Secession/Breakup

Highlights Our immediate reaction to Theresa May's vision of Brexit boils down to three points: You can wish all you want... but what you wish isn't what you get. Do you understand the legal framework? Where does this leave Scotland? Feature You Can Wish All You Want... But What You Wish Isn't What You Get Theresa May essentially set out her wish-list for what Brexit should look like. But it was a vision seen through rose-tinted spectacles. The speech listed all the benefits to the U.K. but conveniently ignored most of the costs. It was a speech to rouse the Conservative Party, rather than to present a thoughtful and sober analysis. Hence, the speech was riddled with intellectual inconsistencies and impossibilities. For example, she wants "Britain to negotiate its own trade agreements" which would entail departing the Customs Union. But contradicting this, she also wants "cross-border trade to be as frictionless as possible" which would entail retaining some sort of Customs Union. More importantly, there are two sides to every negotiation and so far, we are only hearing one side - May's vision of a future in sunlit uplands. Spokesmen for the EU27 are probably chomping at the bit to reply. But smartly, they have entered a vow of silence until after Article 50. Just like a poker player who has to wait just a little longer to reveal that he carries all the aces... Do You Understand The Legal Framework? Events since the referendum on June 23 show that the U.K. Government was completely unprepared for the No vote. Hence, the government's strategy - in as much as one exists - has been made on the hoof, and quite often with the minimum of research or analysis. Most notably, the government did not understand the legal framework to leave the EU - specifically that the invoking of Article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty might require an Act of Parliament, a precondition on which the Supreme Court will soon opine. Now, Prime Minister May claims that "we will no longer be members of the Single Market", but this may not be simple to deliver. Leaving the EU might not automatically mean leaving the Single Market. This is because the Single Market is not defined by the EU but by the European Economic Area (EEA), consisting of the 28 countries of the EU plus Norway, Iceland and Liechtenstein. Crucially, membership of the EEA is governed by its own Treaty. Therefore, leaving the Single Market will require a careful legal interpretation of Article 126, Article 127 and Article 128 of the EEA Treaty. We will cover this in more detail in a future report. Prime Minister May also promised Parliament a vote on the final deal struck with the EU27. But it was unclear whether losing that vote would mean staying in the EU (as the pound seemed to interpret) or leaving with no deal (more likely). Where Does This Leave Scotland? A clean Brexit would be a pyrrhic victory if it meant the breakup of the United Kingdom - indeed it would effectively become an 'Engexit', rather than a Brexit. But that is the risk, because Nicola Sturgeon has said that leaving the Single Market is a red line that Scotland is unwilling to cross. Thereby, Theresa May's speech has increased the probability of a new referendum on Scottish Independence. In summary, the speech did not reduce the uncertainties around Brexit. It increased them. The U.K. is not out of the woods, it is just about to enter the woods. Hence, the knee-jerk spike in the pound was unwarranted. We anticipate further volatility in the pound and maintain our strategy of 'owning the tails': for example, short pound/euro but with call options at €1.30. As for the FTSE100 relative performance, investment reductionism shows that it is just an inverse play on the pound. As the pound weakens, the FTSE100 outperforms, and vice-versa (Chart of the Week). Chart of the WeekFTSE100 Relative Performance Is Just An Inverse Play On The Pound FTSE100 Relative Performance Is Just An Inverse Play On The Pound FTSE100 Relative Performance Is Just An Inverse Play On The Pound Dhaval Joshi, Senior Vice President European Investment Strategy dhaval@bcaresearch.com Fractal Trading Model* Pleasingly, our long gold position has hit its profit target in a classic liquidity-triggered trend reversal. There are no new trades this week. For any investment, excessive trend following and groupthink can reach a natural point of instability, at which point the established trend is highly likely to break down with or without an external catalyst. An early warning sign is the investment's fractal dimension approaching its natural lower bound. Encouragingly, this trigger has consistently identified countertrend moves of various magnitudes across all asset classes. Chart I-2 Long Gold Long Gold * For more details please see the European Investment Strategy Special Report "Fractals, Liquidity & A Trading Model," dated December 11, 2014, available at eis.bcaresearch.com The post-June 9, 2016 fractal trading model rules are: When the fractal dimension approaches the lower limit after an investment has been in an established trend it is a potential trigger for a liquidity-triggered trend reversal. Therefore, open a countertrend position. The profit target is a one-third reversal of the preceding 13-week move. Apply a symmetrical stop-loss. Close the position at the profit target or stop-loss. Otherwise close the position after 13 weeks. Use the position size multiple to control risk. The position size will be smaller for more risky positions. Fractal Trading Model Recommendations Equities Bond & Interest Rates Currency & Other Positions Closed Fractal Trades Trades Closed Trades Asset Performance Currency & Bond Equity Sector Country Equity Indicators Bond Yields Chart II-1Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-2Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-3Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-4Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Interest Rate Chart II-5Indicators To Watch ##br##- Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-6Indicators To Watch##br## - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-7Indicators To Watch##br## - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-8Indicators To Watch##br## - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations

Highlights The pound will suffer more in the near term as Brexit negotiations take center stage. However, this will create a buying opportunity as the pound is only getting cheaper. Moreover, the economic outlook is constructive and the BoE will be repriced. Set a limit-sell on EUR/GBP at 0.933. The U.S. border-tax proposal will not boost the dollar by an additional 25%. Feature This week, the British Supreme Court started sitting again, with Brexit its hottest case. As the ultimate ruling nears, the pound will once again move to the forefront of investors' minds. Political risks remain elevated in the near term, but the economic negatives from Brexit are well discounted. The long-term outlook for the pound is brightening. Politics Still In The Driver Seat Investors have been pinning their hopes on the likely Supreme Court decision to uphold the High Court judgment, and rule that an act of parliament is necessary to trigger Article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty. Such a move, in the eyes of pundits and market participants, greatly increases the likelihood that the U.K. will move toward a "soft Brexit" rather than a "hard Brexit". The pound already discounts some of this as a positive: since October 12, cable is flat near its closing low of 1.21, despite a nearly 5% rally in the dollar index. However, the coming months are likely to prove tumultuous. The pound will fall victim to the upcoming opening of negotiations between the EU and the U.K. The U.K. policy-uncertainty index collapsed after surging in the wake of the Brexit victory, preventing the pound from plunging against a surging dollar (Chart I-1). Nonetheless, uncertainty is set to rise anew, as Parliament will vote in favor of triggering Article 50: The political environment at home remains ardently pro-Brexit (Chart I-2). Moreover, while the May government has suggested it is willing to contribute to the EU's budget to retain access to the common market, it remains adamant on setting limitations to the free movement of people. Chart I-1Economic Uncertainty Is Too Low Economic Uncertainty Is Too Low Economic Uncertainty Is Too Low Chart I-2No Bregret No Bregret No Bregret Additionally, the EU has a built-in incentive to show to the European Union electorate that leaving the union comes at a heavy cost. Thus, EU negotiators will be intransigent and harsh when setting up their opening gambit. Chart I-3Immigration: A Key Concern In The EU GBP: Dismal Expectations GBP: Dismal Expectations With the EU holding the stronger hand in the negotiations, the headline risks for the pound will be great. Even the survival of the so-called passporting of financial services - i.e., the unfettered ability to conduct business within the European Economic Area - is looking increasingly tenuous, with TheCityUK - the country's most important financial lobby - giving up on the issue altogether. This will require an even greater discount on the pound. However, we expect calmer heads to prevail and for the U.K. to retain at least some access to the common market, with some transitional agreements likely to be struck. The U.K. has a strong incentive to keep passporting alive. Meanwhile, controlling movements of people is becoming increasingly popular in the EU. Immigration is a growing concern, now only second to unemployment for the EU as a whole, and the No. 1 worry in Germany (Chart I-3). This suggests a deal on limiting the movement of people is probable. Thus, the pound is likely to sell off as the triggering of Article 50 nears. Once this hurdle is over, political risk premia will be fully adjusted and markets will be able to focus once again on the economic fundamentals. Bottom Line: The politics of Brexit will continue to weigh on the pound until the opening rounds of the Brexit negotiations between the U.K. and the EU begin. Until then, economic factors will take the backbench, and the pound will fall against both the USD and EUR. British Economy To Best Expectations Beyond the politically dominated short-term time horizon, the pound should be driven by the economy and valuations. Let's begin with the economy. On this front, there is room for optimism, at least relative to dismal expectations. A recent survey by the Financial Times shows that 40% of economists are more pessimistic than before on the U.K. economy, and that only 13% expect some improvement relative to their prior forecasts. The first positive is that Great Britain's fiscal drag is being lessened relative to pre-Brexit expectations (Chart I-4). While the Hammond Autumn statement did not point to an outright implementation of stimulus, it did show a 1.1% and 1.3% of GDP reduction in the austerity measures that were to be implemented by the Treasury in 2017 and 2018, respectively. Moreover, the U.K. currently lags both the EU and other advanced economies in terms of public investments as a share of GDP (Chart I-5). This also suggests that, if need be, there is plenty of room to ease budgets going forward. In fact, the recent populist stance taken by May points to more spending in that realm, due to the higher multiplier associated with infrastructure spending. Chart I-4Fiscal Easing GBP: Dismal Expectations GBP: Dismal Expectations Chart I-5Scope For Stimulus GBP: Dismal Expectations GBP: Dismal Expectations Beyond the fiscal picture, the key to the U.K.'s economic future is the outlook for consumption, a sector representing 65% of GDP. Worries are very prevalent that the consumer will aggressively curtail spending, facing a surge in inflation due to the collapse of the pound. However, we are less gloomy. To begin with, the outlook for inflation is better than originally feared. Domestic price pressures, which affect nearly 70% of the consumption basket, remain well contained (Chart I-6). Moreover, while the fall in the pound could exert some upward motion on this inflation measure, their muted correlation implies that domestic prices are unlikely to rise much beyond 2-3%. Meanwhile, the British labor market remains quite tight, suggesting that the outlook for U.K. wages will remain healthy. The ILO unemployment rate stands at 4.8%, near all-time lows; and skilled-labor shortages have not been such a problem since 1990 (Chart I-7). Chart I-6Still Muted Domestic Inflation Still Muted Domestic Inflation Still Muted Domestic Inflation Chart I-7Tight U.K. Labor Market Tight U.K. Labor Market Tight U.K. Labor Market Put together, our wage and core CPI models point toward a slowdown in real wage growth, but not a contraction (Chart I-8). Since nominal wage growth is little affected by the Brexit vote and inflation is expected to be temporary, the permanent-income hypothesis suggests that households are likely to dip into their savings to absorb the slowdown in real income growth (Chart I-9). Thus, U.K. consumption growth should remain stable in 2017. Chart I-8No Contraction In Real Wages No Contraction In Real Wages No Contraction In Real Wages Chart I-9No Calamity In Consumption No Calamity In Consumption No Calamity In Consumption Another key consideration for the U.K. economy is the great easing in financial and monetary conditions registered in the past 12 months (Chart I-10). This easing first and foremost reflects collapsing borrowing costs. This is crucial as U.K. banks are very robust and are in a position to increase their lending, especially to households (Chart I-11). Chart I-10Massive Easing In British##br## Monetary Conditions Massive Easing In British Monetary Conditions Massive Easing In British Monetary Conditions Chart I-11U.K. Banks ##br##Are Strong GBP: Dismal Expectations GBP: Dismal Expectations As a result, the British credit impulse has improved considerably (Chart I-12). It is true that this improvement reflected some Brexit-related distortions, but the factors above suggest that it is likely to continue to point north, highlighting a positive outcome for the U.K. economy. Confirming this intuition, after sharply deteriorating, the RICS survey is improving anew, pointing toward higher house prices (Chart I-13). While we expect any house-price improvements to be stronger outside London than in the capital, the 16% decline in the pound since the beginning of 2016 is improving the attractiveness of this market to foreigners. The U.K. economy has historically been strongly affected by housing price dynamics, and a resilient housing market would be a key support for consumption, despite slowing real wage growth (Chart I-13, bottom panel). Chart I-12Credit Impulse Points Health Credit Impulse Points Health Credit Impulse Points Health Chart I-13Housing Is A Support Housing Is A Support Housing Is A Support Trade, too, should prove less of an issue than originally feared. In recent years, the contribution of net exports to growth has been negative, both at the global level and vis-à-vis the rest of the EU (Chart I-14). With Brexit, trade with Europe will continue to subtract from growth, but not at an accelerating pace. Meanwhile, the large decline in the pound should cushion trade with the rest of the world. Where the risk to the U.K. economy is most pronounced is in business capex. On that front, the large degree of uncertainty that the U.K. will still have to face points to a brake on capex. However, business capex only represents 9% of the U.K.'s economy and has already been contracting. Further muting the effect of uncertainty, U.K. PMIs are as strong as the U.S. equivalent measures (Chart I-15), and U.K. profits are also rebounding. Thus, we expect that the drag from U.K. capex will not deepen. If anything, U.K. capex could surprise to the upside. Chart I-14Trade Always Was A Drag On Growth Trade Always Was A Drag On Growth Trade Always Was A Drag On Growth Chart I-15U.K. Businesses Are Fine U.K. Businesses Are Fine U.K. Businesses Are Fine Bottom Line: We expect the U.K. economy to remain a positive surprise for investors. The fiscal drag is lessening; household consumption should prove robust; housing will strengthen, as the credit impulse continues to perk up; the trade drag is unlikely to deepen; and capex will not worsen, and may in fact improve going forward. Investment Conclusions In the aftermath of the Brexit vote, despite a sharp upward revision to its inflation forecast, the MPC implemented extraordinary policy easing to compensate for risks to growth looming on the horizon. The BoE cut rates to 0.25%, increased its asset purchases by GBP70 billion to GBP435 billion, and put in place the Term Funding Scheme to incentivize bank lending. This week, Governor Mark Carney highlighted that he thought the BoE had been too pessimistic regarding the outlook for U.K. growth and that, in his eyes, the MPC was likely to move away from its extraordinary easing sooner rather than later. We think this outcome is indeed warranted, and not priced into the market. While not out of control, inflation is rising, but the downside risk to the economy appears to be contained. Thus, the BoE is unlikely to extend its asset purchases and will lose its easy bias going forward. Markets are not ready for this reality. With the pound trading 25% below PPP against the USD, and 20% too cheap against the EUR, it is clearly a value play (Chart 16A and Chart 16B). While over a two-year basis, such discounts to PPP should result in an appreciation of the pound, this tells us nothing of the outlook for the next year or so. In fact, in 1984, GBP/USD traded at an even larger discount to PPP than it does today. Chart I-16AGBP Is Cheap GBP Is Cheap GBP Is Cheap Chart I-16BGBP Is Cheap GBP Is Cheap GBP Is Cheap Current-account considerations are still a worry. However, the elasticity of the current account to the pound is limited. In fact, while the elasticity of exports to the pound is of the expected sign in our modeling, for imports, it is not. This reflects the elevated import content of British exports. A lower pound is therefore unlikely to be the most crucial means to improve that current-account position. Moreover, despite its current-account deficit of nearly 6% of GDP, the U.K. still runs a basic balance-of-payments surplus of 12%, even after the recent fall in FDI inflows (Chart I-17). Instead, on an intermediate-term basis, the outlook is driven by interest rate differentials and policy considerations. Here again, the outlook for the pound is brightening, especially against the euro. Due to the balance-sheet operations conducted by the BoE and ECB, interest rates in the U.K. and the euro area do not fully reflect domestic policy stances. Instead, we like to use the shadow rates. Currently, shadow rates tentatively argue that GBP/USD should begin to roll over, and unequivocally point toward a lower EUR/GBP (Chart I-18). In fact, balance-sheet dynamics point toward shorting EUR/GBP. As such, with our core view that the USD remains in a cyclical bull market - albeit one experiencing a temporary pause - the outlook for GBP/USD may still be mired by the strength of the USD. Instead, we find it cleaner to play a better-than-expected British economy by going short EUR/GBP. Long-term technicals on this cross are also extremely stretched (Chart I-19). Chart I-17U.K. Basic Balance Is Healthy... U.K. Basic Balance Is Healthy... U.K. Basic Balance Is Healthy... Chart I-18Shadow Rates: Bullish Pound... Shadow Rates: Bullish Pound... Shadow Rates: Bullish Pound... Chart I-19EUR/GBP Has Rarely Been This Overbought EUR/GBP Has Rarely Been This Overbought EUR/GBP Has Rarely Been This Overbought Due to the political risk looming over the next few month, the timing is complex. We are reluctant to short EUR/GBP unhedged at this point in time. We expect GBP to remain weak over the next month or two. Instead, we recommend two strategies. One - very similar to the play recommended by Dhaval Joshi of our European Investment Strategy service - is to be long EUR/GBP spot while purchasing long-dated out-of-the money puts on this cross. The other, is to set a limit-sell order at EUR/GBP at 0.933. Nimble traders may want to buy EUR/GBP in the wake of the Supreme Court decision and sell it as Article 50 gets triggered. Bottom Line: This week, Carney took an upbeat stance on the U.K. economy. We agree, and think that the BoE will move away from its hyper-dovish policy stance sooner than markets expect. As such, we foresee rate differentials to move in favor of the very cheap pound. The optimal way to play this strength is against the euro. However, since we expect more volatility in the pound as the U.K. triggers Article 50, we elect to implement this view through a limit-sell order at EUR/GBP 0.933. A Few Words On Trump's Tax Policy This week, much ink has been spilled on Trump's and the GOP's tax plan, especially the border adjustment. While a 20% tax on imports, and a 0% tax on exports would in a textbook world result in a near-automatic 25% appreciation in the dollar, this is far from where the reality stands. This analysis forgets that such a move would instantaneously impair the net international investment position of the U.S. by another 10 to 15% of GDP, pushing it below -50% of GDP. Additionally, such a move would cause a complete collapse of commodity prices and a massive tightening of EM financial conditions, especially for borrowers with USD liabilities. The ensuing deflationary crisis would prevent the Fed from hiking as much as is currently priced in and may even cause a global recession. Additionally, such a policy is likely to provoke tit-for-tat responses from other nations, muting its economic repercussions and its impact on the dollar. Globalization is frittering away. Instead, as we argued in the Dirigisme theme of our 2017 outlook, such tax is bullish at the margin on the dollar as future investment by U.S. corporations will now be biased toward the U.S., especially if another component of the tax plan gets implemented: the greater expensing of capex.1 This means that the non-U.S. output gap will grow more negative relative to the U.S. than would have been the case without this piece of legislation. This would put upward pressure on U.S. rates vis-à-vis the rest of the world, but nothing on the order of 25%. Instead, we expect the U.S. dollar to appreciate by a bit more than 5% on a 12-18 months basis, with some upside risk. Peter Berezin of our Global Investment Strategy service will cover tax reforms in great detail in the coming weeks, a report whose conclusions we look forward to share with our clients. Mathieu Savary, Vice President Foreign Exchange Strategy mathieu@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see Foreign Exchange Strategy Special Report, "Outlook: 2017's Greatest Hits", dated December 16, 2016, available at fes.bcaresearch.com Currencies U.S. Dollar Chart II-1U.S. Technicals 1 USD Technicals 1 USD Technicals 1 Chart II-2U.S. Technicals 2 USD Technicals 2 USD Technicals 2 Since Donald Trump's widely anticipated news conference, the DXY has fallen roughly 1.7% as markets recognized the risks represented by Trump's outlook on trade and relations with China. As a reiteration, we highlight the significance of market overpricing in the DXY's previous rally. This is a clear indication of participants remaining overly reliant and hopeful on Trump's fiscal proposals in determining the greenback's value. A disappointing proposal is likely to lead to a correction in the dollar, however downside will be limited by the crucial 99 to 100 level. Although our long-term case remains bullish - especially if the border tax goes through - it is possible that markets could react to Trump's comments at his inauguration on January 20, generating substantial volatility for the dollar. Report Links: Update On A Tumultuous Year - January 6, 2017 Outlook: 2017's Greatest Hits -December 16, 2016 Party Likes It's 1999 - November 25, 2016 The Euro Chart II-3EUR Technicals 1 EUR Technicals 1 EUR Technicals 1 Chart II-4EUR Technicals 2 EUR Technicals 2 EUR Technicals 2 As the surging power of the dollar abates, so does the downward pressure on the euro. The common currency has made significant progress this year after bottoming below 1.04 three weeks ago. Following last week's strong data, this week's figures followed through with additional resilience: Eurozone industrial output increased 3.2% annually; French and German industrial output increased 2.2% monthly; German real GDP grew at 1.9%. More interestingly, the Czech economy recorded quite a strengthening in its economy, with retail sales increasing 7.9% on a yearly basis, and yearly inflation at 2% in December from 1.5%. Such an increase in inflation could prompt the CNB to abandon the floor on EUR/CZK to allow for the conduct of independent monetary policy and tighten rates accordingly. This should prove profitable for our short EUR/CZK trade. Report Links: Outlook: 2017's Greatest Hits -December 16, 2016 When You Come To A Fork In The Road, Take It - November 4, 2016 Relative Pressures And Monetary Divergences - October 21, 2016 The Yen Chart II-5JPY Technicals 1 JPY Technicals 1 JPY Technicals 1 Chart II-6JPY Technicals 2 JPY Technicals 2 JPY Technicals 2 The yen continues to rally this year after its dramatic sell-off at the end of 2016. Although USD/JPY has now found support at its 10-week moving average, we expect that a repricing of growth expectations for the U.S. should push the yen up further to USD/JPY 110. On the data side, recent numbers in Japan paint a positive picture: Consumer confidence came at 43.1, against expectations of 41.3. This is the highest level of consumer confidence since July 2013. Bank lending also increased to 2.6% YoY growth versus 2.4% on November. Encouraging signs from the Japanese economy will only make the BoJ more resolute in its radical policies, given that so far they have shown to be effective. Consequently, the outlook for the yen on a cyclical basis remains very bearish. Report Links: Update On A Tumultuous Year - January 6, 2017 Outlook: 2017's Greatest Hits - December 16, 2016 Party Likes It's 1999 - November 25, 2016 British Pound Chart II-7GBP Technicals 1 GBP Technicals 1 GBP Technicals 1 Chart II-8GBP Technicals 2 GBP Technicals 2 GBP Technicals 2 In a remarkable volte-face, BoE Governor Mark Carney signaled a possible raise in economic forecast after admitting that fears of a recession triggered by Brexit were overblown. In his own words: "Having gone through the night and the day after, the scale of the immediate risks around Brexit have gone down for the U.K." We agree that Brexit will probably cause a slowdown in the economy. However what matters for the pound is not whether the U.K. slows down but rather how the slowdown compares to expectations. As we have mentioned many times we believe these expectations are overblown, as the pound is very cheap. Thus, while it is true that the pound could still suffer more downside up until when negotiations begin, once political risks dissipate, this currency will become a very attractive bargain, particularly against the euro. Report Links: Outlook: 2017's Greatest Hits -December 16, 2016 The Pound Falls To The Conquering Dollar - October 14, 2016 The Dollar: The Great Redistributor - October 7, 2016 Australian Dollar Chart II-9AUD Technicals 1 AUD Technicals 1 AUD Technicals 1 Chart II-10AUD Technicals 2 AUD Technicals 2 AUD Technicals 2 Data was quite weak for Australia this week: Retail sales increased at a below-consensus monthly pace of 0.2%; Building permits contracted by 4.8% since last year in November; Job advertisements contracted by 1.9% in December; AiG Performance of Construction Index increased to 47 from 46.6 - although construction employment had the lowest reading on employment in nine months. Along with the USD's weakness, recent strength in iron ore has buoyed the AUD - even against the CAD and the NOK - lifting AUD/USD 4.8% since the beginning of this year. However, there does not seem to be a clear improvement in the Australian economy yet, which fundamentally reasons against this rally. Additionally, the 14-day RSI is approaching the crucial overbought level of 70, which may signal a potential end to this surge. Report Links: Outlook: 2017's Greatest Hits - December 16, 2016 One Trade To Rule Them All - November 18, 2016 When You Come To A Fork In The Road, Take It - November 4, 2016 New Zealand Dollar Chart II-11NZD Technicals 1 NZD Technicals 1 NZD Technicals 1 Chart II-12NZD Technicals 2 NZD Technicals 2 NZD Technicals 2 The New Zealand Dollar has been one of the best performers against the U.S. dollar since last week, appreciating by over 2%. All in all, the New Zealand economy continues to hum along as the top performer in the G10: Employment growth is around 6%, the highest pace in 23 years. The output gap is at 2% of GDP, which indicates that the economy is growing above potential and that inflationary pressures may eventually emerge in New Zealand. The last point is important because although headline inflation continues to be very low, core inflation is slowly creeping up. While it is true that the slowdown in dairy prices is concerning, it should be a matter of time before inflation starts to pick up again, a development that should lift the NZD against the AUD. Report Links: Outlook: 2017's Greatest Hits - December 16, 2016 Long-Term FX Valuation Models: Updates And New Coverages - September 30, 2016 Global Perspective On Currencies: A PCA Approach For The FX Market - September 16, 2016 Canadian Dollar Chart II-13CAD Technicals 1 CAD Technicals 1 CAD Technicals 1 Chart II-14CAD Technicals 2 CAD Technicals 2 CAD Technicals 2 The Canadian economy has shown resilience this year, with the Business Outlook Survey suggesting that the drag from the preceding oil collapse has subsided. Investment intentions are around 25% and employment intentions are close to 40%; Both input and output price expectations have seen a huge surge, and inflation expectations have ticked up; Also, housing starts have come out much better than expected. In addition, the recent strength in the Canadian dollar has also been supported by strong oil prices, as USD/CAD has decreased by almost 3% since the end of last year. As long as the greenback's momentum remains weak, oil prices are likely to see upside, boosting the CAD. Nevertheless, this rally is likely close to burning out: both the RSI and the Coppock Curve are indicating oversold and trend reversal levels for USD/CAD. Report Links: Outlook: 2017's Greatest Hits -December 16, 2016 When You Come To A Fork In The Road, Take It - November 4, 2016 Relative Pressures And Monetary Divergences - October 21, 2016 Swiss Franc Chart II-15CHF Technicals 1 CHF Technicals 1 CHF Technicals 1 Chart II-16CHF Technicals 2 CHF Technicals 2 CHF Technicals 2 As we suggested last week, EUR/CHF has rallied once more after hovering under the critical level right under 1.07 at which the SNB tends to intervene to depreciate the franc. As long as Switzerland suffers from deflation, the SNB will continue to intervene whenever the franc gets near this levels. Indeed, recent data should give assurance to the SNB that their strategy is working: Real retail sales growth came at 0.9%, not only beating expectations but also returning to positive territory after being negative for the past year and a half. The unemployment rate continues to be very low at 3.3%. On a cyclical basis we are bullish on the franc given Switzerland's large current account surplus of 11%, and that monetary policy is currently as accommodative as can be and will only tighten in the future. This means that risks for the franc point to the upside. Report Links: Outlook: 2017's Greatest Hits - December 16, 2016 Long-Term FX Valuation Models: Updates And New Coverages - September 30, 2016 Global Perspective On Currencies: A PCA Approach For The FX Market - September 16, 2016 Norwegian Krone Chart II-17NOK Technicals 1 NOK Technicals 1 NOK Technicals 1 Chart II-18NOK Technicals 2 NOK Technicals 2 NOK Technicals 2 After rising for most of the week USD/NOK fell sharply on Wednesday, and is now near a support line established in October. The Norges Bank has repeatedly stated that inflation is bound to slow down any time soon. However recent data shows that inflation continues to stay strong in Norway: Headline inflation was unchanged in December, coming at 3.5%. Core Inflation slowed slightly, coming in at 2.5% versus 2.6% the previous month. If inflation continues to be high, the Norges Bank will eventually have to change its stand to a less dovish one, helping the NOK in the process, particularly against its crosses. Moreover, given that the U.S. is the marginal consumer of oil, and China the marginal consumer of metals, outperformance by the U.S. against China should continue to help oil producers against other commodity currencies. Report Links: Outlook: 2017's Greatest Hits - December 16, 2016 The Pound Falls To The Conquering Dollar - October 14, 2016 The Dollar: The Great Redistributor - October 7, 2016 Swedish Krona Chart II-19SEK Technicals 1 SEK Technicals 1 SEK Technicals 1 Chart II-20SEK Technicals 2 USD Technicals 2 USD Technicals 2 The Swedish economy is showing resilience: Industrial production increased by 0.1% yearly and by 1.2% monthly in November; Inflation increased 0.5% mom, and 1.7% yoy. Inflation is approaching to the Riksbank’s 2% target. The SEK rallied on the release of the news, as EUR/SEK dropped 0.5% and USD/SEK by around 0.6%. A strengthening Swedish economy will likely cause diverging rate differentials between Sweden and the Euro area, as the latter still battles deflationary pressures. This will limit EUR/SEK’s upside. USD/SEK will be dictated mostly by movements in the dollar itself. Therefore, SEK should outperform both USD and EUR for now. Report Links: Outlook: 2017's Greatest Hits - December 16, 2016 One Trade To Rule Them All - November 18, 2016 The Pound Falls To The Conquering Dollar - October 14, 2016 Trades & Forecasts Forecast Summary Core Portfolio Tactical Trades Closed Trades

Highlights 1.How Will The European Economy Cope With Higher Interest Rates? 2. How Will The European Stock Market Cope With Higher Interest Rates? 3. How Will The EU Respond To The Start Of Brexit? 4. Will The Bank of Japan's 0% Bond Yield Peg Undermine ECB Credibility? 5. What Does China's Debt Super Cycle Mean For Euro/Yuan? Feature Our strong sense is that the promised elixir of 'Trumponomics' has disoriented investors' concept of value. Suddenly thrown out of their comfort zone, long-term investors are struggling to assess: how much of Trumponomics is reality and how much is just fantasy? Chart of the WeekBrexit And Pound/Euro bca.eis_wr_2016_12_22_s1_c1 bca.eis_wr_2016_12_22_s1_c1 As rational and analytical long-term investors have become disoriented, emotional and impulsive short-term traders have been left unchecked to drive markets (Chart I-2). Chart I-2Markets Are Excessively Emotional Markets Are Excessively Emotional Markets Are Excessively Emotional Understand that the financial markets are an ecosystem in which long-term investors jostle with short-term traders. The stable equilibrium of this ecosystem relies on rationality and analysis ultimately checking emotion and impulse. And therein, perhaps, lies the essence of life itself. The descriptions "rationality and analysis" versus "emotion and impulse" are not judgements. They are simply the very different qualities needed to do very different jobs. Long-term investors must take time to rationalise and analyse the concept of fundamental value; whereas traders must use their immediate emotions and impulses to ride short-term market momentum. Therefore what happens in 2017 will depend on what the rational and analytical long-term investors conclude after their pause for reflection. This brings us to our five pressing questions for the coming year. 1. How Will The European Economy Cope With Higher Interest Rates? Now you could argue that the level of interest rates is very low by historical standards, even after last week's rate hike by the Federal Reserve. However, it is the change in interest rates that drives the change in credit growth (Chart I-3); and it is the change in credit growth that drives the change in GDP growth (Chart I-4). Chart I-3The Change In Bond Yield Drives##br## The Change In Credit Growth... bca.eis_wr_2016_12_22_s1_c3 bca.eis_wr_2016_12_22_s1_c3 Chart I-4...And The Change In Credit Growth Drives ##br##The Change In GDP Growth bca.eis_wr_2016_12_22_s1_c4 bca.eis_wr_2016_12_22_s1_c4 You could also argue that a 25bps hike in the Fed funds rate constitutes the tiniest of baby steps of monetary tightening. The problem is that bond yields have already jumped many multiples of this: the U.S. 15-year and 30-year bond yield and mortgage rate have spiked by over 75bps; the German 30-year bond yield is up 90bps; the Italian 30-year bond yield is up 100bps; and so on. It is these substantial increases in market interest rates that will weigh on credit-sensitive sectors and prospective 6-month GDP growth. Chart I-5Despite Dollar Strength, The Trade-Weighted##br## Euro Has Hardly Budged Despite Dollar Strength, The Trade-Weighted Euro Has Hardly Budged Despite Dollar Strength, The Trade-Weighted Euro Has Hardly Budged Another argument we hear is that higher bond yields are simply discounting better growth prospects ahead. The problem here is the inter-temporal distribution of growth. Higher market interest rates are a near-certain headwind to be felt within 3-6 months. Whereas Trumponomics is a very uncertain tailwind to be felt in 2018, or end 2017 at the earliest. Then there is the geographical distribution of growth. Trumponomics, at best, would boost U.S. growth. Yet market rates have also gone up aggressively in Europe, where there would be a minimal boost to growth. Bear in mind that despite dollar strength, the trade-weighted euro has depreciated just 3% from its October high (Chart I-5). Likewise, emerging market economies will see minimal growth benefits. Whereas higher dollar funding costs, stronger dollar-linked currencies, and the threat of protectionism constitute a meaningful headwind. The bigger question is: can a modern day King Canute1 single-handedly turn the tide of global deflation - the combined structural forces of over-indebtedness, demographics, technology, and globalization? There is much debate about this issue at BCA, but on balance this publication believes that the tide has not turned. 2. How Will The European Stock Market Cope With Higher Interest Rates? Trumponomics is not the structural game changer that the market seems to believe. But even if we are wrong on this, there is one over-arching relationship that will hold true irrespective: the relationship between stock market valuation and subsequent 10-year total nominal return (Chart I-6). This long-term relationship is independent of the economic backdrop: Keynesian, monetarist, neo-classical, deflationary, inflationary, or Trumponomics. Chart I-6Long-Term Returns Always Depend On Valuation Long-Term Returns Always Depend On Valuation Long-Term Returns Always Depend On Valuation The reason is that the 10-year total nominal stock market return comprises two components: the nominal income received through the next 10 years; and the terminal value of the market at the end of the 10 years. Crucially, an environment that boosts one component symmetrically depresses the second component, and vice-versa. For example, inflation boosts nominal income received, but depresses the terminal value (because the discount rate is then much higher). Deflation has the opposite effect. Therefore the relationship between valuation and subsequent 10-year total nominal return is environment-independent. Today, stock markets are priced to generate very low single-digit 10-year returns. But with the recent spike in long-term interest rates, investors can now obtain similar 10-year returns from bonds. In other words, the equity risk premium is dangerously compressed. Emotional and impulsive short-term traders do not care about this structural relationship, but rational and analytical long-term investors ultimately do. Bear in mind that the cross-asset and cross-sector moves over the past six weeks - whether in equity market, bond yield and dollar elevation, or bank outperformance, or yield-proxy and defensive underperformance - are all just various guises of the Trump reflation trade. We expect that rationality and analysis will conclude that Trumponomics is not the structural game changer that the market seems to believe right now. The trade: an unwinding of the various guises of the Trump reflation trade is likely, at least tactically. 3. How Will The EU Respond To The Start Of Brexit? Chart I-7Brexit Must Not Be A Gift To Le Pen Five Pressing Questions (And Four Trades) For 2017 Five Pressing Questions (And Four Trades) For 2017 The silence is deafening. While there is much daily noise from the U.K. about the type of Brexit it wants, the EU has been intentionally silent. Once the formal legal process of Brexit begins, it will be the EU that holds the balance of power on what Brexit ultimately looks like. The chatter from some U.K. government quarters is that it can negotiate advantageous Brexit terms. Good luck with that. Given the proximity of the French Presidential Election in April/May, the EU's opening position has to be uncompromising - so as to not hand Marine Le Pen any gifts (Chart I-7). The EU must make an example of the U.K. "pour encourager les autres". And if exiting the EU must come with a demonstrable cost, one casualty would be the pound. That said, 2017 will be an especially unpredictable year for U.K. politics and economics because Brexit creates a larger number of moving parts, complex interactions and feedback loops, both negative and positive. For example, if the Supreme Court grants the Scottish parliament a greater say in the terms of Brexit, it could compromise Theresa May's current strategy. The pound would rally on that tail-event possibility. The trade: the pound is unlikely to stay near today's €1.18. Expect a sharp move one way or the other (Chart of the Week). A good strategy might be to sell the middle of the distribution. There are many permutations of this but one example would be to short the pound and simultaneously buy call options at, say, €1.30. 4. Will The Bank of Japan's 0% Bond Yield Peg Undermine ECB Credibility? Chart I-8Pegs Get Broken bca.eis_wr_2016_12_22_s1_c8 bca.eis_wr_2016_12_22_s1_c8 2016 was the year when QE peaked. The ECB committed to lowering its monthly asset purchases. More significantly, the BoJ shifted its policy aim from targeting an amount of asset purchases to targeting a price (or yield) on the 10-year JGB. Thereby, the central bank policy experiment has moved into a more dangerous phase. As we explained in Dangers Of Linear-Thinking In A Non-Linear World 2 economies and markets are complex, non-linear systems. The inherent unpredictability of a non-linear system makes it futile and dangerous to aim for an over-precise point target in anything that we do. And that principle applies to central banks as much as to anybody else. Indeed, a 2% inflation target is a price target, albeit a price of a basket of goods and services, and the annual change of that price. The track record of any central bank achieving its self-imposed 2% inflation target in recent years is truly disastrous. Recall also that the Swiss National Bank had to break the franc's peg with the euro, one of the more recent in a long list of failed price pegs (Chart I-8). Our Fixed Income strategists believe the JGB 0% yield peg will hold. Nevertheless, the risk is underestimated that the BoJ will have to break the peg, in 2017 or beyond. The credibility of the ECB to suppress long-term bond yields would then be severely damaged. And the greatest danger would be to those euro area bond yields closest to zero. The trade: stay underweight French OATS. 5. What Does China's Debt Super Cycle Mean For Euro/Yuan? One defining feature of the last 40 years is a steady sequence of private sector credit booms which have inevitably turned to busts: notably, Japan in 1990, the Asian 'tigers' in 1998, the U.S. in 2007, and the U.K., Spain and other European countries in 2008 (Chart I-9). Chart I-9Credit Booms Sequentially Turned To Bust. Who's Next? Credit Booms Sequentially Turned To Bust. Who's Next? Credit Booms Sequentially Turned To Bust. Who's Next? In this defining feature, China's is the last of the major credit booms that hasn't turned to bust - yet. Admittedly, the ability of the Chinese authorities to 'extend and pretend' is probably greater than elsewhere in the world, and this might prevent another violent tipping point. Irrespective, the debt super cycle is over when the cost of malinvestment and misallocation of capital outweighs the benefit of good credit creation. With private sector indebtedness (including SOEs) now at, or beyond, the level where every other credit boom peaked, China appears to be approaching this point. One manifestation would be continued weakness in its currency against the major developed market crosses. The trade: go long euro/yuan. And with that, we are signing off for 2016. I do hope that this year's reports have provided some insight during particularly turbulent times, and that you might have even enjoyed the reading experience! It just remains for me to wish you a Merry Christmas and a successful and happy 2017. Dhaval Joshi, Senior Vice President European Investment Strategy dhaval@bcaresearch.com 1 In fact, the story of King Canute has been misinterpreted. Rather than show that he could turn the tide, he wanted to show the opposite: that he was powerless against the tide. 2 Published on February 11, 2016 and available at eis.bcaresearch.com. Fractal Trading Model* Pleasingly, two of our open trades hit their profit targets: long platinum / short palladium and short the Greek 10-year bond. Given the extended break, we are not opening any new trades over the Christmas and New Year holiday period. For any investment, excessive trend following and groupthink can reach a natural point of instability, at which point the established trend is highly likely to break down with or without an external catalyst. An early warning sign is the investment's fractal dimension approaching its natural lower bound. Encouragingly, this trigger has consistently identified countertrend moves of various magnitudes across all asset classes. Chart I-10 Long Platinum / Short Palladium Long Platinum / Short Palladium * For more details please see the European Investment Strategy Special Report "Fractals, Liquidity & A Trading Model," dated December 11, 2014, available at eis.bcaresearch.com The post-June 9, 2016 fractal trading model rules are: When the fractal dimension approaches the lower limit after an investment has been in an established trend it is a potential trigger for a liquidity-triggered trend reversal. Therefore, open a countertrend position. The profit target is a one-third reversal of the preceding 13-week move. Apply a symmetrical stop-loss. Close the position at the profit target or stop-loss. Otherwise close the position after 13 weeks. Use the position size multiple to control risk. The position size will be smaller for more risky positions. Fractal Trading Model Recommendations Equities Bond & Interest Rates Currency & Other Positions Closed Fractal Trades Trades Closed Trades Asset Performance Currency & Bond Equity Sector Country Equity Indicators Bond Yields Chart II-1Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields bca.eis_wr_2016_12_22_s2_c1 bca.eis_wr_2016_12_22_s2_c1 Chart II-2Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields bca.eis_wr_2016_12_22_s2_c2 bca.eis_wr_2016_12_22_s2_c2 Chart II-3Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields bca.eis_wr_2016_12_22_s2_c3 bca.eis_wr_2016_12_22_s2_c3 Chart II-4Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields bca.eis_wr_2016_12_22_s2_c4 bca.eis_wr_2016_12_22_s2_c4 Interest Rate Chart II-5Indicators To Watch##br## - Interest Rate Expectations bca.eis_wr_2016_12_22_s2_c5 bca.eis_wr_2016_12_22_s2_c5 Chart II-6Indicators To Watch##br## - Interest Rate Expectations bca.eis_wr_2016_12_22_s2_c6 bca.eis_wr_2016_12_22_s2_c6 Chart II-7Indicators To Watch##br## - Interest Rate Expectations bca.eis_wr_2016_12_22_s2_c7 bca.eis_wr_2016_12_22_s2_c7 Chart II-8Indicators To Watch##br## - Interest Rate Expectations bca.eis_wr_2016_12_22_s2_c8 bca.eis_wr_2016_12_22_s2_c8

Highlights ECB QE has pushed the euro area's Target2 banking imbalance to an all-time high. Thereby, QE has raised the cost of euro break-up. The ECB must dial down QE because the Target2 banking imbalance is directly related to the size of asset purchases. Core euro area sovereign bonds offer poor relative value in the government bond universe. Long Italian BTPs / short French OATs is now appropriate as a tactical position. Italian bank investors might have to suffer more pain before Brussels ultimately allows a public rescue. Feature "We've eliminated fragmentation in the euro area." Mario Draghi, speaking on October 20, 2016 Mario Draghi is wrong. QE was meant to reduce economic and financial fragmentation within the euro area. But in one important regard, it has done the exact opposite. In an un-fragmented monetary union, banking system liquidity would be spread evenly across the euro area. Unfortunately, the trillions of euros of QE liquidity created by the ECB has concentrated in four northern European countries: Germany, the Netherlands, Luxembourg and Finland (but interestingly, not France). This extreme fragmentation is captured in the euro area's Target2 banking imbalance (Box I-1), which is now at an all-time high (Chart of the Week). Box 1: What Is Target2? Target2 stands for Trans-European Automated Real-time Gross settlement Express Transfer system. It is the settlement system for euro payment flows between banks in the euro area. These payment flows result from trade or financial transactions such as deposit transfers, sales of financial assets or debt repayments. If the banking system in one member country has more payment inflows than outflows, its national central bank (NCB) accrues a Target2 asset vis-à-vis the ECB. Conversely, if the banking system has more outflows than inflows, the respective NCB accrues a Target2 liability. Target2 balances therefore show the cumulative net payment flows within the euro area. Chart of the WeekQE Has Pushed The Euro Area's Target2 Imbalance To An All-Time High ECB QE Raises The Cost Of Euro Break-Up ECB QE Raises The Cost Of Euro Break-Up To be absolutely clear, this geographical polarization of bank liquidity is not deposit flight in the strictest sense (Chart I-2). Investors are simply using the ECB's €80bn of monthly bond purchases to offload their Italian, Spanish and Portuguese bonds to the central bank, and hold the received cash in banks in perceived haven countries. Nevertheless, ECB QE has unwittingly facilitated a geographical polarization of bank liquidity more extreme than in the darkest days of 2012 (Chart I-3). Chart I-2No Funding Stresses At The Moment bca.eis_wr_2016_12_08_s1_c2 bca.eis_wr_2016_12_08_s1_c2 Chart I-3Target2 Imbalances Are The Result Of QE Target2 Imbalances Are The Result Of QE Target2 Imbalances Are The Result Of QE QE Has Exposed Euro Area Banking Fragmentation To understand how this polarization has arisen, it is necessary to grasp how Eurosystem accounting works. The following section is necessarily technical, but stick with it because it is important. The ECB delegates its QE sovereign bond purchases to the respective national central bank (NCB): the Bundesbank buys German bunds, the Bank of France buys OATs, the Bank of Italy buys BTPs, and so on. When the Bank of Italy buys a BTP from, say, an Italian investor, the investor gives up the bond, but simultaneously receives a corresponding asset - cash. If the investor then deposits this cash at an Italian bank, say Unicredit, then Unicredit would have a new liability - the investor deposit. But in line with Eurosystem accounting, Unicredit would simultaneously receive a corresponding credit at its NCB, the Bank of Italy.1 Completing the accounting circle, the Bank of Italy would now have a new liability - the Unicredit claim, but it would also have a corresponding asset - the BTP that it has just bought. Therefore, all three accounts would be in perfect balance (see Figure I-1). Figure I-1Italian Investor Sells A BTP To The Bank Of Italy And Deposits The Cash At Unicredit ECB QE Raises The Cost Of Euro Break-Up ECB QE Raises The Cost Of Euro Break-Up Now consider what happens if the Italian investor deposits the cash not at Unicredit, but at a German bank, say Commerzbank. In this case, it would be the Bundesbank that had a new liability - the Commerzbank claim. However, the Bundesbank would not have a corresponding asset. Conversely, the Bank of Italy would have a new asset - the BTP, but without a corresponding liability. In order to balance these Eurosystem accounts, the Bundesbank would accrue a Target2 asset vis-à-vis the ECB, while the Bank of Italy would accrue an equal and opposite Target2 liability (see Figure I-2). Figure I-2Italian Investor Sells A BTP To The Bank Of Italy And Deposits The Cash At Commerzbank ECB QE Raises The Cost Of Euro Break-Up ECB QE Raises The Cost Of Euro Break-Up Essentially, the Target2 imbalance captures the mismatch between a Bundesbank liability denominated in 'German' euros and a corresponding Bank of Italy asset denominated in 'Italian' euros. Aggregated over the whole euro area, these imbalances now amount to more than €1 trillion. Does any of this Eurosystem accounting gymnastics really matter? No, as long as the monetary union holds together and the 'German' euro equals the 'Italian' euro. But if Germany and Italy started using different currencies, then suddenly the Target2 imbalances would matter enormously. This is because the Bundesbank liability to Commerzbank would be redenominated into Deutschemarks, while the Bank of Italy asset would be redenominated into lira. Hence, the ECB might end up with much larger liabilities than assets. In which case, any shortfall would have to be borne by the ECB's shareholders - essentially, euro area member states pro-rata to GDP. The ECB Must Dial Down QE Unlike in the depths of the euro debt crisis, the current Target2 imbalances do not reflect deposit flight. Rather, they are the direct result of ECB QE. Nonetheless, the indisputable fact is that QE has increased the cost of euro break-up. And another six or more months of QE will just add to this cost. Some people might argue that by increasing the cost of a divorce, an actual split becomes less likely. But this reasoning is weak. As we have seen in this year's polling victories for Brexit and President-elect Trump, the biggest risk comes from a populist backlash against the status quo. And populist backlashes do not stop to do detailed cost benefit analysis. Although the ECB is unlikely to broadcast the unintended side-effects of its policy, it must be acutely aware that the costs of QE are rising while its benefits are diminishing. Given that the Target2 imbalances are directly related to the size of asset purchases, the ECB needs to indicate its intention to dial down QE purchases. And if it does need to loosen policy again in the future, it might be better off emulating the Bank of Japan - in targeting a yield rather than an asset purchase amount. The 6-9 month investment implication is that core euro area sovereign bonds offer poor relative value in the government bond universe. And within the core euro area, perhaps French OATs offer the least relative value. OATs are priced as haven sovereign bonds, yet interestingly Target2 imbalances suggest that banking liquidity flows do not regard France as a haven in the same way as Germany (Chart I-4 and Chart I-5). Chart I-4French OATs Are Priced ##br##As Haven Bonds... bca.eis_wr_2016_12_08_s1_c4 bca.eis_wr_2016_12_08_s1_c4 Chart I-5...But Banking Liquidity Flows Do Not ##br##Regard France As A Haven bca.eis_wr_2016_12_08_s1_c5 bca.eis_wr_2016_12_08_s1_c5 Another implication is that the euro should be stable or stronger against a basket of other developed economy currencies. Indeed, expect euro/pound to lurch up in the first half of next year when the U.K. government triggers Article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty to formally begin Brexit negotiations. Only then will the EU27 reveal its own negotiating strategy, and it is highly unlikely to be a sweet deal for the U.K. Italian Referendum Result: A Postscript The financial markets have shrugged off the Italian public's resounding "no" to constitutional reform, and rightly so. The current constitution, created in the aftermath of the Second World was designed to prevent a repeat of a populist like Benito Mussolini gaining power. Irrespective of whether the next General Election is in 2017 or 2018, the no vote actually reduces political tail-risk. A tactical position that is long Italian BTPs and short French OATs is now appropriate. As we discussed last week in Italy: Asking The Wrong Question the bigger issue is how Italy will unburden its banks of its non-performing loans (NPLs). Monte de Paschi's efforts at raising equity are baby steps in the right direction. But Monte de Paschi's €23 billion of sour loans2 are just the tip of Italy' NPL iceberg, which sizes up at €320 billion in gross terms and €170 billion net of provisions. These numbers, expressed as a share of GDP, show striking parallels with peak NPLs in Spain's banking system (Chart I-6 and Chart I-7). Spain ultimately unburdened its banks with a government bailout. Italy may have to do the same. But this will require Brussels to let Italy bend the EU's new bail-in rules for troubled and failing banks. Chart I-6Spain Unburdened Its Banks ##br##With A Government Bailout... bca.eis_wr_2016_12_08_s1_c6 bca.eis_wr_2016_12_08_s1_c6 Chart I-7...Italy May Ultimately##br## Do The Same bca.eis_wr_2016_12_08_s1_c7 bca.eis_wr_2016_12_08_s1_c7 The danger for investors is that Italian bank equity and bond holders might have to suffer more pain before Brussels relents. Dhaval Joshi, Senior Vice President European Investment Strategy dhaval@bcaresearch.com 1 Unicredit and all other commercial banks use their accounts at their NCLs to make interbank payments. 2 MPS NPLs amount to €45bn in gross terms and €23bn net of provisions. Fractal Trading Model* Bucking the synchronized sell-off in global bonds, Greek sovereign bonds have actually rallied strongly in the last three months. But this rally could be near exhaustion, warranting a countertrend position. For any investment, excessive trend following and groupthink can reach a natural point of instability, at which point the established trend is highly likely to break down with or without an external catalyst. An early warning sign is the investment's fractal dimension approaching its natural lower bound. Encouragingly, this trigger has consistently identified countertrend moves of various magnitudes across all asset classes. Chart I-8 bca.eis_wr_2016_12_08_s1_c8 bca.eis_wr_2016_12_08_s1_c8 * For more details please see the European Investment Strategy Special Report "Fractals, Liquidity & A Trading Model," dated December 11, 2014, available at eis.bcaresearch.com The post-June 9, 2016 fractal trading model rules are: When the fractal dimension approaches the lower limit after an investment has been in an established trend it is a potential trigger for a liquidity-triggered trend reversal. Therefore, open a countertrend position. The profit target is a one-third reversal of the preceding 13-week move. Apply a symmetrical stop-loss. Close the position at the profit target or stop-loss. Otherwise close the position after 13 weeks. Use the position size multiple to control risk. The position size will be smaller for more risky positions. Fractal Trading Model Recommendations Equities Bond & Interest Rates Currency & Other Positions Closed Fractal Trades Trades Closed Trades Asset Performance Currency & Bond Equity Sector Country Equity Indicators Bond Yields Chart II-1Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields bca.eis_wr_2016_12_08_s2_c1 bca.eis_wr_2016_12_08_s2_c1 Chart II-2Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields bca.eis_wr_2016_12_08_s2_c2 bca.eis_wr_2016_12_08_s2_c2 Chart II-3Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields bca.eis_wr_2016_12_08_s2_c3 bca.eis_wr_2016_12_08_s2_c3 Chart II-4Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields bca.eis_wr_2016_12_08_s2_c4 bca.eis_wr_2016_12_08_s2_c4 Interest Rate Chart II-5Indicators To Watch ##br##- Interest Rate Expectations bca.eis_wr_2016_12_08_s2_c5 bca.eis_wr_2016_12_08_s2_c5 Chart II-6Indicators To Watch##br## - Interest Rate Expectations bca.eis_wr_2016_12_08_s2_c6 bca.eis_wr_2016_12_08_s2_c6 Chart II-7Indicators To Watch ##br##- Interest Rate Expectations bca.eis_wr_2016_12_08_s2_c7 bca.eis_wr_2016_12_08_s2_c7 Chart II-8Indicators To Watch##br## - Interest Rate Expectations bca.eis_wr_2016_12_08_s2_c8 bca.eis_wr_2016_12_08_s2_c8

Highlights The credibility of ECB QE is set to diminish, one way or another. Stay long euro/dollar. Expect a continued compression in the German Bund yield spread versus the U.S. T-bond. Until the U.K. Supreme Court provides further legal clarity about the Brexit process, expectations for a softer Brexit should prop up the pound. In which case, the Eurostoxx600 will outperform the FTSE100 and the FTSE250 will outperform the FTSE100. Feature Nobody saw Brexit coming on June 23, and few saw a President Trump coming on November 8. Just as in the days after June 23, financial markets are trying to regain a footing after another political earthquake. The dust will settle. Our geopolitical strategists will provide a post-election analysis in a separate report. In this report, we would like to look through the immediate haze and focus on three major institutions whose policy options and degrees of freedom were becoming constrained, irrespective of the U.S. election shock. The institutions are: the ECB, the Federal Reserve, and the U.K. government. Chart of the WeekExpected Policy Rate Differential Drives ##br##The German Bund Yield Spread Versus The U.S. T-Bond bca.eis_wr_2016_11_10_s1_c1 bca.eis_wr_2016_11_10_s1_c1 The ECB Is Facing A Lose-Lose Decision Central bank quantitative easing (QE) remains one of the most misunderstood concepts within economics and finance. Contrary to the popular myth, it is not the central bank's asset purchases per se that matter. If the central bank's act of buying assets works at all, it is because QE signals a long period of ultra-low interest rates ahead.1 This then reduces the yields on other financial assets through the so-called "portfolio balance channel." Chart I-2Through 2011-13 Markets Interpreted A Lower ##br##Flow Of QE As A Monetary Tightening Through 2011-13 Markets Interpreted A Lower Flow Of QE As A Monetary Tightening Through 2011-13 Markets Interpreted A Lower Flow Of QE As A Monetary Tightening As Fed Chair Janet Yellen succinctly explains, once there is ample liquidity in the banking system: "QE has no discernible economic effects aside from those associated with communicating the central bank's commitment to the zero interest rate policy" The fundamental point is that the precise amount and asset-class composition of a QE program does not matter. The program just has to be large enough to demonstrate a credible commitment to ultra-low rates. But once a central bank establishes a monthly purchase amount, for example, the current €80bn for the ECB, the flow becomes an anchor. Financial markets then interpret a decrease in that monthly flow as a weakening commitment to ultra-low rates: in effect, a monetary tightening (Chart I-2). On the other hand, if the monthly asset-purchase promise goes on indefinitely, it also loses credibility. The financial markets know full well that there is only a finite pool of safe-assets that the central bank can buy, as the recent experience of the Bank of Japan testifies. For the ECB, the so-called "degrees of freedom" are even more limited than for the Bank of Japan. Asset purchases are constrained by politically determined upper-limits to individual euro area country exposure and by liquidity determined upper-limits to individual financial asset exposure. Hence, the ECB now faces a lose-lose decision. If it signals an intention - even a delayed intention - to taper its €80bn monthly flow of QE, the financial markets will interpret it as a de facto tightening. But if it does not signal an intention to taper it will have to use more and more smoke, mirrors, and chicanery to justify how it can keep delivering on its promise to buy. Bottom Line: one way or another, the credibility of ECB QE is set to diminish. The Federal Reserve's Track Record In Predicting Its Own Policy Is Abysmal To take a position on the euro/dollar exchange rate or the yield differential between German Bunds and U.S. T-bonds, we must now consider the other central bank in the equation: the U.S. Federal Reserve. When it comes to predicting the stance of its own monetary policy, the track record of the Federal Reserve is nothing short of abysmal. The Federal Reserve's famous dot forecasts have consistently missed the mark. In fact, they have not even come close to the mark. Just two years ago, the median Fed dot was predicting ten rate hikes by now (Chart I-3). Yes, seriously - ten! Chart I-3Two Years Ago, The Median Fed Dot Was Predicting Ten Rate Hikes By Now bca.eis_wr_2016_11_10_s1_c3 bca.eis_wr_2016_11_10_s1_c3 In its own defence, the Fed might respond that its monetary policy is "data-dependent" or even "events-dependent", and that this contingency prevented it from hiking the ten times that it had forecast. That's fine. But it then raises a bigger question about credibility. If central bank policy is contingent, then is it really possible to give credible forward guidance on the level of interest rates stretching out years ahead? We think not. Indeed, by publishing dots that turn out to be so consistently and deeply wrong, the central bank is seriously damaging its own credibility and authority. Rather than relying on Federal Reserve dots or market forecasts, investors must make up their own minds about the likely path of the Fed funds rate. For bond investors, the medium-term question is: at what level will the policy rate peak in this tightening cycle? This is because at the peak of the tightening cycle, the 0-10 year yield curve tends to be more or less flat (Chart I-4). In other words, the 10-year bond yield ends up eventually trading at the same level at which the policy rate peaks. After the election shock, the knee-jerk response has been a higher 10-year T-bond yield, and this direction may continue in the near-term. But further out, the question is: will the Fed funds rate peak above or below where today's 10-year T-bond yield of 1.9% implies that it will peak? We think below. Note that a first and second interest rate hike interspersed by a full year is unprecedented in modern economic history. And now, even the intended second hike in December might be in jeopardy. Given that the Fed has struggled to get two 25bps hikes through in two years, the idea that it will succeed in hiking another four or five times in this tightening cycle really does not seem credible to us. Bottom Line: Combined with the diminishing credibility of ECB QE, stay long euro/dollar (Chart I-5); and expect a continued compression in the German Bund yield spread versus the U.S. T-bond. In other words, maintain the pair-trade: long T-bonds, short German bunds (currency hedged) (Chart of the Week). Chart I-4At The Peak Of A Tightening Cycle, ##br##The 0-10 Year Yield Curve Is Flat bca.eis_wr_2016_11_10_s1_c4 bca.eis_wr_2016_11_10_s1_c4 Chart I-5Expected Policy Rate Differential##br## Drives Euro/Dollar bca.eis_wr_2016_11_10_s1_c5 bca.eis_wr_2016_11_10_s1_c5 The U.K. Government Has Had Its Wings Clipped The U.K. Government is another institution that has suffered a huge blow to its credibility and authority. Prime Minister Theresa May brazenly thought that she could start the legal process to exit the EU using the so-called 'royal prerogative', the power granted to governments to make certain decisions without a vote from parliament. But as we presciently warned two weeks ago in The Pound: Next Stop $1.10 Or $1.35,2 the U.K. High Court has judged the government does not have the authority to overturn domestic law - in this case, the European Communities Act (1972) and European Union Act (2011) - without obtaining parliamentary approval. The irony is that the sovereignty of the U.K. Parliament is the very thing that Brexiteers supposedly are fighting for. The High Court has clipped the U.K. Government's wings by deferring the Article 50 trigger to parliament. The government is appealing the High Court decision at the Supreme Court whose verdict is expected in January. But given that the government itself concedes that the Article 50 trigger will irrevocably change domestic law, it is hard to see how the government will win the appeal. Hence, there is a high likelihood that Members of Parliament will get to scrutinise the government's negotiating hand before it is allowed to fire the Brexit starting gun. Given that the precise form of Brexit has huge implications for British people's economic future and legal rights, parliament could water down or delay Brexit before voting it through. Bottom Line: Until the Supreme Court provides further legal clarity3 in January, expectations for a softer Brexit should prop up the pound. In which case: the Eurostoxx600 will outperform the FTSE100; the FTSE250 will outperform the FTSE100; U.K. retailers, travel and real estate equities will outperform the U.K. market; but U.K. goods exporters will underperform (Chart I-6 and Chart I-7). Chart I-6A Soft Or Hard ##br##Brexit... bca.eis_wr_2016_11_10_s1_c6 bca.eis_wr_2016_11_10_s1_c6 Chart I-7...Determines The Prospects ##br##For Most U.K. Assets bca.eis_wr_2016_11_10_s1_c7 bca.eis_wr_2016_11_10_s1_c7 Dhaval Joshi, Senior Vice President European Investment Strategy dhaval@bcaresearch.com 1 Because while an asset-purchase program is underway, it would be difficult to raise rates. 2 Published on October 27 2016 and available at eis.bcaresearch.com 3 The Supreme Court will judge the government's appeal against the High Court decision. If the appeal is lost, it may also judge what type of parliamentary approval is required to trigger Article 50: a full Bill or a simple Resolution. Fractal Trading Model* This week's recommended trade is to go long U.K. healthcare versus the market. For any investment, excessive trend following and groupthink can reach a natural point of instability, at which point the established trend is highly likely to break down with or without an external catalyst. An early warning sign is the investment's fractal dimension approaching its natural lower bound. Encouragingly, this trigger has consistently identified countertrend moves of various magnitudes across all asset classes. Chart I-8 bca.eis_wr_2016_11_10_s1_c8 bca.eis_wr_2016_11_10_s1_c8 * For more details please see the European Investment Strategy Special Report "Fractals, Liquidity & A Trading Model," dated December 11, 2014, available at eis.bcaresearch.com The post-June 9, 2016 fractal trading model rules are: When the fractal dimension approaches the lower limit after an investment has been in an established trend it is a potential trigger for a liquidity-triggered trend reversal. Therefore, open a countertrend position. The profit target is a one-third reversal of the preceding 13-week move. Apply a symmetrical stop-loss. Close the position at the profit target or stop-loss. Otherwise close the position after 13 weeks. Use the position size multiple to control risk. The position size will be smaller for more risky positions. Fractal Trading Model Recommendations Equities Bond & Interest Rates Currency & Other Positions Closed Fractal Trades Trades Closed Trades Asset Performance Currency & Bond Equity Sector Country Equity Indicators Bond Yields Chart II-1Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields bca.eis_wr_2016_11_10_s2_c1 bca.eis_wr_2016_11_10_s2_c1 Chart II-2Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields bca.eis_wr_2016_11_10_s2_c2 bca.eis_wr_2016_11_10_s2_c2 Chart II-3Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields bca.eis_wr_2016_11_10_s2_c3 bca.eis_wr_2016_11_10_s2_c3 Chart II-4Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields bca.eis_wr_2016_11_10_s2_c4 bca.eis_wr_2016_11_10_s2_c4 Interest Rate Chart II-5Indicators To Watch ##br##- Interest Rate Expectations bca.eis_wr_2016_11_10_s2_c5 bca.eis_wr_2016_11_10_s2_c5 Chart II-6Indicators To Watch ##br##- Interest Rate Expectations bca.eis_wr_2016_11_10_s2_c6 bca.eis_wr_2016_11_10_s2_c6 Chart II-7Indicators To Watch##br## - Interest Rate Expectations bca.eis_wr_2016_11_10_s2_c7 bca.eis_wr_2016_11_10_s2_c7 Chart II-8Indicators To Watch##br## - Interest Rate Expectations bca.eis_wr_2016_11_10_s2_c8 bca.eis_wr_2016_11_10_s2_c8

Highlights De-globalization is accelerating. Europe is holding together, with populism in check. China power consolidation reflects extreme risks. Brexit is more likely, not less, after court ruling. Feature Chart I-1America Has Soured On Globalization De-Globalization De-Globalization The world woke up on Wednesday to President-elect Donald J. Trump. It will take time for the markets to digest the new regime in Washington D.C., but something tells us that it will not be business-as-usual over the next four years. We give our post-mortem assessment in the enclosed In Focus Special Report, starting on page 28. The divisive campaign reached epic lows in decorum and polarization, but both candidates did have one major thing in common: They shared a negative view of globalization, representing a paradigm shift in geopolitics and macroeconomics. Investors often take policymakers to be agents of political supply. Political rhetoric is taken seriously, analyzed, and its implications for various assets are discussed with confidence. But this approach gets the causality all wrong. Politicians are merely supplying what the political marketplace is demanding. In those terms, Donald Trump was not an agent of change. He was merely a product of his environment. So what is the American median voter demanding? Judging by the success of Donald Trump - and Senator Bernie Sanders in the Democratic primary race - the answer is less free trade, more government spending, and a promise to keep entitlement spending at current, largely unsustainable levels. Americans empirically support globalization at a lower level than the average of advanced, emerging, or developing economies (Chart I-1). What is the problem with globalization? In our 2014 report titled "The Apex Of Globalization - All Downhill From Here," we argued that globalization was under assault due to three dynamics:1 Deflation is politically pernicious: Globalization was one of the greatest supply-side shocks in recent history and thus exerted a strong deflationary force (Chart I-2). A persistently low growth environment that flirts with deflation is unacceptable for the majority of the population in advanced economies. Citizens have already experienced a combination of wage suppression and debt escalation. And while globalization produced disinflationary forces on the price of labor and tradeable goods, it has done little to check the rising costs of education, health care, child care, and housing (Chart I-3), which cannot be outsourced to China or Mexico. Chart I-2Globalization Was A Major Supply-Side Shock Globalization Was A Major Supply-Side Shock Globalization Was A Major Supply-Side Shock Chart I-3You Can't Ship Daycare To China bca.gps_mp_2016_11_09_s1_c3 bca.gps_mp_2016_11_09_s1_c3 The death of the Debt Supercycle: The 2008 Great Recession shifted the demand curve inward. BCA coined the "debt supercycle" framework in the 1970s to characterize the overarching trend of rising debt in a world where political leaders, with the Great Depression and Second World War in the back of their mind, continually resorted to reflationary policies to overcome each new recession. However, the 2008 economic shock permanently shifted household preferences in the West, reducing demand by turning consumers into savers (Chart I-4A and Chart I-4B). This contributes to the global savings glut and reinforces the deflationary environment. Chart I-4AGlobal Demand Engine ... bca.gps_mp_2016_11_09_s1_c4a bca.gps_mp_2016_11_09_s1_c4a Chart I-4B...Is Not Coming Back bca.gps_mp_2016_11_09_s1_c4b bca.gps_mp_2016_11_09_s1_c4b Multipolarity: Global leadership by a dominant superpower can overcome ideological challenges and demand deficiencies by providing a consumer of last resort. In game-theory terms, such a global hegemon acts as an exogenous coordinator, turning a non-cooperative game into a cooperative one. But in today's world, geopolitical and economic power is becoming more diffuse. We know from history that intense competition between a number of leading nations imperils globalization (Chart I-5). This is particularly the case in a low-growth environment. Geopolitical and economic multipolarity increase market risk premiums. Chart I-5Multipolarity Imperils Globalization Multipolarity Imperils Globalization Multipolarity Imperils Globalization These factors imperiled globalization well before Donald Trump, Bernie Sanders, Jeremy Corbyn, and Nigel Farage came to dominate the news flow in 2016. The macroeconomic and geopolitical context guaranteed that anti-globalization rhetoric would prove successful at the ballot box. Chart I-6Sino-American Macroeconomic Symbiosis Ended##br## In 2008 Sino-American Symbiosis Is Over Sino-American Symbiosis Is Over Sino-American Symbiosis Is Over In addition to these structural challenges to globalization, the next U.S. administration will also have to handle the increasingly complex Sino-American relationship. The future of the post-Bretton Woods macroeconomic and geopolitical system will be decided by these two great powers. And we fear that both economic and geopolitical tensions will worsen.2 China and the U.S. are no longer in a symbiotic relationship. The close embrace between U.S. household leverage and Chinese export-led growth is over (Chart I-6). Today the Chinese economy is domestically driven, with government stimulus and skyrocketing leverage playing a much more important role than external demand. Chinese policymakers have a choice. They can double down on globalization and use competition and creative destruction to drive up productivity growth - moving the economy up the value chain. Or, they can use protectionism - particularly non-tariff barriers to trade - to defend their domestic market from competition.3 We expect that they will do the latter, especially in an environment where anti-globalization rhetoric is rising in the West. The problem with this choice, however, is that it breaks up the post-1979 quid-pro-quo between Washington and Beijing. The "quid" was the Chinese entry into global trade (including the WTO in 2001), which the U.S. supported; the "quo" was that Beijing would open up its economy as it became wealthy. Today, 45% of China's population is middle class, which makes China potentially the world's second largest market after the EU. If China decides not to share its middle class with the rest of the world, then the world will quickly move towards mercantilism.4 What should investors expect in a world that has less globalization, more populism, and rising Sino-American tensions? We think there are five structural investment themes afoot: Chart I-7Globalization And MNCs: A Tight Embrace bca.gps_mp_2016_11_09_s1_c7 bca.gps_mp_2016_11_09_s1_c7 Inflation is back: Globalization has been one of the most important pillars of a multi-decade deflationary era. If it is imperiled, political capital will swing from capitalists to the owners of labor. Sovereign bonds are not pricing in this paradigm shift, which is why investors should position themselves for the "End Of The 35-Year Bond Bull Market."5 We are long German 10-year CPI swaps as a strategic play on this theme. USD strength: The market got the USD wrong. Trump is not bad for the greenback. More government spending and higher inflation will allow U.S. monetary policy to be tighter than that of its global peers. Furthermore, U.S. policymakers will not look to arrest the dollar bull market. "Main street" loves a strong dollar, particularly U.S. households and consumers. King Dollar will be the righteous agent of plebeian retribution against the patrician corporations used to getting their way on Capitol Hill. And finally, more geopolitical risk will mean more safe haven demand. RMB weakness: China needs to depreciate its currency in order to ease domestic monetary policy and is therefore constrained by its slowing and over-leveraged economy. But in doing so, it will export deflation and ensure that a trade war with the U.S. ensues. In addition, China's EM peers will suffer as their competitiveness vis-à-vis their main export market - China - declines. We expect that China will hasten its ongoing turn towards protectionism itself. This means that if investors want to take advantage of China's rise, they should buy Chinese companies, not the foreign firms looking to grab a share of China's middle-class market. Long defense stocks: Global multipolarity is correlated with armed conflict. We have played this theme by being long U.S. defense / short aerospace equities. Our colleague Anastasios Avgeriou, Chief Strategist of BCA's Global Alpha Sector Strategy, recommends investors initiate a structural overweight in the global defense index.6 Long SMEs / Short MNCs: A world with marginally less free trade, and marginally more populism, will favor domestically oriented sectors. Small- and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) in the U.S., for example. Multinational corporations (MNCs) have particularly benefited from free trade and laissez faire economics. The relationship between globalization and S&P 500 operating earnings has been tight for the past 50 years (Chart I-7). Not anymore. In the new environment, investors will want to be long domestically-oriented sectors and economies against externally-oriented ones. These are structural themes supported by structural trends. We would have recommended these five investment themes irrespective of who won the U.S. election. In this Monthly Report, we focus on leadership races around the world. Our In Focus section gives a post-mortem on the U.S. presidential election. The rest of this Global Overview focuses on upcoming elections in Europe (as well as the December 4 Italian constitutional referendum) and the impending Chinese leadership rotation in 2017. We also give our two cents on recent developments related to Brexit in the U.K. Europe: Election Fever Continues Chart I-8Italian Referendum: Likely A 'No' Italian Referendum: Likely A "No" Italian Referendum: Likely A "No" The Netherlands, France, Germany, and potentially, Italy could all hold elections over the next 12 months, a recipe for market volatility. These four countries are part of the EMU-5 and account for 71% of the currency union's GDP and 66% of its population. Should investors expect a paradigm shift? We think the answer is yes, but surprisingly, not towards more Euroskepticism. Our view is that continental Europe - unlike its Anglo-Saxon peers, the U.K. and the U.S. - is actually moving marginally towards the center.7 The median voter in Europe is not becoming more Euroskeptic and even appears to support modest, pro-business, structural reforms! Wait... what? Indeed. Read on. Italy The constitutional referendum being held on December 4 remains too close to call, although we suspect that it will fail (Chart I-8). However, we doubt very much that the defeat of the government's position will initiate a sequence of events that takes Italy out of the euro area. As we argued in a recent Special Report titled "Europe's Divine Comedy: Italian Inferno," Italian policymakers are using Euroskepticism to extract concessions from Europe. But Italy is structurally constrained from exiting European institutions because of its bifurcated economy.8 Moreover, a failed referendum outcome is not a strategic risk to Europe: Euro support: Italians continue to support euro area membership, albeit at a lower level than in the past (Chart I-9). As such, the Euroskeptic Five Star Movement (M5S) has political reasons to become less opposed to euro area membership, as its anti-establishment peers have done in Greece, Portugal, and Spain. Bicameralism: If the constitutional referendum fails, then the Senate will remain a fully empowered chamber in the Italian Parliament. Given Italy's complicated electoral laws, M5S will be unable to capture both houses in Italy's notoriously bicameral legislative body, unless it does very well in the next election. But M5S has consistently trailed the incumbent, pro-establishment Democratic Party (PD) in the polls (Chart I-10). Sequence: As Diagram I-1 shows, the contingent probability of the December constitutional referendum leading to an Italian exit from the euro area is 1.2%. Chart I-9Italy & Euro: OK (For Now) bca.gps_mp_2016_11_09_s1_c9 bca.gps_mp_2016_11_09_s1_c9 Chart I-10Italy: Euroskeptics Peaking? bca.gps_mp_2016_11_09_s1_c10 bca.gps_mp_2016_11_09_s1_c10 Diagram I-1From Referendum To Referendum: Contingent Probability Of Italy ##br##Leaving The Euro Area Following The Constitutional Referendum Vote De-Globalization De-Globalization Investors should not translate our sanguine view into a positive view of Italy. As we outlined in the above-cited Special Report, we remain skeptical that Italy can improve its potential growth rate by boosting productivity. But there is a big leap between more-of-the-same in Italy and a euro area collapse. The Netherlands The anti-establishment and Euroskeptic Party for Freedom (PVV) is set to perform poorly in the upcoming March 15 Dutch election. Polls suggest that it will roughly repeat its 10% performance from the 2012 election (Chart I-11). This is extremely disappointing given its polling earlier in the year. PVV's support has collapsed recently, most likely the result of the immigration crisis abating (Chart I-12) and the Brexit referendum in June. Many Dutch may be interested in casting a protest vote against the establishment, but a large majority still support euro area membership (Chart I-13). As such, they are put off by the vociferous Euroskepticism represented by the PVV. Chart I-11The Netherlands: Euroskeptics Collapsing bca.gps_mp_2016_11_09_s1_c11 bca.gps_mp_2016_11_09_s1_c11 Chart I-12Read Our Chart: Migration Crisis Is Over bca.gps_mp_2016_11_09_s1_c12 bca.gps_mp_2016_11_09_s1_c12 Chart I-13The Netherlands & Euro: Love Affair bca.gps_mp_2016_11_09_s1_c13 bca.gps_mp_2016_11_09_s1_c13 The Netherlands is a very important euro area member state. Its economy is large enough that its views matter, despite its small population. Euroskepticism in the Netherlands is notable, but it does not mean that the country's leadership will contemplate a referendum on membership. More likely, the establishment will seek to counter the populist PVV by becoming stricter on immigration and looser on budget discipline. Investors can live with both. France The French election is a two-round affair that will be held on April 23 and May 7. The key question is who will win the November 20 primary of the center-right party, Les Républicains, formerly known as the Union for a Popular Movement. According to the latest polls, former Prime Minister (1995-1997) Alain Juppé is set to win the primary over former President Nicolas Sarkozy (Chart I-14). Who is Alain Juppé? The 70-year old has been the mayor of Bordeaux since 2006, but he is better remembered for the failed social welfare reforms (the Juppé Plan) that caused epic strikes in France back in 1995. He is pro-euro, pro-EU, and pro-economic reforms. In other words, he is everything that Brexit and Trump/Sanders/Corbyn are not. According to the latest polls, Juppé is a heavy favorite against the anti-establishment candidate Marine Le Pen (Chart I-15). This is unsurprising as Le Pen's popularity peaked in 2013, as we have been stressing to clients for years (Chart I-16). Chart I-14Please Google Alain Juppe... bca.gps_mp_2016_11_09_s1_c14 bca.gps_mp_2016_11_09_s1_c14 Chart I-15...The Next President Of France De-Globalization De-Globalization Chart I-16Le Pen's Popularity In A Secular Decline bca.gps_mp_2016_11_09_s1_c16 bca.gps_mp_2016_11_09_s1_c16 Why has Le Pen struggled to gain traction in an era of terrorism, migration crises, and the success of anti-establishment peers such as Brexiters and Donald Trump? There are two major reasons. First, she continues to oppose France's membership in the euro area, despite very large support levels for the common currency in the country (Chart I-17). Second, she is holding together a coalition of northern and southern National Front (FN) members. This coalition pins together a diverse group. Northern right-wing FN members are more akin to their Dutch peers, or the "alt-right" movement in the U.S. They are anti-globalization, anti-political correctness (PC), and anti-immigration - specifically, further immigration of Muslims to France. However, this northern FN faction is ambivalent on social issues such as homosexuality (in fact, many of Le Pen's closest advisors from the north of France are openly gay), and they oppose Islam from a position that Muslim immigrants are incompatible with French liberal values. The southern FN faction is far more traditionally conservative, drawing their roots from the old anti-Gaullist, staunchly Catholic right wing. When Le Pen loses the 2017 presidential election, it will spell doom for the National Front. The only thing holding the two factions together is her leadership. Therefore, not only is France likely to elect a pro-reform president from the political establishment, but also its anti-establishment, Euroskeptic movement may be facing an internal struggle. Germany The German federal election is expected to be held sometime after August 2017. Chancellor Angela Merkel faces a decline in popularity (Chart I-18) and a challenge from the populist Alternative für Deutschland (AfD), which performed well in two Lander (state) elections this year. Nonetheless, the migration crisis that rocked Merkel's hold on power has abated. As Chart I-12 shows, migrant flows into Europe peaked at 220,000 last October and began to plummet well before the EU-Turkey deal that the press continues to erroneously cite as the reason for the reduction in migrant flows. As we controversially explained at the height of the crisis, every migration crisis ultimately abates as border enforcement strengthens, liberal attitudes towards refugees wane, and the civil wars prompting the flow exhaust themselves.9 Germany's centrist parties maintain a massive lead over the upstart AfD and Die Linke, the left-wing successor of East Germany's Communist establishment (Chart I-19). However, AfD's successes in Mecklenburg West Pomerania and Berlin have prompted investors to ask whether it will garner greater national support in the general election. Chart I-17France & Euro: Loveless Marriage,##br## But Together For The Kids bca.gps_mp_2016_11_09_s1_c17 bca.gps_mp_2016_11_09_s1_c17 Chart I-18Merkel's Popularity Has Suffered,##br## But Stabilized Merkel's Popularity Has Suffered, But Stabilized Merkel's Popularity Has Suffered, But Stabilized Chart I-19There Is A##br## Lot Of Daylight... There Is A Lot Of Daylight... There Is A Lot Of Daylight... There Is A Lot Of Daylight... There Is A Lot Of Daylight... We doubt it. Both states are sort of oddballs in German politics. For example, Mecklenburg West Pomerania is known for a strong anti-establishment sentiment. AfD largely took votes away from the National Democratic Party (ultra-far-right, neo-Nazis) and Die Linke. These two parties won a combined 25% of the vote in 2011. In 2016, the combined anti-establishment vote, including AfD, was 33%. Clearly this is a notable gain for the non-centrist parties, but it is hardly a paradigm shift. In Berlin, the AfD gained a solid 14% of the vote, but the sensationalist media conveniently avoided mentioning that it came in fifth in the final count. By our "back-of-the-envelope" calculation, AfD managed to take only about 8% of the vote from establishment parties. The bulk of its success once again came from taking votes from other populist parties. For example, Berlin's Pirate Party - yes, "pirates" - took 8% of the vote in the last election and none in 2016. Nonetheless, we suspect that time may be running out for Angela Merkel. She has been in power since 2005 and many voters have lost confidence in her. Merkel may choose not to contest the election at the CDU party conference in early December, or she may step aside as the leader following the election. Why? Because polls suggest that Merkel's CDU will have to once again rely on a Grand Coalition with its center-left opponent, the SPD, to govern. Politically, this is a failure for Merkel as the Grand Coalition was always intended to be a one-term arrangement. If Merkel decides to retire, how will the ruling CDU choose its successor? The process is relatively closed off and dominated by the party elites. The Federal Executive Board of the CDU selects the candidates for chairperson and the party delegates must choose the leader with a majority. The outcome is largely preordained, and Merkel has typically won above 90% of the party congress delegate vote. The possibility of a chancellor from the CDU's Bavarian sister-party, the Christian Social Union (CSU), is also decided by the elites. Therefore, the likelihood of an anti-establishment candidate hijacking the CDU/CSU leadership is minimal. How will the markets react to Merkel's resignation? Investors are overstating Merkel's role as the "anchor" of euro area stability. She has, in fact, dithered multiple times throughout the crisis. In 2011, for example, Merkel delayed the decision on whether to set up a permanent euro area fiscal backstop mechanism due to upcoming Lander elections in Rhineland-Palatinate and Baden Württemberg. In addition, her likely successor will not mark a paradigm shift in terms of Germany's pro-euro outlook (Box I-1). Bottom Line: Investors may wake up in mid-2017 to find that the U.K. is firmly on its way out of the EU and that the U.S. is embroiled in deepening political polarization. Meanwhile, France and Spain will be led by reformist governments, Italy will remain in the euro area, and Germany will be mid-way through a rather boring electoral campaign featuring pro-euro establishment parties. What is keeping the European establishment in power? In early 2016, we argued that it was its large social welfare state. Unlike the laissez-faire economies of the U.S. and the U.K., European "socialism" has managed to redistribute the gains of globalization sufficiently to keep the populists at bay. As such, European voters are not flocking to populist alternatives, despite considerable challenges such as the migration crisis and terrorism. Populists are gaining votes in Europe nonetheless. To counter that trend, we should expect to see Europe's establishment parties turn more negative towards immigration, positive on fiscal activism, and more assertive towards security and defense policy. But on the key investment-relevant issue of euro area membership and European integration, we see the consensus remaining with the status quo. China: Xi Is A "Core" Leader... So What? Chinese President Xi Jinping's recent designation as the "core" of the Chinese leadership should be seen as a marginally market-positive event in an otherwise bleak outlook. Not because the president has a new title, but because of the underlying reality that he is consolidating power ahead of the 19th National Party Congress. Set for the fall of 2017, the Congress will feature a major rotation of top Communist Party leaders and mark the halfway point of his 10-year administration. The new title was not a surprise when it trickled out of the Chinese Communist Party's Sixth Plenary meeting on October 24-27. But the media took the opportunity once again to decry President Xi's "ever-expanding power."10 As our readers know, we do not think there has been a palace coup in China. That is, we do not think Xi has overthrown the "collective leadership" model, i.e. rule by the Politburo Standing Committee, established after the death of Chairman Mao.11 Instead, we think he is presiding over a major centralization phase in Chinese politics. Xi's status as the "core" feeds into the broader idea of re-centralization that we identified as a key theme for this administration when it began its term back in 2012.12 The Sixth Plenum reinforced this view in various ways:13 Xi is clearly in charge: A smattering of local party officials started calling him the core leader earlier this year, but now it has been endorsed in official documents at the highest level. Again, it is not the title itself that matters, but the fact that Xi compelled the whole party to give him the title. This distinguishes him from his two predecessors, Presidents Hu Jintao and Jiang Zemin, and in this way he resembles his mighty predecessor Deng Xiaoping. Xi already developed a strong track record for re-centralizing the political system prior to receiving the new title.14 Collective leadership persists: Deng invented the idea of the "core" leader specifically as a way to assert the need for a top leader or chief executive without reverting to Maoist absolutism. The core leader is the supreme leader within a collective leadership system. This interpretation was expressly reaffirmed by the communique issued at the Sixth Plenum, which denounced ruling by a single person and praised the current system.15 Corruption purge has not split the party: The focus of the plenum was the Communist Party's rules for disciplining its own members. This specifically highlighted Xi's harsh anti-corruption campaign, which has netted numerous party officials, and has not yet concluded (Chart I-20). The fact that this campaign has continued longer than expected without prompting significant resistance shows that centralization is acceptable to the party (and anti-corruption is positive for the party's public image). Policy coherence could improve: A rash of rumors suggest that Xi will not only promote his allies but also tweak party rules and norms in order to ensure he retains a factional majority on the Politburo Standing Committee after 2017. This should be positive for policymaking since the cohort of leaders ready to rise up the ranks is weighted against his faction as a result of the previous administration's appointments. These developments would be negative if Xi avoids appointing successors next year and thus appears ready to cling to power beyond 2022.16 Unified government is a plus amid crisis: Deng initiated the "core leader" concept in the dark days after the Tiananmen massacre, when the party faced internal rifts and potential regime collapse. In other words, it is in times of crisis that the party needs to reaffirm that rule-by-committee still requires a final arbiter at the top. This latter point is the most relevant for investors. It suggests that China's party leadership perceives itself to be in the midst, or on the brink, of a crisis. Why should this be the case? There has been an improvement in China's economic situation in 2016 - stimulus efforts have stabilized the economy and growth momentum is picking up (Chart I-21). Economic relations with Asian nations are also improving. All of this information has supported the China bulls, who argue that China is not particularly overleveraged, still has a long way to go in terms of economic development, and needs to stimulate demand in order to outgrow any problems it faces from debt and overcapacity (Chart I-22). Chart I-20Anti-Corruption ##br##Campaign Reaccelerating Anti-Corruption Campaign Reaccelerating Anti-Corruption Campaign Reaccelerating Chart I-21Chinese Economy##br## Improved This Year Chinese Economy Improved This Year Chinese Economy Improved This Year Chart I-22Chinese Capacity Utilization: ##br##A Historical Perspective Chinese Capacity Utilization: A Historical Perspective Chinese Capacity Utilization: A Historical Perspective Nevertheless, the latest reflation efforts have peaked (Chart I-23), and there are clear warning signs for what lies ahead. The RMB continues to weaken, capital outflows may reaccelerate as a result, the yield curve is flattening, and economic policy uncertainty remains markedly elevated (Chart I-24). As such, the China bears argue that exorbitant credit growth cannot continue indefinitely (Chart I-25). When credit growth slows, the credit-reliant economy will slow too, and China will face a cascade of bad loans and insolvent companies and banks. Chart I-23Latest Mini-Stimulus##br## Is Over Latest Mini-Stimulus Is Over Latest Mini-Stimulus Is Over Chart I-24China:##br## Who Is Driving This Bus? China: Who Is Driving This Bus? China: Who Is Driving This Bus? Chart I-25China's Corporate And Household Credit: ##br##The Sky's The Limit? China's Corporate And Household Credit: The Sky'S The Limit? China's Corporate And Household Credit: The Sky'S The Limit? While economists can argue over the nature of things, politicians do not have that luxury: China's government must be prepared for the worst-case scenario. The China bears may be right even if their economic analysis proves overly pessimistic or poorly timed, because policymakers may eventually decide they must do more to tackle excessive leverage and overcapacity. Chart I-26Rebalancing Is Slowing Down Rebalancing Is Slowing Down Rebalancing Is Slowing Down An optimistic long-term assumption about Xi's consolidation of power has been that he eventually intends to use that power to pursue painful structural reforms, as outlined at the Third Plenum in 2013.17 However, the intervening three years have shown that he is pragmatic and does not want to impose aggressive reforms that would undercut an already weak and slowing economy (Chart I-26). Thus, deep reforms are only going to occur if they are forced upon the leaders as a result of an intense bout of instability, uncertainty, and market riots. The implication of this is that Xi is concentrating power in preparation for further crisis points that may be thrust upon his administration. For instance, if recent efforts to tamp down on property prices end up bursting the bubble, then eventually China could be plunged into socio-political (as well as financial) turmoil. By that time, the party would not be able to re-centralize and consolidate power carefully and gradually. It would either have loyal tools at its disposal already, or would lose precious time (and likely make mistakes) trying to assemble them. Thus Xi's moves to consolidate power are marginally market-positive in an overall negative climate. He is making himself and the Politburo Standing Committee better prepared to handle a crisis, which suggests that he believes that a crisis is either occurring or close at hand. In short, the Communist Party is girding for war; a war for regime stability if and when the massive credit risks materialize. What about the 19th National Party Congress, set to take place next fall? We will revisit this topic in the future, but for now the key point is this: It would require a surprise and/or a new political dynamic to prevent Xi from getting his way in forming the Politburo Standing Committee next year. While there is a mixed record of policy stimulus for the years preceding the Chinese midterm leadership reshuffle, we certainly do not expect aggressive structural reforms to occur before then (Chart I-27). Policy tightening in the real estate sector and SOE restructuring efforts will be gradual. Chart I-27Unimpressive Record Of Stimulus Before Five-Year Party Congresses Unimpressive Record Of Stimulus Before Five-Year Party Congresses Unimpressive Record Of Stimulus Before Five-Year Party Congresses Only around the time of the party congress will it be possible to find out whether Xi wants his administration to be remembered for anything other than power consolidation - such as ambitious reforms. One reform effort we are confident will continue amid rising centralization, however, is tougher government policy against pollution. Pollution threatens social stability, especially among the restless new middle class, and stimulus efforts perpetuate the heavily polluting industries. Environmental spending has been the biggest growth category in government spending under Premier Li Keqiang.18 To capitalize on the darkening short-term outlook for stocks and Xi's policy momentum, we suggest shorting Chinese utilities, whose profit margins and share prices trade inversely with rising environmental spending (Chart I-28). Bottom Line: We remain overweight China relative to EM: The government has resources and is unified. However, the long-term outlook is mixed. Investors should steer clear of Chinese risk assets in absolute terms. Short utilities as a play on rising environmental spending and regulation, and stay short the RMB. Brexit Update: The "Legion Memorial" Is Alive And Well Chart I-28Anti-Pollution Push Hurts Utilities Anti-Pollution Push Hurts Utilities Anti-Pollution Push Hurts Utilities The Brexit movement encountered its first apparent setback last week when the country's High Court ruled that parliament must vote on invoking Article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty to initiate the withdrawal from the European Union. We have always held a high-conviction view that parliament approval would ultimately be necessary, as we wrote in July.19 But, politically, it matters a great deal whether parliament votes before or after the exit negotiations. The High Court ruling is an obstacle to the government's Brexit plan because it could result in (1) the parliament's outright blocking Brexit, though this outcome is highly unlikely; (2) the parliament's insisting on a "soft Brexit" that leaves U.K.-EU relations substantially the same as before the referendum on matters like immigration and market access. However, the saga is nowhere near finished. The government is appealing the ruling, the Welsh assembly is contesting the appeal, and the Supreme Court will decide the matter in December. Until then, we expect U.K. markets to benefit marginally, ceteris paribus, from the belief that the odds of a soft Brexit are rising. Investors could be encouraged by the continuation of monetary stimulus and a new blast of fiscal stimulus, which we think will surprise to the upside on November 23 when the annual Autumn Statement is released by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. The High Court-prompted rebound in U.K. assets will remain vulnerable for the following reasons: The Supreme Court has not yet ruled: It is not certain that the Supreme Court will uphold the High Court's insistence on a parliamentary role. Both views have legitimate arguments and the issue is not settled until the Supreme Court rules. Parliament's role is political, not merely legal: Assuming parliament gets to vote on whether to trigger the process of leaving the EU, the decision will depend on politics. For instance, it is highly unlikely that the Commons will flatly reject the popular referendum, and the House of Lords can at best delay it. Yes, parliament is sovereign, but that is because it represents the people. While the 1689 Glorious Revolution established the Bill of Rights and parliamentary supremacy, in as early as 1701 there was a crisis over whether parliament should flatly overrule popular will. At that time, the writer Daniel Defoe, representing "the people," delivered the so-called Legion Memorial directly to the Speaker of the Commons. It read: "Our name is Legion, for we are Many."20 Parliament backed down. The politics of the moment favor the government: Polling shows a stark divergence in popular opinion since the referendum in favor of the Tories (Chart I-29). This is a clear signal - on top of the referendum outcome and the sweeping Tory election win in 2015 - that the popular will favors leaving the European Union. It is also a clear signal that Prime Minister Theresa May has the mandate to do it her way. Her approval rating has waned a bit (Chart I-30), but she is still supported by nearly half the population. If the government fails to win parliamentary support on Brexit, it would likely lead to a vote of no confidence and early elections. Yet the current dynamics suggest an early election would return a Conservative majority with a clear mandate to vote for Brexit. Until those dynamics undergo a change, "Brexit means Brexit." Economics favor the government: One danger for the anti-Brexit coalition is that the Supreme Court may compel a parliamentary vote in the near future. The economy has not yet suffered much from Brexit, whatever it may do in future, so there is little motivation for widespread "Bregret," i.e. the desire to reverse course and stay in the EU. By contrast, in two years' time, the negative economic consequences and uncertainties of the actual exit plan, combined with ebbing popular enthusiasm, would likely give parliament a stronger position from which to soften or reverse Brexit. Although Article 50 is arguably irrevocable, it seems hard to believe that the EU would not find a way to allow the U.K. to stay in the union if its domestic politics shifted in favor of staying, since that is clearly in the EU's interest. The President of the European Council Donald Tusk has implied as much.21 Chart I-29Brexit Helped Tories, Hurt Labour Brexit Helped Tories, Hurt Labour Brexit Helped Tories, Hurt Labour Chart I-30Prime Minister May's Popularity Still Strong De-Globalization De-Globalization From the arguments above we can draw three conclusions. First, parliament will not simply repudiate the popular referendum. Second, if parliament must vote, the political context suggests it will vote on a bill that substantially favors the government's approach toward Brexit. If that happens, the High Court ruling this week will be only a pyrrhic victory for the Bremain camp. However, parliamentary involvement does imply a softer Brexit than otherwise, and it is possible that parliament could extract major concessions. Third, the High Court ruling makes Brexit more, not less, likely. This is because it is forcing parliamentarians to vote on Brexit so early in the process, when Brexit's negative consequences are yet not evident. What do the latest Brexit twists and turns portend for European and global growth? We do not see them as particularly damaging. The British turn toward greater fiscal spending adds yet another to the list of those countries supporting one of our key investment themes: "The Return of G," or government spending.22 As we predicted, Canada is overshooting its budget deficits, Japan is engaging in coordinated monetary and fiscal stimulus, and Italy is expanding spending and daring Germany and the European Council to stop it, especially in the face of badly needed earthquake reconstruction and the ongoing immigration crisis (Chart I-31). Chart I-31G7 Fiscal Thrust Is Going Up De-Globalization De-Globalization This leaves the United States and Germany as two outstanding questions. The U.S. election means that Trump will launch potentially large spending increases with a GOP-held Congress. As for Germany, the CDU/CSU appears to be shifting toward more government spending, but the direction will not be clear until the election in the fall of 2017. Bottom Line: The High Court ruling has made Brexit more rather than less likely. By forcing the parliament to make a ruling on Brexit before the economic damage is clear, the High Court has put parliamentarians in the difficult position of going against the public. We are closing our long FTSE 100 / short FTSE 250 Brexit hedge in the meantime. The market may, incorrectly, price a lower probability of Brexit, while domestic stimulus will aid the home-biased FTSE 250. Nonetheless, we remain short U.K. REITs to capitalize on the long-term uncertainty, as well as negative cyclical and structural factors that are affecting commercial real estate. We also expect the GBP/USD to remain relatively weak and vulnerable relative to the pre-Brexit period. We would expect the GBP/USD to retest its mid-October-low of 1.184 over the next two years. BOX I-1 Likely Successors To German Chancellor Angela Merkel If Merkel decides to retire, who are her potential successors? Wolfgang Schäuble, Finance Minister (CDU): The bane of the financial community, Schäuble is seen as the least market-friendly option due to his hardline position on bailouts and the euro area. In our view, this is an incorrect interpretation of Schäuble's heavy-handedness. He is by all accounts a genuine Europhile who believes in the integrationist project. At 74 years old, he comes from a generation of policymakers who consider European integration a national security issue for Germany. He has pursued a tough negotiating position in order to ensure that the German population does not sour on European integration. Nonetheless, we doubt that he will chose to take on the chancellorship if Merkel retires. He suffered an assassination attempt in 1990 that left him paralyzed and he has occasionally had to be hospitalized due to health complications left from this injury. As such, it is unlikely that he would replace Merkel, but he may stay on as Finance Minister and thus be as close to a "Vice President" role as Germany has. Ursula von der Leyen, Defense Minister (CDU): Most often cited as the likely replacement for Merkel, Leyen nonetheless is not seen favorably by most of the population. She is a strong advocate of further European integration and has supported the creation of a "United States of Europe." Leyen has gone so far as to say that the refugee crisis and the debt crisis are similar in that they will ultimately force Europe to integrate further. As a defense minister, she has promoted the creation of a robust EU army. She has also been a hardliner on Brexit, saying that the U.K. will not re-enter the EU in her lifetime. While the markets and pro-EU elites in Europe would love Leyen, the problem is that her Europhile profile may disqualify her from chancellorship at a time when most CDU politicians are focusing on the Euroskeptic challenge from the right. Thomas De Maizière, Interior Minster (CDU): Maizière is a former Defense Minister and a close confidant of Chancellor Merkel. He was her chief of staff from 2005 to 2009. Like Schäuble, he is somewhat of a hawk on euro area issues (he drove a hard bargain during negotiations to set up a fiscal backstop, the European Financial Stability Fund, in 2010) and as such could be a compromise candidate between the Europhiles and Eurohawks within the CDU ranks. However, he has also been implicated in scandals as Defense Minister and may be tainted by the immigration crisis due to his position as the Interior Minister. Julia Klöckner, Executive Committee Member, Deputy Chair (CDU): A CDU politician from Rhineland-Palatinate, Klöckner is a socially conservative protégé of Merkel. While she has taken a more right-wing stance on the immigration crisis, she has remained loyal to Merkel otherwise. She is a staunch Europhile who has portrayed the Euroskeptic AfD as "dangerous, sometimes racist." We think that she would be a very pro-market choice as she combines the market-irrelevant populism of anti-immigration rhetoric with market-relevant centrism of favoring further European integration. Hermann Gröhe, Minister of Health (CDU): Gröhe is a former CDU secretary general and very close to Merkel. He is a staunch supporter of the euro and European integration. Markets would have no problem with Grohe, although they may take some time to get to know who he is! Volker Bouffier, Minister President of Hesse (CDU): As Minister President of Hesse, home of Germany's financial center Frankfurt, Bouffier may be disqualified from leadership due to his apparent close links with Deutsche Bank. Nonetheless, he is a heavyweight within the CDU's leadership and a staunch Europhile. Fritz Von Zusammenbruch, Hardline Euroskeptic (CDU): This person does not exist! Section II: U.S. Election: Outcomes & Investment Implications Highlights Trump won by stealing votes from Democrats in the Midwest. His victory implies a national shift to the left on economic policy. Checks and balances on Trump are not substantial in the short term. U.S. political polarization will continue. Trump is good for the USD, bad for bonds, neutral for equities. Favor SMEs over MNCs. Close long alternative energy / short coal. Feature "Most Americans do not find themselves actually alienated from their fellow Americans or truly fearful if the other party wins power. Unlike in Bosnia, Northern Ireland or Rwanda, competition for power in the U.S. remains largely a debate between people who can work together once the election is over." — Newt Gingrich, January 2, 2001 Former Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich (and a potential Secretary of State pick), was asked on NBC's Meet the Press two days before the U.S. election whether he still thought that "competition for power in the U.S. remains largely a debate between people who can work together once the election is over." Gingrich made the original statement in January 2001, merely weeks after one of the most contentious presidential elections in U.S. history was resolved by the Supreme Court. Gingrich's answer in 2016? "I think, tragically, we have drifted into an environment where ... it will be a continuing fight for who controls the country." Despite an extraordinary victory - a revolution really - by Donald J. Trump, the fact of the matter remains that the U.S. is a polarized country between Republican and Democratic voters. As of publication time of this report, Trump lost the popular vote to Secretary Hillary Clinton. His is a narrower victory than either the epic Richard Nixon win in 1968 or George W. Bush squeaker in 2000. Over the next two years, the only thing that matters for the markets is that the U.S. has a unified government behind a Republican president-elect and a GOP-controlled Congress. We discuss the investment implications of this scenario below and caution clients to not over-despair. On the other hand, we also see this election as more evidence that America remains a deeply polarized country where identity politics continue to play a key role. What concerns us is that these identity politics appear to transcend the country's many cultural, ethical, political, and economic commonalities. Republicans and Democrats in the U.S. are fusing into almost ethnic-like groupings. To bring it back to Gingrich's quote at the top, that would suggest that the U.S. is no longer that much different from Bosnia or Northern Ireland.23 Election Post-Mortem Chart II-1Election Polls Usually##br## Miss By A Few Points De-Globalization De-Globalization Donald Trump has won an upset over Hillary Clinton, but his campaign was not as much of a long-shot as the consensus believed. U.S. presidential polls have frequently missed the final tally by +/- 3% of the vote, which was precisely the end result of the 2016 election (Chart II-1). Therefore, as we pointed out in our last missive on the election, Trump's victory was not a "wild mathematical oddity."24 Why Did Trump Win The White House? Where Trump really did beat expectations was in the Midwest, and Wisconsin in particular. He ended up outperforming the poll-of-polls by a near-incredible 10%!25 His victories in Florida, Ohio, and Pennsylvania were well within the range of expectations. For example, the last poll-of-polls had Trump leading in both Florida (by a narrow 0.2%) and Ohio (by a solid 3.5%), whereas Clinton was up in Pennsylvania by the slightest of margins (just 1.9% lead). He ended up exceeding poll expectations in all three (by 2% in Florida, 6% in Ohio, and 3% in Pennsylvania), but not by the same wild margin as in Wisconsin. When all is said and done, Trump won the 2016 election by stealing votes away from the Democrats in the traditionally "blue" Midwest states of Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin. This was a far more significant result than his resounding victories in Ohio (which Obama won in 2012) or Florida (where Obama won only narrowly in 2012). Our colleague Peter Berezin, Chief Strategist of the Global Investment Strategy, correctly forecast that Trump would be competitive in all three Midwest states back in September 2015! We highly encourage our clients to read his "Trumponomics: What Investors Need To Know," as it is one of the best geopolitical calls made by BCA in recent history.26 As Peter had originally thought, Trump cleaned up the white, less-educated, male vote in all of the three crucial Midwest states. He won 68% of this vote in Michigan, 71% in Pennsylvania, and 69% in Wisconsin. To do so, Trump campaigned as an unorthodox Republican, appealing to the blue-collar white voter by blaming globalization for their job losses and low wages, and by refusing to accept Republican orthodoxy on fiscal austerity or entitlement spending. Instead, Trump promised to outspend Clinton and protect entitlements at their current levels. This mix of an outsider, anti-establishment, image combined with a left-of-center economic message allowed Trump to win an extraordinary number of former Obama voters. Exit polls showed that Obama had a positive image in all three Midwest states, including with Trump voters! For example, 30% of Trump voters in Michigan approved of the job Obama was doing as president, 25% in Pennsylvania, and 27% in Wisconsin. That's between a quarter and a third of eventual people who cast their vote for Trump. These are the voters that Republicans lost in 2012 because they nominated a former private equity "corporate raider" Mitt Romney as their candidate. Romney had famously argued in a 2008 New York Times op-ed that he would have "Let Detroit go bankrupt." Obama repeatedly attacked Romney during the 2011-2012 campaign on this point. Back in late 2011, we suspected that this message, and this message alone, would win President Obama his re-election.27 Why is the issue of the Midwest Obama voters so important? Because investors have to know precisely why Donald Trump won the election. It wasn't his messages on immigration, law and order, race relations, and especially not the tax cuts he added to his message late in the game. It was his left-of-center policy position on trade and fiscal spending. Trump is beholden to his voters on these policies, particularly in the Midwest states that won him the election. Final word on race. Donald Trump actually improved on Mitt Romney's performance with African-American and Hispanic voters (Table II-1). This was a surprise, given his often racially-charged rhetoric. Meanwhile, Trump failed to improve on the white voter turnout (as percent of overall electorate) or on Romney's performance with white voters in terms of the share of the vote. To be clear, Republicans are still in the proverbial hole with minority voters and are yet to match George Bush's performance in 2004. But with 70% of the U.S. electorate still white in 2016, this did not matter. Table II-1Exit Polls: Trump's Win Was Not Merely About Race De-Globalization De-Globalization Congress: No Gridlock Ahead Republicans exceeded their expectations in the Senate, losing only one seat (Illinois) to Democrats. This means that the GOP control of the Senate will remain quite comfortable and is likely to grow in the 2018 mid-term elections when the Democrats have to defend 25 of 33 seats. Of the 25 Senate seats they will defend, five are in hostile territory: North Dakota, West Virginia, Ohio, Montana, and Missouri. In addition, Florida is always a tough contest. Republicans, on the other hand, have only one Senate seat that will require defense in a Democrat-leaning state: Nevada (and in that case, it will be a Republican incumbent contesting the race). Their other seven seats are all in Republican voting states. As such, expect Republicans to hold on to the Senate well into the 2020 general election. In the House of Representatives, the GOP will retain its comfortable majority. The Tea Party affiliated caucuses (Tea Party Caucus and the House Freedom Caucus) performed well in the election. The Tea Party Caucus members won 35 seats out of 38 they contested and the House Freedom Caucus won 34 seats out of 37 it contested. The race to watch now is for the Speaker of the House position. Paul Ryan, the Speaker of the incumbent House, is likely to contest the election again and win. Even though his support for Donald Trump was lukewarm, we expect Republicans to unify the party behind Trump and Ryan. A challenge from the right could emerge, but we doubt it will materialize given Trump's victory. The campaign for the election will begin immediately, with Republicans selecting their candidate by December (the official election will be in the first week of January, but it is a formality as Republicans hold the majority). Bottom Line: Trump's victory was largely the product of former Obama voters in the Midwest switching to the GOP candidate. This happened because of Trump's unorthodox, left-of-center, message. Trump will have a friendly Congress to work with for the next four years. How friendly? That question will determine the investment significance of the Trump presidency. Investment Relevance Of A United Government Most clients we have spoken to over the past several months believe that Donald Trump will be constrained on economic policies by a right-leaning Congress. His more ambitious fiscal spending plans - such as the $550 billion infrastructure plan and $150 billion net defense spending plan - will therefore be either "dead on arrival" in Congress, or will be significantly watered down by the legislature. Focus will instead shift to tax cuts and traditional Republican policies. We could not disagree more. GOP is not fiscally conservative: There is no empirical evidence that the GOP is actually fiscally conservative. First, the track record of the Bush and Reagan administrations do not support the adage that Republicans keep fiscal spending in check when they are in power (Chart II-2). Second, Republican voters themselves only want "small government" when the Democrats are in charge of the White House (Chart II-3). When a Republican President is in charge, Republicans forget their "small government" leanings. Chart II-2Republicans Are##br## Not Fiscally Responsible Republicans Are Not Fiscally Responsible Republicans Are Not Fiscally Responsible Chart II-3Big Government Is Only ##br##A Problem For Opposition bca.gps_mp_2016_11_09_s2_c3 bca.gps_mp_2016_11_09_s2_c3 Presidents get their way: Over the past 28 years, each new president has generally succeeded in passing their signature items. Congress can block some but probably not all of president's plans. Clinton, Bush, and Obama each began with their own party controlling the legislature, which gave an early advantage that was later reversed in their second term. Clinton lost on healthcare, but achieved bipartisan welfare reform. For Obama, legislative obstructionism halted various initiatives, but his core objectives were either already met (healthcare), not reliant on Congress (foreign policy), or achieved through compromise after his reelection (expiration of Bush tax cuts for upper income levels). Median voter has moved to the left: Donald Trump won both the GOP primary and the general election by preaching an unorthodox, left-of-center sermon. He understood correctly that the American voter preferences on economic policies have moved away from Republican laissez-faire orthodoxies.28 Yes, he is also calling for significant lowering of both income and corporate tax rates. However, tax cuts were never a focal point of his campaign, and he only introduced the policy later in the race when he was trying to get traditional Republicans on board with his campaign. Newsflash: traditional Republicans did not get Trump over the hump, Obama voters in the Midwest did! Investors should make no mistake, the key pillars of Trump's campaign are de-globalization, higher fiscal spending, and protecting entitlements at current levels. And he will pursue all three with GOP allies in Congress. What are the investment implications of this policy mix? USD: More government spending, marginally less global trade, and pressure on multi-national corporations (MNCs) to scale back their global operations should be positive for inflation. If growth surprises to the upside due to fiscal spending, it will allow the Fed to hike more than the current 57 bps expected by the market by the end of 2018. Given easy monetary stance of central banks around the world, and lack of significant fiscal stimulus elsewhere, economic growth surprise in the U.S. should be positive for the dollar in the long term. At the moment, the market is reacting to the Trump victory with ambivalence on the USD. In fact, the dollar suffered as Trump's probability of victory rose in late October. We believe that this is a temporary reaction. We see both Trump's fiscal and trade policies as bullish. BCA's currency strategist Mathieu Savary believes that the dollar could therefore move in a bifurcated fashion in the near term. On the one hand, the dollar could rise against EM currencies and commodity producers, but suffer - or remain flat - against DM currencies such as the EUR, CHF, and JPY.29 Bonds: More inflation and growth should also mean that the bond selloff continues. In addition, if our view on globalization is correct, then the deflationary effects of the last three decades should begin to reverse over the next several years. BCA thesis that we are at the "End Of The 35-Year Bond Bull Market" should therefore remain cogent.30 As one of our "Trump hedges," our colleague Rob Robis, Chief Strategist of the BCA Global Fixed Income Strategy, suggested a 2-year / 30-year Treasury curve steepener. This hedge is now up 18.7 bps and we suggest clients continue to hold it. Fed policy: Trump's statements about monetary policy have been inconsistent. Early on in his campaign he described himself as "a low interest rate guy", but he has more recently become critical of current Federal Reserve policy - and Fed Chair Janet Yellen in particular - claiming that while higher interest rates are justified, the Fed is keeping them low for "political reasons." What seems certain is that Janet Yellen will be replaced as Fed Chair when her term expires in February 2018. Yellen is unlikely to resign of her own volition before then and it would be legally difficult for the President to remove a sitting Fed Chair prior to the end of her term. But Trump will get the opportunity to re-shape the composition of the Fed's Board of Governors as soon as he is sworn in. There are currently two empty seats on the Board need to be filled and given that many of Trump's economic advisers have "hard money" leanings, it is very likely that both appointments will go to inflation hawks. Equities: In terms of equities, Trump will be a source of uncertainty for U.S. stocks as the market deals with the unknown of his presidency. In addition, markets tend to not like united government in the U.S. as it raises the specter of big policy moves (Table II-2). However, Trump should be positive for sectors that sold off in anticipation of a Clinton victory, such as healthcare and financials. We also suspect that he will continue the outperformance of defense stocks, although that would have been the case with Clinton as well. Table II-2Election: Industry Implications De-Globalization De-Globalization In the long term, Trump's proposal for major corporate tax cuts should be good for U.S. equities. However, we are not entirely sure that this is the case. First, the effective corporate tax rate in the U.S. is already at its multi-decade lows (Chart II-4). As such, any corporate tax reform that lowers the marginal rate will not really affect the effective rate. Why does this matter? Because major corporations already have low effective tax rates. Any lowering of the marginal rate will therefore benefit the small and medium enterprises (SMEs) and the domestic oriented S&P 500 corporations. If corporate tax reform also includes closing loopholes that benefit the major multi-national corporations (MNCs), then Trump's policy will not necessarily benefit all firms in the U.S. equally. Chart II-4How Low Can It Go? bca.gps_mp_2016_11_09_s2_c4 bca.gps_mp_2016_11_09_s2_c4 Investors have to keep in mind that Trump has not run a pro-corporate campaign. He has accused American manufacturing firms of taking jobs outside the U.S. and tech companies of skirting taxes. It is not clear to us that his corporate tax reform will therefore necessarily be a boon for the stock market. In the long term, we like to play Trump's populist message by favoring America's SMEs over MNCs. If we are ultimately correct on the USD and growth, then export-oriented S&P 500 companies should suffer in the face of a USD bull market and marginally less globalization. Meanwhile, lowering of the marginal corporate tax rate will benefit the SMEs that do not get the benefit of K-street lobbyist negotiated tax loopholes. Global Assets: The global asset to watch over the next several weeks is the USD/RMB cross. China is forced by domestic economic conditions to continue to slowly depreciate its currency. We have expected this since 2015, which is why we have shorted the RMB via 12-month non-deliverable forwards (NDF). Risk to global assets, particularly EM currencies and equities, would be that Beijing decides to depreciate the RMB before Trump is inaugurated on January 20. This could re-visit the late 2015 panic over China, particularly the narrative that it is exporting deflation. Our view is that even if China does not undertake such actions over the next two months, Sino-American tensions are set to escalate. It is much easier for Trump to fulfill his de-globalization policies with China - a geopolitical rival with which the U.S. has no free trade agreement - than with NAFTA trade partners Canada and Mexico. This will only deepen geopolitical tensions between the two major global powers, which has been our secular view since 2011. Finally, a quick note on the Mexican peso. The Mexican peso has already collapsed half of its value in the past 18 months and we believe the trade is overdone. Investors have used the currency cross as a way to articulate Trump's victory probability. It is no longer cogent. We believe that the U.S. will focus on trade relations with China under a Trump presidency, rather than NAFTA trade partners. Our Emerging Markets Strategy believes that it is time to consider going long MXN versus other EM currencies, such as ZAR and BRL. Investors should also watch carefully the Cabinet appointments that Trump makes over the next two months. Since Carter's administration, cabinet announcements have occurred in early to mid-December. Almost all of these appointments were confirmed on Inauguration Day (usually January 20 of the year after election, including in 2017) or shortly thereafter. Only one major nomination since Carter was disapproved. These appointments will tell us how willing Trump is to reach to traditional Republicans who have served on previous administrations. We suspect that he will go with picks that will execute his fiscal, trade, and tax policies. Bottom Line: After the dust settles over the next several weeks, we suspect that Trump will signal that he intends to pursue his fiscal, trade, immigration, and tax policies. These will be, in the long term, positive for the USD, negative for bonds (including Munis, which will lose their tax-break appeal if income taxes are reduced), and likely neutral for equities. Within the equity space, Trump will be positive for U.S. SMEs and negative for MNCs. This means being long S&P 600 over S&P 100. Lastly, close our long alternative energy / short coal trade for a loss of -26.8%. Constraints: Don't Bet On Them Domestically, the American president can take significant action without congressional support through executive directives. Lincoln raised an army and navy by proclamation and freed the slaves; Franklin Roosevelt interned the Japanese; Truman tried to seize steel factories to keep production up during the Korean War. Truman's case is almost the only one of a major executive order being rebuffed by the Supreme Court. The Reagan and Clinton administrations have shown that a president thwarted by a divided or adverse congress will often use executive directives to achieve policy aims and satisfy particular interest groups and sectors. Though the number of executive orders has gone down in recent administrations (Chart II-5), the economic significance has increased along with the size and penetration of the bureaucracy (Chart II-6). The economic impact of executive orders is always debatable, but the key point is that the president's word tends to carry the day.31 Chart II-5Rule By Decree De-Globalization De-Globalization Chart II-6Executive Branch Is Growing De-Globalization De-Globalization Trade is a major area where Trump would have considerable sway. He has repeatedly signaled his intention to restrict American openness to international trade. The U.S. president can revoke international treaties solely on their own authority. Congressionally approved agreements like the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) cannot be revoked by the president, but Trump could obstruct its ongoing implementation.32 He would also have considerable powers to levy tariffs, as Nixon showed with his 10% "surcharge" on most imports in 1971.33 Bottom Line: Presidential authority is formidable in the areas Trump has made the focus of his campaign: immigration and trade. Without a two-thirds majority in Congress to override him, or an activist federal court, Trump would be able to enact significant policies simply by issuing orders to his subordinates in the executive branch. Long-Term Implications: Polarization In The U.S. Does the Republican control of Congress and the White House signal that polarization in America will subside? We began this analysis by focusing on the investment implications when Republicans control the three houses of the American government. But long-term implications of polarization will not dissipate. Investors may overstate the importance of a Republican-controlled government and thus understate the relevance of continued polarization. We doubt that Donald Trump is a uniting figure who can transcend America's polarized politics, especially given his weak popular mandate (he lost the popular vote as Bush did in 2000) and the sub-50% vote share. And, our favorite chart of the year remains the same: both Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton have entered the history books as the most disliked presidential candidates ever on the day of the election (Chart II-7). Chart II-7Clinton And Trump Are Making (The Wrong Kind Of) History De-Globalization De-Globalization According to empirical work by political scientists Keith Poole and Howard Rosenthal, polarization in Congress is at its highest level since World War II (Chart II-8). Their research shows that the liberal-conservative dimension explains approximately 93% of all roll-call voting choices and that the two parties are drifting further apart on this crucial dimension.34 Chart II-8The Widening Ideological Gulf In The U.S. Congress De-Globalization De-Globalization Meanwhile, a 2014 Pew Research study has shown that Republicans and Democrats are moving further to the right and left, respectively. Chart II-9 shows the distribution of Republicans and Democrats on a 10-item scale of political values across the last three decades. In addition, "very unfavorable" views of the opposing party have skyrocketed since 2004 (Chart II-10), with 45% of Republicans and 41% of Democrats now seeing the other party as a "threat to the nation's well-being"! Chart II-9U.S. Political Polarization: Growing Apart De-Globalization De-Globalization Chart II-10Live And Let Die De-Globalization De-Globalization Much ink has been spilled trying to explain the mounting polarization in America.35 Our view remains that politics in a democracy operates on its own supply-demand dynamic. If there was no demand for polarized politics, especially at the congressional level, American politicians would not be so eager to supply it. We believe that five main factors - in our subjective order of importance - explain polarization in the U.S. today: Income Inequality and Immobility The increase in political polarization parallels rising income inequality in the U.S. (Chart II-11). The U.S. is a clear and distant outlier on both factors compared to its OECD peers (Chart II-12). However, Americans are not being divided neatly along income levels. This is because Republicans and Democrats disagree on how to fix income inequality. For Donald Trump voters, the solutions are to put up barriers to free trade and immigration while reducing income taxes for all income levels. For Hillary Clinton voters, it means more taxes on the wealthy and large corporations, while putting up some trade barriers and expanding entitlements. This means that the correlation between polarization and income inequality is misleading as there is no causality. Rather, rising income inequality, especially when combined with a low-growth environment, shifts the political narrative from the "politics of plenty" towards "politics of scarcity." It hardens interest and identity groups and makes them less generous towards the "other." Chart II-11Inequality Breeds Polarization Inequality Breeds Polarization Inequality Breeds Polarization Chart II-12Opportunity And Income: Americans Are Outliers De-Globalization De-Globalization Generational Warfare The political age gap is increasing (Chart II-13). This remains the case following the 2016 election, with 55% Millennials (18-29 year olds) having voted for Hillary Clinton. The problem for older voters, who tend to identify far more with the Republican Party, is that the Millennials are already the largest voting bloc in America (Chart II-14). And as Millennial voters start increasing their turnout, and as Baby Boomers naturally decline, the urgency to vote for Republican policymakers' increases. Chart II-13The Age Gap In American Politics The Age Gap In American Politics The Age Gap In American Politics Chart II-14Millennials Are The Biggest Bloc Millennials Are The Biggest Bloc Millennials Are The Biggest Bloc Geographical Segregation Noted political scientist Robert Putnam first cautioned that increasing geographic segregation into clusters of like-minded communities was leading to rising polarization.36 This explains, in large part, how liberal elites have completely missed the rise of Donald Trump. Left-leaning Americans tend to live in a left-leaning community. They share their morning cup-of-Joe with Liberals and rarely mix with the plebs supporting Trump. And of course vice-versa. University of Toronto professors Richard Florida and Charlotta Mellander have more recently shown in their "Segregated City" research that "America's cities and metropolitan areas have cleaved into clusters of wealth, college education, and highly-paid knowledge-based occupations."37 Their research shows that American neighborhoods are increasingly made up of people of the same income level, across all metropolitan areas. Florida and Mellander also show that educational and occupational segregation follows economic segregation. Meanwhile, the same research shows that Canada's most segregated metropolitan area, Montreal, would be the 227th most segregated city if it were in the U.S.! This form of geographic social distance fosters increasing polarization by allowing voters to remain aloof of their fellow Americans, their plight, needs, and concerns. The extreme urban-rural divide of the 2016 election confirms this thesis. Immigration Much as with income inequality, there is a close correlation between political polarization and immigration. The U.S. is on its way to becoming a minority-majority country, with the percent of the white population expected to dip below 50% in 2045 (Chart II-15). Hispanic and Asian populations are expected to continue rising for the rest of the century. For many Americans facing the pernicious effects of low-growth, high debt, and elevated income inequality, the rising impact of immigration is anathema. Not only is the country changing its ethnic and cultural make-up, but the incoming immigrants tend to be less educated and thus lower-income than the median American. They therefore favor - or will favor, when they can vote - redistributive policies. Many Americans feel - fairly or unfairly - that the costs of these policies will have to be shouldered by white middle-class taxpayers, who are not wealthy enough to be indifferent to tax increases, and may be unskillful enough to face competition from immigrants. There is also a security component to the rising concern about immigration. Although Muslims are only 1% of the U.S. population, many voters perceive radical Islam to be a vital security threat to the nation. As such, immigration and radical Islamic terrorism are seen as close bedfellows. Media Polarization The 2016 election has been particularly devastating for mainstream media. According to the latest Gallup poll, only 32% of Americans trust the mass media "to report the news fully, accurately and fairly." This is the lowest level in Gallup polling history. The decline is particularly concentrated among Independent and Republican respondents (Chart II-16). With mainstream media falling out of favor for many Americans, voters are turning towards social media and the Internet. Facebook is now as important for political news coverage as local TV for Americans who get their news from the Internet (Chart II-17). Chart II-15Racial Composition Is Changing De-Globalization De-Globalization Chart II-16A War Of Words bca.gps_mp_2016_11_09_s2_c16 bca.gps_mp_2016_11_09_s2_c16 Chart II-17New Sources Of News Not Always Credible De-Globalization De-Globalization The problem with getting your news coverage from Facebook is that it often means getting news coverage from "fake" sources. A recent experiment by BuzzFeed showed that three big right-wing Facebook pages published false or misleading information 38% of the time while three large left-wing pages did so in nearly 20% of posts.38 The Internet allows voters to self-select what ideological lens colors their daily intake of information and it transcends geography. Two American families, living next to each other in the same neighborhood, can literally perceive reality from completely different perspectives by customizing their sources of information. Chart II-18Gerrymandering Reduces Competitive Seats bca.gps_mp_2016_11_09_s2_c18 bca.gps_mp_2016_11_09_s2_c18 In addition to these five factors, one should also reaffirm the role of redistricting, or "gerrymandering." Over the last two decades, both the Democrats and Republicans (but mainly the latter) have redrawn geographical boundaries to create "ideologically pure" electoral districts. Of the 435 seats in the House of Representatives, only about 56 are truly competitive (Chart II-18). This improves job security for incumbent politicians and legislative-seat security for the party; but it also discourages legislators from reaching across the ideological aisle in order to ensure re-election. Instead, the main electoral challenge now comes from the member's own party during the primary election. For Republicans, this means that the challenge is most often coming from a candidate that is further to the right. Incumbent GOP politicians in Congress therefore have an incentive to maintain highly conservative records lest a challenge from the far-right emerges in a primary election. Given that the frequency of elections is high in the House of Representatives (every two years), legislators cannot take even a short break from partisanship. Redistricting deepens polarization, therefore, by changing the political calculus for legislators facing ideologically pure electorates in their home districts. Bottom Line: Polarization in the U.S. is a product of structural factors that are here to stay. Trump's narrow victory will in no way change that. But How Much Worse? Chart II-19Party Is The Chief Source Of Identity De-Globalization De-Globalization Political polarization is not new. Older readers will remember 1968, when social unrest over the Vietnam War was at its height. Richard Nixon barely got over the finish line that year, beating Vice-President Hubert Humphrey by around 500,000 votes.39 Another contested election in a contested era. Our concern is that the Republican and Democrat "labels" - or perhaps conservative and liberal labels - appear to be ossifying. For example, Pew Research showed in 2012 that the difference between Americans on 48 values is the greatest between Republicans and Democrats. This has not always been the case, as Chart II-19 shows. We suspect that the data would be even starker today, especially after the divisive 2016 campaign that has bordered on hysterical. This means that "Republican" and "Democrat" labels have become real and almost "sectarian" in nature. In fact, one's values are now determined more by one's party identification than race, education, income, religiosity, or gender! This is incredible, given America's history of racial and religious divisions. Why is this happening? We suspect that the shift in urgency and tone is motivated at least in part by the changing demographics of America. Two demographic groups that identify the most with the Republican Party - Baby Boomers and rural or suburban white voters - are in a structural decline (the first in absolute terms and the second in relative terms). Both see the writing on the political wall. Given America's democratic system of government, their declining numbers (or, in the case of suburban whites, declining majorities) will mean significant future policy decisions that go against their preferences. America is set to become more left-leaning, favor more redistribution, and become less culturally homogenous. Not only are Millennials more socially liberal and economically left-leaning, but they are also "browner" than the rest of the U.S. As we pointed out early this year, 2016 was an election that the GOP could reasonably attempt to win by appealing exclusively to white and older voters. The "White Hype" strategy was mathematically cogent ... at least in 2016.40 It will get a lot more difficult to pursue this strategy in 2020 and beyond. Not impossible, but difficult. We suspect that conservative voters know this. As such, there was an urgency this year to lock-in structural changes to key policies before it is too late. Donald Trump may have been a flawed messenger for many voters, but it did not matter. The clock is ticking for a large segment of America and therefore Trump was an acceptable vehicle of their fears and anger. Bottom Line: Polarization in the U.S. is likely to increase. Two key Republican/conservative constituencies - Baby Boomers and rural or suburban white voters - are backed into the corner by demographic trends. But it also means that a left counter-revolution is just around the corner. And we doubt that the Democratic Party will chose as centrist of a candidate the next time around. Final Thoughts: What Have We Learned 1. Economics trump PC: Civil rights remain a major category of the American public's policy concerns. However, the Democratic Party's prioritization of social issues on the margins of the civil rights debate has not galvanized voters in the face of persistent negative attitudes about the economy. More specifically, the surge in cheap credit since 2000 that covered up the steady decline of wages as a share of GDP has ended, leaving households exposed to deleveraging and reduced purchasing power (Chart II-20). American households have lost patience with the slow, grinding pace of economic recovery, they reject the debt consequences of low inflation with deflationary tail risks, and they resent disappointed expectations in terms of job security and quality. Concerns about certain social preferences - as opposed to basic rights - pale in comparison to these economic grievances. Chart II-20Credit No Longer Hides Stagnant Income Credit No Longer Hides Stagnant Income Credit No Longer Hides Stagnant Income 2. Polls are OK, but beware the quant models that use them: On two grave political decisions this year, in two advanced markets with the "best" quality of polling, political modeling turned out to be grossly erroneous. To be fair, the polls themselves prior to both Brexit and the U.S. election were within a margin of error. However, quantitative models relying on these polls were overconfident, leading investors to ignore the risks of a non-consensus outcome. As we warned in mid-October - with Clinton ahead with a robust lead - the problem with quantitative political models is that they rely on polling data for their input.41 To iron-out the noise of an occasional bad poll, political analysts aggregate the polls to create a "poll-of-polls." But combining polls is mathematically the same as combining bad mortgages into securities. The philosophy behind the methodology is that each individual object (mortgage or poll) may be flawed, but if you get enough of them together, the problems will all average out and you have a very low risk of something bad happening. Well, something bad did happen. The quantitative models were massively wrong! We tried to avoid this problem by heavily modifying our polls-based-model with structural factors. Many of these structural variables - economic context, political momentum, Obama's approval rating - actually did not favor Clinton. Our model therefore consistently gave Donald Trump between 35-45% probability of winning the election, on average three and four times higher than other popular quant models. This caused us to warn clients that our view on the election was extremely cautious and recommend hedges. In fact, Donald Trump had 41% chance of winning the race on election night, according to the last iteration of our model, a very high probability.42 3. Professor Lichtman was right: Political science professor Allan Lichtman has once again accurately called the election - for the ninth time. The result on Nov. 8 strongly supports his life's work that presidential elections in the United States are popular referendums on the incumbent party of the last four years. Structural factors undid the Democrats (Table II-3), and none of the campaign rhetoric, cross-country barnstorming, or "horse race" polling mattered a whit. The Republicans had momentum from previous midterm elections, Clinton had suffered a strong challenge in her primary, the Obama administration's achievements over the past four years were negligible (the Affordable Care Act passed in his first term). These factors, along with the political cycle itself, favored the Republicans. Trump's lack of charisma did not negate the structural support for a change of ruling party. Investors should take note: no amount of mathematical horsepower, big data, or Silicon Valley acumen was able to beat the qualitative, informed, contemplative work of a single historian. Table II-3Lichtman's Thirteen Keys To The White House* De-Globalization De-Globalization 4. Non-linearity of politics: Lichtman's method calls attention to the danger of linear assumptions and quantitative modeling in attempting the art of political prediction. Big data and quantitative econometric and polling models have notched up key failures this year. They cannot make subjective judgments regarding whether a president has had a major foreign policy success or failure or a major policy innovation - on all three of those counts, the Democrats failed from 2012-16. There really is no way to quantify political risk because human and social organizations often experience paradigm shifts that are characterized by non-linearity. Newtonian Laws will always work on planet earth and as such we are not concerned about what will happen to us if we board an airplane. Laws of physics will not simply stop working while we are mid-air. However, social interactions and political narratives do experience paradigm shifts. We have identified several since 2011: geopolitical multipolarity, de-globalization, end of laissez-faire consensus, end of Chimerica, and global loss of confidence in elites and institutions.43 5. No country is immune to decaying institutions: The United States has, with few exceptions, the oldest written constitution among major states, and it ensures checks and balances. But recent decades have shown that the executive branch has expanded its power at the expense of the legislative and judicial branches. Moreover, executives have responded to major crisis - like the September 11 attacks and the 2008 financial crisis - with policy responses that were formulated haphazardly, ideologically divisive, and difficult to implement: the Iraq War and the Affordable Care Act. The result is that the jarring events that have blindsided America over the past sixteen years have resulted in wasted political capital and deeper polarization. The failure of institutions has opened the way for political parties to pursue short-term gains at the expense of their "partners" across the aisle, and to bend and manipulate procedural rules to achieve ends that cannot be achieved through consensus and compromise. 6. U.S. is shifting leftward when it comes to markets: Inequality and social immobility have, with Trump's election, entered the conservative agenda, after having long sat on the liberals' list of concerns. The shift in white blue-collar Midwestern voters toward Trump reflects the fact that voters are non-partisan in demanding what they want: they want to retain their existing rights, privileges, and entitlements, and to expand their wages and social protections. Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Geopolitical Strategy marko@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken, Associate Editor mattg@bcaresearch.com 1 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "The Apex Of Globalization - All Downhill From Here," dated November 12, 2014, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 2 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Sino-American Conflict: More Likely Than You Think, Part II," dated November 6, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 3 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Taking Stock Of China's Reforms," dated May 13, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 4 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "Mercantilism Is Back," dated February 10, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 5 Please see BCA Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "End Of The 35-Year Bond Bull Market," dated July 5, 2016, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 6 Please see BCA Global Alpha Sector Strategy Special Report, "Brothers In Arms," dated October 28, 2016, available at gss.bcaresearch.com. 7 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "The End Of The Anglo-Saxon Economy?" dated April 13, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 8 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Europe's Divine Comedy: Italian Inferno," dated September 14, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 9 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "The Great Migration - Europe, Refuges, And Investment Implications," dated September 23, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 10 The BBC is exemplary of the mainstream Western press on this point. Please see Stephen McDonell, "The Ever-Growing Power Of China's Xi Jinping," BBC News, China Blog, dated October 29, 2016, available at www.bbc.com. 11 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Five Myths About Chinese Politics," dated August 10, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 12 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "China: Two Factions, One Party - Part II," dated September 12, 2012, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 13 Please see the "Eighteenth Communist Party Of China Central Committee Sixth Plenary Session Communique," dated October 27, 2016, available at cpc.people.com.cn. 14 Jiang Zemin, China's ruler from roughly 1993 to 2002, was also referred to as the "core" leader, but he received this moniker from Deng Xiaoping. Xi is following in Deng's footsteps by declaring himself to be the core and winning support from the party. As for his centralizing efforts, prior to being named the "core leader," Xi had already waged a sweeping crackdown on political opponents and dissidents. He had used his position as head of the party, the state bureaucracy, and the armed forces to reshuffle personnel in these bodies extensively. He had already created new organizational bodies, including the National Security Commission, and initiated plans to restructure the military to emphasize joint-operations under regional battle commands. A weak leader would not have advanced so quickly. 15 Deng named Mao the "core" of the first generation of leaders, but it was evident that he sought a different leadership model. 16 Specifically, Xi could prevent the preferment of successors for 2022, he could reduce the size of the Politburo Standing Committee further to five members, or he could modify or make exceptions to the informal rule that top officials must not be promoted if they are 68 or older. Please see Minxin Pei, "A Looming Power Struggle For China?" dated October 28, 2016, available at www.cfr.org. 17 Please see "Communique of the Third Plenary Session of the 18th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China," dated January 15, 2014 [adopted November 12, 2013], available at www.china.org.cn. 18 Please see "China: The Socialist Put And Rising Government Leverage," in BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "Introducing: The Median Voter Theory," dated June 8, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 19 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Brexit Update: Does Brexit Really Mean Brexit?" dated July 15, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. For the High Court ruling, please see the U.K. Courts and Tribunals Judiciary, "R (Miller) -V- Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union," dated November 3, 2016, available at www.judiciary.gov.uk. 20 At that time a Tory majority in the House of Commons had enraged the populace by imprisoning a group of petitioners from Kent. Both the Kentish Petition and the Legion Memorial demanded that parliament heed the will of the populace. 21 Presumably, the European Council could vote unanimously under Article 50 to extend the negotiation period for a very long time. 22 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Monthly Report, "Nuthin' But A G Thang," dated August 12, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 23 Except that it is better armed. 24 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Client Note, "U.S. Election: Trump's Arrested Development," dated November 8, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 25 However, Wisconsin polling was rather poor as most pollsters assumed that it was a shoe-in for Democrats. One problem with polling in Midwest states is that they were, other than Pennsylvania and Ohio, assumed to be safe Democratic states. Note for example the extremely tight result in Minnesota and the absolute dearth of polling out of that state throughout the last several months. 26 Please see BCA Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "Trumponomics: What Investors Need To Know," dated September 4, 2015, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 27 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "U.S. General Elections And Scenarios: Implications," dated July 11, 2012, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 28 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Introducing: The Median Voter Theory," dated June 8, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 29 Please see BCA Foreign Exchange Strategy Weekly Report, "When You Come To A Fork In The Road, Take It," dated November 4, 2016, available at fes.bcaresearch.com. 30 Please see BCA Global Investment Strategy Special Report, "End Of The 35-Year Bond Bull Market," dated July 5, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 31 Only a two-thirds majority of Congress, or a ruling by a federal court, can undo an executive action, and that is exceedingly rare. The real check on executive orders is the rotation of office: a president can undo with the stroke of a pen whatever his predecessor enacted. Congress has the power of the purse, but it is sporadic in its oversight and has challenged less than 5% of executive orders, even though those orders often re-direct the way the executive branch uses funds Congress has allocated. More often, Congress votes to codify executive orders rather than nullify them. 32 Trump is not alone in calling for renegotiating or even abandoning NAFTA. Clinton called for renegotiation in 2008, and Senator Bernie Sanders has done so in 2016. 33 In Proclamation 4074, dated August 15, 1971, Nixon suspended all previous presidential proclamations implementing trade agreements insofar as was required to impose a new 10% surcharge on all dutiable goods entering the United States. He justified it in domestic law by invoking the president's authority and previous congressional acts authorizing the president to act on behalf of Congress with regard to trade agreement negotiation and implementation (including tariff levels). He justified the proclamation in international law by referring to international allowances during balance-of-payments emergencies. 34 The "primary dimension" of Chart II-8 is represented by the x-axis and is the liberal-conservative spectrum on the basic role of the government in the economy. The "second dimension" (y-axis) depends on the era and is picking up regional differences on a number of social issues such as the civil rights movement (which famously split Democrats between northern Liberals and southern Dixiecrats). 35 We have penned two such efforts ourselves. Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "Polarization In America: Transient Or Structural Risk?," dated October 9, 2013, and "A House Divided Cannot Stand: America's Polarization," dated July 11, 2012," available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 36 Putnam, Robert. 2000. Bowling Alone. New York: Simon and Schuster. 37 Please see Martin Prosperity Institute, "Segregated City," dated February 23, 2015, available at martinprosperity.org. 38 Please see BuzzFeedNews, "Hyperpartisan Facebook Pages Are Publishing False And Misleading Information At An Alarming Rate," dated October 20, 2016, available at buzzfeed.com. 39 Nonetheless, due to the third-party candidate George Wallace carrying the then traditionally-Democratic South, Nixon managed to win the Electoral College in a landslide. 40 Please see BCA Global Investment Strategy and Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "U.S. Election: The Great White Hype," dated March 9, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 41 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, "You've Been Trumped!," dated October 21, 2016, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 42 For comparison, Steph Curry, the greatest three-point shooter in basketball history, and a two-time NBA MVP, has a career three-point shooting average of 44%. With that average, he is encouraged to take every three-pointer he can by his team. In other words, despite being less than 50%, this is a very high percentage. 43 Please see BCA Geopolitical Strategy, "Strategy Outlook 2015 - Paradigm Shifts," dated January 21, 2015, and "Strategy Outlook 2016 - Multipolarity & Markets," dated December 9, 2015, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. Section III: Geopolitical Calendar

Highlights The perceived shape of Brexit is the single most important driver of the pound and most U.K. assets. The U.K. Courts are due to deliver landmark legal rulings, which have huge implications for the perceived shape of Brexit. Expect an eventual soft Brexit if the Courts decide against the U.K. government and deem that triggering Article 50 requires parliamentary approval. Expect a much harder Brexit if the Courts decide in favour of the U.K. government. Tactical investors should consider owning some very short-term call options on pound/dollar or a combination of call and put options. Feature Within the next two weeks, the U.K. High Court will deliver a landmark legal ruling which will have huge implications for the future of the U.K. and Europe. Chart of the WeekDifferent Levels Of Brexit Mean Different Levels Of The Pound bca.eis_wr_2016_10_27_s1_c1 bca.eis_wr_2016_10_27_s1_c1 The U.K. High Court will rule whether Prime Minister Theresa May can start the legal process to exit the EU using the so-called 'royal prerogative' - the power granted to governments to make decisions without a vote from parliament. If May cannot use the royal prerogative, she will require an Act of Parliament to trigger Article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty. The High Court judgement hinges on a fundamental issue. Triggering Article 50 necessarily means that the current government will overturn previous parliamentary decisions - the European Communities Act (1972) and European Union Act (2011). Does the constitution permit a government to overturn parliamentary decisions, take away treaties, and remove the population's legal rights without obtaining parliamentary approval? Although we are not legal experts, the court could regard that as overstretching government authority. If the High Court's judgement does go against the U.K. government, expect pound/dollar to rally immediately by about 4-5 cents. Conversely, a judgement in favour of the government could see the pound sell off by about 1-2 cents. Given the possibility of this gapping, tactical investors should consider owning some very short-term call options on pound/dollar, or a combination of call and put options. Nevertheless, the story will not end with the High Court. Whichever side loses will appeal the decision and take the case to the Supreme Court, which is expected to respond by the end of the year. This ultimate pronouncement of law will have a landmark bearing on the shape of Brexit and, thereby, the future of the U.K. and the other EU 27. Where Is The Pound Headed Longer-Term? For investors, the spectrum of Brexit possibilities - no Brexit, 'soft' Brexit, 'hard' Brexit, or 'very hard' Brexit - will be the single-most important driver of the pound, and by extension, other U.K. assets. Of course, U.K. asset prices ultimately depend on economic and financial fundamentals. But Chart I-2, Chart I-3, Chart I-4, Chart I-5, Chart I-6, Chart I-7 illustrate that by far the most important fundamental for all U.K. assets right now is the perceived hardness of Brexit, as captured in the pound's value. Chart I-2Harder Brexit Means The Eurostoxx600 ##br##Underperforms The FTSE100... bca.eis_wr_2016_10_27_s1_c2 bca.eis_wr_2016_10_27_s1_c2 Chart I-3...And The FTSE250 ##br##Underperforms The FTSE100 ...And The FTSE250 Underperforms The FTSE100 ...And The FTSE250 Underperforms The FTSE100 Chart I-4Harder Brexit Means U.K. ##br##Goods Exporters Outperform... bca.eis_wr_2016_10_27_s1_c4 bca.eis_wr_2016_10_27_s1_c4 Chart I-5Harder Brexit Means ##br##Retailers Underperform... bca.eis_wr_2016_10_27_s1_c5 bca.eis_wr_2016_10_27_s1_c5 Chart I-6...Travel And Leisure Underperforms... bca.eis_wr_2016_10_27_s1_c6 bca.eis_wr_2016_10_27_s1_c6 Chart I-7...And Real Estate Underperforms bca.eis_wr_2016_10_27_s1_c7 bca.eis_wr_2016_10_27_s1_c7 Pound/dollar has (so far) traded at three distinct levels, based on three distinct levels of perceived Brexit severity: near 1.50 before the Brexit vote; near 1.30 after the Brexit vote but perceiving a soft Brexit; and near 1.20 after Theresa May announced that she would trigger Article 50 by next March and was contemplating a hard Brexit (Chart of the Week). Hence the (post-appeal) outcome of the legal case against the government carries great significance. If the government loses, and requires a parliamentary vote to trigger Article 50, several consequences follow. Theresa May's end-March deadline for firing the Brexit starting gun would become very difficult to meet, severely delaying the whole process. Would the government even win a parliamentary majority? If in doubt, would the government call a snap General Election to try and beef up its majority? The current batch of parliamentarians has a strong bias for staying in the EU, but it would be difficult to fly in the face of the referendum result. On the other hand, the checks and balances of parliament are there precisely to stop the country walking over the cliff-edge that a very hard Brexit would be. All the while, with investment slowing and higher inflation from the weaker pound squeezing household real incomes, the economic headwinds from the U.K.s limbo status would be becoming more apparent. Given the high stakes and likely irreversibility of the formal legal process, parliamentarians would rightfully want to examine and approve the U.K.'s negotiating hand. It seems that Parliament would almost certainly water down or delay Brexit before voting it through. Hence, if the government loses its legal case after appeal, Brexit will likely end up in a soft form. And pound/dollar will ultimately elevate to 1.35. Conversely, if the government wins its legal case after appeal, Theresa May will be on course to trigger Article 50 early next year, as promised. At which point, the EU 27's optimal game-theoretical first play is to be very aggressive - effectively opening with a very hard Brexit offer as described in the next section. Whereupon, pound/dollar would find its fourth, even lower, new level: near 1.10. Two Myths About Brexit It is important to debunk a couple of common myths about Brexit. First, that the U.K.'s current position as the EU 28's second largest economy will force the remaining EU 27 to give the U.K. a special status - allowing access to the three freedoms of goods, services, and capital but with controls on the fourth freedom of movement: people. This belief is misplaced. The biggest worry for the EU 27 is that a special status for Britain could catalyse other countries, under populist pressure, to ask for equivalent deals. The EU 27 does not want to give Marine Le Pen the opportunity to say "let's follow the Brits, they've negotiated a great deal." Hence, the U.K. will not get special treatment. Quite the contrary, it must be seen to be paying a substantial price for Brexit. Even for Anglophile Angela Merkel, protecting the indivisibility of the four freedoms and the integrity of the EU is the overriding priority. If the U.K. restricts free movement of people, it almost certainly means a hard Brexit: substantially restricted access to the single market. The U.K. would then have to negotiate a free trade agreement (FTA) with the EU. Given the current difficulty that Canada is experiencing in negotiating a FTA, this might not be a straightforward process for the U.K either. Furthermore, as a FTA does not usually cover services, it would handicap the services-heavy U.K. economy, while perfectly suiting the goods-heavy German economy. A second common belief is that the pound will act as an automatic economic stabilizer. That irrespective of a very tough deal from the EU 27, a weaker sterling will soothe the pain of a very hard Brexit by making British exports more competitive. Granted, the weaker pound will boost the demand for the U.K.'s goods exports. But total U.K exports are much less sensitive to devaluations compared to when the pound tumbled out of the Exchange Rate Mechanism in 1992. Then, just a quarter of the U.K's exports were services; today that proportion is approaching a half (Chart I-8) With the exception of tourism, these services tend to be high value-added financial and business services. Cutting their price will not significantly boost the demand for them. Chart I-8Almost Half Of U.K. Exports Are Services Almost Half Of U.K. Exports Are Services Almost Half Of U.K. Exports Are Services Meanwhile, U.K. consumers will feel distinctly poorer as the sterling prices of food and energy rise (Chart I-9), squeezing real household incomes and spending. In turn, this will leave the Bank of England with a major headache. How best to support real spending: defend the plunging pound to keep a lid on food and energy prices, or cut interest rates? Chart I-9Higher Sterling Prices For Food And Energy Will Squeeze Real Incomes Higher Sterling Prices For Food And Energy Will Squeeze Real Incomes Higher Sterling Prices For Food And Energy Will Squeeze Real Incomes Investment Reductionism For U.K. Assets The charts throughout this report show that the strategy for many U.K. investments reduces to an overriding question. Will the U.K largely retain access to the single market, defining a soft Brexit? Or will the U.K. largely lose access to the single market, defining a hard Brexit? In a soft Brexit: Sterling would rally 10%, taking pound/dollar to 1.35. The Eurostoxx600 and S&P500 would outperform the FTSE100. Within U.K. equities, sterling earners would outperform dollar earners, favouring small and mid-cap over large cap. The FTSE250 would outperform the FTSE100. The heavily domestic-focused retailers, travel and leisure, and real estate sectors would outperform the market. Goods exporters, such as the apparel sector would become less competitive and underperform the market. In a hard Brexit, expect the exact opposite of the above. Pound/dollar would slump 10% to 1.10, and so on. To determine which strategy to follow, await the post-appeal Supreme Court judgement on how Article 50 must be triggered, due at the end of the year. If Article 50 requires parliamentary approval, expect a soft Brexit. If it doesn't require parliamentary approval, expect the Brexit game theory to become hard and aggressive. Right now this is a coin toss, but forced to choose, we expect events may eventually prevent a damaging hard Brexit. Dhaval Joshi, Senior Vice President European Investment Strategy dhaval@bcaresearch.com Fractal Trading Model* This week's trade is another commodity pair trade: long copper / short tin. For any investment, excessive trend following and groupthink can reach a natural point of instability, at which point the established trend is highly likely to break down with or without an external catalyst. An early warning sign is the investment's fractal dimension approaching its natural lower bound. Encouragingly, this trigger has consistently identified countertrend moves of various magnitudes across all asset classes. Chart 10 Long Copper / Short Tin Long Copper / Short Tin * For more details please see the European Investment Strategy Special Report "Fractals, Liquidity & A Trading Model," dated December 11, 2014, available at eis.bcaresearch.com The post-June 9, 2016 fractal trading model rules are: When the fractal dimension approaches the lower limit after an investment has been in an established trend it is a potential trigger for a liquidity-triggered trend reversal. Therefore, open a countertrend position. The profit target is a one-third reversal of the preceding 13-week move. Apply a symmetrical stop-loss. Close the position at the profit target or stop-loss. Otherwise close the position after 13 weeks. Use the position size multiple to control risk. The position size will be smaller for more risky positions. Fractal Trading Model Recommendations Equities Bond & Interest Rates Currency & Other Positions Closed Fractal Trades Trades Closed Trades Asset Performance Currency & Bond Equity Sector Country Equity Indicators Bond Yields Chart II-1Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields bca.eis_wr_2016_10_27_s2_c1 bca.eis_wr_2016_10_27_s2_c1 Chart II-2Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields bca.eis_wr_2016_10_27_s2_c2 bca.eis_wr_2016_10_27_s2_c2 Chart II-3Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields bca.eis_wr_2016_10_27_s2_c3 bca.eis_wr_2016_10_27_s2_c3 Chart II-4Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields bca.eis_wr_2016_10_27_s2_c4 bca.eis_wr_2016_10_27_s2_c4 Interest Rate Chart II-5Indicators To Watch##br## - Interest Rate Expectations bca.eis_wr_2016_10_27_s2_c5 bca.eis_wr_2016_10_27_s2_c5 Chart II-6Indicators To Watch##br## - Interest Rate Expectations bca.eis_wr_2016_10_27_s2_c6 bca.eis_wr_2016_10_27_s2_c6 Chart II-7Indicators To Watch##br## - Interest Rate Expectations bca.eis_wr_2016_10_27_s2_c7 bca.eis_wr_2016_10_27_s2_c7 Chart II-8Indicators To Watch##br## - Interest Rate Expectations bca.eis_wr_2016_10_27_s2_c8 bca.eis_wr_2016_10_27_s2_c8

It is becoming increasingly likely that the U.K. will, after all, exit the EU. Feature The initial post-Brexit economic data have surprised to the upside as a result of the Bank of England's quick reflexes, the fall of the pound, and decline in real interest rates. Yet this does not reflect the real impact of Brexit - which, of course, has not happened yet and likely will not for the next 48 months. Despite the sanguine outcome thus far, we expect the economy to deteriorate going forward: The country's credit impulse, which leads GDP growth by about six months, suggests that a recession looms (Chart 1). Chart 1U.K. Economy Post Brexit Vote: Don't Get Complacent U.K. Economy Post Brexit Vote: Don't Get Complacent U.K. Economy Post Brexit Vote: Don't Get Complacent Leading indicators for housing prices in London and Britain are also diving. Business and consumer confidence have collapsed (Chart 2). The recent stall in global equities only makes matters worse, given the U.K.'s high exposure to financial markets (Chart 3). Chart 2First Feel For Brexit First Feel For Brexit First Feel For Brexit Chart 3Global Worries For Britain bca.gps_sr_2016_09_16_c3 bca.gps_sr_2016_09_16_c3 Most ominously, the decline in the GBP implies that net FDI has also already nosedived (we are still waiting for Q2 data), which would mean that the U.K. has become structurally less appealing to long-term investors (Chart 4). Will the costs of Brexit be enough for "Bregret" to set in? Given that the recession is expected to be mild, probably not. Generally, there are three signposts suggesting that Brexit is here to stay: Public opinion: Britons are not yet having second thoughts regarding the June 23 referendum. First, opinion polling shows Britons are not suffering "Bregret" but in fact support the referendum outcome by 46% to 42-3%, roughly the same as the Brexit camp's margin of victory on Britain's "independence day." Meanwhile, the Conservative Party's approval ratings have remained resilient at 37% (Chart 5). Prime Minister Theresa May is polling at a 50% support rate, signaling that an outright majority thinks she is cut out for the unenviable job of negotiating exit with the European Union and stabilizing the economy (Chart 6). Chart 4Will FDI Turn Away? Will FDI Turn Away? Will FDI Turn Away? Chart 5No Brexit Cost For The Tories bca.gps_sr_2016_09_16_c5 bca.gps_sr_2016_09_16_c5 Labour Pains: The Labour Party has suffered the brunt of the post-referendum backlash. In stark contrast with May's popularity, Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn is wallowing in unpopularity. He is fending off a leadership challenge by Owen Smith, whom the parliamentary side of the party prefers (as opposed to the grassroots, who still defend Corbyn). The leadership challenge should be determined at the Labour Party conference September 24-8. Corbyn is most likely to prevail since, according to polls of the party's internal electorate, 62% support him over Smith (Chart 7). A Corbyn win is bullish for Brexit given his unpopularity nationally, wavering support of EU membership, and general lack of support amongst fellow Labour MPs. Chart 6May-Corbyn Gap Suggests No Bregret BREXIT Update: Brexit Means Brexit, Until Brexit BREXIT Update: Brexit Means Brexit, Until Brexit Chart 7Under Corbyn, Labour May Split BREXIT Update: Brexit Means Brexit, Until Brexit BREXIT Update: Brexit Means Brexit, Until Brexit No U.K. Breakup: The Scottish quest for independence - a likely derivative of Brexit, at least eventually - has been waylaid by short-term concerns over economic and political stability. There will be no quick Scottish reaction to shock British voters about the consequences of the Brexit vote and give reason for pause (Chart 8). Chart 8Scotland Is Becoming Cautious bca.gps_sr_2016_09_16_c8 bca.gps_sr_2016_09_16_c8 The conclusion is inescapable: "Brexit means Brexit," as Prime Minister May has repeatedly maintained. While there is still a fair chance for an eventual second referendum on the terms of the EU-U.K. negotiations - or a 2020 general election that is, in effect, the same thing - the economic fallout will have to create a tangible shift in public opinion before a reversal of the referendum can be contemplated again. "Bregret" may yet happen, but it most likely will require a formal exit from the EU! At that point, it will be too late for policymakers to act on it and adjust the course. So what does this mean for the U.K.? Britain faces long-term opportunity costs from leaving the EU. As we have argued, departing the EU will not be devastating, but is clearly a suboptimal outcome. Freedom isn't free. Three long-term risks stand out: Financial sector: The conventional wisdom regarding the costs to the U.K. financial sector is probably correct. The Brexit referendum gave policymakers a mandate to negotiate access to the free market and limit the flow of EU migrants. It is highly unlikely that voters who favored Brexit care much about the wellbeing of the London financial elite. The U.K. political elites may want to abandon their base and make a deal that favors the financial industry, but we doubt that the EU member states have any intentions of being reasonable and compliant. As such, the EU will set up barriers to British services exports in general and financial system in particular. For example, now that the U.K. has decided to leave, the EU will have even less incentive to implement the 2006 EU's Services Directive, which has been a source of contention between London and Brussels for a decade. In addition, London will no longer have recourse to the EU judiciary in order to stymie protectionism emanating from the continent. In 2015, the U.K. took the ECB to court over its decision to require financial transactions in euros to be conducted in the euro area, i.e. out of the City, and won. This avenue will no longer be available for the U.K., allowing EU member states to slowly introduce rules and regulations that force the financial industry - at least that dedicated to transactions in euros - out of London. FDI: As the Bremain camp warned, the U.K. will likely cease to be a platform for global companies to access the EU, triggering a long-term decline in foreign direct investment. Post-Brexit FDI statistics are not available, but the trend had already declined after the Great Recession and yet again after 2014 (see Chart 4). Chart 9Intra-EU Migration##br##Boosts Labor Force Growth BREXIT Update: Brexit Means Brexit, Until Brexit BREXIT Update: Brexit Means Brexit, Until Brexit Growth: If the U.K. successfully reduces the inflow of EU migrants, a key demand of the Brexiteers, then potential GDP growth will fall by about 25% (Chart 9). Despite the high cost, we do not see how Westminster can pull a bait-and-switch on the populace over this issue, one of the key demands of the Brexit voters. Ultimately the EU will not prevent the U.K. from blocking immigration. Dominant EU countries like Germany gain nothing from the flow of relatively productive and well-educated Eastern European migrants into the British labor force. On the contrary, they benefit from taking more of these migrants themselves. Therefore the EU can ultimately compromise on this critical issue - though it will exact a price. By demanding both market access and restricted flows of people, the U.K. will exhaust most of its capital in the exit negotiations. The EU will dictate the rest of the terms. The U.K. will likely emerge in a tolerable situation, but it will have to adopt, without shaping, all EU regulations, thus negating almost entirely the argument that Brexit would restore sovereignty (Diagram 1). The result will be little alleviation of burdensome regulation, but higher EU protectionism toward U.K. service exports. Diagram 1Brexit And Sovereignty: It's Complicated BREXIT Update: Brexit Means Brexit, Until Brexit BREXIT Update: Brexit Means Brexit, Until Brexit Bottom Line: It is becoming increasingly clear that Brexit will mean Brexit. However, the initial positive economic surprises are not telling the entire story. The U.K. will have no trouble surviving outside the EU but will face economic headwinds as the long-term detriment becomes palpable. Matt Gertken, Associate Editor mattg@bcaresearch.com Marko Papic, Managing Editor marko@bcaresearch.com

The median voter moving to the left has spurred paradigm shifts. These new regimes are giving way to transformational leaders who seek change by breaking convention. As they test their constraints and pursue their preferences, a cautious stance towards risk assets is warranted. In this Monthly Report, BCA's Geopolitical Strategy discusses Trump's recent comeback, rising EM political risk, and Italy's upcoming constitutional referendum.

The median voter moving to the left has spurred paradigm shifts. These new regimes are giving way to transformational leaders who seek change by breaking convention. As they test their constraints and pursue their preferences, a cautious stance towards risk assets is warranted. In this Monthly Report, BCA's Geopolitical Strategy discusses Trump's recent comeback, rising EM political risk, and Italy's upcoming constitutional referendum.