the center-left bloc still falls short of the conservative parties. Together, the right-wing parties account for just 33% of voting intentions (Democrats at 23%, Greens and Left Alliance at 3%, Azione and +Europa at 7%). By contrast, the right-wing bloc has a significant lead, with 46% of the votes (Brothers of Italy at 24%, Lega at 14%, Forza Italia at 8%). They also have the advantage of anti-incumbency sentiment amid a negative economic backdrop. Unless some sudden surprises occur, a right-wing victory is expected, with Giorgia Meloni becoming the first female prime minister in Italy’s history. This has been our base case scenario for the past several months. But what does a right-wing government mean for the financial markets? In an early election manifesto published in recent weeks, the conservative alliance pledged full adhesion to EU solidarity and dropped their previous euroskepticism. This helps them get elected and is positive for investors. However, there are also clouds on the horizon: In the same manifesto, the right-wing parties pledged to lower taxes for families and firms, increase welfare, and crack down on immigration. These programs will add to Italy’s huge debt pile and eventually lead to conflicts with the ECB and other EU institutions. In the manifesto, they stated that if elected, they would seek to amend conditions of Italy’s entitlement to the EU Recovery Fund, as the Russia-Ukraine war has changed the context and priorities significantly. This could potentially put the EU’s grants and cheap loans at risk. Under the Draghi government, Italy has secured about 67 billion euros of EU funds. According to the schedule, Italy will receive a further 19 billion Euros recovery funds in the second half of 2022, if it meets previously agreed upon targets. The new government will try to accept the funds and then make any controversial policy changes. On Russia, the conservative parties claimed that Italy would not be the weak link within EU. They pledged respect for NATO commitments, including increasing defense spending. Both Meloni and her Brothers of Italy have endorsed sending weapons to support Ukraine. Still, we think that due to Italy’s historical link with Russia and the need to secure energy supplies, the new government would be more pragmatic toward Russia. On China, Meloni has stressed that Italy will look to limit China’s economic expansion if the right-wing alliance wins. She stated that “Russia is louder at present and China is quieter, but [China’s] penetration is reaching everywhere.” China will want to use diplomacy to curb this kind of thinking in Europe. Meloni also stated that she would not seek to pursue the Belt and Road Initiative pact that Italy signed with China in 2019. In short, we stand firm on our recommendation of underweighting Italian assets at least until a new government is formed. Europe Gets Its Arm Twisted Further The United Kingdom is going through a severe energy, water, and inflation crisis – on top of the long backlog at the National Health Service – as it stumbles through the aftermath of Covid-19 and Brexit. The Conservative Party’s leadership contest is a distraction – political risk will not subside after it is resolved. The new Tory leader will lack a direct popular mandate but the party will want to avoid an early election in the current economic context, creating instability. The looming attempt at a second Scottish independence referendum will also keep risks high, as the outcome this time may be too close to call (Chart 11). Chart 11UK: Tory Leaders A Sideshow, Risks Will Stay High UK: Tory Leaders A Sideshow, Risks Will Stay High UK: Tory Leaders A Sideshow, Risks Will Stay High Germany saw Russia halt natural gas flows through Nord Stream 1 as the great energy cutoff continues. As we have argued since April, Russia’s purpose is to pressure the European economies so that they are more conducive to a ceasefire in Ukraine. Germany will evolve quickly and will improve its energy security faster than many skeptics expect but it cannot do it in a single year. The ruling coalition is also fragile, even though elections are not due anytime soon (Chart 12). Chart 12Germany: Geopolitical Risk Still Rising Germany: Geopolitical Risk Still Rising Germany: Geopolitical Risk Still Rising France’s political risk will also remain high (Chart 13), as domestic politics will be reckless while President Emmanuel Macron and his allies only control 43% of the National Assembly in the aftermath of this year’s election (Chart 14). Chart 13France: Lower Geopolitical Risk Than Germany France: Lower Geopolitical Risk Than Germany France: Lower Geopolitical Risk Than Germany Chart 14Macron Will Focus On Foreign Policy Odds And Ends (A GeoRisk Update) Odds And Ends (A GeoRisk Update) Spain is likely to see its coalition destabilized and early elections, much like Italy this year (Chart 15). Chart 15Spain: Early Elections Likely Spain: Early Elections Likely Spain: Early Elections Likely Sweden, along with Finland, will be joining NATO, which became clear back in April. In this sense it is at the center of Russia’s conflict with the West over NATO enlargement, so we should take a quick look at the Swedish general election on September 11. Currently the left-wing and right-wing blocs are neck and neck in the polls. While the current Social Democrat-led government may well fall from power, Sweden’s new pursuit of NATO membership is unlikely to change. The right-wing parties in Sweden are in favor of joining NATO. The two parties that oppose NATO membership are the left-wing Green and Left Party. The Social Democrats were pro-neutrality until the invasion of Ukraine and since May have spearheaded Swedish accession to NATO. The pro-neutrality bloc currently holds 43 seats in the 349-seats Riksdag. It has a supply-and-confidence arrangement with the current government and is currently polling at 13%. If it was willing and able to derail Sweden’s NATO bid, it would already have happened. So the general election in Sweden is unlikely to stop Sweden from joining. However, Russia does not want Sweden to join and the entire pre- and post-election period is ripe for “black swan” risks and negative surprises. One thing that could change with the election is Sweden’s immigration policy. The Social Democrats are pro-immigration (albeit pro-integration), while the right-wing bloc is less so. Sweden has received a great many asylum seekers since the Syrian refugee crisis in 2015 and will be receiving more from Ukraine and Russia (Chart 16). Chart 16Asylum Seekers to Surpass 2015 Refugee Crisis Asylum Seekers to Surpass 2015 Refugee Crisis Asylum Seekers to Surpass 2015 Refugee Crisis Our Foreign Exchange Strategist Chester Ntonifor points out that the increase in asylum seekers could augment Swedish labor force and increase its potential growth in the long run, while in the short run it could increase demand in the domestic economy. But an increase in demand could also exacerbate inflation in Sweden, especially considering how much the Riksbank is behind the curve vis-à-vis the ECB. Our European Investment Strategy recommends shorting EUR/SEK as Sweden is less vulnerable to Russian energy sanctions. Sweden produces most of its energy from renewable sources. Relative to Europe, Canada faces a much more benign political and geopolitical environment (Chart 17). However, within its own context, it will continue to see more contentious domestic politics as interest rates rise on a society with high household debt and property prices. The post-Covid-19 period will undermine the Justin Trudeau government over time, though it is not facing an election anytime soon. Canada continues to benefit from North America’s geopolitical advantage, though quarrels with China will continue, including over Taiwan, and should be taken seriously. Aside from any China shocks we expect Canadian equities to continue to outperform most global bourses. Chart 17Canada: Low Geopolitical Risk But Not Happy Canada: Low Geopolitical Risk But Not Happy Canada: Low Geopolitical Risk But Not Happy South Africa: The Calm Before The Storm South Africa’s economy remains in a low growth trap, which is contributing to rising political risk (Chart 18). Electricity shortages continue to dampen economic activity. Other structural issues like 33.9% unemployment, worsening social imbalances, and a split in the ruling party threaten to cause negative policy surprises. Chart 18South Africa: Institutional Ruling Party At Risk South Africa: Institutional Ruling Party At Risk South Africa: Institutional Ruling Party At Risk The South African economy has failed to translate growth outcomes into meaningful economic development, leaving low-income households (the median voter) increasingly disenfranchised, burdened, and constrained. Last year’s civil unrest was fueled by economic hardships that persist today. Without a significant and consistent bump to growth, social and political risks will continue to rise. Low-income households remain largely state dependent. Fiscal austerity has already begun to unwind, well before the 2024 election, in a bid to shore up support and quell rising social pressures (Chart 19). Chart 19South Africa: Fiscal Easing Ahead Of 2024 Vote South Africa: Fiscal Easing Ahead Of 2024 Vote South Africa: Fiscal Easing Ahead Of 2024 Vote The fact that the social scene is relatively quiet for now should not be seen as a sign of underlying stability. For example, two of the largest trade unions led a nationwide labor strike last week – while we visited clients in the country! – but failed to “shut down” the country as advertised. Labor union constituents noted the ANC’s economic failures, demanded immediate economic reform, and advocated for a universal basic income grant. This action blew over but the election cycle is only just beginning. Looking forward to the election, President Cyril Ramaphosa’s ANC is still viewed more favorably than the faction led by ex-President Jacob Zuma, but Ramaphosa has suffered from corruption allegations recently that have detracted attention from his anti-corruption and reform agenda and highlighted the party’s shortcomings once again. The ANC’s true political rival, the far-left Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), have so far failed to capitalize on the weak economic backdrop. The EFF is struggling with leadership battles, thus failing to attract as many soured ANC voters as otherwise possible. If the Economic Freedom Fighters refocus and install new leadership, namely a leader that better reflects the tribal composition of the country, the party will become a greater threat to the ANC. But the overall macro backdrop is a powerful headwind for the ANC’s ability to retain a parliamentary majority. Global macro tailwinds that supported local assets in the first half of the year are experiencing volatility due to China’s sluggish growth and now stimulus efforts. Cooling metals prices and slowing global growth have weighed on the rand and local equity returns. But now China is enacting more stimulus. China is South Africa’s largest trading partner, so the decision to ease policy is positive for next year, even though China’s underlying structural impediments will return in subsequent years. This makes it hard to predict whether South Africa’s economic context will be stable in the lead-up to the 2024 election. As long as China can at least stabilize in the post-pandemic environment in 2023, the ANC will not face as negative of a macro environment in 2024 as would otherwise be the case. Investors will need to watch the risk of political influence on the central bank. Recently the ANC resolved to nationalize the central bank. Nationalization is mostly about official ownership but a change in the bank’s mandate was also discussed. However, to change the bank’s mandate from an inflation target to an unemployment target, the ANC would need to change the constitution. Constitutional change requires a two-thirds vote in parliament, a margin the ANC does not hold. Constitutional change will become increasingly difficult if the ANC sheds more support in the 2024 general election, as expected. Bottom Line: Stay neutral on South Africa until global and Chinese growth stabilize. Political risk is rising ahead of the 2024 election but it is not necessarily at a tipping point. Brazil And Turkey: Election Uncertainty Prevails We conclude with two brief points on Brazil and Turkey, which both face important elections – Brazil immediately and Turkey by June 2023. Both countries have experienced different forms of instability as emerging middle classes face economic disappointment, which has led to political challenges to liberal democracy. Brazil – President Jair Bolsonaro’s popular support is rallying into the election, as expected, but it would require a large unexpected shift to knock former President Lula da Silva off course for re-election this October (Chart 20). Brazil’s first round vote will be held on October 2. If Lula falls short of the 50% majority threshold, then a second round will be held on October 30. Bolsonaro faces an uphill battle because his general popularity is weak – his support among prospective voters stands at 35% compared to Lula at 44% today and Lula at 47% when he left office in 2010. Meanwhile the macroeconomic backdrop has worsened over the course of his four-year term. Bolsonaro will contest the election if it is close so Brazil could face significant upheaval in the short run. Chart 20Brazil: Risk Will Peak Around The Election Brazil: Risk Will Peak Around The Election Brazil: Risk Will Peak Around The Election Turkey – President Recep Erdogan’s approval rating has fallen to 41%, while his disapproval has risen to 54%. It is a wonder his ratings did not collapse sooner given that the misery index is reaching 88%, with headline inflation at 78%. Having altered the constitution to take on greater presidential powers, Erdogan will do whatever it takes to stay in power, but the tide of public opinion is shifting and his Justice and Development Party is suffering from 21 years in power. Erdogan could interfere with NATO enlargement, the EU, Syria and refugees, Greece and Cyprus, North Africa and Libya, or Israel in a way that causes negative surprises for Turkish or even global investors. Turkey will be a source of “black swan” risks at least until after the general election slated for June 2023 (Chart 21). Chart 21Turkey: A Source Of 'Black Swans' Turkey: A Source Of 'Black Swans' Turkey: A Source Of 'Black Swans' We will revisit each these markets in greater detail soon. Matt Gertken Chief Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Jesse Anak Kuri Associate Editor Jesse.Kuri@bcaresearch.com Guy Russell Senior Analyst GuyR@bcaresearch.com ​​​​​​​Yushu Ma Research Analyst yushu.ma@bcaresearch.com Strategic Themes Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Regional Geopolitical Risk Matrix Geopolitical Calendar