Secession/Breakup

Highlights The breakout in financial asset prices stands at odds with a deteriorating profit outlook. This suggests a high probability of a coiled-spring reversal in one of the two variables as we enter the thin summer trading months. We are maintaining a pro-cyclical currency stance, but are making a few portfolio tweaks in case we are caught offside during what could be a volatile summer. Maintain very tight stops on cable at 1.25, but look to sell EUR/GBP between 0.92 and 0.94. Our top pick for long positions are petrocurrencies, as geopolitical support is unlikely to ebb anytime soon. Buy a speculative basket of the Norwegian krone, Russian ruble, Mexican peso, and Colombian peso versus the euro. The latest RBA interest rate cut might be the ultimate insurance backstop needed to jumpstart the Australian economy. Remain long the Aussie dollar versus both the greenback and the kiwi, but with tight stops on the former. Any “flash crashes” are likely to favor the currencies of countries where tradeable bonds are in short supply. Remain short USD/JPY. Also, tactically sell gold bullion versus the yen. Feature Chart I-1The Markets And Data Diverge The Markets And Data Diverge The Markets And Data Diverge Financial markets are at an important crossroads as we head into the thin summer trading months. Asset prices have been reflated by plunging bond yields, with the S&P 500 hitting fresh highs this week. On the other hand, incoming manufacturing data across the major economies continue to deteriorate, suggesting the profit cycle remains in a downtrend. Either markets get better visibility into an improving profit outlook, or stock prices will succumb to the pressure of incoming data weakness (Chart I-1).    For currency strategy, this means fundamentals could be temporarily put to the wayside, as markets flip the switch towards risk aversion. Our recommendations this week are threefold. First, maintain tight stops on tactical positions, especially those susceptible to summer volatility. Topping this list is our long position in the British pound. Second, our top pick for long positions are petrocurrencies, as geopolitical support is unlikely to ebb anytime soon. Finally, maintain portfolio insurance by being short the USD/JPY. Also, sell gold against the yen, given that relative sentiment has shifted in extreme favor of the former. A Summer Attack On The Pound? The episodes leading to the collapse of the pound in 1992 have important lessons for today.1 Britain entered the Exchange Rate Mechanism (ERM) in October of 1990 in an attempt to find a stable nominal anchor. In the years preceding entry into the ERM, inflation in the U.K. had been high and rising, leading to an appreciation in the real exchange rate. The rationale was that by adopting German interest rates, inflation would finally be tempered, and the real exchange rate would eventually be realigned. Most of the adjustment in the pound happened quickly, but a key difference from today is that exit from the ERM was unanticipated, unlike Brexit.  During the ensuing years, pressure on the pound was relatively short-lived and could be quickly reversed by foreign exchange interventions or modest increases in interest rates. Meanwhile, the prospect of a European Monetary Union (EMU) also provided an anchor for expectations, since it would allow for more sound domestic policies. Problems began to surface in June 1992, when the Danes voted no in a referendum on the Maastricht Treaty that included a chapter on the EMU. This led to severe doubts about the progress made towards a union, especially as the outcome of the French referendum in September was expected to be close. Investors began to question where the shadow exchange rate for ERM currencies lay, especially where the Italian lira or the Spanish peseta were concerned. In August of that year, Britain began to massively step up interventions in the foreign exchange market, having to borrow excessively through the Very Short Term Financing facility (VSTF) to increase reserves. It also promised to raise interest rates from 10% to 12%, and later to 15%. But as an overvalued exchange rate had generated extremely sluggish GDP growth going into the 1990s, markets were not convinced the U.K. would tap into its unlimited borrowing facility or raise interest rates sufficiently to defend the pound. On black Wednesday in September 1992, Britain suspended membership to the ERM. There are a few important lessons that stand in stark contrast to a hard Brexit: Most of the adjustment in the pound happened quickly, but a key difference from today is that exit from the ERM was unanticipated, unlike Brexit. Foreign exchange markets are extremely fluid and adjust to expectations quite quickly, usually with overshoots or undershoots. From its peak, GBP/USD depreciated by 24% by the end of October 1992. It subsequently fell to a low of 1.418 in February 1993 (Chart I-2). Peak to trough, cable has already fallen by 28%. Judging from the real effective exchange rate adjusted for consumer prices, the pound was overvalued as the U.K. entered the ERM. A persistent inflation differential between the U.K. and Germany had led to significant appreciation in the real rate. That gap is much narrower today (Chart I-3). Chart I-2The Pound Drop During ERM Was Quick And Violent The Pound Drop During ERM Was Quick And Violent The Pound Drop During ERM Was Quick And Violent Chart I-3Not Much Misalignment In##br## U.K. Prices Today Not Much Misalignment In U.K. Prices Today Not Much Misalignment In U.K. Prices Today The overvaluation of the pound meant that domestic growth was under tremendous pressure. Growth was already at recessionary levels entering into the ERM. Meanwhile, a bursting real estate bubble necessitated lower, not higher interest rates. This put to test the credibility of the peg. Today, U.K. growth is outpacing that of Germany, and will only improve if the pound drops further (Chart I-4). Productivity in the U.K. has kept pace with that of Germany over the last several years, suggesting the fall in the pound has been unwarranted. The Tory government runs a balanced budget and the Bank of England has much foreign exchange reserves to intervene in the market should confidence in the pound collapse. More importantly, the British currency is freely floating meaning there are less “hidden sins” compared to the fixed exchange rate period when it had to use the VSTF facility to boost reserves (Chart I-5). Chart I-4The U.K. Is Growing Faster Than The Eurozone's Engine The U.K. Is Growing Faster Than The Eurozone's Engine The U.K. Is Growing Faster Than The Eurozone's Engine Chart I-5Britain Has Lots Of ##br##FX Reserves Britain Has Lots Of FX Reserves Britain Has Lots Of FX Reserves A new conservative leadership is, at the margin, more negative for the pound (the assessment of our geopolitical strategists is that the odds of a hard Brexit have risen to 21% from 14%). However, our simple observation is that the pound is below where it was after the 2016 referendum results, yet more people are now in favor of staying in the union (Chart I-6). The pound is below where it was after the 2016 referendum results, yet more people are now in favor of staying in the union. This dichotomy might be the reason why in a speech this week, BoE Governor Mark Carney continued to highlight the growing divergence between market interest rate expectations (almost a 50% probability of a cut this year) and the central bank’s more hawkish bias. The experience of the ERM suggests it will be extremely destabilizing for the pound if the BoE is unable to anchor market interest rate expectations. This is especially true since the second quarter is likely to be a very weak one, leaving little time for data improvement until the October 31st Brexit deadline. Chart I-6More People In Favour Of The Union More People In Favour Of The Union More People In Favour Of The Union Chart I-7Cable Valuation Reflects Brexit Risk Cable Valuation Reflects Brexit Risk Cable Valuation Reflects Brexit Risk   Putting it all together, our bias is that if there is a hard Brexit, the pound could easily drop to the 1.10-1.15 zone. Part of this move will be an undershoot. The real effective exchange rate of the pound is now lower than where it was after the U.K. exited the ERM in 1992, with a drawdown that has been of similar magnitude (24% in both episodes) (Chart I-7). In the case of a soft Brexit (or no Brexit), the pound should converge toward the mid-point of its (or above) historical real effective exchange rate range, which will pin it 15-20% higher, or at around 1.50. As for EUR/GBP, U.K. gilt yields stand at 108-basis-point over German bunds, an attractive spread should carry trades return in favor. Historically, such a spread has usually pinned the EUR/GBP much lower (Chart I-8). Yes, incoming data in the U.K. has softened, but employment growth has been holding up, wages are inflecting higher and the average U.K. consumer appears in decent shape. Investment and construction have been the weak spot in the U.K. economy, but may marginally improve on lower rates. Meanwhile, from a technical perspective, the pound is also oversold versus the euro (Chart I-9). Chart I-8EUR/GBP Is A Sell Long-Term EUR/GBP Is A Sell Long-Term EUR/GBP Is A Sell Long-Term Chart I-9EUR/GBP Is Overbought EUR/GBP Is Oversold EUR/GBP Is Oversold Bottom Line: Stay long the pound as we enter volatile summer trading, but maintain tight stops at 1.25. Sell EUR/GBP if 0.94 is touched. Buy A Speculative Basket Of Petrocurrencies Rising geopolitical tensions between the U.S. and Iran continue to support oil prices. Meanwhile, at its latest meeting, OPEC agreed to extend its production cuts to the first half of 2020. This will put upward pressure on forward curves, nudging oil near our Commodity & Energy Strategy service’s target of $75 per barrel.2 Should demand pick up later this year, it will supercharge the uptrend. More importantly, the risk of escalation between Iran and the U.S. is high, given that the former has been backed up into a corner on falling oil exports. Together with a weakening U.S. dollar, this will be categorically bullish for petrocurrencies. In our currency portfolio, we are long the NOK versus both the SEK and CAD as exposure to both crude oil prices and the Brent premium. This week, we are adding a speculative basket of the Colombian peso, Mexican peso and Russian ruble to benefit from any surge in the oil geopolitical risk premium. This basket is attractive for two reasons. First, the currencies are trading at a discount to what is implied by the oil price (Chart I-10). This discount could rapidly close if it becomes evident that oil supplies are at major risk. It is also beneficial that the shipping routes these supplies take categorically avoids the Straits of Hormuz, or the epicenter of the conflict. Second, the carry from the trade is attractive at 5%, which provides some cushion against downside risks. The risk of escalation between Iran and the U.S. is high. Together with a weakening U.S. dollar, this will be categorically bullish for petrocurrencies. The positive correlation between petrocurrencies and oil has been gradually eroded as the U.S. economy has become less and less of an oil importer. Meanwhile, Norwegian production has been falling for a few years. This is why it may be increasingly more profitable to be long a basket of petrocurrencies versus oil-consuming nations rather than the U.S. Going long versus the euro is also a cushion against a knee-jerk rally in the dollar. Also going long a basket of higher-yielding EM petrocurrencies versus DM ones is a good bet (Chart I-11). Chart I-10Petrocurrencies Are Attractive Petrocurrencies Are Attractive Petrocurrencies Are Attractive Chart I-11EM Versus DM Oil Basket EM Versus DM Oil Basket EM Versus DM Oil Basket Bottom Line: Buy a speculative basket of the Norwegian krone, Russian ruble, Mexican peso and Colombian peso versus the euro. Investors should also consider a basket of EM petrocurrencies versus DM ones. A Final Note On Gold The short-term technical picture for gold has become unfavorable. This suggests that investors could be caught offside in the interim holding gold as a hedge. We recommend swapping some gold bullion for yen to insure against this risk for three reasons: As both are safe-haven proxies, yen in gold terms has tended to mean revert since 2012, so as to maintain a stable ratio of 138,000 JPY per ounce of gold. Today, the yen is sitting at two standard deviations below this range (Chart I-12). Open interest for gold is surging towards new highs, while that of the yen is making fresh lows. In the case of a rush towards safe havens, the liquidity squeeze is likely to favor appreciation in the yen (Chart I-13). Chart I-12Sell Some Bullion For Yen Paper Sell Some Bullion For Yen Paper Sell Some Bullion For Yen Paper Chart I-13A Liquidity Squeeze Could Favor The Yen A Liquidity Squeeze Could Favor The Yen A Liquidity Squeeze Could Favor The Yen   Speculators are long gold but short the yen, which is attractive from a contrarian standpoint (Chart I-14). Chart I-14Speculators Are Long Gold And Short Yen Speculators Are Long Gold And Short Yen Speculators Are Long Gold And Short Yen Bottom Line: Remain short USD/JPY and sell a basket of gold versus some yen.    Chester Ntonifor, Foreign Exchange Strategist chestern@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Mathias Zurlinden, “The Vulnerability of Pegged Exchange Rates: The British Pound in the ERM,” Economic Research, Vol. 75, No. 5 (September/October 1993). 2 Please see Commodity & Energy Strategy Weekly Report, titled “Oil Volatility Will Abate As Financial Conditions Ease,” dated July 4, 2019, available at ces.bcaresearch.com Currencies U.S. Dollar Chart II-1USD Technicals 1 USD Technicals 1 USD Technicals 1 Chart II-2USD Technicals 2 USD Technicals 2 USD Technicals 2 Recent data in the U.S. have been soft: Headline PCE fell to 1.5% year-on-year in May. Core PCE was unchanged at 1.6% year-on-year. Personal income growth was unchanged at 0.5% month-on-month in May, while personal spending fell to 0.4% month-on-month. Markit composite and manufacturing PMI both increased to 51.5 and 50.6 in June. However, ISM manufacturing and non-manufacturing PMI both decreased to 51.7 and 55.1 in June. Chicago purchasing managers’ index fell to 49.7 in June. Trade deficit widened to $55.5 billion in May. Factory orders contracted by 0.7% month-on-month in May. Also, durable goods orders fell by 1.3% month-on-month in May. DXY index increased by 0.4% this week. Our bond-to-gold indicator continues to point towards a weaker dollar. We believe that the combination of Chinese stimulus and the lagged effects from easing financial conditions should lift the global growth later this year, which would be a headwind for the dollar. Report Links: On Gold, Oil And Cryptocurrencies - June 28, 2019 Battle Of The Central Banks - June 21, 2019 EUR/USD And The Neutral Rate Of Interest - June 14, 2019 The Euro Chart II-3EUR Technicals 1 EUR Technicals 1 EUR Technicals 1 Chart II-4EUR Technicals 2 EUR Technicals 2 EUR Technicals 2 Recent data in the euro area have been mixed: Headline inflation was unchanged at 1.2% year-on-year in June, while core inflation increased to 1.1% year-on-year in June. Money supply (M3) grew by 4.8% year-on-year in May. Markit composite PMI increased to 52.2 in June. Manufacturing PMI fell to 47.6, while services PMI increased to 53.6. Unemployment rate fell to 7.5% in May. Producer price inflation fell to 1.6% year-on-year in May. Retail sales growth fell to 1.3% year-on-year in May. EUR/USD fell by 0.8% this week. IMF managing director Christine Lagarde was nominated to replace Mario Draghi as European Central Bank president this week. Analysts believe that she will likely maintain the ECB’s accommodative stance. This was confirmed by the plunge in 10-year bund yields to -40bps. Report Links: Battle Of The Central Banks - June 21, 2019 EUR/USD And The Neutral Rate Of Interest - June 14, 2019 Take Out Some Insurance - May 3, 2019 Japanese Yen Chart II-5JPY Technicals 1 JPY Technicals 1 JPY Technicals 1 Chart II-6JPY Technicals 2 JPY Technicals 2 JPY Technicals 2 Recent data in Japan have been mixed: The Tankan survey for Q2 was a mixed bag. The index for large manufacturers fell from 12 to 7. That for non-manufacturers increased from 21 to 23. Importantly, capex intentions rose from 1.2% to 7.4%. Housing starts contracted by 8.7% year-on-year in May. Construction orders continue to fall by 16.9% year-on-year in May. Nikkei composite PMI increased to 50.8 in June. Manufacturing PMI fell to 49.3, while services PMI increased to 51.9. Consumer confidence fell to 38.7 in June. USD/JPY has been flat this week. While Trump and Xi agreed to delay the trade talks during the G20 summit last weekend, there is no real progress toward a final trade agreement that could alleviate the tariffs. We continue to recommend the yen as a safe-haven hedge. Report Links: Battle Of The Central Banks - June 21, 2019 Short USD/JPY: Heads I Win, Tails I Don’t Lose Too Much - May 31, 2019 Beware Of Diminishing Marginal Returns - April 19, 2019 British Pound Chart II-7GBP Technicals 1 GBP Technicals 1 GBP Technicals 1 Chart II-8GBP Technicals 2 GBP Technicals 2 GBP Technicals 2 Recent data in the U.K. have been negative: GDP growth was unchanged at 1.8% year-on-year in Q1. Current account deficit widened to £30 billion in Q1. Markit composite PMI fell to 49.7 in June. Manufacturing PMI decreased to 48; Construction PMI fell to 43.1; Services PMI fell to 50.2. Mortgage approvals fell to 65.4 thousand in May, while the Nationwide house price index was up 0.5% year-on-year. GBP/USD fell by 1% this week. BoE governor Carney warned in a speech this week that “a global trade war and a no deal Brexit remain growing possibilities not certainties.” Moreover, he stated that monetary policy must address the consequences of such uncertainty for the behavior of business, household, and financial markets. The probability of a BoE rate cut by the end of this year has thus increased from 21% to 46% following his speech. Report Links: Battle Of The Central Banks - June 21, 2019 A Contrarian View On The Australian Dollar - May 24, 2019 Take Out Some Insurance - May 3, 2019 Australian Dollar Chart II-9AUD Technicals 1 AUD Technicals 1 AUD Technicals 1 Chart II-10AUD Technicals 2 AUD Technicals 2 AUD Technicals 2 Recent data in Australia have been mostly positive: The Markit manufacturing PMI increased from 51.7 to 52.0 Terms of trade remain in a powerful uptrend. HIA new home sales increased by 28.8% month-on-month in May. This is beginning to put a floor under building approvals. Trade surplus increased to A$5.8 billion in May, the highest on record. Retail sales increased by 0.1% month-on-month in May. AUD/USD increased by 0.3% this week. Following the rate cut last month, the RBA again cut interest rates by another 25 basis points to a historical low of 1% this week. During the policy statement, Governor Philip Lowe stated that this should support employment growth and provide greater confidence to achieve the inflation target. We continue to favor the Australian dollar from a contrarian perspective. Report Links: A Contrarian View On The Australian Dollar - May 24, 2019 Beware Of Diminishing Marginal Returns- April 19, 2019 Not Out Of The Woods Yet - April 5, 2019 New Zealand Dollar Chart II-11NZD Technicals 1 NZD Technicals 1 NZD Technicals 1 Chart II-12NZD Technicals 2 NZD Technicals 2 NZD Technicals 2 Recent data in New Zealand have been positive: Consumer confidence increased by 2.8% month-on-month in June. Building permits increased by 13.2% month-on-month in May. NZD/USD fell by 0.3% this week. With its policy rate 50 basis points higher than its antipodean counterpart, the RBNZ is now under pressure to cut rates in the coming weeks. The market is currently pricing an 84% probability of a rate cut for the next policy meeting in August, and 94% chance rates will be cut before year-end. Should data disappoint in the interim, additional cuts could be priced in. Hold on to our long AUD/NZD and SEK/NZD positions. Report Links: Where To Next For The U.S. Dollar? - June 7, 2019 Not Out Of The Woods Yet - April 5, 2019 Balance Of Payments Across The G10 - February 15, 2019 Canadian Dollar Chart II-13CAD Technicals 1 CAD Technicals 1 CAD Technicals 1 Chart II-14CAD Technicals 2 CAD Technicals 2 CAD Technicals 2 Recent data in Canada have been positive: GDP growth increased to 1.5% year-on-year in Q1. Bloomberg Nanos confidence continues to rise to 58.3 last week. This tends to lead GDP growth by a quarter or two. Markit manufacturing PMI increased to 49.2 in June. Exports and imports both increased to C$53.1 billion and C$52.3 billion in May. The trade balance turned positive to C$0.8 billion on surging exports to the U.S. USD/CAD fell by 0.5% this week. The BoC Business Outlook Survey published last Friday highlighted that business sentiment has slightly improved, and that hiring intentions continue to be healthy. This should underpin the loonie in the near-term. ­­­Report Links: On Gold, Oil And Cryptocurrencies - June 28, 2019 Currency Complacency Amid A Global Dovish Shift - April 26, 2019 A Shifting Landscape For Petrocurrencies - March 22, 2019 Swiss Franc Chart II-15CHF Technicals 1 CHF Technicals 1 CHF Technicals 1 Chart II-16CHF Technicals 2 CHF Technicals 2 CHF Technicals 2 Recent data in Switzerland have been negative: KOF leading indicator fell to 93.6 in June. Real retail sales contracted by 1.7% year-on-year in May. Manufacturing PMI fell to 47.7 in June. Headline inflation was unchanged at 0.6% year-on-year in June, while core inflation increased to 0.7% year-on-year in June. USD/CHF increased by 0.4% this week. The CHF/NZD cross has been correcting in recent weeks, and could eventually trigger our limit buy order at 1.45. Stay tuned. Report Links: What To Do About The Swiss Franc? - May 17, 2019 Beware Of Diminishing Marginal Returns - April 19, 2019 Balance Of Payments Across The G10 - February 15, 2019 Norwegian Krone Chart II-17NOK Technicals 1 NOK Technicals 1 NOK Technicals 1 Chart II-18NOK Technicals 2 NOK Technicals 2 NOK Technicals 2 Recent data in Norway have been mixed: Manufacturing PMI fell from 54.1 to 51.9 in June. Registered unemployment was unchanged at 2.1% in June. House prices are inflecting higher, to the tune of 2.6% year-on-year in June. USD/NOK fell by 0.5% this week. This week’s OPEC meeting extended the production cuts into 1Q20. Easing global financial conditions and Chinese stimulus should help revive oil demand. Our Commodity & Energy Strategy team continues to expect Brent to average $75/bbl by the end of this year. Stay long NOK/SEK and short CAD/NOK. Report Links: On Gold, Oil And Cryptocurrencies - June 28, 2019 Currency Complacency Amid A Global Dovish Shift - April 26, 2019 A Shifting Landscape For Petrocurrencies - March 22, 2019 Swedish Krona Chart II-19SEK Technicals 1 SEK Technicals 1 SEK Technicals 1 Chart II-20SEK Technicals 2 SEK Technicals 2 SEK Technicals 2 Recent data in Sweden have been negative: Retail sales fell by 0.5% year-on-year in May. Composite PMI fell to 50.5 in June. Manufacturing and services PMI both fell to 52 and 49.9. USD/SEK increased by 0.4% this week. The Riksbank held its interest rate unchanged at -0.25% this week as widely expected. However, the tone in the communique was hawkish. That said, the trade disputes between U.S. and China, and the Brexit chaos remain downside risks to the European economy, and the Riksbank might push the planned rate hike further down the road. Report Links: Where To Next For The U.S. Dollar? - June 7, 2019 Balance Of Payments Across The G10 - February 15, 2019 A Simple Attractiveness Ranking For Currencies - February 8, 2019 Trades & Forecasts Forecast Summary Core Portfolio Tactical Trades Limit Orders   Closed Trades

Highlights So What? Geopolitical risks are not about to ease. Why? Fiscal policy becomes less accommodative next year unless politicians act. Financial conditions give President Trump room to expand his tariff onslaught. Our Iran view is confirmed by rapid escalation of tensions – war risk is high. The odds of a no-deal Brexit have risen. Feature The AUD-JPY cross and copper-to-gold ratio – two market indicators that flag global growth and risk-on sentiment – are hovering over critical points at which a further breakdown would catalyze a renewed flight to quality (Chart 1). Chart 1Risk-On Indicators Breaking Down? Risk-On Indicators Breaking Down? Risk-On Indicators Breaking Down? Global sentiment remains depressed amid a rash of negative economic surprises and bonds continue to rally despite a more dovish outlook from the Fed (Chart 2). Chart 2Global Sentiment Remains Depressed Global Sentiment Remains Depressed Global Sentiment Remains Depressed The cavalry is on the way: European Central Bank President Mario Draghi oversaw a dramatic easing of monetary policy on June 18, driving the Italian-German sovereign bond spread down to levels not seen since before the populist election outcome of March 2018 (Chart 2, bottom panel). The Federal Reserve adjusted its policy rate projections to countenance an interest rate cut in the not-too-distant future. More needs to be done, however, to sustain the optimism that has propelled the S&P 500 and global equities upward since the volatility catalyzed by President Donald Trump’s announcement of a tariff rate hike on May 6. Political and geopolitical risks are higher, not lower, since that time as market-negative scenarios are playing out with U.S. policy, Iran, and Brexit, while we take a dim view of the end-game of the U.S.-China negotiations despite recent improvements. Fiscal And Trade Uncertainties This year’s growth wobbles have occurred in the context of expansive fiscal policy in the developed markets. Next year, however, the fiscal thrust (the change in the cyclically adjusted budget balance) is projected to decline in the U.S. and Japan and nearly to do so in Europe (Chart 3). We expect President Trump and the House Democrats to raise spending caps (or at least keep spending at current levels) and thus prevent the budget deficit from contracting in FY2020 – this is their only substantial point of agreement. But this at best neutralizes what would otherwise be a negative fiscal backdrop. Meanwhile it is not at all clear that Brussels will relax its scrutiny of member states seeking to cut taxes and boost spending, such as Italy. Japanese Prime Minister Abe Shinzo would need to arrange for the Diet to pass a new law to avoid the consumption tax hike from 8% to 10% on October 1. He can pull this off, especially if the U.S. trade war escalates – or if he decides to turn next month’s upper house election into a general election and needs to boost his popularity. But as things currently stand in law, the world’s third biggest economy will face a deep fiscal pullback next year (Chart 3, bottom panel). In short, DM fiscal policy will not really become contractionary in 2020, but this is a view and not yet a reality (Chart 4). Chart 3Fiscal Pullback Likely Next Year Fiscal Pullback Likely Next Year Fiscal Pullback Likely Next Year Chart 4Only The U.S. Is Profligate Only The U.S. Is Profligate Only The U.S. Is Profligate Meanwhile China’s stimulus is still in question – in fact it remains the major macro question this year. The efficacy of China’s stimulus is declining ... An escalating trade war will bring greater stimulus but also greater transmission problems.  Since February we have argued that the Xi administration has shifted to sweeping fiscal-and-credit stimulus in the face of the unprecedented external threat posed by the Trump administration (Charts 5A and 5B). We expect China’s credit growth to continue its upturn in June and in H2. Ultimately, we think the whole package will be comparable to 2015-16 – and anything even close to that will prolong the global economic expansion. We do not see a massive 2008-style stimulus occurring unless relations with the U.S. completely collapse and a global recession occurs. Chart 5AStimulus Amid The Trade War Stimulus Amid The Trade War Stimulus Amid The Trade War Chart 5 The catch – as we have shown – is that the efficacy of China’s stimulus is declining over time because of over-indebtedness and bearish sentiment in China’s private sector. These tepid animal spirits stem from epochal changes: Xi’s reassertion of communism and America’s withdrawal of strategic support for China’s rise. An escalating trade war will bring greater stimulus but also greater transmission problems. The magnitude of the tariffs that President Trump is threatening to impose on China, Mexico, the EU, and Japan is mind-boggling. We illustrate this with a simple simulation of duties collected as a share of total imports under different scenarios (Chart 6). Chart 6 China and Mexico are fundamentally different from the EU and Japan and hence the threat of tariffs will continue to weigh on markets for Trump’s time in office – China because of a national security consensus and Mexico because of the Trump administration’s existential emphasis on curbing illegal immigration. But we still put the risk of auto tariffs (or other punitive measures) on Europe at 45% if Trump seals a China deal. The odds are lower for Japan but it is still at risk. Global supply chains are shifting – a new source of costs and uncertainty for companies – as a slew of recent news has highlighted. Already 40% of companies surveyed by the American Chamber of Commerce in China say they are relocating to Southeast Asia, Mexico, and elsewhere (Chart 7). If the G20 is a flop – or results in nothing more than a pause in tariffs for another three-month dialogue – relocations will gain steam, forcing companies’ bottom lines to take a hit. Chart 7 Even in the best case, in which the Trump-Xi summit produces a joint statement outlining a “deal in principle” accompanied by a rollback of the May 10 tariff hike, uncertainty will persist due to President Trump’s unpredictability, China’s incentive to wait until after the U.S. election, and Trump’s incentive to corner the “China hawk” platform prior to the election. We maintain that, by November 2020, there is a roughly 70% chance of further escalation. At least the U.S.-China conflict is nominally improving. The same cannot be said for other geopolitical risks discussed below: the U.S. and Iran are flirting with war; the U.S. presidential election is injecting a steady trickle of market-negative news; the chances of a no-deal Brexit are rising; and Trump may turn on Europe at a moment when it lacks leadership. This list assumes that Russia takes advantage of American distraction by improving domestic policy rather than launching into a new foreign adventure – say in Ukraine or Kaliningrad. If there is any doubt as to whether political risk can outweigh more accommodative monetary policy, remember that President Trump actually can remove Chairman Jerome Powell. Legally he is only allowed to do so “for cause” as opposed to “at will.” But the meaning of this term is a debate that would go to the Supreme Court in the event of a controversial decision. Meanwhile the stock market would dive. Now, this is precisely why Trump will not try. But the implication, as with Congress and the border wall, is that Trump is constrained on domestic policy and hence tariffs are his most effective tool to try to achieve policy victories. With an ebullient stock market and a Fed that is adjusting its position, Trump can try to kill two birds with one stone: wring concessions from trade partners while forcing the FOMC to keep responding to rising external risks. Bottom Line: Central banks are riding to the rescue, but there is only so much they can do if global leaders are tightening budgets and imposing barriers on immigration and trade. We remain tactically cautious. Oh Man, Oh Man, Oman Iran has swiftly responded to the Trump administration’s imposition of “maximum pressure” on oil exports. The shooting down of an American drone that Tehran claims violated its airspace on June 20 is the latest in a spate of incidents, including a Houthi first-ever cruise missile attack on Abha airport in Saudi Arabia. Two separate attacks on tankers near the Strait of Hormuz (Map 1) demonstrate that Iran is threatening to play its most devastating card in the renewed conflict with the U.S. Chart Chart 8 Hormuz ushers through a substantial share of global oil demand and liquefied natural gas demand (Chart 8). The amount of spare pipeline capacity that the Gulf Arab states could activate in the event of a disruption is merely 3.9 million barrels per day, or 6 million if questionable pipelines like the outdated Iraqi pipeline in Saudi Arabia prove functional (Table 1). Table 1No Sufficient Alternatives To Hormuz Escalation ... Everywhere Escalation ... Everywhere A conflict with Iran could cause the biggest oil shock of all time. Even if this spare capacity were immediately utilized, a conflict could cause the biggest oil shock of all time – considerably bigger than that of the Iranian Revolution (Chart 9). Chart 9 We have shown in the past that Iran has the military capability of interrupting the flow of traffic in Hormuz for anywhere from 10 days to four months. A preemptive strike by Iran would be most effective, whereas a preemptive American attack would include targets to reduce Iran’s ability to retaliate via Hormuz. The impact on oil prices ranges from significant to devastating. Needless to say, blocking the Strait of Hormuz would initiate a war so Iran is attempting to achieve diplomatic goals with the threats themselves – it will only block the strait as a last resort, say if it is convinced that the U.S. is about to attack anyway. As the experience of President Jimmy Carter shows, Americans may rally around the flag during a crisis but they will also kick a president out of office for higher prices and an economic slowdown. President Trump cannot be unaware of this precedent. The intention of his Iran policy is to negotiate a “better deal” than the 2015 one – a deal that includes Iran’s regional power projection and ballistic missile capabilities as well as its nuclear program. The problem is that Trump has already been forced to deploy a range of forces to the region, including additional troops (albeit so far symbolic at 2,500) (Chart 10). He is also sending Special Representative for Iran, Brian Hook, to the region to rally support among Gulf Cooperation Council. The week after Hook will court Britain, Germany, and France, three of the signatories of the 2015 deal. Trump ran on a campaign of eschewing gratuitous wars in the Middle East – a popular stance among war-weary Americans (Chart 11) – but there is a substantial risk that he could get entangled in the region. First, he is adopting a more aggressive foreign policy to attempt to compensate for the lack of payoff in public opinion from the strong economy. Second, Iran is not shrinking from the fight, which could draw him deeper into conflict. Third, there is always a high risk of miscalculation when nations engage in such brinkmanship. Chart 10Is The 'Pivot To Asia' About To Reverse? Is The 'Pivot To Asia' About To Reverse? Is The 'Pivot To Asia' About To Reverse? Chart 11 The Iranian response has been, first, to reject negotiations. When Trump sent a letter to Rouhani via Japanese Prime Minister Abe Shinzo, Abe was rebuffed – and one of the tankers attacked near Oman was a Japanese flagged vessel, the Kokuka Courageous. This is a posture, not a permanent position, as the Iranian release of an American prisoner demonstrates. But the posture can and will be maintained in the near term – with escalation as the result. Second, Iran is increasing its own leverage in any future negotiation by demonstrating that it can sow instability across the region and bring the global economy grinding to a halt. Iran cannot assume that Trump means what he says about avoiding war but must focus on the United States’ actions and capabilities. Cutting off all oil exports is a recipe for extreme stress within the Iranian regime – it is an existential threat. Therefore, the Iranians have signaled that the cost of a total cutoff will be a war that will cause a global oil price shock. The Iranian leaders are also announcing that they are edging closer to walking away from the 2015 nuclear pact (Table 2). If so, they could quickly approach “breakout” capacity in the uranium enrichment – meaning that they could enrich to 20% and then in short order enrich to 90% and amass enough of this fuel to make a nuclear device one year thereafter. The Trump administration has reportedly reiterated that this one-year limit is the U.S. government’s “red line,” just as the Obama administration had done. Table 2Iran Threatens To Walk Away From 2015 Nuclear Deal Escalation ... Everywhere Escalation ... Everywhere This Iranian threat is a direct reaction to Trump’s decision in May not to renew the oil sanction waivers. Previously the Iranians had sought to preserve the 2015 deal, along with the Europeans, in order to wait out Trump’s first term. These developments push us to the brink of war. Iran is retaliating with both military force and a nuclear restart. This comes very close to meeting our conditions for an American (and Israeli) retaliation that is military in nature. Diagram 1 is an update of our decision tree that we have published since last year when Trump reneged on the 2015 deal. The window to de-escalate is closing rapidly. The Appendix provides a checklist for air strikes and/or the closure of Hormuz. Diagram 1Iran-U.S. Tensions Decision Tree Escalation ... Everywhere Escalation ... Everywhere At very least we expect to see the U.S. attempt to create a large international fleet to assert freedom of navigation in the Persian Gulf and Strait of Hormuz. While Iran may lay low during a large show of force, it will later want to demonstrate that it has not been cowed. And it has the capacity to retaliate elsewhere, including in Iraq, an area we have highlighted as a major geopolitical risk to oil supply. The U.S. government has already reacted to recent threats there from Iranian proxies by pulling non-essential personnel. Iran has several incentives to test the limits of conflict if the U.S. insists on the oil embargo. First, tactically, it seeks to deter President Trump, take advantage of American war-weariness, drive a wedge between the U.S. and Europe, and force a relaxation of the sanctions. This would also demonstrate to the region that Iran has greater resolve than the United States of America. This goal has not been achieved by the recent spate of actions, so there is likely more conflict to come. Second, President Hassan Rouhani’s government is also likely to maintain a belligerent posture – at least in the near term – to compensate for its loss of face upon the American betrayal of the 2015 nuclear deal. Rouhani negotiated the deal against the warnings of hardline revolutionaries. The 2020 majlis elections make this an important political goal for his more reform-oriented faction. Negotiations with Trump can only occur if Rouhani has resoundingly demonstrated his superiority in the clash of wills. Structurally, Iran faces tremendous regime pressures in the coming years and decades because of its large youth population, struggling economy, and impending power transition from the 80 year-old Supreme Leader Ali Khamanei. A patriotic war against America and its allies – while not desirable – is a risk that Khamenei can take, as an air war is less likely to trigger regime change than it is to galvanize a new generation in support of the Islamic revolution. For oil markets the outcome is volatility in the near term – reflecting the contrary winds of trade war and global growth fears with rising supply risks. Because we expect more Chinese stimulus, both as the trade talks extend and especially if they collapse, we ultimately share BCA’s Commodity & Energy Strategy view that the path of least resistance for oil prices is higher on a cyclical horizon, as demand exceeds supply (Chart 12). We remain long EM energy producers relative to EM ex-China. Chart 12Crude Oil Supply-Demand Balance Should Send Prices Higher Crude Oil Supply-Demand Balance Should Send Prices Higher Crude Oil Supply-Demand Balance Should Send Prices Higher Bottom Line: The risk of military conflict has risen materially. This also drastically elevates the risk of a supply shock in oil prices that would kill global demand. The U.S. Election Adds To Geopolitical Risk The 2020 U.S. election poses another political risk for the rising equity market. The Democratic Party’s first debate will be held on June 26-27. The leftward shift in the party will be on full display, portending a possible 180-degree reversal in U.S. policy if the Democrats should win the election, with the prospect of a rollback of Trump’s tax cuts and deregulation of health, finance, and energy. The uncertainty and negative impact on animal spirits will be modest if current trends persist through the debates. Former Vice President Joe Biden remains the frontrunner despite having naturally lost the bump to his polling support after announcing his official candidacy (Chart 13). Biden is a known quantity and a centrist, especially compared to the farther left candidates ranked second and third in popular support– Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders and Massachusetts Senator Elizabeth Warren. Chart 13 Chart 14 Biden is not only beating Sanders in South Carolina, which underscores the fact that he is competitive in the South and hence has a broader path to the White House, but also in New Hampshire, where the Vermont native should be ahead (Chart 14). These states hold the early primaries and caucuses and if Biden maintains his large lead then he will start to appear inevitable very early in the primary campaign next year. Hence a poor showing in the debate on June 27 is a major risk to Biden – he should be expected to be eschew the limelight and play the long game. Elizabeth Warren, by contrast, has the most to gain as she appears on the first night and does not share a stage with the other heavy hitters. If she or other progressive candidates outperform then the market will be spooked. The market could begin to trade off the polls. All of these candidates are beating Trump in current head-to-head polling – Biden is even ahead in Texas (Chart 15). This means that any weakness from Biden does not necessarily offer the promise of a Trump victory and policy continuity. Chart 15 The Democrats also have a powerful demographic tailwind. The just-released projections from the U.S. Census Bureau reveal how Trump’s narrow margins of victory in the swing states in 2016 are in serious jeopardy in 2020 as a result of demographics if he does not improve his polling among the general public (Chart 16). Chart 16 We still give Trump the benefit of the doubt as the incumbent president amid an expanding economy, but it is essential to recognize that his popular approval rating is reminiscent of a president during recession – i.e. one who is about to lose the White House for his party (Chart 17). Chart 17 Even if there is not a recession, an increase in unemployment is likely to cost him the election – and even a further decrease in unemployment cannot guarantee victory (Chart 18). This is why we see Trump making a bid to become a foreign policy president and seek reelection on the basis that it is unwise to change leaders amid an international crisis. Chart 18 We still give Trump the benefit of the doubt ... but his popular approval rating is reminiscent of a president during recession. The race for the U.S. senate is extremely important for the policy setting from 2021. If Republicans maintain control, they will be able to block sweeping Democratic legislation – which is particularly relevant if a progressive candidate should win the White House. However, if Democrats can muster enough votes to remove a sitting president with a strong economy – including a strong economy in the key senate swing races (Chart 19) – then they will likely win over the senate as well. Chart 19Hard To Win The Senate In 2020 While Key States Prosper Hard To Win The Senate In 2020 While Key States Prosper Hard To Win The Senate In 2020 While Key States Prosper Bottom Line: The 2020 election poses a double risk to the bull market. First, the Democratic primary campaign threatens sharp policy discontinuity, especially if and when developments cause Biden to drop in the polls (dealing a blow to centrism or the political establishment). Second, Trump’s vulnerability makes him more likely to act aggressive on the international stage, whether on trade, immigration, or national security, reinforcing the risks outlined above with regard to China, Iran, Mexico, and even Europe. Rising Odds Of A No-Deal Brexit Former Mayor of London and former foreign secretary Boris Johnson looks increasingly likely to seal the Conservative Party leadership contest in the United Kingdom. It is not yet a done deal, but the shift within the party in favor of accepting a “no deal” exit is clear. None of the remaining candidates is willing to forgo that option. The newest development advances us along our decision tree in Diagram 2, altering the conditional probabilities for this year’s events. We expect the next prime minister to try to push a deal substantially similar to outgoing Prime Minister Theresa May before attempting any kamikaze run as the October 31 deadline approaches. The attempt to leverage the EU’s economic weakness will not produce a fundamental renegotiation of the exit deal, but some element of diplomatic accommodation is possible as the EU seeks to maintain overall stability and a smooth exit if that is what the U.K. is determined to accomplish. Diagram 2Brexit Decision Tree Escalation ... Everywhere Escalation ... Everywhere Hence the prospect of passing a deal substantially similar to outgoing Prime Minister Theresa May’s deal is about 30%, roughly equal to the chance of a delay (28%). These options are believable as the new leader will have precious little time between taking the reins and Brexit day. The EU can accept a delay because it ultimately has an interest in keeping the U.K. bound into the union. Public opinion polling is not conducive to the new prime minister seeking a new election unless the change of face creates a massive shift in support for the Conservatives, both by swallowing the Brexit Party and outpacing Labour. If the purpose is to deliver Brexit, then the risk of a repeat of the June 2017 snap election would seem excessive. Nevertheless, the Tories’ working majority in parliament is vanishingly small, at five MPs, so a shift in polling could change the thinking on this front. The pursuit of a no-deal exit would create a backlash in parliament that we reckon has a 21% chance of ending in a no-confidence motion and new election. Bottom Line: The odds of a crash Brexit have moved up from 14% to 21% as a result of the leadership contest. The threat that the U.K. will crash out of the EU is not merely a negotiating ploy, although it will be a last resort even for the new hard-Brexit prime minister. Public opinion is against a no-deal Brexit, as is the majority of parliament, but the risk to the U.K. and EU economies will loom large over global risk assets in the coming months. Investment Conclusions Political and geopolitical risks to the late-cycle expansion are rising, not falling. U.S. foreign policy remains the dominant risk but U.S. domestic policy pre-2020 is an aggravating factor. Easing financial conditions give President Trump more ammunition to use tariffs and sanctions. Meanwhile our view that this summer will feature “fire and fury” between the U.S. and Iran has been confirmed by the tanker attacks in Oman. Tensions will likely escalate from here. Ultimately, we believe Trump is more likely to back off from the Iran conflict than the China conflict. This is part of our long-term theme that the U.S. really is pivoting to China and geopolitical risk will rotate from the Middle East to East Asia. But as highlighted above, the risk of entanglement is very high due to Trump’s approach and Iran’s incentives to raise the stakes. Oil prices will not resume their upward drift until Chinese stimulus is reconfirmed – and even then they will continue to be volatile. We remain cautious and are maintaining our safe-haven tactical trades of long gold and long JPY/USD.   Matt Gertken, Vice President Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Appendix Image

Highlights So What? U.S.-China relations are still in free fall as we go to press. Why? The trade war will elicit Chinese stimulus but downside risks to markets are front-loaded. The oil risk premium will remain elevated as Iran tensions will not abate any time soon. The odds of a no-deal Brexit are rising. Our GeoRisk Indicators show that Turkish and Brazilian risks have subsided, albeit only temporarily. Maintain safe-haven trades. Short the CNY-USD and go long non-Chinese rare earth providers. Feature The single-greatest reason for the increase in geopolitical risk remains the United States. The Democratic Primary race will heat up in June and President Trump, while favored in 2020 barring a recession, is currently lagging both Joe Biden and Bernie Sanders in the head-to-head polling. Trump’s legislative initiatives are bogged down in gridlock and scandal. The remaining avenue for him to achieve policy victories is foreign policy – hence his increasing aggressiveness on both China and Iran. The result is negative for global risk assets on a tactical horizon and possibly also on a cyclical horizon. A positive catalyst is badly needed in the form of greater Chinese stimulus, which we expect, and progress toward a trade agreement. Brexit, Italy, and European risks pale by comparison to what we have called “Cold War 2.0” since 2012. Nevertheless, the odds of Brexit actually happening are increasing. The uncertainty will weigh on sentiment in Europe through October even if it does not ultimately conclude in a no-deal shock that prevents the European economy from bouncing back. Yet the risk of a no-deal shock is higher than it was just weeks ago. We discuss these three headline geopolitical risks below: China, Iran, and the U.K. No End In Sight For U.S.-China Trade Tensions U.S.-China negotiations are in free fall, with no date set for another round of talks. On March 6 we argued that a deal had a 50% chance of getting settled by the June 28-29 G20 summit in Japan, with a 30% chance talks would totally collapse. Since then, we have reduced the odds of a deal to 40%, with a collapse at 50%, and a further downgrade on the horizon if a positive intervention is not forthcoming producing trade talks in early or mid-June (Table 1). Table 1U.S.-China Trade War: Probabilities Of A Deal By End Of June 2019 GeoRisk Indicators Update: May 31, 2019 GeoRisk Indicators Update: May 31, 2019 We illustrate the difficulties of agreeing to a deal through the concept of a “two-level game.” In a theoretical two-level game, each country strives to find overlap between its international interests and its rival’s interests and must also seek overlap in such a way that the agreement can be sold to a domestic audience at home. The reason why the “win-win scenario” is so remote in the U.S.-China trade conflict is because although China has a relatively large win set – it can easily sell a deal at home due to its authoritarian control – the U.S. win set is small (Diagram 1). Diagram 1Tiny Win-Win Scenario In U.S.-China Trade Conflict GeoRisk Indicators Update: May 31, 2019 GeoRisk Indicators Update: May 31, 2019 The Democrats will attack any deal that Trump negotiates, making him look weak on his own pet issue of trade with China. This is especially the case if a stock market selloff forces Trump to accept small concessions. His international interest might overlap with China’s interest in minimizing concessions on foreign trade and investment access while maximizing technological acquisition from foreign companies. He would not be able to sell such a deal – focused on large-scale commodity purchases as a sop to farm states – on the campaign trail. Democrats will attack any deal that Trump negotiates. While it is still possible for both sides to reach an agreement, this Diagram highlights the limitations faced by both players. Meanwhile China is threatening to restrict exports of rare earths – minerals which are critical to the economy and national defense. China dominates global production and export markets (Chart 1), so this would be a serious disruption in the near term. Global sentiment would worsen, weighing on all risk assets, and tech companies and manufacturers that rely on rare earth inputs from China would face a hit to their bottom lines. Chart 1China Dominates Rare Earths Supply France: GeoRisk Indicator France: GeoRisk Indicator Over the long haul, this form of retaliation is self-defeating. First, China would presumably have to embargo all exports of rare earths to the world to prevent countries and companies from re-exporting to the United States. Second, rare earths are not actually rare in terms of quantity: they simply occur in low concentrations. As the world learned when China cut off rare earths to Japan for two months in 2010 over their conflict in the East China Sea, a rare earths ban will push up prices and incentivize production and processing in other regions. It will also create rapid substitution effects, recycling, and the use of stockpiles. Ultimately demand for Chinese rare earths exports would fall. Over the nine years since the Japan conflict, China’s share of global production has fallen by 19%, mostly at the expense of rising output from Australia. A survey of American companies suggests that they have diversified their sources more than import statistics suggest (Chart 2). Chart 2Import Stats May Be Overstating China’s Dominance U.K.: GeoRisk Indicator U.K.: GeoRisk Indicator The risk of a rare earths embargo is high – it fits with our 30% scenario of a major escalation in the conflict. It would clearly be a negative catalyst for companies and share prices. But as with China’s implicit threat of selling U.S. Treasuries, it is not a threat that will cause Trump to halt the trade war. The costs of conflict are not prohibitive and there are some political gains. Bottome Line: The S&P 500 is down 3.4% since our Global Investment Strategists initiated their tactical short on May 10. This is nearly equal to the weighted average impact on the S&P 500 that they have estimated using our probabilities. Obviously the selloff can overshoot this target. As it does, the chances of the two sides attempting to contain the tensions will rise. If we do not witness a positive intervention in the coming weeks, it will be too late to salvage the G20 and the risk of a major escalation will go way up. We recommend going short CNY-USD as a strategic play despite China’s recent assurances that the currency can be adequately defended. Our negative structural view of China’s economy now coincides with our tactical view that escalation is more likely than de-escalation. We also recommend going long a basket of companies in the MVIS global rare earth and strategic metals index – specifically those companies not based in China that have seen share prices appreciate this year but have a P/E ratio under 35. U.S.-Iran: An Unintentional War With Unintentional Consequences? “I really believe that Iran would like to make a deal, and I think that’s very smart of them, and I think that’s a possibility to happen.” -President Donald Trump, May 27, 2019 … We currently see no prospect of negotiations with America ... Iran pays no attention to words; what matters to us is a change of approach and behavior.” -Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesman Abbas Mousavi, May 28, 2019 The U.S. decision not to extend sanction waivers on Iran multiplied geopolitical risks at a time of already heightened uncertainty. Elevated tensions surrounding major producers in the Middle East could impact oil production and flows. In energy markets, this is reflected in the elevated risk premium – represented by the residuals in the price decompositions that include both supply and demand factors (Chart 3). Chart 3The Risk Premium Is Rising In Brent Crude Oil Prices Germany: GeoRisk Indicator Germany: GeoRisk Indicator Tensions surrounding major oil producers ... are reflected in the elevated risk premium – represented by the residuals in the Brent price decomposition. Already Iranian exports are down 500k b/d in April relative to March – the U.S. is acting on its threat to bring Iran’s exports to zero and corporations are complying (Chart 4). Chart 4Iran Oil Exports Collapsing Italy: GeoRisk Indicator Italy: GeoRisk Indicator What is more, the U.S. is taking a more hawkish military stance towards Iran – recently deploying a carrier strike group and bombers, partially evacuating American personnel from Iraq, and announcing plans to send 1,500 troops to the Middle East. The result of all these actions is not only to reduce Iranian oil exports, but also to imperil supplies of neighboring oil producers such as Iraq and Saudi Arabia which may become the victims of retaliation by an incandescent Iran. Our expectation of Iranian retaliation is already taking shape. The missile strike on Saudi facilities and the drone attack on four tankers near the UAE are just a preview of what is to come. Although Iran has not claimed responsibility for the acts, its location and extensive network of militant proxies affords it the ability to threaten oil supplies coming out of the region. Iran has also revived its doomsday threat of closing down the Strait of Hormuz through which 20% of global oil supplies transit – which becomes a much fatter tail-risk if Iran comes to believe that the U.S. is genuinely pursuing immediate regime change, since the first-mover advantage in the strait is critical. This will keep markets jittery. Current OPEC spare capacity would allow the coalition to raise production to offset losses from Venezuela and Iran. Yet any additional losses – potentially from already unstable regions such as Libya, Algeria, or Nigeria – will raise the probability that global supplies are unable to cover demand. Going into the OPEC meeting in Vienna in late June, our Commodity & Energy Strategy expects OPEC 2.0 to relax supply cuts implemented since the beginning of the year. They expect production to be raised by 0.9mm b/d in 2H2019 vs. 1H2019.1 Nevertheless, oil producers will likely adopt a cautious approach when bringing supplies back online, wary of letting prices fall too far. This was expressed at the May Joint Ministerial Monitoring Committee meeting in Jeddah, which also highlighted the growing divergence of interests within the group. Russia is in support of raising production at a faster pace than Saudi Arabia, which favors a gradual increase (conditional on U.S. sanctions enforcement). Both the Iranians and Americans claim that they do not want the current standoff to escalate to war. On the American side, Trump is encouraging Prime Minister Shinzo Abe to try his hand as a mediator in a possible visit to Tehran in June. We would not dismiss this possibility since it could produce a badly needed “off ramp” for tensions to de-escalate when all other trends point toward a summer and fall of “fire and fury” between the U.S. and Iran. If forced to make a call, we think President Trump’s foreign policy priority will center on China, not Iran. But this does not mean that downside risks to oil prices will prevail. China will stimulate more aggressively in June and subsequent months. And regardless of Washington’s and Tehran’s intentions, a wrong move in an already heated part of the world can turn ugly very quickly. Bottom Line: President Trump’s foreign policy priority is China, not Iran. Nevertheless, a wrong move can trigger a nasty escalation in the current standoff, jeopardizing oil supplies coming out of the Gulf region. In response to this risk, OPEC 2.0 will likely move to cautiously raise production at the next meeting in late June. Meanwhile China’s stimulus overshoot in the midst of trade war will most likely shore up demand over the course of the year. Can A New Prime Minister Break The Deadlock In Westminster? “There is a limited appetite for change in the EU, and negotiating it won’t be easy.” - Outgoing U.K. Prime Minister Theresa May Prime Minister Theresa May’s resignation has hurled the Conservative Party into a scramble to select her successor. While the timeline for this process is straightforward,2 the impact on the Brexit process is not. The odds of a “no-deal Brexit” have increased but so has the prospect of parliament passing a soft Brexit prior to any new election or second referendum. The odds of a “no-deal Brexit” have increased. Eleven candidates have declared their entry to the race and the vast majority are “hard Brexiters” willing to sacrifice market access on the continent (Table 2). Prominent contenders such as Boris Johnson and Dominic Raab have stated that they are willing to exit the EU without a deal. Table 2“Hard Brexiters” Dominate The Tory Race GeoRisk Indicators Update: May 31, 2019 GeoRisk Indicators Update: May 31, 2019 Given that the average Tory MP is more Euroskeptic than the average non-conservative voter or Brit, the final two contenders left standing at the end of June are likely to shift to a more aggressive Brexit stance. They will say they are willing to deliver Brexit at all costs and will avoid repeating Theresa May’s mistakes. This means at the very least the rhetoric will be negative for the pound in the coming months. A clear constraint on the U.K. in trying to negotiate a new withdrawal agreement is that the EU has the upper hand. It is the larger economy and less exposed to the ramifications of a no-deal exit (though still exposed). This puts it in a position of relative strength – exemplified by the European Commission’s insistence on keeping the current Withdrawal Agreement. Whoever the new prime minister is, it is unlikely that he or she will be able to negotiate a more palatable deal with the EU. Rather, the new leader will lead a fractured Conservative Party that still lacks a strong majority in parliament. The no-deal option is the default scenario if an agreement is not finalized by the Halloween deadline and no further extension is granted. However, Speaker of the House of Commons John Bercow recently stated that the prime minister will be unable to deliver a no-deal Brexit without parliamentary support. This will likely manifest in the form of a bill to block a no-deal Brexit. Alternatively, an attempt to force a no-deal exit could prompt a vote of no confidence in the government, most likely resulting in a general election.3 Chart 5British Euroskeptics Made Gains In EP Election Spain: GeoRisk Indicator Spain: GeoRisk Indicator While the Brexit Party amassed the largest number of seats in the European Parliament elections at the expense of the Labour, Conservative, and UKIP parties (Chart 5), the results do not suggest that British voters have generally shifted back toward Brexit. In fact, if we group parties according to their stance, the Bremain camp has a slight lead over the Brexit camp (Chart 6). Thus, it is not remotely apparent that a hard Brexiter can succeed in parliament; that a new election can be forestalled if a no-deal exit is attempted; or that a second referendum will repeat the earlier referendum’s outcome. Chart 6Bremain Camp Still Dominates Russia: GeoRisk Indicator Russia: GeoRisk Indicator Bottom Line: While the new Tory leader is likely to be more on the hard Brexit end of the spectrum than Theresa May, this does not change the position of either the European Commission or the British MPs and voters on Brexit. The median voter both within parliament and the British electorate remains tilted towards a softer exit or remaining in the EU. This imposes constraints on the likes of Boris Johnson and Dominic Raab if they take the helm of the Tory Party. These leaders may ultimately be forced to try to push through something a lot like Theresa May’s plan, or risk a total collapse of their party and control of government. Still, the odds of a no-deal exit – the default option if no agreement is reached by the October 31 deadline – have gone up. In the meantime, the GBP will stay weak, gilts will remain well-bid, and risk-off tendencies will be reinforced. GeoRisk Indicators Update – May 31, 2019 Last month BCA’s Geopolitical Strategy introduced ten indicators to measure geopolitical risk implied by the market. These indicators attempt to capture risk premiums priced into various currencies – except for Euro Area countries, where the risk is embedded in equity prices. A currency or bourse that falls faster than it should fall, as implied by key explanatory variables, indicates increasing geopolitical risk. All ten indicators can be found in the Appendix, with full annotation. We will continue to highlight key developments on a monthly basis. This month, our GeoRisk indicators are picking up the following developments: Trade war: Our Korean and Taiwanese risk indicators are currently the best proxies to measure geopolitical risk implications of the U.S.-China trade war, as they are both based on trade data. Both measures, as expected, have increased more than our other indicators over the past month on the back of a sharp spike in tensions between the U.S. and China. Currently, the moves are largely due to depreciation in currencies, as trade is only beginning to feel the impact. We believe that we will see trade decline in the upcoming months. Brexit: While it is still too early to see the full effect of Prime Minister May’s resignation captured in our U.K. indicator, it has increased in recent days. We expect risk to continue to increase as a leadership race is beginning among the Conservatives that will raise the odds of a “no-deal exit” relative to “no exit.” EU elections: The EU elections did not register as a risk on our indicators. In fact, risk decreased slightly in France and Germany during the past few weeks, while it has steadily fallen in Spain and Italy. Moreover, the results of the election were largely in line with expectations – there was not a surprising wave of Euroskepticism. The real risks will emerge as the election results feed back into political risks in certain European countries, namely the U.K., where the hardline Conservatives will be emboldened, and Italy, where the anti-establishment League will also be emboldened. In both countries a new election could drastically increase uncertainty, but even without new elections the respective clashes with Brussels over Brexit and Italian fiscal policy will increase geopolitical risk. Emerging Markets: The largest positive moves in geopolitical risk were in Brazil and Turkey, where our indicators plunged to their lowest levels since late 2017 and early 2018. Brazilian risk has been steadily declining since pension reform – the most important element of Bolsonaro’s reform agenda – cleared an initial hurdle in Congress. While we would expect Bolsonaro to face many more ups and downs in the process of getting his reform bill passed, we have a high conviction view that the decrease in our Turkish risk indicator is unwarranted. This decrease can be attributed to the fact that the lira’s depreciation in recent weeks is slowing, which our model picks up as a decrease in risk. Nonetheless, uncertainty will prevail as a result of deepening political divisions (e.g. the ruling party’s attempt to overturn the Istanbul election), poor governance, ongoing clashes with the West, and an inability to defend the lira while also pursuing populist monetary policy. Roukaya Ibrahim, Editor/Strategist Geopolitical Strategy roukayai@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken, Vice President Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Ekaterina Shtrevensky, Research Analyst ekaterinas@bcaresearch.com   France: GeoRisk Indicator Image U.K.: GeoRisk Indicator Image Germany: GeoRisk Indicator Image Italy: GeoRisk Indicator Image Spain: GeoRisk Indicator Image Russia: GeoRisk Indicator Image Korea: GeoRisk Indicator Image Taiwan: GeoRisk Indicator Image Turkey: GeoRisk Indicator Image Brazil: GeoRisk Indicator Image What's On The Geopolitical Radar? Image Footnotes 1 Please see BCA Research Commodity & Energy Strategy Weekly Report titled “Policy Risk Sustains Oil’s Unstable Equilibrium,” dated May 23, 2019, available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 2 The long list of candidates will be whittled down to two by the end of June through a series of votes by Tory MPs. Conservative Party members will then cast their votes via a postal ballot with the final result announced by the end of July, before the Parliament’s summer recess. 3 A vote of no confidence would trigger a 14-day period for someone else to form a government, otherwise it will result in a general election. Geopolitical Calendar

Highlights So What? Investors should look to European assets for considerable upside. Why? In the Euro Area, investors have constantly overestimated the angst of the median voter towards the currency union. The European Parliament has few real powers, so a fractured European Parliament does not really matter. Europe’s high-beta economy should benefit from a Chinese and global rebound. Stronger European growth will translate into more credit demand and lower non-performing loans, which will boost bank earnings. Go long European banks as a tactical trade, and long European equities versus Chinese equities as a strategic play. We will also consider going long EUR/USD as a strategic play once we get clarity on potential tariffs. Feature Chart 1 Europe’s economy and asset markets continue to underperform in 2019 despite a global policy pivot away from tightening monetary policy and a solid quarter of Chinese credit growth. Investors are broadly unattracted to continental Europe, regularly voicing fears that it is beset by a combination of hazards: from a no-deal Brexit to the ballooning Target 2 imbalances. According to the latest Bank of America Merrill Lynch survey of fund managers, the most crowded trade remains “short European equities” (Chart 1). The doom and gloom are intriguing considering that China is stimulating its economy and will continue to do so as long as trade tensions are elevated. “Higher beta” equities, including Europe and EM, should benefit from this stimulus (Chart 2). Exports, a key growth engine for the currency union, are closely linked to Chinese credit growth (Chart 3). Chart 2Chinese Stimulus Good For "High Beta" Economies Chinese Stimulus Good For "High Beta" Economies Chinese Stimulus Good For "High Beta" Economies Chart 3Europe Will Benefit From Improving Chinese Growth Europe Will Benefit From Improving Chinese Growth Europe Will Benefit From Improving Chinese Growth And yet Europe remains unloved. Given that most client questions focus on the political situation – and that many ask about the upcoming May 23 European Parliament (EP) elections – we focus on both in this analysis. First, we review the latest survey data on the collective sentiment towards Europe and integration. Second, we give our insights regarding the upcoming EP elections. Our broad conclusion is simple. If our house view that global growth is about to bottom is correct, and barring a collapse in U.S.-China trade talks, European assets – primarily equities and the euro – should be the top performers this year.   What Does The European Median Voter Want? The Median Voter Theory is a critical concept for investors. At BCA Research Geopolitical Strategy, we believe that the median voter – not the policymaker – is the price maker in the political market place. Politicians, especially in democracies, are price takers. They are bound by constraints, of which the preferences of the median voter are the most concrete impediments to action. This concept is simple to understand, but difficult to implement. It is far easier to get lost in rumor intelligence-driven analysis of political consultants and journalists who pass on the cocktail party chatter insights gathered through speaking with policymakers. These insights focus on the preferences of the people in power. But their preferences are secondary to those of the median voter. Trust in the EU remains below 50%, but this is in line with or better than the usual trust most governments achieve. Chart 4Support For The Euro Has Been Trending Upwards Support For The Euro Has Been Trending Upwards Support For The Euro Has Been Trending Upwards In the Euro Area, investors have constantly overestimated the angst of the median voter towards the currency union. This has led many investors to keep their money off the table, or take active short positions, even when it was prudent to remain invested. The prime example is the sentiment towards the common currency itself. Support for the euro hit a low in 2013 but has shot up since then across the continent (Chart 4). Even in Italy, the support for the euro is now at an eight-year high. Many investors have remained blind to this empirical fact. Not only has the support for the currency rebounded, but it has done so by converting doubters. Chart 5 shows that the increased support for the common currency – particularly in Spain, Germany, the Netherlands, and Italy – has occurred at the same time as the opposition has fallen. In other words, it is not the “undecideds” that are switching into supporters of the euro, rather it is the opponents who are relenting. Chart 5ASupport For The Common Currency Rising... Support For The Common Currency Rising... Support For The Common Currency Rising... Chart 5B...As Doubters Convert ...As Doubters Convert ...As Doubters Convert Chart 6Support For The EU Also On The Rise Support For The EU Also On The Rise Support For The EU Also On The Rise What of the support for the EU broadly defined? Latest Pew Research polling also shows a strong rebound in support among the public in the largest member states (Chart 6). The last time we published the data – in the summer of 2016 following Brexit – the figures were much lower. Given that for many Europeans the EU is merely another layer of bureaucracy and government, the support level is impressive when put in the international context. Chart 7 shows that the trust in the EU, compared to the trust Europeans have in their own governments, falls somewhere squarely in the middle. When compared to non-European countries, Europeans have considerably more trust in the EU than Americans have in their own government and in line with the sentiment of Japanese towards their own government. In other words, the trust in the EU remains below 50%, but this is in line with or better than the usual trust most governments achieve.   Chart 7 Why has the median voter remained supportive of European institutions despite mixed economic performance? For one, investors – particularly outside continental Europe – continue to overstate how much emphasis Europeans put on “economic prosperity” as a key goal of the integrationist process. Sure, everyone wants a humming economy, but Chart 8 shows that for most large European economies, “peace” and a “stronger say in the world” are more cogent explanations for the EU’s raison d’être than economic performance. Chart 8 Now, a skeptic might argue that this is because the EU has failed to deliver on the promise of prosperity. Nonetheless, the data suggest that Europeans today no longer expect European institutions to focus primarily on economic matters. Geopolitics, particularly security and foreign policy, are not just concerns of the shadowy elites and bureaucrats in Brussels. The median voter is concerned with these matters as well. The one worrying aspect of Chart 8 is that voters in Italy and Spain don’t think the EU means much to them at all. That level of nihilism might be compatible with continued European integration today. However, it also means that both countries, particularly Italy, remain a risk whenever a recession hits. The second reason for the improvement in median voter support of European institutions is that the migration crisis of 2015 – which peaked in October 2015, merely eight months ahead of the fateful referendum in the U.K. – is done and gone (Chart 9). Illegal immigration is an issue of concern, but it has been for over half a century. In fact, every decade has seen a turn against immigration, usually following a recession. It is a recurring problem that will remain a major policy issue for the rest of the century. The path from a “policy problem” to “the end of European integration” is neither direct nor immediate. Third, terrorism has abated as an existential threat to Europe. Chart 10 shows that we have seen the end of the “bull market in terror” in Europe. Unfortunately, the data for that chart only goes to 2017, otherwise it would show an even more jarring collapse in both attacks and casualties. Chart 9The Migration Crisis Is No Longer A Crisis The Migration Crisis Is No Longer A Crisis The Migration Crisis Is No Longer A Crisis Chart 10The "Bull Market In Terror" Is Over The "Bull Market In Terror" Is Over The "Bull Market In Terror" Is Over   The chart is also useful in putting the latest bout of terrorism – mainly of the radical Islamic variety – in its proper historical context. Europe has been riven with far left and nationalist terror (often both) since the late 1960s. The number of casualties per year in the 1970s was nearly two times greater than the peak of the recent bout of radical Islamic terror. This is largely the case even excluding the Troubles in Ireland and Northern Ireland. There is simply no evidence that the European median voter is moving towards Euroskepticism. Although it is difficult to make the connection, we would go on to posit that the abating of the migration crisis and bull market in radical Islamic terror has allowed the median voter in Europe to assess whether breaking apart the EU would truly resolve these crises. Elements of European integration, particularly the common labor market and Schengen Agreement – which is part and parcel of the integrationist evolution – definitely make it easier for migrants and terrorists to cross borders. However, the geopolitical forces that breed both are at least partly, if not completely, non-European in origin. As such, it is not clear how individual European countries that lack any hard power would deal with these events on their own. Thus European integration is not a policy born of strength but of weakness. Chart 11 illustrates this concept empirically. It shows the percent of respondents who think their country could better face the future outside the EU. The dotted line represents the pessimistic view. An astounding 87% of Dutch responders, for example, are pessimistic about the country’s future outside the EU. We pick on the Dutch because they have tended to vote for Euroskeptic parties. Similarly, a very high number of Germans, Finns, Swedes, French, and Spaniards are lacking confidence in “national sovereignty.” Only the Italians are flirting with “going it alone,” although even in their case the momentum for sovereignty appears to have stalled, as it has in traditionally Euroskeptic Austria. Chart 11AEuropeans Lack Confidence In National Sovereignty... Europeans Lack Confidence In National Sovereignty... Europeans Lack Confidence In National Sovereignty... Chart 11B...And Believe They Are Better Off Sticking Together ...And Believe They Are Better Off Sticking Together ...And Believe They Are Better Off Sticking Together Many investors approach European integration with an ideological slant. But charts don’t lie. Since we founded BCA Research Geopolitical Strategy, we have used Euro Area perseverance as the premier example of how an empirically-driven approach to political analysis can generate alpha. There is simply no evidence that the European median voter is moving towards Euroskepticism. A broad trend has existed since 2013 of rising support for the common currency, the euro. And a mini up-cycle in support for broader European institutions appears to be present since 2016, probably due to the combination of Brexit, an abating migration crisis, and the end of the bull market in terror. Bottom Line: The median voter supports both the euro and broad European integration. This is an empirical fact. But … Euroskeptics Are Winning Seats! Chart 12Anti-Establishment Parties Are Gaining Seats Anti-Establishment Parties Are Gaining Seats Anti-Establishment Parties Are Gaining Seats Despite the comfort of our empirical data, the reality is that anti-establishment parties continue to increase their share of parliamentary seats across the continent (Chart 12). In the recent Spanish election, for example, the populist Vox managed to win 10.3% of the vote. Headlines immediately picked up on the extraordinary performance, noting that Euroskeptics have finally established a foothold in Spain. Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez, the leader of the victorious Socialist Party, has welcomed the characterization as a foil to his program, promising to build a pro-European bloc with other left-leaning parties. Sánchez is playing politics. He understands how broadly European integration is supported in Spain and is trying to paint his opponents – who disagree with him on many issues, but not on Spain’s membership in the EU and EMU – as being on the other side of the median voter’s preferences. In reality, Vox is not a hard Euroskeptic party. It is right wing on immigration, multiculturalism, and the centralization of the Spanish state, but on Europe Vox merely wants less integration from the current, already highly integrated level. Anti-establishment parties are realizing that the median voter does not want to abandon European integration. As such, the right-leaning anti-establishment parties are focusing on anti-immigrant and anti-multicultural policies, while the left-leaning are focusing on anti-austerity politics. But there appears to be an emerging truce on integration. We forecast this transition in our 2016 report titled “After Brexit, N-Exit?” We posited that anti-establishment parties would increasingly focus on anti-immigration policies, while reducing the emphasis on Euroskepticism, in order to remain competitive. We now have a number of examples of this process, from Italy’s Lega to Finland’s the Finns Party. Which brings us to the election at hand: the EP election on May 23. Chart 13 Ironically, the EP election gives Euroskeptics the best chance at winning seats. First, the turnout has been falling for decades (Chart 13) given the dubious relevance of the legislative body (more on that below). Second, Euroskeptic voters tend to be highly motivated during EP elections as they get to vote “against Europe.” Third, ironically, EP elections allow Euroskeptics to build pan-European coalitions with their fellow skeptics. Despite the hype, the latest seat projections give Euroskeptics merely 26% of the seat total in the body, or just under 200 seats in the 750-seat body (Diagram 1). Chart 14 shows that the support for Euroskeptics has actually taken a serious dip following the Brexit referendum, with the overall continent-wide support remaining around 20%. This is broadly the same level at which the support was five years ago, giving Euroskeptic parties no gain in half a decade. Diagram 1Euroskeptics Expected To Hold Only A Quarter Of The Seats European Parliament Election: Much Ado About A Moderately Relevant Event European Parliament Election: Much Ado About A Moderately Relevant Event Chart 14 All that said, if a fifth of Europe’s electorate is voting for anti-integrationist parties in the midst of the most important European-wide election, that must be a bad sign for Europe. Right? Wrong. The media rarely unpacks the Euroskeptics beyond citing their overall support figures. However, we have gone beyond merely citing the three leading Euroskeptic blocs. Instead, we have separated the individual Members of European Parliament (MEPs) from across the three Euroskeptic blocs into four camps: Eastern European Camp – These are MEPs from EU member states that are former members of the Warsaw Pact or former Republics of the Soviet Union. Hardcore Camp – These are committed Euroskeptics who genuinely want their countries to leave European institutions. The Dutch Party for Freedom wants to see the Netherlands leave both the EU and the EMU. However, parties such as the Swedish Democrats and the Finns Party are more nuanced. Nonetheless, we erred on the side of apocalypse and added them all to the hardcore camp. Classical Camp – These are MEPs who would have fit the Euroskeptic definition back in the 1990s. They generally do not have a problem with the EU, but tend to be skeptical of the EMU and definitely do not want to see any further integration (although some would welcome integration on the military front). Italy’s Lega belongs to this camp, at least since the 2017 election, given the reorientation of the party’s policy away from criticizing the EMU and toward anti-immigrant policies.  On The Way Out Camp – The U.K. MEPs will eventually be forced to exit the EP given the eventual departure of the U.K. from the EU. In this camp, we have thrown all the U.K. MEPs who sit in Euroskeptic groupings, which includes both UKIP MEPs and Conservative Party members – even those who are not actually anti-EU. Diagram 2Almost Three Quarters Of Euroskeptic MEPs Are Bluffing European Parliament Election: Much Ado About A Moderately Relevant Event European Parliament Election: Much Ado About A Moderately Relevant Event Diagram 2 shows the distribution of the currently 311 Euroskeptic MEPs. The largest portion, by far, are Eastern European MEPs. The second-largest portion are MEPs from the U.K., who are either on their way out or about to become the “lamest ducks” in the history of any legislature. What does this mean? First, that almost three quarters of the Euroskeptic MEPs are essentially bluffing. Eastern European Euroskepticism is a geopolitical oxymoron. Investors should ignore any Euroskeptic rhetoric from Eastern Europe for two reasons. First, many Eastern European economies remain highly dependent on the EU for structural funding (Chart 15). But even that crude measure does not illustrate the benefit of EU membership. If Eastern and Central European countries were to leave the EU, they would lose access to the common market, a huge economic cost given their close integration with the German manufacturing supply chain. Second, and perhaps more importantly, the EU is a critical geopolitical anchor for the former Warsaw Pact member states. As much as the Polish and Hungarian Euroskeptic MEPs like to speak of the “tyranny of Brussels,” they all remember all too clearly the actual tyranny of Moscow. As such, Eastern Europe’s Euroskepticism is a bluff, a rhetorical political tool to blame the ills of poor governance on Brussels for the sake of domestic political gains. It holds no actual threat to European integration or its institutions given that the alternative to Brussels is… Moscow. Chart 15 This is why the three Euroskeptic blocs will find it difficult to cooperate in the future. The Eastern European-heavy European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) are highly skeptical of Russia, as the largest party in the bloc is the Polish Law and Justice (PiS) Party. The PiS is highly critical of Moscow’s foreign policy and is the ruling party of Poland. Its rhetoric is on occasion illiberal and anti-EU, but it has also changed domestic policy when pressured by Brussels. The ECR is expected to be the smallest Euroskeptic party, with 55 MEPs. The genuinely hard-core Euroskeptic bloc is the Europe of Nations and Freedom (ENF). It is expected to win 58 MEPs and is dominated by genuine, long-time, anti-EU parties such as Marine Le Pen’s National Rally of France (formerly the National Front) and the Dutch Party for Freedom. However, its latest iteration is likely to be dominated by Matteo Salvini’s Lega, which is Italy’s ruling party and has taken a decided turn towards soft Euroskepticism. Finally, the moderately Euroskeptic Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy (EFDD) is expected to win 57 seats. However, its largest bloc are the ruling Italian Five Star Movement (M5S) and an assortment of Euroskeptic British MEPs, including Niger Farage. Italy’s M5S has already toned down its Euroskeptic rhetoric given that it now sits in Rome and runs the EMU’s third-largest economy. Meanwhile, U.K. MEPs will be largely irrelevant, raising the question of whether EFDD should even be classified as Euroskeptic in the next EP. Bottom Line: When all is said and done, the European Parliament election is a much-hyped non-event. By our count, only about 60 out of approximately 190 Euroskeptic MEPs will be actual hard-core Euroskeptics (or, just 8% of the entire EP). The rest are either reformed centrists – the two major Italian parties, Lega and M5S – on their way out – U.K. Euroskeptics – or are just bluffing – all Eastern European MEPs. That said, the EP seat distribution will reflect the polarization and fracturing observed in most national parliaments across of Europe. It is likely that neither the center-left nor the center-right will have enough seats to select the European Commission President. Does Any Of This Even Matter? Does the EP election even matter? To answer this question, we first have to assess whether the European Parliament itself matters. Both the proponents and opponents of the EU overstate the bloc’s supranational institutions: the EP and the Commission. A fractured European Parliament does not really matter ... In fact, the European Parliament has few real powers. The true power in the EU is vested in the European Council. The European Council could be conceived of as an upper chamber of a combined EU legislature, the Senate to the European Parliament’s House of Representatives (to put into U.S. context). It is comprised of the heads of government of EU member states and is therefore elected on the national, not supranational, level. It is, by far, where most power resides in the EU. The Commission, on the other hand, is the EU’s technocratic executive. Its members are not democratically elected, but are chosen by the European Council and approved by both the Council and the EP.1  The EU Commission President is elected according to the Spitzenkandidat system. The party grouping that secures a majority governing coalition in the EP gets to name their leader as the candidate for the European Commission President. This system is not enshrined in EU law, it is merely a convention. In fact, it was designed to try to boost the voting turnout for the EP elections. The idea being that Europe’s voters would turn out to vote if it meant that their votes would ultimately determine who gets to head the European Commission. At the end of the day, the European Council has to approve the Spitzenkandidat. And, according to the letter of the law, the European Council can ultimately even ignore the Spitzenkandidat suggestions of the European Parliament and propose their own head of the European Commission. As such, the fact that Diagram 1 suggests a fractured European Parliament does not really matter. The European Council could, in the end, simply find a consensus candidate and have national governments instruct their MEPs to vote for that candidate in the EP. In fact, the European Parliament has few real powers. It is one of the only legislatures in the world with no actual legislative initiative (i.e., it cannot produce laws!). It gets to hold a ceremonial vote on new EU treaties – the treaties that act as a constitution of the bloc – but cannot veto them. On most important matters – including the EU budget – the Parliament cannot overrule the European Council (the heads of national governments), which means that it cannot subvert the sovereignty of the EU member states. In the political construct that is the EU, it is the upper-chamber that holds all the power (if we are to extend the analogy of the European Council as the “Senate”). Another important thing to remember is that MEPs are rarely unaffiliated. The vast majority are members of national parties on the national level. Few, if any, are actual supranational agents. In fact, most MEPs fall into two categories. They are either young up-and-comers being groomed for a successful career on the national level – the level that actually matters – or they are past-their-expiration-date elders looking for a cushy retirement posting that includes frequent, taxpayer-funded, trips between Brussels and Strasbourg.  Bottom Line: The importance of the EP is vastly overstated by both Europhiles and Euroskeptics. Its role within the EU legislative process has been increasing through treaty evolution and convention. However, the true power in the EU still rests with the national governments and the EP can be sidelined if the European capitals so desire. Furthermore, while the EP is a supranational body with supranational powers, its soul is very much national. This is because most of its MEPs either have an eye on returning to domestic politics or are emeriti of domestic politics looking for one last bout of relevance. Investment Implications Given our sanguine view of European politics, and the BCA House View that global growth should bottom (Chart 16), investors should look to European assets for considerable upside. This is particularly the case if the U.S. and China overcome their cold feet and conclude a trade deal. Our colleague Peter Berezin, BCA’s Chief Investment Strategist, has proposed that investors go long European banks as a tactical trade. Peter has pointed out that banks are now trading at distressed valuations (Chart 17).2  Given a Chinese and global rebound, and barring a total relapse into trade war, Europe’s high-beta economy should benefit, leading to higher bond yields in core European markets.This has tended to help European bank stocks in the past (Chart 18). Stronger economic growth will also translate into more credit demand and lower non-performing loans. This will boost bank earnings (Chart 19). Chart 16Growth Is Recovering In The U.S. And China Growth Is Recovering In The U.S. And China Growth Is Recovering In The U.S. And China Chart 17European Banks: A Good Value Play European Banks: A Good Value Play European Banks: A Good Value Play Chart 18Euro Area: Higher Bond Yields Bode Well For Bank Stocks Euro Area: Higher Bond Yields Bode Well For Bank Stocks Euro Area: Higher Bond Yields Bode Well For Bank Stocks Chart 19More Credit, Fatter Bank Earnings More Credit, Fatter Bank Earnings More Credit, Fatter Bank Earnings In addition, U.S. dollar outperformance is long-in-the-tooth. If global growth is truly bottoming, and assuming a trade deal is done,  then the policy divergence that has favored the greenback should be over (Chart 20). As such, we will consider going long EUR/USD as a strategic play once we get clarity on China tariffs and potential tariffs on U.S. auto imports (the latter risk is rising from 35% to 50% given Trump’s willingness to take risks this year). Chart 20If Trade War Subsides, Dollar May Fall If Trade War Subsides, Dollar May Fall If Trade War Subsides, Dollar May Fall Chart 21A Reversal In Tech Outperformance Supports Long Europe/China A Reversal In Tech Outperformance Supports Long Europe/China A Reversal In Tech Outperformance Supports Long Europe/China Finally, Dhaval Joshi, BCA’s Chief European Strategist, believes that Europe is a clear tactical overweight to China.3 Part of the reason is that the two markets are mirror opposites of each other in terms of sector skews. China is overweight technology and underweight healthcare, while Europe is overweight healthcare and underweight technology. The year-to-date outperformance by global technology stocks relative to healthcare is long in the tooth and ripe for a correction (Chart 21). Given our positive structural assessment of European political risk, we recommend going long European equities and short China as a strategic play.   Marko Papic Consulting Editor marko@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1      For the American context, the Commission would be what the various U.S. Departments would look like if they were serving at the pleasure of the U.S. Senate. While the analogy is not perfect, it does capture the fact that the EU’s executive is controlled by the European Council. 2      Please see BCA Global Investment Strategy Weekly Report, “King Dollar Is Due For A Breather,” dated April 26, 2019, available at gis.bcaresearch.com. 3      Please see BCA Research European Investment Strategy Weekly Report, “Suffering Market Vertigo,” dated May 2, 2019, available at eis.bcaresearch.com.  

Highlights Evidence continues to mount that the Chinese economy is in a bottoming process. This suggests the path of least resistance for the RMB is up. Meanwhile, as the U.S. and China move closer to a trade deal, any geopolitical risk premium in the RMB will slowly erode. The ultimate catalyst for CNY longs will be depreciation in the U.S. dollar, which we believe is slowly underway. The ECB is turning more dovish at a time when euro area growth is hitting a nadir. This will be bullish for the euro beyond the near term. Our limit buy on the pound was triggered at 1.30. Target 1.45 with stops at 1.25. With the Aussie dollar close to the epicenter of Chinese stimulus, data down under is increasingly stabilizing. We are closing our short AUD/NOK position for a small profit. Feature Chart I-1The Chinese Yuan Is Pro-cyclical The Chinese Yuan Is Pro-cyclical The Chinese Yuan Is Pro-cyclical In addition to the dovish shift by global central banks, most investors are rightly fixated on China at this juncture in the economic cycle.  For one, it has been mostly responsible for the mini cycles in the global economy since 2014. And with improvements in both Chinese credit and manufacturing data in recent months, the consensus is drawing closer to the fact that we may be entering a reflationary window. Looking at risk assets, MSCI China is up 25% from its lows, while the S&P 500 is up 20%. Commodity prices are also rising, with crude oil hitting a new calendar-year high this week. The corollary is that if the improvement in Chinese data proves sustainable, it will propel these asset markets to fresh highs. The evolution of the cycle has important implications for the yuan exchange rate, because the RMB has been trading like a pro-cyclical currency in recent years. The USD/CNY has been moving tick for tick with emerging market equities, Asian currencies, and even some commodity prices (Chart I-1). Ever since its liberalization over a decade ago, the RMB may finally be behaving like a free-floating exchange rate. Therefore, a simple evaluation of how relative prices between China and the rest of the world evolve will be valuable input for the fair value of the RMB exchange rate. Reading the tea leaves from Chinese credit data can be daunting, but we agree with the assessment of our China Investment Strategy team that while the credit impulse has clearly bottomed,1 the magnitude of the rise is unlikely to be what we saw in 2015-2016. That said, a higher credit-to-GDP ratio also requires a smaller increase in credit growth to have an outsized effect on GDP. As such, monitoring what is happening with hard data in the economy concurrently – in particular, green shoots – could add valuable evidence to the reflation theme. A Repeat Of 2016? Cycle bottoms can be protracted and volatile, but also V-shaped. So it is useful when economic data is at a nadir to pay attention to any green shoots emerging, because by the time the last piece of pertinent economic data has turned around, it may well be too late to call the cycle. Admittedly, most measures of Chinese (and global) growth remain weak. But there have been notable improvements in recent months that suggest economic velocity may be picking up: Production of electricity and steel, all inputs into the overall manufacturing value chain, are inflecting higher. Intuitively, these tend to lead overall industrial production. Overall industrial production remains weak, but the production of electricity and steel, all inputs into the overall manufacturing value chain, are inflecting higher. Intuitively, these tend to lead overall industrial production (Chart I-2). Electricity production for the month of February grew 5% after grinding to a halt in 2015-2016. Production of steel also rose by 7%. If these advance any further, they will begin to exceed Q4 GDP growth, indicating a renewed mini-cycle. Chart I-2A Revival In Industrial Activity A Revival In Industrial Activity A Revival In Industrial Activity Chart I-3Metal Prices Are Sniffing A Rebound Metal Prices Are Sniffing A Rebound Metal Prices Are Sniffing A Rebound   In recent weeks, both steel and iron ore prices have been soaring. Many commentators have attributed these increases to supply bottlenecks and/or seasonal demand. However, it is evident from both the manufacturing data and the trend in prices that demand is also playing a role (Chart I-3). Overall residential property sales remain soft, but evidence from tier-1 and even tier-2 cities is signalling that this may be behind us, given robust sales. Over the longer term, the ebb and flow of property sales has tended to be in sync across city tiers. A revival in the property market will support construction activity and investment. House prices have been rising to the tune of 10% year-on-year, and real estate stocks in China may be sniffing an eventual pick-up in property volumes (Chart I-4). Over the last 20 years or so, Chinese credit growth has been a reliable indicator for car sales with a lead of about six months. Government expenditures were already inflecting higher ahead of last month’s China National People’s Congress (NPC). Again, this suggests stimulus this time around may be more fiscal than monetary (Chart I-5). In addition to the recent VAT cut for manufacturing firms from 16% to 13%, a string of policy easing measures will begin to accrue, including a cut to social security contributions effective May 1st, and perhaps a pickup in infrastructure spending. Already, real estate infrastructure spending growth is perking up, with that in the mining sector soaring to multi-year highs. Chart I-4Real Estate Volumes Could Pick Up Real Estate Volumes Could Pick Up Real Estate Volumes Could Pick Up Chart I-5The Fiscal Spigots Are Opening The Fiscal Spigots Are Opening The Fiscal Spigots Are Opening Finally, Chinese retail sales including those of durable goods remain very weak. Car sales are deflating at the fastest pace in over two decades. But the latest VAT cut by the government is being passed through to consumers, with an increasing number of car manufactures cutting retail prices. Chart I-6Car Sales Typically Have V-Shaped Recoveries Car Sales Typically Have V-Shaped Recoveries Car Sales Typically Have V-Shaped Recoveries   Over the last 20 years or so, Chinese credit growth has been a reliable indicator for car sales with a lead of about six months (Chart I-6). The indicator right now suggests we could witness a coiled-spring rebound in Chinese car sales over the next few months. Bottom Line: Both Chinese stocks and commodity prices have been suggesting a bottoming process in the domestic economy for a while now. Incoming data is beginning to corroborate this view. This has important implications for both the Chinese yuan and other global assets. Capital Flows Improving domestic and external conditions will likely offset any renewed pressure on the Chinese yuan from capital outflows. Our China Investment Strategy team reckons that even after adjusting for cross-border RMB settlements and illicit capital outflows, there is less evidence of capital flight today than there was in 2015-2016.2  Chart I-7Offshore Markets Don't See RMB Weakness Offshore Markets Don't See RMB Weakness Offshore Markets Don't See RMB Weakness Typically, offshore markets have had a good track record of anticipating depreciation in the yuan. Back in 2014, offshore markets started pricing in a rising USD/CNY rate, and maintained that view all the way through to 2018, when the yuan eventually bottomed. Right now, no such depreciation is being priced in (Chart I-7). The reason offshore markets in Hong Kong and elsewhere can be prescient is because more often than not, they are the destination for illicit flows out of China. For example, one of the often-rumored ways Chinese money has left the country is through junkets, key operators in Macau casinos.3 These junkets bankroll their Chinese clients in Macau while collecting any debts in China allowing for illicit capital outflows. This was particularly rampant ahead of the Chinese 2015-2016 corruption clampdown, when Macau casino equities were surging while equity prices in China remained subdued. Historically, both equity markets tend to move together, since over 70% of visitors to Macau come from China (Chart I-8). Right now, both the Chinese MSCI index and Macau casino stocks are rising in tandem, suggesting gains are more related to fundamentals than hot money outflows. Chart I-8Macau Casinos: A Good Proxy For Chinese Spending Macau Casinos: A Good Proxy For Chinese Spending Macau Casinos: A Good Proxy For Chinese Spending A surge in illicit capital outflows could also be part of the reason for an explosion in sight deposits in Hong Kong ahead of the 2015-2016 clampdown (Chart I-9). Admittedly, most of these deposits were and still are due to cross-border RMB settlements, but it is also possible that part of these constituted hot money outflows. With these sight deposits rising at a more reasonable pace, it suggests little evidence of capital flight. Chart I-9The Chinese Government Has Clamped Down On Illicit Flows The Chinese Government Has Clamped Down On Illicit Flows The Chinese Government Has Clamped Down On Illicit Flows Trade Truce A trade truce between the U.S. and China will be the final catalyst for a stronger yuan. The news flow so far has been positive, with both U.S. President Donald Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping publicly acknowledging they are closer to a deal. Even well-known China hawk Peter Navarro, head of the U.S. National Trade Council, has admitted that the two sides are in the final stages of talks. But with a still-ballooning U.S. trade deficit with China, Trump will want to take home a win (Chart I-10). Chart I-10Trump Needs To Take A Win Back To America Trump Needs To Take A Win Back To America Trump Needs To Take A Win Back To America Concessions on the Chinese side so far seem reasonable, allowing us to speculate that there is a rising probability of a deal. They have agreed to increase agriculture and energy imports from the U.S. by about $1 trillion over the next six years, announced a cut on import tariffs, revised their Patent Law to improve protection of intellectual property, and provided a clear timeline for when foreign caps will be removed in sectors such as autos and financial services. These seem like very reasonable concessions that will allow Trump to go home and declare victory. Trade wars are usually synonymous with recessions. As such, there are acute political constraints inching both sides towards an agreement. For President Trump, a deteriorating U.S. manufacturing sector in the midwestern battleground states is a thorn in his side. For President Xi, rising unemployment is a key constraint. On the currency front, the details of any agreement are still unknown, but should Chinese economic fundamentals start to genuinely improve, it will put upward pressure under rates – and ergo the yuan (Chart I-11). A gradually rising yuan exchange rate will further assuage any doubts or concerns that Trump may have. Bottom Line: Our fundamental models show the yuan as undervalued by about 3%. This means China could allow its currency to gradually appreciate towards fair value, with little impact on the domestic economy or even exports. Given some green shoots in incoming economic data, little risk of capital flight, and the rising likelihood of a trade deal between the U.S. and China, our bias is that the path of least resistance for the Chinese RMB is up (Chart I-12). Chart I-11Rising Chinese Rates Will Favor The Yuan Rising Chinese Rates Will Favor The Yuan Rising Chinese Rates Will Favor The Yuan Chart I-12The RMB Is Not Expensive The RMB Is Not Expensive The RMB Is Not Expensive     Another Dovish Shift By The ECB In another dovish twist, the European Central Bank kept monetary policy unchanged following this week’s meeting, while highlighting that it might be on hold for longer. Unsurprisingly, incoming data has been weak of late, which the ECB (like other central banks) blamed on the external environment. It did fall short of speculation that it will introduce a tiered system for its marginal deposit facility, which would have alleviated some cash flow pressures for euro area banks. Our bias is for the new Targeted Long Term Refinancing Operation (TLTRO III – in other words, cheap loans), to remain a better policy tool than a tiered central bank deposit system. In the case of a TLTRO, the ECB can effortlessly decentralize monetary policy, since liquidity gravitates towards the countries that need it the most. While a tiered system can allow a bank to offer higher rates and attract deposits, there is no guarantee that these deposits will find their way into new loans. It is also likely to benefit countries with the most excess liquidity. In the case of a TLTRO, the ECB can effortlessly decentralize monetary policy. Beyond any short-term volatility in the euro, we think the ECB’s dovish shift could be paradoxically bullish. If a central bank eases financing conditions at a time when growth is hitting a nadir, it is tough to argue that it is bearish for the currency. Meanwhile, fiscal policy is also set to be loosened. Swedish new orders-to-inventories lead euro area growth by about five months, and the recent bounce could be a harbinger of positive euro area data surprises ahead (Chart I-13). Chart I-13Euro Area Growth Will Recover Euro Area Growth Will Recover Euro Area Growth Will Recover Bottom Line: European rates are further below equilibrium compared to the U.S., and the ECB’s dovish shift will help lift the euro area’s growth potential. Meanwhile, investors are currently too pessimistic on euro area growth prospects. Our bias is that the euro is close to a floor. House Keeping Our buy-stop on the British pound was triggered at 1.30. We recommend placing stops at 1.25, with an initial target of 1.45. As we argued last week,4 the odds of a hard Brexit continue to fall, with U.K. Prime Minister Theresa May explicitly saying this week that the path for the U.K. going forward is either a deal with the EU or with no Brexit at all. As we go to press, EU leaders have granted the U.K. an extension until the end of October, with a review in June. Chart I-14What Next For The Pound? What Next For The Pound? What Next For The Pound? Back when the referendum was held in June 2016, even the pro-Brexit Tories, a minority in the party, promised continued access to the Common Market. Fast forward to today and there are simply not enough committed Brexiters in Westminster to deliver a hard exit. Given that the can has been kicked down the road, markets are likely to turn their focus on incoming economic data. On that front, economic surprises in the U.K. relative to both the U.S. and euro area are soaring (Chart I-14). Elsewhere, we are also taking profits on our short AUD/NOK position. Since 2015, the market has been significantly dovish on Australia, in part due to a more accelerated downturn in house prices and a marked slowdown in China. The reality is that the downturn in Australia has allowed some cleansing of sorts and has brought it far along the adjustment path relative to its potential. Any potential growth pickup in China will light a fire under the Aussie dollar, which is a risk to this position. Chester Ntonifor, Foreign Exchange Strategist chestern@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Please see China Investment Strategy Special Report, titled “China: Stimulating Amid The Trade Talks,” dated February 20, 2019, available at fes.bcaresearch.com 2 Please see China Investment Strategy Special Report, titled “Monitoring Chinese Capital Outflows,” dated March 20, 2019, available at fes.bcaresearch.com 3 Farah Master, “Factbox: How Macau's casino junket system works,” Reuters, October 21, 2011. 4 Please see Foreign Exchange Strategy Weekly Report, titled “Not Out Of The Woods Yet,” dated April 5, 2019, available at bca.bcaresearch.com Currencies U.S. Dollar Chart II-1USD Technicals 1 USD Technicals 1 USD Technicals 1 Chart II-2USD Technicals 2 USD Technicals 2 USD Technicals 2 Recent data in the U.S. have been mostly positive: In March, 196K nonfarm jobs were created, surprising to the upside; unemployment rate stayed low at 3.8%, though average hourly earnings growth fell to 3.2% year-on-year. The factory orders in February contracted by 0.5% month-on-month. More importantly, headline consumer price inflation in March rose to 1.9% year-on-year, however this was mostly lifted by rising energy prices. Core inflation excluding food and energy dropped by 10 basis points to 2%. JOLTs job openings unexpectedly fell to 7.1 million in February, from 7.6 million. However, initial jobless claims fell to 196K. After a 3-month lull, producer prices are inflecting higher at a pace of 2.2% year-on-year for the month of March. DXY index fell by 0.44% this week. Global risk assets are on the rise this week. Meanwhile, the Fed minutes highlighted that members are in no rush to raise rates. Stalling interest rate differentials will be a headwind for the dollar.  Report Links: Not Out Of The Woods Yet - April 5, 2019 Tug OF War, With Gold As Umpire - March 29, 2019 Into A Transition Phase - March 8, 2019 The Euro Chart II-3EUR Technicals 1 EUR Technicals 1 EUR Technicals 1 Chart II-4EUR Technicals 2 EUR Technicals 2 EUR Technicals 2 Recent data in the euro area have been positive: The Sentix Investor Confidence index continues to inflect higher, coming in at -0.3 from -2.2.  German industrial production grew by 0.7% month-on-month in February. Trade balances improved across the euro area. In France, the trade deficit fell to €-4.0B in February. In Germany, the trade surplus increased to €18.7B. Italian retail sales increased by 0.9% year-on-year in February. On the inflation front, consumer price inflation in Germany and France both stayed at 1.3% year-on-year in March. EUR/USD rose by 0.57% this week. On Wednesday, the ECB has decided to leave policy unchanged as expected. Mario Draghi also highlighted more uncertainties and downside risks to the euro area amid the ongoing trade disputes. While the global trade war might add volatility to the pro-cyclical euro, easier financial conditions should eventually backstop growth. Report Links: Into A Transition Phase - March 8, 2019 A Contrarian Bet On The Euro - March 1, 2019 Balance Of Payments Across The G10 - February 15, 2019 The Yen Chart II-5JPY Technicals 1 JPY Technicals 1 JPY Technicals 1 Chart II-6JPY Technicals 2 JPY Technicals 2 JPY Technicals 2 Recent data in Japan have been negative: Preliminary cash earnings fell by 0.8% year-on-year in February, the only decline since mid-2017. Household confidence continues to tick lower, coming in at 40.5 in March. The trade balance in February came in at a surplus of ¥489.2B. Capex is rolling over. Machinery orders fell by 5.5% year-on-year in February. Machine tool orders remain extremely weak, at -28.5% year-on-year for the month of March. Lastly, the foreign investment in Japanese stocks increased to ¥1,463.7B. USD/JPY fell by 0.46% this week. In its April regional outlook, the BoJ downgraded most of the prefectures in Japan, with only Hokkaido that had an upgrade in the aftermath of the earthquake. As domestic deflationary pressures intensify, this will favor the yen.  This also raises the probability the government defers the consumption tax hike. Report Links: Tug OF War, With Gold As Umpire - March 29, 2019 A Trader’s Guide To The Yen - March 15, 2019 Balance Of Payments Across The G10 - February 15, 2019 British Pound Chart II-7GBP Technicals 1 GBP Technicals 1 GBP Technicals 1 Chart II-8GBP Technicals 2 GBP Technicals 2 GBP Technicals 2 Recent data in the U.K. have been strong: In February, manufacturing production increased by 0.6% year-on-year; industrial production also increased by 0.1% year-on-year, both surprising to the upside. Both were deflating in January. The goods trade balance in February fell to £-14.1B, however the total trade balance came in at a smaller deficit of £4.86B. Monthly GDP also came in higher at 2% year-on-year in February. House prices gains have pared the increase of previous years, but the Halifax house price index still increased by 2.6% year-on-year for the month of March.  GBP/USD rose by 0.41% this week. Theresa May got an extension for Brexit to October 31. Meanwhile, U.K. data have been stronger than consensus recently. We are long GBP/USD from 1.30, with a 0.6% profit. Report Links: Not Out Of The Woods Yet - April 5, 2019 A Trader’s Guide To The Yen - March 15, 2019 Balance Of Payments Across The G10 - February 15, 2019 Australian Dollar Chart II-9AUD Technicals 1 AUD Technicals 1 AUD Technicals 1 Chart II-10AUD Technicals 2 AUD Technicals 2 AUD Technicals 2 Recent data in Australia have continued to improve: Investment lending for homes in February grew by 2.6%. Home loans in February increased by 2% month-on-month, surprising to the upside. Westpac consumer confidence came in at 100.7 in April, increasing by 1.9%.  AUD/USD surged by 0.64% this week. The RBA Deputy Governor Guy Debelle hinted that a wait-and-see approach for interest rates seemed like the appropriate path, signaling that policy will continue to be accommodative. Meanwhile, the Australian dollar is probably anticipating better upcoming data from China, as it is Australia’s largest trading partner. If the world’s second largest economy can turn around, the Aussie dollar is likely to grind higher. Report Links: Not Out Of The Woods Yet - April 5, 2019 Into A Transition Phase - March 8, 2019 Balance Of Payments Across The G10 - February 15, 2019 New Zealand Dollar Chart II-11NZD Technicals 1 NZD Technicals 1 NZD Technicals 1 Chart II-12NZD Technicals 2 NZD Technicals 2 NZD Technicals 2 There was little data out of New Zealand this week: The food price index came in at 0.5% month-on-month in March, shy of the estimate of 1.3%. NZD/USD plunged after rising by 0.5% initially this week, returning flat. Incoming data in New Zealand is likely to lag its commodity currency counterparts pushing the kiwi relatively lower. Our long AUD/NZD position is now 0.7% in the money since entry last Friday. Report Links: Not Out Of The Woods Yet - April 5, 2019 Balance Of Payments Across The G10 - February 15, 2019 A Simple Attractiveness Ranking For Currencies - February 8, 2019 Canadian Dollar Chart II-13CAD Technicals 1 CAD Technicals 1 CAD Technicals 1 Chart II-14CAD Technicals 2 CAD Technicals 2 CAD Technicals 2 Recent data in Canada have been negative: On the labor market front, the participation rate in March fell slightly to 65.7%; 7,200 jobs were lost, underperforming the estimated creation of 1,000 jobs; unemployment rate was unchanged at 5.8%. On the housing market front, starts in March increased by 192.5K year-on-year, underperforming the expected 196.5K; building permits dropped by 5.7% month-on-month in February. USD/CAD rebounded quickly after falling by 0.7% earlier this week, offsetting the loss. While the dovish shift by the BoC and looser fiscal policy, together with rising oil prices are likely to be growth tailwinds, the data disappointment coming from the housing market and overall economy limit upside in the CAD. Report Links: A Shifting Landscape For Petrocurrencies - March 22, 2019 Into A Transition Phase - March 8, 2019 Balance Of Payments Across The G10 - February 15, 2019 Swiss Franc Chart II-15CHF Technicals 1 CHF Technicals 1 CHF Technicals 1 Chart II-16CHF Technicals 2 CHF Technicals 2 CHF Technicals 2 There was scant data in Switzerland this week: The foreign currency reserves came in at 756B CHF in March. Unemployment rate in March was unchanged at 2.4%, in line with expectations. USD/CHF appreciated by 0.44% this week. With the euro area economy slowly recovering, the franc is likely to underperform as risk appetite rises. We are long EUR/CHF for a 0.1% profit. Report Links: Balance Of Payments Across The G10 - February 15, 2019 A Simple Attractiveness Ranking For Currencies - February 8, 2019 Waiting For A Real Deal - December 7, 2018 Norwegian Krone Chart II-17NOK Technicals 1 NOK Technicals 1 NOK Technicals 1 Chart II-18NOK Technicals 2 NOK Technicals 2 NOK Technicals 2 Recent data in Norway have been strong, with inflation grinding higher: Headline consumer price inflation increased to 2.9% year-on-year in March; core inflation also rose to 2.7% year-on-year, both surprising to the upside. Producer price index grew by 5.2% year-on-year in March, outperforming expectations. USD/NOK depreciated by 1.16% this week. The improving domestic economy, rising oil prices, and the tick up in inflation are all the reasons why we favor the Norwegian krone. We are playing the NOK via a few pairs, notably long NOK/SEK and short AUD/NOK, which are currently 3.11% and 0.75% in the money, respectively. Report Links: A Shifting Landscape For Petrocurrencies - March 22, 2019 Balance Of Payments Across The G10 - February 15, 2019 A Simple Attractiveness Ranking For Currencies - February 8, 2019 Swedish Krona Chart II-19SEK Technicals 1 SEK Technicals 1 SEK Technicals 1 Chart II-20SEK Technicals 2 SEK Technicals 2 SEK Technicals 2 Recent data in Sweden have been mixed: Industrial production fell to 0.7% year-on-year in February, lower than the previous reading of 3%. New manufacturing orders contracted by 2.8% year-on-year in February. However, the leading manufacturing new orders to inventory ratio is rising suggesting we might be near a bottom. Consumer price inflation came in higher at 1.9% year-on-year in March. USD/SEK fell by 0.21% this week. We remain bullish on the Swedish krona due to its cheap valuation and the imminent pickup in the euro area economy. Report Links: Balance Of Payments Across The G10 - February 15, 2019 A Simple Attractiveness Ranking For Currencies - February 8, 2019 Global Liquidity Trends Support The Dollar, But... - January 25, 2019 Trades & Forecasts Forecast Summary Core Portfolio Tactical Trades Closed Trades

Highlights Most currency pairs continue to trade toward the apex of tight wedge formations. History suggests major breakouts could be imminent. While the trade-weighted dollar has historically tended to be the best performing currency over a six-month period following a U.S. yield curve inversion, this window is rapidly closing. As the tug of war between data disappointments and easier financial conditions plays out, we intend to selectively add to more USD short positions. The pound is sitting exactly where it was after the 2016 U.K. referendum results, but the odds of a hard Brexit have significantly fallen since then. Place a limit buy on GBP/USD at 1.30. The RBA’s dovish shift was widely expected, while the RBNZ’s was not. Meanwhile, the Aussie dollar is sitting close to the epicenter of any Chinese stimulus. Buy AUD/NZD for a trade. Feature Markets have taken a risk-on tone this week. On the data front, there was strong improvement in the Chinese composite PMI, as well as broad increases in the services component of the PMIs across Europe and the U.S. Retail sales data out of Europe and Asia were above expectations and U.S. housing data is beginning to benefit from the fall in interest rates. Case in point, mortgage applications jumped almost 20% week-on-week, nudging the mortgage purchase index towards new highs. On the political front, China and the U.S. appear to be approaching a trade deal, and the U.K. has reached across the aisle to forge a Brexit deal that will potentially include stronger support from the Labor party. Despite these positives, there remain some dislocations in financial markets as investors digest whether financial conditions have eased enough globally to lift us out of the growth slowdown. Since 2015, both the Japanese Nikkei 225 index and the 10-year U.S. Treasury yield have moved in lockstep (Chart I-1). Right now, these two global growth barometers are sending opposing signals. The Nikkei index bottomed in December 2018 and is 13% off its lows, while at 2.5%, U.S. bond yields are not far off the trough made last week. Back in 2016, both indicators bottomed together in a unified response to the Federal Reserve’s dovish shift as well as Chinese stimulus. Every time the U.S. 10-year versus three-month spread has inverted, pro-cyclical currencies have gotten clobbered.  The important message is that monetary policy affects the economy with a lag, and over the last year, more central banks have tightened policy than at any time since 2011 (Chart I-2). Our central bank monitors are still falling, suggesting easy monetary policy is still required. It wasn’t so long ago that dismal manufacturing PMI readings from Europe and Japan sent equity markets into a tailspin, with the U.S. 10-year versus three-month spread inverting. At a minimum, this warns against betting the farm too early on pro-cyclical currencies. Chart I-1Who Is Right? Who Is Right? Who Is Right? Chart I-2Monetary Policy Still relatively Tight Monetary Policy Still relatively Tight Monetary Policy Still relatively Tight       Bottom Line: Every time the U.S. 10-year versus three-month spread has inverted, the U.S. trade-weighted dollar has tended to be the best performing currency over the next six months, while other pro-cyclical currencies have gotten clobbered. This occurred whether or not the inversion was a head-fake (Chart I-3). Our bias is that this time is different, but we will await further confirmation from higher-frequency indicators before building aggressive USD short positions. Chart I-3ABeware Of Curve Inversions (1) Beware Of Curve Inversions (1) Beware Of Curve Inversions (1) Chart I-3BBeware Of Curve Inversions (2) Beware Of Curve Inversions (2) Beware Of Curve Inversions (2) What To Watch In our March 8th bulletin,1 we detailed the case for fading U.S. dollar tailwinds and what to watch for in order to adopt a more pro-cyclical stance. These included PMI differentials between the U.S. and the rest of the world, copper- and oil-to-gold ratios, Chinese M2 relative-to-GDP, emerging market currencies, and China-sensitive industrial commodities. The message from these indicators remains broadly consistent with what was observed a month ago, so we will not reprint them here. That said, there are a few additional indicators to consider. AUD/JPY: This cross has broadly tracked swings in the global manufacturing pulse, given the Australian dollar benefits from improving global growth, while the yen benefits from flights to safety and deteriorating liquidity (Chart I-4). The cross has been dead flat around 79 for three months, suggesting these two forces are largely in a stalemate. A break higher in the cross towards the 82-83 zone would be encouraging. EUR/USD: For the U.S. dollar to weaken significantly, the euro will have to strengthen meaningfully, given the large share of euros in global reserves. Following dismal manufacturing PMI numbers out of Europe, the more domestic service-oriented PMIs have proven more resilient. Yet they still point to GDP growth between 1%-1.5% (Chart I-5). The external sector will have to participate to finally put a floor under the euro. It is encouraging that the euro has weakened significantly relative to the Chinese RMB, which should help European exports to China. Chart I-4Bottoming Processes Could Last A While Bottoming Processes Could Last A While Bottoming Processes Could Last A While Chart I-5Dollar Weakness Needs A Strong Euro Dollar Weakness Needs A Strong Euro Dollar Weakness Needs A Strong Euro     Chinese Bond Yields: A larger share of financial intermediation is now being done through the Chinese bond market, meaning it has the power to ease financial conditions. There is significant debate as to whether Chinese credit stimulus has been sufficient, but bond yields suggest this has been the case (Chart I-6). We will be watching the Chinese aggregate money data for further confirmation that it is time to put on reflation trades.   Chart I-6All Confirmatory Signs From China Count All Confirmatory Signs From China Count All Confirmatory Signs From China Count Bottom Line: We noted last week that exports to China from Singapore jumped by 34% year-on-year and those to emerging markets by 22% year-on-year. Recent data from Taiwan corroborate the improvement in the Chinese manufacturing PMI for the month of March. With many currency pairs trading toward the apex of tight wedge formations, history suggests breakouts are imminent. Given that currency crosses can themselves be indicators, we will wait for confirmation of a breakout before putting on fresh pro-cyclical positions. Westminster Unifies It has been almost three years since the British voted to leave the European Union (EU). The original deadline of March 29th has been extended to April 12th. As the new deadline approaches, the odds are that a new one will be negotiated, probably by the May 23rd EU elections or even later. The imbroglio has been highly complex, even for the most astute of political analysts. However, our simple observation is that while the pound is sitting exactly where it was after the 2016 referendum results, the odds of a hard Brexit have significantly fallen since then. We are opening a buy-stop on GBP/USD at 1.30 today for a trade (Chart I-7). A very detailed scenario analysis for Brexit was discussed in this month’s Bank Credit Analyst publication.2 The historical context is that while complete sovereignty of a nation is and always has been a desirable fundamental right, a hard Brexit will do little to alleviate the British voters’ angst. Globalization, decades of supply-side reforms and competition from emerging markets have lifted income inequality in the U.K. to the detriment of the average U.K. voter. However, this is hardly due to European integration, given that this same sentiment afflicts many other independent nations. Economic surprises in the U.K. relative to both the U.S. and euro area are soaring.  Back when the referendum was held in June 2016, even the pro-Brexit Tories, a minority in the party, promised continued access to the Common Market. Fast forward to today and there are simply not enough committed Brexiters in Westminster to deliver a hard Brexit. Meanwhile, there is scant evidence the general populace wanted a hard Brexit, given the very slim margin of victory for the Leave vote. It is also possible that absent the prominence of migration issues and terrorist attacks that were afflicting Europe at the time, we would not be having this debate today. Chart I-7Changing Landscape For The Pound Changing Landscape For The Pound Changing Landscape For The Pound Chart I-8What Brexit? What Brexit? What Brexit?     As we publish this week, British Prime Minister Theresa May has kicked off negotiations with opposition party leader Jeremy Corbyn in a plan to muster a deal before the April 12th deadline. This falls into the first camp of our three scenarios, which are: 1) a softer Brexit deal; 2) a general election to break the impasse; or 3) another referendum. In the case of a general election, unless a hard Tory replaces Ms. May, chances are a softer Brexit will prevail. Meanwhile, our geopolitical strategists have ventured to say that Brexit is unsustainable over the secular horizon, and that the U.K. will remain in the EU. Bottom Line: While the political battle unfolds in the U.K., the reality is that the pound and U.K. gilt yields should be much higher solely on the basis of hard incoming data. Employment growth has been holding up very well, wages are inflecting higher, and the average U.K. consumer appears in decent shape (Chart I-8). Economic surprises in the U.K. relative to both the U.S. and euro area are soaring. With the benefit of hindsight, it is possible cable made its lows in mid-2016-early 2017 as it became clearer that the probability of a hard Brexit was waning. We are placing a limit buy on the pound today at 1.30, with a wide stop at 1.22. Buy AUD/NZD Chart I-9AUD Is On Sale AUD Is On Sale AUD Is On Sale There are few times in markets and trading when you get a semblance of a free lunch. But one such opportunity may be on the table for the Aussie versus the Kiwi. For starters, over the past five years or so, whenever this cross has broken below the 1.04 support level, going long proved to be a profitable strategy over the ensuing 6-to-12 months. Meanwhile, over the last 35 years, the cross has spent more than 95% of the time over 1.06, with the low in 2015 close to parity. Finally, the cross is very cheap on a real effective exchange rate basis, which means that relative prices in Australia are at a discount to those in New Zealand (Chart I-9).  The confluence of monetary policy shifts over the last few months may be blurring the direction of relative interest rate trends, but on the simple basis of real three-month interest rate differentials, the Aussie should be 15% higher relative to the Kiwi (Chart I-10). Ever since 2015, the market has been significantly more dovish on Australia relative to New Zealand, in part due to a more accelerated downturn in house prices and a significant slowdown in China. The reality is that the downturn in Australia has allowed some cleansing of sorts, and brought it far along the adjustment path relative to New Zealand. We may now be entering a window where economic data in New Zealand converges to the downside relative to Australia, the catalyst being a foreign ban on domestic house purchases (Chart I-11). Chart I-10Divergences Are Very Rare Divergences Are Very Rare Divergences Are Very Rare Chart I-11Australia Is Well Along The Adjustment Path Australia Is Well Along The Adjustment Path Australia Is Well Along The Adjustment Path Chart I-12Domestic Demand Pressures In New Zealand Domestic Demand Pressures In New Zealand Domestic Demand Pressures In New Zealand A study by the Reserve Bank of New Zealand shows that on average, the elasticity of consumption growth to house price changes is 0.22%.3 However, the housing wealth effect is asymmetric with negative housing shocks, hurting consumption by more than the boost received from positive shocks. According to their calculations, the housing wealth elasticity for consumption is 0.23 for negative shocks, as compared to 0.13 for positive changes in housing wealth. This asymmetry may be due to the fact that, at very elevated debt levels, leveraged gains are used to pay down debt aggressively, whereas leveraged losses hit bottom lines directly. The study proves timely, since the RBNZ began a new mandate on April 1st to now include full employment in addition to inflation targeting. But given that the RBNZ has been unable to fulfill its price stability mandate over the last several years, it is hard to argue it will find a dual mandate any easier. Falling consumption will depress aggregate demand which, in turn, will depress consumption further. Falling inbound migration levels at a time of rapidly dwindling labor supply everywhere means the goldilocks scenario of non-inflationary growth may be behind us (Chart I-12). And for an economy driven by agricultural exports, productivity gains will be hard to come by. The final catalyst for the AUD/NZD cross will be a terms-of-trade shock, and evidence is rising that this is turning in favor of the Aussie (Chart I-13). China’s clear environmental push has lifted the share of liquefied natural gas in Australia’s export mix (Chart I-14). Given that eliminating pollution is a strategic goal in China, this will be a multi-year tailwind. Australia overtook Qatar last year as the world’s biggest exporter of liquefied natural gas. As the market becomes more liberalized and long-term contracts are revised to reflect surging spot prices, the Aussie dollar will get a boost. Chart I-13A Positive Shift A Positive Shift A Positive Shift Chart I-14A Shifting Export Landscape A Shifting Export Landscape A Shifting Export Landscape   Bottom Line: Go long AUD/NZD as a strategic position. Place stops at parity.   Chester Ntonifor, Foreign Exchange Strategist chestern@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Please see Foreign Exchange Strategy Special Report, titled “Into A Transition Phase,”dated March 8, 2019, available at fes.bcaresearch.com 2 Please see The Bank Credit Analyst Special Report, titled “The State Of Brexit,” dated March 28, 2019, available at bca.bcaresearch.com 3 Mairead de Roiste, Apostolos Fasianos, Robert Kirkby, and Fang Yao, “Household Leverage and Asymmetric Housing Wealth Effects - Evidence from New Zealand,” Reserve Bank of New Zealand, Discussion Paper Series, (April 2019). Currencies U.S. Dollar Chart II-1USD Technicals 1 USD Technicals 1 USD Technicals 1 Chart II-2USD Technicals 2 USD Technicals 2 USD Technicals 2 Recent data in the U.S. have been weak compared to the rest of the world: Retail sales in February contracted by 0.2% month-on-month, shy of consensus of 0.3%. The March Markit manufacturing PMI fell  to 52.4 while ISM manufacturing PMI rose to 55.3. However, the ISM non-manufacturing PMI also decreased to 56.1. The February durable goods orders contracted by 1.6% while still better than expected. Initial jobless claims fell to 202k this week. DXY index initially fell by 0.3% before rebounding to end the week flat. The upbeat Chinese data earlier this week was the strongest in the manufacturing sector for the past 8 months. Easing financial conditions worldwide and progress on trade talks have brought back investors’ risk appetite, which is a headwind for the counter-cyclical dollar. Report Links: Tug OF War, With Gold As Umpire - March 29, 2019 Into A Transition Phase - March 8, 2019 Balance Of Payments Across The G10 - February 15, 2019 The Euro Chart II-3EUR Technicals 1 EUR Technicals 1 EUR Technicals 1 Chart II-4EUR Technicals 2 EUR Technicals 2 EUR Technicals 2 Recent data in the euro area have shown tentative signs of a recovery: The Markit manufacturing PMI fell to 47.5 in March, the weakest number since 2013. However, the Markit composite PMI and services PMI increased to 51.6 and 53.3 respectively, both higher than expected. The unemployment rate stayed unchanged at 7.8% in February. Consumer price inflation in March fell slightly to 1.4%. Retail sales grew at 2.8% year-on-year in February, outperforming expectations of 2.3% growth. In Germany, retail sales surged by 4.7% year-on-year. EUR/USD depreciated by 0.2% this week. While the manufacturing data remains weak, the services PMI and retail sales in the euro area all show signs of an imminent pickup. During a speech last Wednesday, Mario Draghi highlighted that policy will continue to remain accommodative which should help financial conditions. Moreover, good news from U.K. and China could improve the trade outlook in the euro area. Report Links: Into A Transition Phase - March 8, 2019 A Contrarian Bet On The Euro - March 1, 2019 Balance Of Payments Across The G10 - February 15, 2019 The Yen Chart II-5JPY Technicals 1 JPY Technicals 1 JPY Technicals 1 Chart II-6JPY Technicals 2 JPY Technicals 2 JPY Technicals 2 Recent data in Japan have been positive: Housing starts in February grew by 4.2% year-on-year. Nikkei manufacturing PMI in March came in at 49.2, surprising to the upside, while the services PMI fell slightly to 52. Foreign investment in Japanese stocks increased to 438.7 billion yen. USD/JPY appreciated by 0.5% this week. The Tankan survey for Q1 was a bit disappointing, but nascent green shoots in the global economic recovery are providing support for Japanese shares. On the flip side, the higher risk appetite will likely decrease the demand for the safe-haven Japanese yen. Report Links: Tug OF War, With Gold As Umpire - March 29, 2019 A Trader’s Guide To The Yen - March 15, 2019 Balance Of Payments Across The G10 - February 15, 2019 British Pound Chart II-7GBP Technicals 1 GBP Technicals 1 GBP Technicals 1 Chart II-8GBP Technicals 2 GBP Technicals 2 GBP Technicals 2 Recent data in the U.K. have been mostly positive: The Q4 GDP surprised to the upside, coming in at 1.4% year-on-year. The Markit manufacturing PMI jumped to 55.1 in March, the strongest within the past year. The Markit construction PMI came in slightly below expectation at 49.7, while still above the last reading of 49.5. The services PMI fell to 48.9.  GBP/USD appreciated by 0.7% this week. GBP/USD has been very volatile over the past weeks amid ongoing Brexit uncertainties. Despite this, the U.K. economy has been very healthy and cable is still trading at a discount to its fair value. Report Links: A Trader’s Guide To The Yen - March 15, 2019 Balance Of Payments Across The G10 - February 15, 2019 A Simple Attractiveness Ranking For Currencies - February 8, 2019 Australian Dollar Chart II-9AUD Technicals 1 AUD Technicals 1 AUD Technicals 1 Chart II-10AUD Technicals 2 AUD Technicals 2 AUD Technicals 2 Recent data in Australia have been improving: The NAB business confidence fell to 0 in March, but the business conditions component increased to 7. The February HIA new home sales increased by 1% month-on-month. Building permits in February increased by 19.1% month-on-month. Retail sales increased by 0.8% month-on-month in February. Trade balance came in at 4.8 million AUD in February. Legacy LNG projects almost guarantee trade surpluses for years to come. AUD/USD has been flat this week. On Tuesday, the RBA kept the interest rate unchanged at 1.5%, as was widely expected. AUD/USD is likely to form a floor if Chinese economic activity continues to improve and global industrial production picks up. Report Links: Into A Transition Phase - March 8, 2019 Balance Of Payments Across The G10 - February 15, 2019 A Simple Attractiveness Ranking For Currencies - February 8, 2019 New Zealand Dollar Chart II-11NZD Technicals 1 NZD Technicals 1 NZD Technicals 1 Chart II-12NZD Technicals 2 NZD Technicals 2 NZD Technicals 2 Recent data in New Zealand have been positive: The global dairy trade price index increased by 0.8% in April.  ANZ commodity prices increased by 1.4% in March. NZD/USD fell by 1% this week. Despite positive terms of trade, NZD/USD is still trading at a 10%-15% premium above its fair value. New Zealand will be held hostage to the downturn in the Aussie economy. Meanwhile, a new dual mandate for the RBNZ makes it difficult to gauge whether its recent dovish shift is a one-off or more perpetual. Report Links: Balance Of Payments Across The G10 - February 15, 2019 A Simple Attractiveness Ranking For Currencies - February 8, 2019 Updating Our Intermediate Timing Models - November 2, 2018 Canadian Dollar Chart II-13CAD Technicals 1 CAD Technicals 1 CAD Technicals 1 Chart II-14CAD Technicals 2 CAD Technicals 2 CAD Technicals 2 Recent data in Canada have been mostly positive: GDP grew by 0.3% month-on-month in January, surprising to the upside. However, the Markit manufacturing PMI fell to 50.5 in March, from a previous reading of 52.8. USD/CAD rebounded after the plunge on positive Canadian GDP data, returning flat this week. On Monday, Governor Poloz gave a speech in Nunavut, highlighting slowing trade growth and the downside risks from trade wars. He stated that the economic outlook continues to warrant a policy rate that is well below the neutral range, and trade among provinces and territories should be promoted. Report Links: A Shifting Landscape For Petrocurrencies - March 22, 2019 Into A Transition Phase - March 8, 2019 Balance Of Payments Across The G10 - February 15, 2019 Swiss Franc Chart II-15CHF Technicals 1 CHF Technicals 1 CHF Technicals 1 Chart II-16CHF Technicals 2 CHF Technicals 2 CHF Technicals 2 Recent data in Switzerland have been strong: The KOF leading indicator increased to 97.4 in March. The February retail sales growth came in at -0.2% year-on-year, above the estimated -0.8%. Consumer price index came in higher than expected at 0.7% year-on-year. USD/CHF increased by 0.47% this week. While the inflation rate took a step closer towards the target rate, the uptick in investment sentiment and rising appetite for risk assets could be a headwind for the safe-haven franc. Report Links: Balance Of Payments Across The G10 - February 15, 2019 A Simple Attractiveness Ranking For Currencies - February 8, 2019 Waiting For A Real Deal - December 7, 2018 Norwegian Krone Chart II-17NOK Technicals 1 NOK Technicals 1 NOK Technicals 1 Chart II-18NOK Technicals 2 NOK Technicals 2 NOK Technicals 2 Recent data in Norway have been improving: Retail sales contracted by 1.3% month-on-month in February. However, the registered unemployment fell to 78.32k in March. The unemployment rate decreased to 2.4% accordingly. House prices increased by 3.2% year-on-year in March. The manufacturing PMI rose from 56.3 to 56.8 in March. USD/NOK fell by 0.3% this week. The Norwegian krone has been one of our favorite currencies, as it remains most responsive to crude oil prices. Our BCA house view is in favor of rising oil prices amid Iran and Venezuela sanctions and production cuts. Report Links: A Shifting Landscape For Petrocurrencies - March 22, 2019 Balance Of Payments Across The G10 - February 15, 2019 A Simple Attractiveness Ranking For Currencies - February 8, 2019 Swedish Krona Chart II-19SEK Technicals 1 SEK Technicals 1 SEK Technicals 1 Chart II-20SEK Technicals 2 SEK Technicals 2 SEK Technicals 2 Recent data in Sweden have been better than expected: The manufacturing PMI came in at 52.8 in March, slightly higher than 52.7 in February. USD/SEK has been flat this week. The Swedish krona is still trading below its one sigma band of fair value. A brighter picture for the euro area could improve trade conditions for Sweden. Our short USD/SEK position is now 1.84% in the money since initiated. Report Links: Balance Of Payments Across The G10 - February 15, 2019 A Simple Attractiveness Ranking For Currencies - February 8, 2019 Global Liquidity Trends Support The Dollar, But... - January 25, 2019 Trades & Forecasts Forecast Summary Core Portfolio Tactical Trades Closed Trades

Highlights Maintain a pro-cyclical stance for the time being – overweight equities versus bonds, long commodities, overweight industrial equities, and underweight healthcare equities. But be warned, absent a continued decline in the bond yield and/or oil price, short-term positive impulses on the economy will fade and even turn negative later in the year. Hence in the summer months, look for opportunities to take profits in these pro-cyclical positions. U.K. economy plays can outperform once a cross-party parliamentary majority is found for a course of action that leads to an orderly Brexit (or no Brexit). Feature At the end of last year, we made a bold prediction: economies and financial markets would follow the opposite path in 2019 compared to 2018. Specifically we pointed out that “through most of 2018, global growth was decelerating while inflation was accelerating. Now this configuration is flipping: global growth is rebounding while inflation is set to collapse… 2019 will present investors a mirror-image pattern to 2018” (Chart of the Week). Chart of the WeekWhy 2019 Is The Opposite Of 2018 Why 2019 Is The Opposite Of 2018 Why 2019 Is The Opposite Of 2018 Four months on, we are delighted to report that the mirror-image pattern is unfolding exactly as predicted. This year, stock markets are up sharply; bond markets have rallied; metal prices have made double-digit gains, growth-sensitive industrial shares are outperforming; while defensive healthcare shares are underperforming. All of these are the precise opposite of what happened in early 2018 (Chart 1-2 - Chart I-6). Chart I-2Equities: 2019 Is The Opposite Of 2018 Equities: 2019 Is The Opposite Of 2018 Equities: 2019 Is The Opposite Of 2018 Chart I-3Bonds: 2019 Is The Opposite Of 2018 Bonds: 2019 Is The Opposite Of 2018 Bonds: 2019 Is The Opposite Of 2018   Chart I-4Commodities: 2019 Is The Opposite Of 2018 Commodities: 2019 Is The Opposite Of 2018 Commodities: 2019 Is The Opposite Of 2018 Chart I-5Cyclicals: 2019 Is The Opposite Of 2018 Cyclicals: 2019 Is The Opposite Of 2018 Cyclicals: 2019 Is The Opposite Of 2018   Chart I-6Defensives: 2019 Is The Opposite Of 2018 Defensives: 2019 Is The Opposite Of 2018 Defensives: 2019 Is The Opposite Of 2018 Why 2019 Is The Opposite Of 2018 The basis for our bold prediction was twofold. We noted that China’s 6-month credit impulse “had gone vertical” (Chart I-7). Indeed, the rebound from the trough amounted to $500 billion (and still counting), equivalent to a near 1 percent shot in the arm for global GDP. Chart I-7China's 6-Month Credit Impulse Has Gone Vertical China's 6-Month Credit Impulse Has Gone Vertical China's 6-Month Credit Impulse Has Gone Vertical We also argued back then that “a racing certainty for early 2019 is that headline inflation will collapse. This is because the plunge in the crude oil price is about to feed through into headline consumer price indexes. Inevitably, it will seep through into core inflation too, via the impact on energy dependent prices such as transport costs.” “Coming at a time that central banks have professed a much greater reliance on incoming data, we can deduce that central banks will find it hard to tighten policy in the face of weaker headline and core inflation prints. Crucially though, the ECB and BoJ were not planning on tightening policy anyway, so the plunge in reported inflation will be much more impactful on the Federal Reserve.” Lo and behold. China’s PMI has rebounded sharply, and the Fed has stopped hiking rates. Still, central banks’ enhanced ‘data-dependency’ carries perils. The high-profile hard data – such as CPI inflation and GDP growth prints – on which monetary policy ‘depends’ is a record of what happened in the past, sometimes the distant past. This year’s market moves are the precise opposite of what happened in early 2018. Hence, enhanced data-dependency means that central banks are now ‘driving by looking through the rear-view mirror’ rather than looking at the current terrain. In turn, monetary policy expectations are driving bond and equity market valuations. By contrast, equity market growth expectations are based on the here and now; they move in synch with economic activity in real-time, leading even the survey-based PMIs. This also solves the puzzle as to why bonds and equities can sometimes give conflicting messages. Last year, the configuration of accelerating inflation with decelerating global growth hit equities and with a lose-lose: heavy pressure on both valuations and growth expectations. Furthermore, when interest rates rise from low levels they undermine the support for elevated risk-asset valuations in a viciously non-linear way. Chart I-8In 2018, Higher Bond Yields Pressured Equity Valuations In 2018, Higher Bond Yields Pressured Equity Valuations In 2018, Higher Bond Yields Pressured Equity Valuations At low interest rates, bond prices develop the same unattractive negative asymmetry as equities. Therefore, an extended period of ultra-low interest rates removes the need for an equity risk premium, and justifies sharply higher valuations for equities and other risk-assets. But in early 2018, as hawkish central banks pushed up 10-year global bond yield towards 2 percent, this process reversed viciously: bond prices lost their negative asymmetry, re-requiring an equity risk premium and sharply lower valuations for risk-assets at a time that growth expectations were also sliding (Chart I-8).1 By contrast, the early 2019 configuration of dovish central banks and accelerating short-term credit impulses has provided equities a ‘mirror-image’ win-win: a boost to both valuations and to growth expectations.  What Happens Next In 2019? Chart I-9Headline Inflation Will Soon Tick Up Headline Inflation Will Soon Tick Up Headline Inflation Will Soon Tick Up Understand that the all-important impulses to an economy do not come from the level of the bond yield, oil price, net exports, inventories, and so on. The impulse always comes from the change in these metrics. And as the metrics cannot decline (or rise) incessantly, impulses always fade and then reverse. The oil price has rebounded 30 percent from its recent lows. Necessarily, this means that headline inflation prints will soon stabilise or even tick up (Chart I-9). Furthermore, central banks’ abrupt pivot to dovish has already happened. It would be hard to repeat or continue such a move. As central banks react to the inevitably backward-looking hard data prints, our expectation is that bond yields will stabilise or even tick up. Will equity markets also react positively to the better economic data prints? Not necessarily. To repeat, equity markets’ growth expectations move in synch with economic activity in real-time, leading even the survey-based PMIs. Equity markets never wait for the backward-looking data prints. China plays are tracking its short-term credit impulse which has gone vertical (Chart I-10). Hence, in 2019 to date, U.K. mining stocks are already up 25 percent; the Shenzhen Composite is already up 40 percent! Chart I-10China Plays Have Already Surged China Plays Have Already Surged China Plays Have Already Surged Still, the current win-win configuration can continue for a little while longer, given that a typical upswing in short-term credit impulses lasts around eight months. But be warned, absent a continued decline in the bond yield and/or oil price, short-term impulses will fade and even turn negative later in the year. The early 2019 configuration of dovish central banks and accelerating short-term credit impulses has provided equities a win-win. Hence, maintain a pro-cyclical stance for the time being – overweight equities versus bonds, long commodities, overweight industrial equities, and underweight healthcare equities. But our strong advice is: in the summer months, look for opportunities to take profits in all of these positions. When Will Brexit’s Groundhog Day End? We really would prefer not to talk about Brexit. It is not just that every day is Groundhog Day, every day is a shambolic Groundhog Day. Still, on a positive note this means that our investment strategy for Brexit has also remained a constant (Chart I-11). Chart I-11For Investors, Brexit Simplifies To A Binary Outcome For Investors, Brexit Simplifies To A Binary Outcome For Investors, Brexit Simplifies To A Binary Outcome It is not sufficient for the U.K. parliament to express what it is against (a no-deal Brexit); parliament must express what course of action it is for, leading to an orderly Brexit, or no Brexit, and that this course of action must also be acceptable to the EU27. At that point, irrespective of the exact course of action – a customs union, Common Market 2.0, or a confirmatory referendum in which ‘remain’ is an option – buy the pound, the FTSE250, and U.K. homebuilder shares. Theresa May’s overture to engage in a national unity strategy with the Labour Party is a step in the right direction. In this regard, Theresa May’s overture to engage in a national unity strategy with the Labour Party is a step in the right direction, because it finally puts national interest above party interest. To be clear, Brexit has been trapped in Groundhog Day because there is insufficient support among Conservative and DUP MPs for a relationship with the EU27 that would: Protect the cross-border supply chains which are vital to so many U.K. businesses. Avoid a hard customs border on the island of Ireland or between Ireland and Britain. Deliver on the narrow 52:48 vote to leave the EU, which was driven by a desire to control migration and the supremacy of the European Court of Justice; rather than a desire to strike independent trade deals, which is irrelevant for a majority of voters. The ray of light is that there is potentially a broader cross-party parliamentary majority for a course of action that would meet the above three conditions. Once it is found, U.K. economy plays can look forward to the “sunlit uplands”. Fractal Trading System* In line with the main body of this report, we continue to see evidence that the recent rally in bonds is technically extended. Accordingly, this week’s recommended trade is to short the 10-year OAT. The profit target is 1.3 percent with a symmetrical stop-loss. In other trades, short INR/PKR hit its 3 percent stop-loss and is now closed, leaving five open positions. For any investment, excessive trend following and groupthink can reach a natural point of instability, at which point the established trend is highly likely to break down with or without an external catalyst. An early warning sign is the investment’s fractal dimension approaching its natural lower bound. Encouragingly, this trigger has consistently identified countertrend moves of various magnitudes across all asset classes. Chart I-12 Short the 10-Year OAT Long SEK/NOK Short the 10-Year OAT Long SEK/NOK The post-June 9, 2016 fractal trading model rules are: When the fractal dimension approaches the lower limit after an investment has been in an established trend it is a potential trigger for a liquidity-triggered trend reversal. Therefore, open a countertrend position. The profit target is a one-third reversal of the preceding 13-week move. Apply a symmetrical stop-loss. Close the position at the profit target or stop-loss. Otherwise close the position after 13 weeks. Use the position size multiple to control risk. The position size will be smaller for more risky positions.   *  For more details please see the European Investment Strategy Special Report “Fractals, Liquidity & A Trading Model,” dated December 11, 2014, available at eis.bcaresearch.com Dhaval Joshi, Chief European Investment Strategist dhaval@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 Please see the European Investment Strategy Weekly Report “Risk: The Great Misunderstanding Of Finance”, October 25, 2018 available at eis.bcaresearch.com  Fractal Trading System Recommendations Asset Allocation Equity Regional and Country Allocation Equity Sector Allocation Bond and Interest Rate Allocation Currency and Other Allocation Closed Fractal Trades Trades Closed Trades Asset Performance Currency & Bond Equity Sector Country Equity Indicators Bond Yields Chart II-1Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-2Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields   Chart II-3Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Chart II-4Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields Indicators To Watch - Bond Yields   Interest Rate Chart II-5Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-6Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-7Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Chart II-8Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations Indicators To Watch - Interest Rate Expectations  

Highlights So What? It makes sense for long-term investors to buy the GBP. However, short-term investors should instead buy the 2-year call while selling 3-month ones. Why? The U.K. electorate is not staunchly Euroskeptic. In fact, Bregret has already set in. Volatility is the only sure bet over the tactical and strategic time horizons. The most likely scenario is that Theresa May either resigns and is replaced by a soft-Brexit Tory, or that she agrees to a long-term extension to give the U.K. time to call a new election. Brexit is unsustainable over the secular time horizon. Our low-conviction view is that in the long term, the U.K. will remain inside the European Union. Feature The hour is late in the ongoing Brexit saga. The original deadline, once spoken of with religious reverence, will be tossed aside for one, potentially two, extensions. In this analysis, we attempt to consider the state of Brexit from multiple time horizons. First, we offer our tactical view, what will happen in the next several weeks and months. Second, we offer our strategic view, surveying the Brexit process to the end of the year. Third, we consider the secular view and attempt to answer the question of whether the U.K. will ever fully exit the EU. We then assign investment recommendations across the three time horizons. The Conservative Party has wrapped itself into an intellectual pretzel trying to deliver on a referendum that the pro-Brexit Tories promised would not mean losing access to the Common Market. How Did We Get Here? In March 2016, three months ahead of the fateful June referendum, BCA’s Geopolitical Strategy and European Investment Strategy published a joint report on the topic that drew three conclusions: The probability of Brexit was understated by the market. “According to our modeling results, roughly 64% of Tory undecided voters would have to swing to the “Stay” camp in order to ensure that the vote crosses the 50% threshold in favour of continued EU membership … Conventional wisdom suggests that the probability of Brexit is around 30%, anchoring to the 1975 referendum results. Our own analysis of current polling data suggests that it is much closer to 50%, as in too close to call.” The biggest loser of Brexit, domestically, would be the Conservative Party. “The risk is that the British populace realizes that leaving the EU was a sub-optimal result and that little sovereignty was recovered. As such, there could be a backlash against the Tories in the next general election. In this scenario, the winner would not necessarily be UKIP, but rather the Jeremy Corbyn-led Labour Party – as close to the Michael Foot-led opposition in the early 1980s as any Labour Leadership.” The EU would survive, intact, with no further “exits.” “European integration is therefore a gambit for relevance by Europe’s declining powers. Brexit will not create centrifugal forces that tear the EU apart, and could in fact enhance the sinews that bind EU member states in a bid for 21st century geopolitical relevance.” Thus far, all three predictions have proven prescient. Not only was the probability of Brexit understated, but the electorate actually voted to exit the EU.1 The Conservative Party has wrapped itself into an intellectual pretzel trying to deliver on a referendum that the pro-Brexit Tories – a minority in the party – promised would not mean losing access to the Common Market. And the EU has not only seen no other “exits,” but has held firm and united in the negotiations with the U.K. while witnessing an increase in the support for its troubled currency union, both in the Euro Area in aggregate as well as in crisis-ridden Italy (Chart 1). Chart 1The Euro Area Stands Unified The Euro Area Stands Unified The Euro Area Stands Unified The net assessment we conducted in 2016 correctly gauged what the Brexit referendum was about and what it was not about. Our view was that behind the angst lay factors too general to be laid at the feet of European integration. Decades of supply-side reforms combined with competition from emerging economies led to a sharp rise in U.K. income inequality (Chart 2), the erosion of its manufacturing economy (Chart 3), and the ballooning of the country’s financial sector (Chart 4). As a result, the U.K.’s income inequality and social mobility were, in 2016 as today, much closer to those of its Anglo-Saxon peer America than to those of its continental European neighbors (Chart 5). Chart 2Brits Saw Inequality Surge Brits Saw Inequality Surge Brits Saw Inequality Surge Chart 3Manufacturing Jobs Collapsed Manufacturing Jobs Collapsed Manufacturing Jobs Collapsed Chart 4The Financial Bubble Burst The Financial Bubble Burst The Financial Bubble Burst Chart 5 The underlying economic angst has continued to influence British politics since Brexit. Campaigning on an anti-austerity platform in the summer of 2017, the Labour Party leader Jeremy Corbyn nearly won the general election, only underperforming the Conservative vote by 2% (Chart 6). The election was supposed to politically recapitalize Theresa May and allow her to lead the U.K. out of the EU. But the failure to secure a single-party majority created the political math in the House of Commons that is today preventing the prime minister from executing on Brexit. There are simply not enough committed Brexiters in Westminster to deliver on the relatively hard Brexit – no access to the EU Common Market or customs union – that Prime Minister May has put on offer (Chart 7). Chart 6 Chart 7 The decision not to pursue a customs union arrangement with the EU is particularly disastrous. As our colleague Dhaval Joshi – Chief Strategist of BCA’s European Investment Strategy – has pointed out, remaining in the customs union would have protected the cross-border supply chains that are vital to many U.K. businesses and would have avoided a hard customs border on the island of Ireland.2 However, the slim margin of the Tory victory in 2017 has boosted the influence of the 20-to-40 hard-Brexiters in the party. They pushed Theresa May to the extreme, where a customs union arrangement – let alone access to the Common Market – became politically unpalatable. The underlying economic angst has continued to influence British politics since Brexit. Had the British electorate genuinely wanted “Brexit über alles,” or the relatively hard Brexit on offer today, the margin of victory for Leave would have been greater. Furthermore, the electorate would not have come so close to giving the far-left Corbyn – who nonetheless supports the softest-of-soft Brexits – a majority in mid-2017. The slim margin of victory effectively tied May’s hands in her subsequent negotiations with both the EU and her own party. But there was more to the 2016 referendum than just general malaise centered on the economy and inequality. There were idiosyncratic events that provided tailwinds for the Leave campaign. Or, as we put it in 2016: Certainly, a number of ills have befallen the continent in quick succession: the euro area sovereign debt crisis, Russian military intervention in Ukraine, rampant migrant inflows from Africa and the Middle East, and terrorist attacks in France. It is no surprise that the U.K. populace wants to think twice about tying itself even more closely to a Europe apparently on the run from the Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse. The two issues we would particularly focus on were the migrant crisis and terrorist attacks in Europe. Data ahead of the referendum clearly gave credence to the view that the influx of migrants was raising “concerns about immigration and race.” This angst was primarily focused on EU migrants who came to the U.K. legally (Chart 8), but the influx of millions of migrants into the EU in 2015 – peaking at 172,000 in the month of October – certainly bolstered the anxiety in the U.K. (Chart 9).3 Chart 8EU Migrants A Source Of Anxiety In 2016 EU Migrants A Source Of Anxiety In 2016 EU Migrants A Source Of Anxiety In 2016 Chart 9The Refugee Crisis Boosted Brexit Vote The Refugee Crisis Boosted Brexit Vote The Refugee Crisis Boosted Brexit Vote Terrorism was another concern. In the 18 months preceding the referendum, continental Europe experienced 13 deadly terror attacks. Two were particularly egregious: the November 2015 Paris terror attack that led to 130 deaths, and the March 2016 Brussels terror attack that led to 32 deaths. The idiosyncratic events that provided tailwinds behind Brexit … were the migrant crisis and terrorist attacks in Europe. Both the migration and terror crises, however, were temporary and caused by idiosyncratic variables with short half-lives. BCA’s Geopolitical Strategy argued that both would eventually abate. The migration crisis would subside due to firming European attitudes towards asylum seekers and the exhaustion of the supply of migrants as the Syrian Civil War drew to its tragic close. The extremist Islamic terror attacks would dwindle due to the decrease in the marginal utility of terror that has been observed in previous waves of terrorism (Chart 10). Neither forecast was popular with our client base, but both have been spot on. Chart 10Fewer Attacks Due To Declining Marginal Utility Of Terror Fewer Attacks Due To Declining Marginal Utility Of Terror Fewer Attacks Due To Declining Marginal Utility Of Terror The point is that the British electorate was never as Euroskeptic as the Euroskeptics cheering on Brexit thought. Support for EU integration has waxed and waned for decades (Chart 11). Instead, a combination of macro-malaise caused by the general plight of the middle class – the same factors that have given tailwinds to populist policymakers across developed markets – and idiosyncratic crises in the middle of this decade created the context in which the public voted to leave the EU. Whatever the vote was for, we can say with a high degree of certainty that it was not in favor of the current deal on offer, a relatively hard Brexit. After all, the pro-Leave Tories almost universally campaigned in favor of remaining in the Common Market post-Brexit.4 Chart 11Data Does Not Support Euroskeptic U.K. Data Does Not Support Euroskeptic U.K. Data Does Not Support Euroskeptic U.K. Today, Bregret has clearly set in. Not only on the specific issue of whether the U.K. should leave the EU – where the gap between Bremorseful voters and committed Brexiters is now 8% (Chart 12), a 12% swing since just after the referendum – but also on the more existential question of whether U.K. citizens feel European (Chart 13). Chart 12Bregret Has Set In... Bregret Has Set In... Bregret Has Set In... Chart 13...And Brits Feel More European ...And Brits Feel More European ...And Brits Feel More European The political reality of Bregret is the most important variable in predicting Brexit. Not only is it difficult for Prime Minister May to deliver her relatively hard Brexit in Westminster due to the mid-2017 electoral math, but it is especially the case when the electorate does not want it. Yes, the mid-2016 referendum is an expression of a democratic will that must be respected. But no policymaker wants to respect the referendum at the cost of disrespecting the current disposition of the median voter, which is revealed through polls. Doing so will cost them in the next election. The British electorate was never as Euroskeptic as the Euroskeptics cheering on Brexit thought. Reviewing “how we got here” is essential in forecasting the tactical, strategic, and secular time horizons in the ongoing Brexit imbroglio. To this task we now turn. Bottom Line: The U.K. electorate is not staunchly Euroskeptic: data clearly support this fact. The Brexit referendum simply came at the right time for the Leave vote, as the secular forces of middle-class discontent combined with idiosyncratic crises of migration and terror. Three years following the referendum, the discontent remains unaddressed by British policymakers while the idiosyncratic crises have abated. As such, Bregret has set in, creating a new reality that U.K. policymakers must respond to if they want to retain political capital. Where Are We Going? The Tactical And Strategic Time Horizons The EU has offered a two-step delay to the Article 50 deadline of March 29. The first option is a delay until May 22, but only if Theresa May successfully passes her Brexit plan through Westminster. The second option is a delay until April 12. This would come in effect if the House of Commons rejects the deal on offer. The short time frame is supposed to pressure London to come up with the next steps, which the EU has inferred would either be to get out of the bloc without a deal or to plan for a long-term extension. Although there are no official conditions to awarding a long-term extension, it is clear that the EU only envisages three options: Renegotiate the terms of Brexit, to include either a customs union or full Common Market membership (a softer Brexit); Hold a general election to break the impasse; Hold another referendum. The EU is suggesting that it could deny the U.K. an extension if London does not come back with a plan. There are two reasons why we would call the EU’s bluff. First, it is likely an attempt to help May get the deal through the House of Commons by creating a sense of urgency. Second, the European Court of Justice (ECJ) ruled in December 2018 that the U.K. could “revoke that notification unilaterally, in an unequivocal and unconditional manner, by a notice addressed to the European Council in writing.”5 The only requirement is that the notification be sent to Brussels prior to March 29 (or, in the case of a mutually agreed upon extension, prior to April 12). It is increasingly likely that, after the deal on offer fails, Theresa May will have to go “hat-in-hand” to the EU to ask for a much longer extension. She will have until April 12 to ask for that extension, but it would require participation in the European Parliamentary (EP) elections on May 23. Prime Minister May has said that the U.K. will not hold those elections. We beg to differ. Not holding the election would allow the EU to end the U.K.’s membership in the bloc, which would by default mean contravening the Parliament’s will to reject a no-deal Brexit (which it did in a rebuke to the government in March). As such, the U.K. will absolutely hold an EP election in May. Yes, it will be a huge embarrassment to the Conservative government. And we would venture that the election would turn out a huge pro-EU majority from the U.K., given that it is the Europhile side of the aisle that is now excited and activated, further embarrassing the ruling government. The most likely scenario is that Theresa May either resigns and is replaced by a soft-Brexit Tory, or that she agrees to a long-term extension to give the U.K. time to call a new election. The most likely scenario, therefore, is that Theresa May either resigns and is replaced by a soft-Brexit Tory, or that she agrees to a long-term extension to give the U.K. time to call a new election. As we have been arguing throughout the year, the only way to break the impasse without calling a referendum – is to call a new election. A new election would be contested almost exclusively on the issue of Brexit – unlike the 2017 election, which Jeremy Corbyn managed to be almost exclusively contested on the issue of austerity. As such, the winner would have a clear political mandate to pursue the Brexit of their choice. If it is Jeremy Corbyn, this would mean a second referendum, given his recent conversion to supporting one. If Theresa May remains prime minister, it would be her relatively hard Brexit option; if another Tory replaces her, it would potentially be a softer Brexit. Intriguingly, Theresa May is coming up to the average “expiry date” of a “takeover” prime minister, which is 3.3 years (Chart 14). Chart 14 Why do we think that Theresa May would be replaced with a soft Brexit Tory? Because there are simply not enough members of parliament in the Conservative Party caucus to elect a hard Brexiteer. Furthermore, the current deal on offer, which is a form of hard Brexit, clearly has no chance of passing in the House of Commons. Theresa May herself did not support the Leave campaign, but she converted into a hard Brexiteer due to the pressures in the Conservative Party caucus. If, on the other hand, we are wrong and the Conservative Party elects a hard Brexit Tory as leader, the odds of losing the election to the Labour Party would increase. Furthermore, the impasse in the House of Commons would not be resolved as Theresa May would be replaced by a prime minister with essentially the same approach to Brexit. Confused? You are not alone. Diagram 1 illustrates the complexity of the tactical (0-3 months) and strategic (3-12 months) time horizons. There are so many options over the next six months alone that we ran out of space in our diagram to consider the consequences of the general election. Diagram 1Confused? You Are Not Alone The State Of Brexit The State Of Brexit Needless to say, an election would induce volatility in the market as it would put Jeremy Corbyn close to the premiership. While he has now promised a second referendum, his government would also implement policies that could, especially in the short term, agitate the markets. Our forecasts of the currency moves alone suggest that volatility is the only sure bet over tactical and strategic time horizons. We do not have a high-conviction view on a directional call on the pound or U.K. equities. However, global growth concerns, combined with political uncertainty, should create a bond-bullish environment. Bottom Line: Over the course of the year, political uncertainty will remain high in the United Kingdom. A general election is the clearest path to breaking the current deadlock. However, it is not guaranteed, as Labour’s recent decline in the polls appears to be reversing since Jeremy Corbyn finally succumbed to the demands that he support a new referendum (Chart 15). Chart 15Labour Party Revives On Referendum Support Labour Party Revives On Referendum Support Labour Party Revives On Referendum Support The Secular Horizon BCA Geopolitical Strategy believes that the median voter is the price maker in the political market place. Politicians are merely price takers. This is why Theresa May’s notion that the sanctity of the 2016 referendum cannot be abrogated is doubly false. First, she cannot truly claim from the slim 52%-48% result that U.K. voters want her form of Brexit. The referendum therefore may be a sacred expression of the democratic will, but her “no customs union” Brexit option is not holy water: It is an educated guess at best, pandering to hard Brexit Tories (a minority of the electorate) at worst. Given that 48% of the electorate wanted to remain in the EU and that a large portion of Brexit voters wanted a Common Market membership as part of Brexit, it is mathematically obvious that the softest of soft Brexit options was the desire of the median voter in June 2016. An election would induce volatility to the market as it would put Jeremy Corbyn close to the premiership. Furthermore, polling data (presented in Chart 12 and Chart 13) now clearly show that the median voter is migrating away from even the softest of soft Brexit options to the “Stay” camp. Bregret has set in and a strong plurality of voters no longer supports Brexit. The question behind Chart 12 is unambiguous. It clearly asks, “In hindsight, do you think Britain was right or wrong to vote to leave the EU?” What does all of this infer for the long term, or secular, horizon? First, an election this year could usher in a Labour government that delivers a new referendum. At this time, given the polling data and the geopolitical context, sans terror and migration crises, we would expect such a referendum to lead to a win for the Stay camp. Second, an election that produces a soft Brexit prime minister or negotiated outcome would allow the U.K. to leave the EU in an orderly fashion. A new Tory prime minister, pursuing a soft Brexit outcome, could even entice some Labour MPs to cross the aisle and support such an exit from the bloc. However, over a secular time horizon of the next two-to-three years, we doubt that a soft Brexit outcome would be viable. Investors have to realize that the vote on leaving the EU does not conclude the U.K. long-term deal with the bloc. That negotiating phase will last during the transition phase, over the next two-to-three years, and would conclude in yet another Westminster vote – and likely crisis – at the end of the period. If this deal entails membership in the Common Market, our low- conviction view over the long term is that it will ultimately fail. Take the financial community’s preferred soft Brexit option, the so-called super soft “Norway Plus” option. A Norway Plus option would entail the highest loss of sovereignty imaginable, given that the U.K. would essentially pay full EU membership fees with no ability to influence the regulatory policies that London would have to abide by. There is also a debate as to whether London would be able to constrict immigration from the EU under that option over the long term, a key demand of Brexiters.6 As such, the only viable option would be to switch to a customs union relationship. However, we fear that even this option may no longer be available to U.K. policymakers. Conservative Party leaders have wasted too much time and lost too much of the public’s good will. With only 40% of the electorate now considering Brexit the correct decision, it is possible that even a customs union arrangement will be unacceptable by the end of the transition period. Aside from the electorate’s growing Bregret, there is also the economic logic – or lack thereof – behind a customs union. A customs union would ensure the unfettered transit of goods between the U.K. and the continent, but not of services. This arrangement greatly favors the EU, not the U.K., as the latter has a wide (and growing) deficit in goods and an expanding surplus in services with the bloc (Chart 16). Chart 16Services Are Key For The U.K. Services Are Key For The U.K. Services Are Key For The U.K. The only logic behind selecting a customs union over the Common Market is that a customs union would allow the U.K. to conclude separate trade deals with the rest of the world. While that may be a fantasy of the few remaining laissez-faire free traders in the U.K. Conservative Party, the view hardly represents the desire of the median voter. Other than a potential trade deal with the U.S., it is practically inconceivable to expect the U.K. electorate to support a free trade agreement with China or India, both of which would likely entail an even greater loss of blue-collar jobs. Even a trade deal with the U.S. would likely face political opposition, given that the U.K. is highly unlikely to be given preferential treatment by an economy seven times its size.7 The Conservative Party has wasted its window of opportunity to push a hard, or moderately hard, Brexit through Parliament. The fact of the matter is that the Conservative Party has wasted its window of opportunity to push a hard, or moderately hard (customs union), Brexit through Parliament. Bregret has set in, as the doyens of Brexit increasingly pursued an unpopular strategy. On the other hand, a Brexit that retains the U.K. membership in the Common Market has never had much logic to begin with. Where does this leave the U.K. in the long term? Given the time horizon and the uncertainty on multiple fronts, our low-conviction view is that it leaves the U.K. inside the European Union. Bottom Line: The combination of increasing Bregret, lack of economic logic behind a customs union membership alone, and the lack of a political logic behind a Common Market membership, suggests that Brexit is unsustainable over the secular time horizon. This imperils the ultimate deal between the U.K. and the EU, which we think will not be able to pass the House of Commons in two-to-three years when it comes up for approval. This is a low-conviction view, however, as political realities can change. Support for Brexit could turn due to exogenous factors, such as a global recession that renews the Euro Area economic imbroglio or a major geopolitical crisis. Both are quite likely over the secular time horizon. Investment Implications Today, cable is cheap, trading at an 18% discount to its long-term fair value as implied by purchasing-power parity models (Chart 17). The growing probability that the U.K. may, down the road, remain in the European Union means that, at current levels the pound is indeed attractive, especially against the U.S. dollar. Chart 17Cable Attractive On Higher Odds Of Bremain Cable Attractive On Higher Odds Of Bremain Cable Attractive On Higher Odds Of Bremain However, when it comes to short-term dynamics, the picture is much murkier. The low probability of a no-deal Brexit implies limited downside. However, the path to get the U.K. to abandon the current relatively hard Brexit is also one that involves a new election. This implies that before a resolution is reached, multiple scenarios are possible, including one where Corbyn becomes the next prime minister. Jeremy Corbyn could be the most left-of center leader of any G-10 nation since Francois Mitterrand in France in the early 1980s. Mitterrand’s audacious nationalization and left-leaning policies were met with a collapse in the French franc (Chart 18). Chart 18A Left-Wing Leader Bodes Ill For The Currency A Left-Wing Leader Bodes Ill For The Currency A Left-Wing Leader Bodes Ill For The Currency Global growth also has an impact on cable. Despite all the noise around Brexit, the reality remains that exports constitute 30% of U.K. GDP, a larger contribution to output than in the euro area. This means that if global growth deteriorates, GBP/USD will face another headwind. If, however, global growth improves, then cable would face a new tailwind. Since BCA is of the view that global growth will likely trough by the summer, we are inclined to be positive on the pound. It makes sense for long-term investors to buy the GBP … short-term investors should buy the 2-year call while selling 3-month ones. Netting out all those factors, it makes sense for long-term investors to buy the GBP, using the dips along the way to build a larger position in this currency. Even on a six-to-twelve-month basis, the path of least resistance for cable is likely upward. The problem is that risk-adjusted returns are likely to be poor as volatility will remain very elevated. We therefore recommend that short-term investors instead buy the 2-year call while selling 3-month ones (Chart 19). Chart 19Volatility Will Be A Challenge For Short Term Investors Volatility Will Be A Challenge For Short Term Investors Volatility Will Be A Challenge For Short Term Investors Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Chief Geopolitical Strategist marko@bcaresearch.com Mathieu Savary, Vice President The Bank Credit Analyst mathieu@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 At the time of publication of our March report, we still had a low-conviction view that the vote would swing towards Stay at the last moment. 2 Please see BCA Research European Investment Strategy Weekly Report, “Important Message From The Currency Markets,” dated March 14, 2019, available at eis.bcaresearch.com. 3 Trying to play up the threat of unchecked migration, the U.K. Independence Party ran a famous campaign poster showing hundreds of refugees on a road under the title of “Breaking Point – The EU has failed us all.” Despite the fact that the U.K. accepted only around 10,000 Syrian refugees since the 2015 crisis. Germany has accepted over 700,000 while Canada – which is located across the Atlantic Ocean on a different continent – accepted over 40,000. Even the impoverished Serbia has accepted more Syrian refugees than the U.K. ­4 One of the most prominent Leave supporters, Boris Johnson, famously quipped after the referendum result that “There will continue to be free trade and access to the single market.” 5 Please see The European Court of Justice, “Judgement Of The Court,” In Case C-621/18, dated December 10, 2018, available at curia.europa.eu. 6 Proponents of the Norway Plus option point out that Article 112(1) of the European Economic Area (EEA) Agreement allows for restriction of movement of people within the area. However, these restrictions are intended to be used in times of “serious economic, societal or environmental difficulties.” It certainly appears to be an option for London to restrict EU migration, but it is not clear whether Europe would agree for this to be a permanent solution. Liechtenstein has been using Article 112 to impose quantitative limitations on immigration for decades, but that is because its tiny geographical area is recognized as a “specific situation” that justifies such restrictions. 7 President Donald Trump may want to give the U.K. preferential trade terms on the basis of the filial Anglo-Saxon relationship alone, but it is highly unlikely that the increasingly protectionist Congress would do the same. There is also no guarantee that President Trump will be around to bring such trade negotiations across the finish line.

So What? It makes sense for long-term investors to buy the GBP. However, short-term investors should instead buy the 2-year call while selling 3-month ones. Why? The U.K. electorate is not staunchly Euroskeptic. In fact, Bregret has already set in. Volatility is the only sure bet over the tactical and strategic time horizons. The most likely scenario is that Theresa May either resigns and is replaced by a soft-Brexit Tory, or that she agrees to a long-term extension to give the U.K. time to call a new election. Brexit is unsustainable over the secular time horizon. Our low-conviction view is that in the long term, the U.K. will remain inside the European Union. The hour is late in the ongoing Brexit saga. The original deadline, once spoken of with religious reverence, will be tossed aside for one, potentially two, extensions. In this analysis, we attempt to consider the state of Brexit from multiple time horizons. First, we offer our tactical view, what will happen in the next several weeks and months. Second, we offer our strategic view, surveying the Brexit process to the end of the year. Third, we consider the secular view and attempt to answer the question of whether the U.K. will ever fully exit the EU. We then assign investment recommendations across the three time horizons. How Did We Get Here? In March 2016, three months ahead of the fateful June referendum, BCA’s Geopolitical Strategy and European Investment Strategy published a joint report on the topic that drew three conclusions: The probability of Brexit was understated by the market. “According to our modeling results, roughly 64% of Tory undecided voters would have to swing to the “Stay” camp in order to ensure that the vote crosses the 50% threshold in favour of continued EU membership … Conventional wisdom suggests that the probability of Brexit is around 30%, anchoring to the 1975 referendum results. Our own analysis of current polling data suggests that it is much closer to 50%, as in too close to call.” The biggest loser of Brexit, domestically, would be the Conservative Party. “The risk is that the British populace realizes that leaving the EU was a sub-optimal result and that little sovereignty was recovered. As such, there could be a backlash against the Tories in the next general election. In this scenario, the winner would not necessarily be UKIP, but rather the Jeremy Corbyn-led Labour Party – as close to the Michael Foot-led opposition in the early 1980s as any Labour Leadership.” The EU would survive, intact, with no further “exits.” “European integration is therefore a gambit for relevance by Europe’s declining powers. Brexit will not create centrifugal forces that tear the EU apart, and could in fact enhance the sinews that bind EU member states in a bid for 21st century geopolitical relevance.” Thus far, all three predictions have proven prescient. Not only was the probability of Brexit understated, but the electorate actually voted to exit the EU.1 The Conservative Party has wrapped itself into an intellectual pretzel trying to deliver on a referendum that the pro-Brexit Tories – a minority in the party – promised would not mean losing access to the Common Market. And the EU has not only seen no other “exits,” but has held firm and united in the negotiations with the U.K. while witnessing an increase in the support for its troubled currency union, both in the Euro Area in aggregate as well as in crisis-ridden Italy (Chart II-1). Chart II-1The Euro Area Stands Unified The Euro Area Stands Unified The Euro Area Stands Unified The net assessment we conducted in 2016 correctly gauged what the Brexit referendum was about and what it was not about. Our view was that behind the angst lay factors too general to be laid at the feet of European integration. Decades of supply-side reforms combined with competition from emerging economies led to a sharp rise in U.K. income inequality (Chart II-2), the erosion of its manufacturing economy (Chart II-3), and the ballooning of the country’s financial sector (Chart II-4). As a result, the U.K.’s income inequality and social mobility were, in 2016 as today, much closer to those of its Anglo-Saxon peer America than to those of its continental European neighbors (Chart II-5). Chart II-2Brits Saw Inequality Surge Brits Saw Inequality Surge Brits Saw Inequality Surge Chart II-3Manufacturing Jobs Collapsed Manufacturing Jobs Collapsed Manufacturing Jobs Collapsed Chart II-4The Financial Bubble Burst The Financial Bubble Burst The Financial Bubble Burst Chart II-5 The underlying economic angst has continued to influence British politics since Brexit. Campaigning on an anti-austerity platform in the summer of 2017, the Labour Party leader Jeremy Corbyn nearly won the general election, only underperforming the Conservative vote by 2% (Chart II-6). The election was supposed to politically recapitalize Theresa May and allow her to lead the U.K. out of the EU. But the failure to secure a single-party majority created the political math in the House of Commons that is today preventing the prime minister from executing on Brexit. There are simply not enough committed Brexiters in Westminster to deliver on the relatively hard Brexit – no access to the EU Common Market or customs union – that Prime Minister May has put on offer (Chart II-7). Chart II-6 Chart II-7 The decision not to pursue a customs union arrangement with the EU is particularly disastrous. As our colleague Dhaval Joshi – Chief Strategist of BCA’s European Investment Strategy – has pointed out, remaining in the customs union would have protected the cross-border supply chains that are vital to many U.K. businesses and would have avoided a hard customs border on the island of Ireland.2 However, the slim margin of the Tory victory in 2017 has boosted the influence of the 20-to-40 hard-Brexiters in the party. They pushed Theresa May to the extreme, where a customs union arrangement – let alone access to the Common Market – became politically unpalatable. Had the British electorate genuinely wanted “Brexit über alles,” or the relatively hard Brexit on offer today, the margin of victory for Leave would have been greater. Furthermore, the electorate would not have come so close to giving the far-left Corbyn – who nonetheless supports the softest-of-soft Brexits – a majority in mid-2017. The slim margin of victory effectively tied May’s hands in her subsequent negotiations with both the EU and her own party. But there was more to the 2016 referendum than just general malaise centered on the economy and inequality. There were idiosyncratic events that provided tailwinds for the Leave campaign. Or, as we put it in 2016: Certainly, a number of ills have befallen the continent in quick succession: the euro area sovereign debt crisis, Russian military intervention in Ukraine, rampant migrant inflows from Africa and the Middle East, and terrorist attacks in France. It is no surprise that the U.K. populace wants to think twice about tying itself even more closely to a Europe apparently on the run from the Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse. The two issues we would particularly focus on were the migrant crisis and terrorist attacks in Europe. Data ahead of the referendum clearly gave credence to the view that the influx of migrants was raising “concerns about immigration and race.” This angst was primarily focused on EU migrants who came to the U.K. legally (Chart II-8), but the influx of millions of migrants into the EU in 2015 – peaking at 172,000 in the month of October – certainly bolstered the anxiety in the U.K. (Chart II-9).3 Chart II-8EU Migrants A Source Of Anxiety In 2016 EU Migrants A Source Of Anxiety In 2016 EU Migrants A Source Of Anxiety In 2016 Chart II-9The Refugee Crisis Boosted Brexit Vote The Refugee Crisis Boosted Brexit Vote The Refugee Crisis Boosted Brexit Vote Terrorism was another concern. In the 18 months preceding the referendum, continental Europe experienced 13 deadly terror attacks. Two were particularly egregious: the November 2015 Paris terror attack that led to 130 deaths, and the March 2016 Brussels terror attack that led to 32 deaths. Both the migration and terror crises, however, were temporary and caused by idiosyncratic variables with short half-lives. BCA’s Geopolitical Strategy argued that both would eventually abate. The migration crisis would subside due to firming European attitudes towards asylum seekers and the exhaustion of the supply of migrants as the Syrian Civil War drew to its tragic close. The extremist Islamic terror attacks would dwindle due to the decrease in the marginal utility of terror that has been observed in previous waves of terrorism (Chart II-10). Neither forecast was popular with our client base, but both have been spot on. Chart II-10Fewer Attacks Due To Declining Marginal Utility Of Terror Fewer Attacks Due To Declining Marginal Utility Of Terror Fewer Attacks Due To Declining Marginal Utility Of Terror The point is that the British electorate was never as Euroskeptic as the Euroskeptics cheering on Brexit thought. Support for EU integration has waxed and waned for decades (Chart II-11). Instead, a combination of macro-malaise caused by the general plight of the middle class – the same factors that have given tailwinds to populist policymakers across developed markets – and idiosyncratic crises in the middle of this decade created the context in which the public voted to leave the EU. Whatever the vote was for, we can say with a high degree of certainty that it was not in favor of the current deal on offer, a relatively hard Brexit. After all, the pro-Leave Tories almost universally campaigned in favor of remaining in the Common Market post-Brexit.4 Chart II-11Data Does Not Support Euroskeptic U.K. Data Does Not Support Euroskeptic U.K. Data Does Not Support Euroskeptic U.K. Today, Bregret has clearly set in. Not only on the specific issue of whether the U.K. should leave the EU – where the gap between Bremorseful voters and committed Brexiters is now 8% (Chart II-12), a 12% swing since just after the referendum – but also on the more existential question of whether U.K. citizens feel European (Chart II-13). Chart II-12Bregret Has Set In... Bregret Has Set In... Bregret Has Set In... Chart II-13...And Brits Feeling More European ...And Brits Feeling More European ...And Brits Feeling More European The political reality of Bregret is the most important variable in predicting Brexit. Not only is it difficult for Prime Minister May to deliver her relatively hard Brexit in Westminster due to the mid-2017 electoral math, but it is especially the case when the electorate does not want it. Yes, the mid-2016 referendum is an expression of a democratic will that must be respected. But no policymaker wants to respect the referendum at the cost of disrespecting the current disposition of the median voter, which is revealed through polls. Doing so will cost them in the next election. Reviewing “how we got here” is essential in forecasting the tactical, strategic, and secular time horizons in the ongoing Brexit imbroglio. To this task we now turn. Bottom Line: The U.K. electorate is not staunchly Euroskeptic: data clearly support this fact. The Brexit referendum simply came at the right time for the Leave vote, as the secular forces of middle-class discontent combined with idiosyncratic crises of migration and terror. Three years following the referendum, the discontent remains unaddressed by British policymakers while the idiosyncratic crises have abated. As such, Bregret has set in, creating a new reality that U.K. policymakers must respond to if they want to retain political capital. Where Are We Going? The Tactical And Strategic Time Horizons The EU has offered a two-step delay to the Article 50 deadline of March 29. The first option is a delay until May 22, but only if Theresa May successfully passes her Brexit plan through Westminster. The second option is a delay until April 12. This would come in effect if the House of Commons rejects the deal on offer. The short time frame is supposed to pressure London to come up with the next steps, which the EU has inferred would either be to get out of the bloc without a deal or to plan for a long-term extension. Although there are no official conditions to awarding a long-term extension, it is clear that the EU only envisages three options: Renegotiate the terms of Brexit, to include either a customs union or full Common Market membership (a softer Brexit); Hold a general election to break the impasse; Hold another referendum. The EU is suggesting that it could deny the U.K. an extension if London does not come back with a plan. There are two reasons why we would call the EU’s bluff. First, it is likely an attempt to help May get the deal through the House of Commons by creating a sense of urgency. Second, the European Court of Justice (ECJ) ruled in December 2018 that the U.K. could “revoke that notification unilaterally, in an unequivocal and unconditional manner, by a notice addressed to the European Council in writing.”5 The only requirement is that the notification be sent to Brussels prior to March 29 (or, in the case of a mutually agreed upon extension, prior to April 12). It is increasingly likely that, after the deal on offer fails, Theresa May will have to go “hat-in-hand” to the EU to ask for a much longer extension. She will have until April 12 to ask for that extension, but it would require participation in the European Parliamentary (EP) elections on May 23. Prime Minister May has said that the U.K. will not hold those elections. We beg to differ. Not holding the election would allow the EU to end the U.K.’s membership in the bloc, which would by default mean contravening the Parliament’s will to reject a no-deal Brexit (which it did in a rebuke to the government in March). As such, the U.K. will absolutely hold an EP election in May. Yes, it will be a huge embarrassment to the Conservative government. And we would venture that the election would turn out a huge pro-EU majority from the U.K., given that it is the Europhile side of the aisle that is now excited and activated, further embarrassing the ruling government. The most likely scenario, therefore, is that Theresa May either resigns and is replaced by a soft-Brexit Tory, or that she agrees to a long-term extension to give the U.K. time to call a new election. As we have been arguing throughout the year, the only way to break the impasse without calling a referendum – is to call a new election. A new election would be contested almost exclusively on the issue of Brexit – unlike the 2017 election, which Jeremy Corbyn managed to be almost exclusively contested on the issue of austerity. As such, the winner would have a clear political mandate to pursue the Brexit of their choice. If it is Jeremy Corbyn, this would mean a second referendum, given his recent conversion to supporting one. If Theresa May remains prime minister, it would be her relatively hard Brexit option; if another Tory replaces her, it would potentially be a softer Brexit. Intriguingly, Theresa May is coming up to the average “expiry date” of a “takeover” prime minister, which is 3.3 years (Chart II-14). Chart II-14 Why do we think that Theresa May would be replaced with a soft Brexit Tory? Because there are simply not enough members of parliament in the Conservative Party caucus to elect a hard Brexiteer. Furthermore, the current deal on offer, which is a form of hard Brexit, clearly has no chance of passing in the House of Commons. Theresa May herself did not support the Leave campaign, but she converted into a hard Brexiteer due to the pressures in the Conservative Party caucus. If, on the other hand, we are wrong and the Conservative Party elects a hard Brexit Tory as leader, the odds of losing the election to the Labour Party would increase. Furthermore, the impasse in the House of Commons would not be resolved as Theresa May would be replaced by a prime minister with essentially the same approach to Brexit. Confused? You are not alone. Diagram II-1 illustrates the complexity of the tactical (0-3 months) and strategic (3-12 months) time horizons. There are so many options over the next six months alone that we ran out of space in our diagram to consider the consequences of the general election. Chart II- Needless to say, an election would induce volatility in the market as it would put Jeremy Corbyn close to the premiership. While he has now promised a second referendum, his government would also implement policies that could, especially in the short term, agitate the markets. Our forecasts of the currency moves alone suggest that volatility is the only sure bet over tactical and strategic time horizons. We do not have a high-conviction view on a directional call on the pound or U.K. equities. However, global growth concerns, combined with political uncertainty, should create a bond-bullish environment. Bottom Line: Over the course of the year, political uncertainty will remain high in the United Kingdom. A general election is the clearest path to breaking the current deadlock. However, it is not guaranteed, as Labour’s recent decline in the polls appears to be reversing since Jeremy Corbyn finally succumbed to the demands that he support a new referendum (Chart II-15). Chart II-15Labour Party Revives On Referendum Support Labour Party Revives On Referendum Support Labour Party Revives On Referendum Support The Secular Horizon BCA Geopolitical Strategy believes that the median voter is the price maker in the political market place. Politicians are merely price takers. This is why Theresa May’s notion that the sanctity of the 2016 referendum cannot be abrogated is doubly false. First, she cannot truly claim from the slim 52%-48% result that U.K. voters want her form of Brexit. The referendum therefore may be a sacred expression of the democratic will, but her “no customs union” Brexit option is not holy water: It is an educated guess at best, pandering to hard Brexit Tories (a minority of the electorate) at worst. Given that 48% of the electorate wanted to remain in the EU and that a large portion of Brexit voters wanted a Common Market membership as part of Brexit, it is mathematically obvious that the softest of soft Brexit options was the desire of the median voter in June 2016. Furthermore, polling data (presented in Chart II-12 and Chart II-13 on page 28) now clearly show that the median voter is migrating away from even the softest of soft Brexit options to the “Stay” camp. Bregret has set in and a strong plurality of voters no longer supports Brexit. The question behind Chart II-12 is unambiguous. It clearly asks, “In hindsight, do you think Britain was right or wrong to vote to leave the EU?” What does all of this infer for the long term, or secular, horizon? First, an election this year could usher in a Labour government that delivers a new referendum. At this time, given the polling data and the geopolitical context, sans terror and migration crises, we would expect such a referendum to lead to a win for the Stay camp. Second, an election that produces a soft Brexit prime minister or negotiated outcome would allow the U.K. to leave the EU in an orderly fashion. A new Tory prime minister, pursuing a soft Brexit outcome, could even entice some Labour MPs to cross the aisle and support such an exit from the bloc. However, over a secular time horizon of the next two-to-three years, we doubt that a soft Brexit outcome would be viable. Investors have to realize that the vote on leaving the EU does not conclude the U.K. long-term deal with the bloc. That negotiating phase will last during the transition phase, over the next two-to-three years, and would conclude in yet another Westminster vote – and likely crisis – at the end of the period. If this deal entails membership in the Common Market, our low- conviction view over the long term is that it will ultimately fail. Take the financial community’s preferred soft Brexit option, the so-called super soft “Norway Plus” option. A Norway Plus option would entail the highest loss of sovereignty imaginable, given that the U.K. would essentially pay full EU membership fees with no ability to influence the regulatory policies that London would have to abide by. There is also a debate as to whether London would be able to constrict immigration from the EU under that option over the long term, a key demand of Brexiters.6 As such, the only viable option would be to switch to a customs union relationship. However, we fear that even this option may no longer be available to U.K. policymakers. Conservative Party leaders have wasted too much time and lost too much of the public’s good will. With only 40% of the electorate now considering Brexit the correct decision, it is possible that even a customs union arrangement will be unacceptable by the end of the transition period. Aside from the electorate’s growing Bregret, there is also the economic logic – or lack thereof – behind a customs union. A customs union would ensure the unfettered transit of goods between the U.K. and the continent, but not of services. This arrangement greatly favors the EU, not the U.K., as the latter has a wide (and growing) deficit in goods and an expanding surplus in services with the bloc (Chart II-16). Chart II-16Services Are Key For The U.K. Services Are Key For The U.K. Services Are Key For The U.K. The only logic behind selecting a customs union over the Common Market is that a customs union would allow the U.K. to conclude separate trade deals with the rest of the world. While that may be a fantasy of the few remaining laissez-faire free traders in the U.K. Conservative Party, the view hardly represents the desire of the median voter. Other than a potential trade deal with the U.S., it is practically inconceivable to expect the U.K. electorate to support a free trade agreement with China or India, both of which would likely entail an even greater loss of blue-collar jobs. Even a trade deal with the U.S. would likely face political opposition, given that the U.K. is highly unlikely to be given preferential treatment by an economy seven times its size.7 The fact of the matter is that the Conservative Party has wasted its window of opportunity to push a hard, or moderately hard (customs union), Brexit through Parliament. Bregret has set in, as the doyens of Brexit increasingly pursued an unpopular strategy. On the other hand, a Brexit that retains the U.K. membership in the Common Market has never had much logic to begin with. Where does this leave the U.K. in the long term? Given the time horizon and the uncertainty on multiple fronts, our low-conviction view is that it leaves the U.K. inside the European Union. Bottom Line: The combination of increasing Bregret, lack of economic logic behind a customs union membership alone, and the lack of a political logic behind a Common Market membership, suggests that Brexit is unsustainable over the secular time horizon. This imperils the ultimate deal between the U.K. and the EU, which we think will not be able to pass the House of Commons in two-to-three years when it comes up for approval. This is a low-conviction view, however, as political realities can change. Support for Brexit could turn due to exogenous factors, such as a global recession that renews the Euro Area economic imbroglio or a major geopolitical crisis. Both are quite likely over the secular time horizon. Investment Implications Today, cable is cheap, trading at an 18% discount to its long-term fair value as implied by purchasing-power parity models (Chart II-17). The growing probability that the U.K. may, down the road, remain in the European Union means that, at current levels the pound is indeed attractive, especially against the U.S. dollar. Chart II-17Cable Attractive On Higher Odds Of Bremain Cable Attractive On Higher Odds Of Bremain Cable Attractive On Higher Odds Of Bremain However, when it comes to short-term dynamics, the picture is much murkier. The low probability of a no-deal Brexit implies limited downside. However, the path to get the U.K. to abandon the current relatively hard Brexit is also one that involves a new election. This implies that before a resolution is reached, multiple scenarios are possible, including one where Corbyn becomes the next prime minister. Jeremy Corbyn could be the most left-of center leader of any G-10 nation since Francois Mitterrand in France in the early 1980s. Mitterrand’s audacious nationalization and left-leaning policies were met with a collapse in the French franc (Chart II-18). Chart II-18A Left-Wing Leader Bodes Ill For The Currency A Left-Wing Leader Bodes Ill For The Currency A Left-Wing Leader Bodes Ill For The Currency Global growth also has an impact on cable. Despite all the noise around Brexit, the reality remains that exports constitute 30% of U.K. GDP, a larger contribution to output than in the euro area. This means that if global growth deteriorates, GBP/USD will face another headwind. If, however, global growth improves, then cable would face a new tailwind. Since BCA is of the view that global growth will likely trough by the summer, we are inclined to be positive on the pound. Netting out all those factors, it makes sense for long-term investors to buy the GBP, using the dips along the way to build a larger position in this currency. Even on a six-to-twelve-month basis, the path of least resistance for cable is likely upward. The problem is that risk-adjusted returns are likely to be poor as volatility will remain very elevated. We therefore recommend that short-term investors instead buy the 2-year call while selling 3-month ones (Chart II-19). Chart II-19Volatility Will Be A Challenge For Short Term Investors Volatility Will Be A Challenge For Short Term Investors Volatility Will Be A Challenge For Short Term Investors Marko Papic Senior Vice President Chief Geopolitical Strategist Mathieu Savary Vice President The Bank Credit Analyst   Footnotes 1       At the time of publication of our March report, we still had a low-conviction view that the vote would swing towards Stay at the last moment. 2       Please see BCA Research European Investment Strategy Weekly Report, “Important Message From The Currency Markets,” dated March 14, 2019, available at eis.bcaresearch.com. 3       Trying to play up the threat of unchecked migration, the U.K. Independence Party ran a famous campaign poster showing hundreds of refugees on a road under the title of “Breaking Point – The EU has failed us all.” Despite the fact that the U.K. accepted only around 10,000 Syrian refugees since the 2015 crisis. Germany has accepted over 700,000 while Canada – which is located across the Atlantic Ocean on a different continent – accepted over 40,000. Even the impoverished Serbia has accepted more Syrian refugees than the U.K. 4       One of the most prominent Leave supporters, Boris Johnson, famously quipped after the referendum result that “There will continue to be free trade and access to the single market.” 5       Please see The European Court of Justice, “Judgement Of The Court,” In Case C-621/18, dated December 10, 2018, available at curia.europa.eu. 6       Proponents of the Norway Plus option point out that Article 112(1) of the European Economic Area (EEA) Agreement allows for restriction of movement of people within the area. However, these restrictions are intended to be used in times of “serious economic, societal or environmental difficulties.” It certainly appears to be an option for London to restrict EU migration, but it is not clear whether Europe would agree for this to be a permanent solution. Liechtenstein has been using Article 112 to impose quantitative limitations on immigration for decades, but that is because its tiny geographical area is recognized as a “specific situation” that justifies such restrictions. 7       President Donald Trump may want to give the U.K. preferential trade terms on the basis of the filial Anglo-Saxon relationship alone, but it is highly unlikely that the increasingly protectionist Congress would do the same. There is also no guarantee that President Trump will be around to bring such trade negotiations across the finish line.  

Highlights Driven by its fear that deflation is a more intractable danger than inflation, the Federal Reserve has enshrined its pause for the remainder of 2019 in order to lift inflation expectations. Since the U.S. business cycle expansion is not over, the Federal Reserve’s plan to put policy on hold this year raises the odds that the economy will overheat. Global growth is set to bottom during the second quarter in response to easier financial conditions. Accommodative policy, rebounding global economic activity and a softening dollar will boost risk asset prices during the remainder of the year. Safe-haven bonds, including Treasurys, will underperform cash over the coming 12 to 18 months. The rally in risk assets will ultimately prove the last hurrah as the Fed will resume tightening later this year or in 2020, and a bear market lies down the road. Only investors with tactical investment horizons should aggressively play this rally. Those with longer investment horizons should use this rally to lighten up their exposure to risk. Feature Introduction Following the introduction of the word “patience” into the Federal Reserve’s lexicon, a move lower in the so-called Fed dots was to be anticipated. The FOMC now expects no rate increases in 2019 and only one hike in 2020. The interest rate market remains skeptical that the Fed will be able to deliver on its forecast. For now, the OIS curve is pricing in a 75% probability of a cut this year, and rates at 1.9% by the end of 2020. With the 10-year/3-month yield curve inverting last week and the U.S. Leading Economic Indicator still decelerating, it is no wonder that investors are betting on the Fed becoming ever more dovish (Chart I-1). BCA is inclined to take the Fed at its word – the next move will be a hike, not a cut. This call rests on our view of the business cycle: The fed funds rate is still somewhat below neutral, U.S. economic activity can expand further, and global growth is likely to trough soon. The current dovish inclination of global central banks will only nurture the cycle a little bit longer. Consequently, we continue to recommend a positive stance on stocks for the coming quarters, while keeping in mind that the cycle is long in the tooth, and that beyond this last climb lies a significant bear market. The U.S. Business Cycle Has Further To Run… The Fed remains data dependent, but this now means that depressed inflation expectations in the private sector need to be vanquished before the hiking can resume (Chart I-2). With the view that low realized inflation has curtailed expectations now common across major central banks, this implies that a temporary overshoot in actual core PCE will be tolerated in order to lift expectations. Chart I-1Worrisome Signs For Growth Worrisome Signs For Growth Worrisome Signs For Growth Chart I-2The Fed Wants To Lift Inflation Expectations The Fed Wants To Lift Inflation Expectations The Fed Wants To Lift Inflation Expectations   Since consumer prices are a lagging variable, lifting both realized and anticipated inflation will only be possible if we move ever further along the business cycle, further pressuring the economy. Our base case remains that the risk of a recession is low in 2019, and is even receding in 2020. First, U.S. credit-dependent cyclical spending currently constitutes only 25.3% of potential GDP. As Chart I-3 illustrates, this is in line with its historical average, and well below the levels recorded near the end of previous business cycles. This suggests that the amount of vulnerability caused by misallocated capital is not yet in line with previous cycles. It also indicates that the share of output generated by the sectors most sensitive to higher rates is also low. Chart I-3U.S. Cyclical Spending: Limited Signs Of Vulnerability U.S. Cyclical Spending: Limited Signs Of Vulnerability U.S. Cyclical Spending: Limited Signs Of Vulnerability Second, the consumer remains in good shape. Households have deleveraged, and debt-service payments relative to disposable income are still near multi-generational lows (Chart I-4). Moreover, thanks to a saving rate of 7.6%, consumer spending is likely to move in line or even outperform income growth. On this front, the outlook is also good. As Chart I-5 demonstrates, the link between wages and salaries relative to the employment-to-population ratio for prime-age workers – a measure of labor utilization unaffected by the demographic changes that have muddied the interpretation of the unemployment rate – is still as tight as it was 20 years ago. Thus, as long as the labor market does not suddenly collapse, wage growth will continue to accelerate, supporting household income and consumption.   Chart I-4Household Balance Sheets Are Solid Household Balance Sheets Are Solid Household Balance Sheets Are Solid Chart I-5 Third, at 0.4% of GDP, the fiscal thrust remains positive. In other words, fiscal policy will still add to GDP in 2019. Fourth, we do not see the traditional symptoms associated with a fed funds rate above neutral. After dipping sharply in the second half of 2018, mortgage for purchase applications are back near their cycle highs (Chart I-6). Moreover, the performance of homebuilders’ equities relative to the broad market has begun to rebound, which is inconsistent with a fed funds rate above neutral. Chart I-6Mortgage Applications Do Not Suggest Policy Is Tight Mortgage Applications Do Not Suggest Policy Is Tight Mortgage Applications Do Not Suggest Policy Is Tight Fifth, there is scope for the contribution from housing sector activity to morph from a negative to a positive. A fed funds rate below neutral historically is correlated with an improving housing market. Rising mortgage rates from 3.8% to 4.6% depressed home sales and construction output, and the fall in mortgage rates over the past x month 4.3% should stimulate housing activity (Chart I-7). Chart I-7Residential Activity Will Rebound This Year Residential Activity Will Rebound This Year Residential Activity Will Rebound This Year Bottom Line: U.S. first-quarter GDP growth will be dismal, but one quarter does not make a trend. The low degree of economic vulnerability in the U.S., and the likelihood that the fed funds rate will stay below neutral for a while suggest that growth should rebound to the 2-2.5% range and should remain above-trend for the remainder of 2019. … And Global Growth Will Soon Trough As the cliché goes, it is darkest before the dawn. This is a fitting description of the world economy outside the U.S. right now. Global trade is depressed, global PMIs are moribund and nothing feels good. But it is exactly when nothing is going well that one needs to wonder what may cause the outlook to turn for the better. Thankfully, green shoots are emerging. To begin with, central banks around the world have taken a more dovish slant. This dovish forward guidance is nurturing global activity via a significant easing in global financial conditions, which is undoing the severe brake-pumping imposed on global growth in the fourth quarter of 2018 (Chart I-8). Chart I-8Global Financial Conditions Are Easing Global Financial Conditions Are Easing Global Financial Conditions Are Easing This more dovish forward guidance has helped our Financial Liquidity Index, which sharply deteriorated through 2009, rebound. Historically, this presages an improvement in the BCA Global Leading Economic Indicator (Chart I-9). Improving liquidity conditions have already been reflected in lower real rates around the globe, creating a reflationary impulse. EM financial conditions are responding positively, pointing to an upcoming pick-up in industrial activity, as measured by our Global Nowcast (Chart I-10). Chart I-9Improving Global Liquidity Backdrop Improving Global Liquidity Backdrop Improving Global Liquidity Backdrop Chart I-10A Tailwind From EM? A Tailwind From EM? A Tailwind From EM? Our Global LEI diffusion Index has begun to reflect some of these developments. After forming a trough in 2018, more than 50% of the countries in our Global LEI are currently experiencing a sequential improvement in their LEIs. We are now entering the normal lag after which a broadening growth impulse converts into aggregate activity moving higher (Chart I-11). Most interestingly, investors do not seem to be anticipating such a rebound. There is therefore room for growth surprises around the world. Chart I-11Scope For Growth Surprises Scope For Growth Surprises Scope For Growth Surprises China has a role to play in this story, will likely morph from a headwind to global growth to a positive. Positive may be a strong word, but at the very least, we expect China to stop detracting from global growth. Premier Li-Keqiang recently put the accent on stability and preserving employment, suggesting Chinese policymakers are likely to de-emphasize deleveraging over the coming 12-18 months. For Chinese growth to improve, deleveraging does not even have to stop. As both theory and history have shown, a slower pace of deleveraging means that the credit impulse moves back into positive territory and growth re-accelerates, even if only temporarily (Chart I-12). Chart I-12Growth Can Improve Even If Deleveraging Continues Growth Can Improve Even If Deleveraging Continues Growth Can Improve Even If Deleveraging Continues As a thought experiment, if Chinese leverage were to stabilize this year and nominal growth were to hit 8% – the lower bound of the real GDP target of 6-6.5% and inflation of 2% – the Chinese credit impulse would surge to more than 10% of GDP (Chart I-13)! We are not forecasting such a large rebound in the impulse, but this exercise clearly shows that if the Chinese authorities – who are cutting taxes and trying to ease credit conditions for small- and medium-sized enterprises – want to favor stability and employment for just one year, the impact on growth will be non-negligible, even if deleveraging continues. Since domestic demand responds to the credit impulse, and imports sport an elevated beta to domestic demand, Chinese imports are likely to soon morph from a negative to something more neutral – maybe even a small positive for the rest of the world. Chart I-13A Thought Experiment A Thought Experiment A Thought Experiment Finally, as weak as Europe is right now, it will likely be an important source of positive surprises in the second half of the year. To begin with, Europe is much more sensitive to EM growth conditions than the U.S. (Chart I-14). In the same way as Europe felt the full force of the deceleration in global trade last year, it will benefit from any improvement in trade this year. Chart I-14 A myriad of idiosyncratic shocks rammed through the euro area last year, worsening an already difficult situation. The new WLTP emission standards caused German auto production to collapse by nearly 20%. Nonetheless, as contracting domestic manufacturing orders and a large inventory pullback in the final quarter of last year suggest, the inventory overhang has been worked off (Chart I-15, top panel). Chart I-15Passing European Idiosyncratic Shocks Passing European Idiosyncratic Shocks Passing European Idiosyncratic Shocks Just as critically, Italy’s technical recession should end soon. The country’s economic malaise reflected the tightening in financial conditions that followed the violent battle between Rome and Brussels early last year. Ultimately, Rome folded: The budget deficit is 2.3% of GDP, not above 6%, and threats of leaving the union have been abandoned. Consequently, financial conditions are easing. Italian bond auctions are massively oversubscribed this year, and rising bond prices are supporting the solvency of the Italian banking system. The last hurdle affecting Europe was the fact that funding stress in the Italian and Spanish banking systems have been directly addressed by the TLTRO-III announced three weeks ago by the European Central Bank. Spanish and Italian banks have to refinance EUR 425 billion of TLTRO-II this June, in a year where a sizeable amounts of European bank bonds also needs to be refinanced. This is simply too much. With the ECB again bankrolling Italian and Spanish financial institutions, funding stress in the periphery can decline. Consequently, the European credit impulse, which had formed a valley in 2018 Q1, can continue its ascent (Chart I-15, bottom panel). Bottom Line: Investors expect little from the global economy outside the U.S., yet easing liquidity and financial conditions, a temporary shift in Chinese policy preferences and passing idiosyncratic shocks in Europe all point to improvement in global economic activity. U.S. Inflation Expectations Will Allow The Fed To Resume Rate Hikes Above-potential growth in the U.S. and rebounding economic activity in the rest of the world are consistent with higher – not lower – U.S. inflation. First, rebounding global growth is normally associated with a weakening dollar (Chart I-16). This time will not be different, especially as U.S. equity valuations relative to global stocks suggest that investors are particularly pessimistic on non-U.S. growth. A weaker dollar will lift import prices, commodity prices, and goods prices, helping inflation move higher. Chart I-16The USD Is Counter-Cyclical The USD Is Counter-Cyclical The USD Is Counter-Cyclical Second, the change in the velocity of the money of zero maturity in the U.S. is consistent with a further strengthening in core inflation (Chart I-17). Chart I-17The Fisher Equations Points To Gently Rising Inflation The Fisher Equations Points To Gently Rising Inflation The Fisher Equations Points To Gently Rising Inflation Third, above-trend U.S. growth in the context of elevated capacity utilization is also consistent with rising inflation (Chart I-18). Chart I-18Elevated U.S. Capacity Utilization Elevated U.S. Capacity Utilization Elevated U.S. Capacity Utilization If these three forces can cause core PCE inflation to move slightly above 2% in the second half of 2019, this will likely result in inflation expectations firming. Moreover, the combination of positive growth surprises around the world and easy monetary and liquidity conditions will prove supportive of asset prices globally, implying further easing in global and U.S. financial conditions. This set of circumstances will allow the Fed to shift its tone toward the end of 2019, in order to crystalize additional hikes in 2020. Additionally, we estimate the U.S. terminal policy rate to be around 3.25%. In fact, a longer-than-originally-anticipated Fed pause reinforces confidence in this assessment, even if it means that it will take longer to reach the terminal level than we previously thought. Bottom Line: Our growth outlook is consistent with robust inflation and improving inflation expectations. This means we disagree with interest rate markets and anticipate the Fed will resume its hiking campaign instead of cutting rates next year. Moreover, easier-for-longer policy also strengthens our view that the fed funds rate can end this cycle near 3.25%. Stay Positive On Risk Assets For Now… Most bear markets are linked to recessions. It follows that if the U.S. business cycle can be extended and the Fed remains on the easy side of neutral for longer, then the S&P 500 has more upside (Chart I-19). So do global equities. Chart I-19Low Bear-Market Risk Low Bear-Market Risk Low Bear-Market Risk This view is reinforced by the fact that buy-side analysts and investors alike have aggressively curtailed their expectations for EPS growth this year, to 3.9% for the U.S. and 4.9% outside the U.S. Yet, our profit model suggests that U.S. EPS growth is likely to come in at around 8.1% this year. Earnings revisions are pro-cyclical. Hence, our expectation that the BCA global Leading Economic Indicator meaningfully revives in the second half of 2019 points toward analysts having ample room to revise global earnings higher in the second half of the year (Chart I-20). Chart I-20Global Profit Margins Will Improve If Growth Rebounds Global Profit Margins Will Improve If Growth Rebounds Global Profit Margins Will Improve If Growth Rebounds Moreover, global valuations experienced a reset last year. Despite a rebound, the forward P/E ratio for the MSCI All-Country World Index remains in line with 2014 levels, 12.5% lower than at their apex last year. When looking at the U.S., our composite valuation index has also improved meaningfully (Chart I-21). This improvement in valuations increases the probability that a bottom in global growth will lift stock prices. Chart I-21Large Improvement In The Equity / Risk Reward Ratio Large Improvement In The Equity / Risk Reward Ratio Large Improvement In The Equity / Risk Reward Ratio Our Monetary Indicator further reinforces this message. After being a headwind for stocks over the past eight quarters, now that the Fed has paused and is essentially guaranteeing low real rates for an extended period, this gauge is growing more supportive of further equity price gains (Chart I-22). Chart I-22Stock-Friendly Monetary Backdrop Stock-Friendly Monetary Backdrop Stock-Friendly Monetary Backdrop A below-benchmark duration exposure for fixed-income portfolio still makes sense, even if the Fed has prolonged its pause. As per our U.S. Bond Strategy service’s “Golden Rule Of Treasury Investing,” if the Fed increases rates more than the market has priced in 12 months prior, Treasurys underperform cash (Chart I-23). Even if the Fed does nothing this year, it will still be more than the OIS curve is currently pricing in. Moreover, the dollar is likely to soften and the Fed is increasingly taking the risk of falling behind the realized inflation curve. This should create upside not only for inflation breakevens but also for term premia, which are depressed everywhere across the G-10. The yield curve should modestly steepen in this environment. It may take a bit more time than we originally expected, but safe-haven bond yields are trending higher, not lower. Chart I-23The Golden Rule Of Treasury Investing The Golden Rule Of Treasury Investing The Golden Rule Of Treasury Investing Spread products are also likely to continue to do well. Easy monetary policy, a soft U.S. dollar, an ongoing U.S. business expansion, an upcoming rebound in global growth and rising asset values all point toward a delay of the inevitable wave of defaults. Corporate bonds may offer poor value and credit quality has deteriorated, but an end to the business cycle and a tighter Fed will be key to catalyzing these poor fundamentals. We are not there yet. The Brexit saga continues to have the potential to unsettle markets. Nonetheless, we would fade any broad market sell-off linked to poor British headlines. As Marko Papic writes in this month's Special Report, despite continued political uncertainty in Westminster this year, the risk of a no-deal Brexit is dwindling by the minute, and political logic suggests that there is a high probability that the U.K. will ultimately remain in the EU in two to three years. Bottom Line: After the reset in valuations and earning expectations last year, markets should continue their ascent. The Fed has showed that its “put” is alive and well. This will both favor risk-taking and extend the duration of the business cycle. If global growth can rebound in the second quarter, it will create fertile ground for strong asset prices over the bulk of 2019. Treasury yields will also exhibit upside, even if achieving these higher rates will take more time now. … But Beware What Lurks Below The benign outlook for this year masks that the rally in risk assets is living on borrowed time. A Fed willingly falling behind the curve may fan speculative flames this year, but it doesn’t mean that policy will stay easy forever. On the contrary, the inevitable rise in inflation will push rates higher down the road and the unavoidable recession will ultimately materialize, most likely somewhere around 2021. Since asset valuations will only grow more inflated between now and then, a bigger fall will ultimately ensue. Our Composite Valuation Indicator may currently be flashing a positive signal, but dynamics within its components already point to brewing trouble down the road (Chart I-24). First, the balance sheet group of indicators has showed no improvement. In other words, without last year’s rebound in profitability, stocks would not be as attractively valued as the overall indicator suggests. Chart I-24Disconcerting Internal Dynamics Disconcerting Internal Dynamics Disconcerting Internal Dynamics Second, the interest rate group is currently flattering aggregate valuations. To remain supportive of higher returns ahead, this group depends on interest rates staying constrained. Here, the Fed will play a particularly perverse role. Its willingness to tolerate inflationary pressures right now means lower rates today at the price of a higher cost of capital tomorrow. Once it becomes obvious that the Fed is falling behind the curve – something more likely to happen once inflation expectations normalize – safe-haven yields will rise sharply. The interest rate group will suddenly look a lot less supportive than it does today. Third, the profit components of our valuation indicator may look healthy today, but this will not remain the case. At 31.7%, EBITD margins are currently extraordinary elevated. In fact, if the profit margins were to normalize to their historical average, the Shiller P/E would skyrocket to 40.3 from 29.9 today, implying the stock market may be just as expensive as it was at the start of 2000. For margins to remain wide, wages will have to stay depressed relative to selling prices (Chart I-25). However, the combination of an economy at full employment and the Fed goosing economic growth points to rising wages. Since the pass-through from wages to prices is below 100%, unless productivity rises more than labor costs, profitability will suffer and P/E ratios will start sending the same message as the price-to-sales ratio, a multiple that currently stands near record highs. Chart I-25Rising Wages Will Ultimately Hurt Profits Rising Wages Will Ultimately Hurt Profits Rising Wages Will Ultimately Hurt Profits Valuations are not the only danger lurking for stocks: Spread products will morph from a tailwind to a headwind for equities. Whether or not it steepens a bit this year, the yield curve’s previous big flattening already points toward rising financial market volatility (Chart I-26). The Fed’s recent dovish tilt can keep the VIX and the MOVE compressed for a while longer. However, since inflation expectations will ultimately move higher, likely within a year or so, the Fed will once again tilt to the hawkish side, and volatility will follow its path of least resistance higher. Carry trades of all kinds will suffer, and spreads will widen. The deteriorating credit quality this cycle, with BBB and lower-rated issues constituting 60.1% of the corporate universe, could make this widening more violent than normal. This phenomenon will hurt stocks. Chart I-26Volatility Is A Coiled Spring Volatility Is A Coiled Spring Volatility Is A Coiled Spring Finally, the improvement in global growth this year is likely to prove temporary. China may want to slow the pace of deleveraging this year, but pushing debt loads lower and reforming the economy remains Beijing’s number one priority on a multi-year horizon. China has created USD 26 trillion worth of yuan since 2008, making the Chinese money supply larger than the euro area’s and the U.S.’s together. As a result, China’s incremental output-to-capital ratio continues to trend lower, implying large misallocation of capital (Chart I-27). State-owned enterprises, the recipients of much of the credit created over the past 10 years, now generate lower RoAs than their cost of borrowing, an unmistakable sign of poorly allocated funds. Chart I-27The Biggest Threat To China's Long-Term Prosperity The Biggest Threat To China's Long-Term Prosperity The Biggest Threat To China's Long-Term Prosperity Correcting this structural impediment will require the Chinese credit impulse to once again move back into negative territory. This means that unless Chinese policymakers abandon their efforts to prise the country off easy credit, Chinese growth will morph back into a headwind for the world somewhere in 2020, i.e. not so late as to encourage excesses, but not so early as to sharply slow the economy ahead of the Communist Party’s one-hundredth birthday in July 2021. In 2018, the global economy nearly ground to a halt after China had shifted from stimulus to policy tightening. The next time around, we doubt that a global recession will be avoided. The second half of 2020 may set up to be one tumultuous period. Bottom Line: In all likelihood, global risk assets should perform well this year, but we are living on borrowed time. In the background, equity valuations are deteriorating meaningfully, a phenomenon that will worsen once the Fed’s desired outcome comes to fruition: higher inflation. Wage pressures and higher interest rates will reveal how fully rotten stock valuations genuinely are. Compounding this effect, higher volatility and a resumption of China’s deleveraging efforts will likely achieve the coup de grace for stocks in the second half of 2020. Conclusion The FOMC wants to lift inflation expectations in order to defuse any lingering deflationary risk. Consequently, the Fed’s pause will last longer than we originally anticipated, but terminal rates are likely to climb higher than would have otherwise been the case. Before last week’s Fed meeting, the U.S. was already set to grow above trend. Now, the Fed will only extend the business cycle further, fanning greater inflationary pressures in the process. This potentially misguided reflationary impulse, which is echoed around the world, will contribute to a rebound in global growth that will become fully evident by the summer. Consequently, we expect risk assets to climb to new highs over the coming 12 months. Treasurys will likely underperform cash over that timeframe, as interest rate markets are currently too sanguine. Investors are facing a real dilemma. On one hand, the potential for elevated stock market returns is high over the coming 12 months. On the other, poor valuations will only grow more onerous, and the Fed will ultimately have to tighten policy even more following the on-hold period. Moreover, Chinese policymakers are unlikely to ignore the pressing danger created by misallocating capital for an extended period of time. Consequently, the outlook for long-term returns is deteriorating. As a result, we recommend more tactically minded investors to stay long stocks, with a growing preference for international equities that are both cheaper and more exposed to global growth than U.S. ones. However, longer-term asset allocators should use this period of strength to progressively move out of stocks and into safer alternatives. Mathieu Savary Vice President The Bank Credit Analyst March 28, 2019 Next Report: April 25, 2019   II. The State Of Brexit So What? It makes sense for long-term investors to buy the GBP. However, short-term investors should instead buy the 2-year call while selling 3-month ones. Why? The U.K. electorate is not staunchly Euroskeptic. In fact, Bregret has already set in. Volatility is the only sure bet over the tactical and strategic time horizons. The most likely scenario is that Theresa May either resigns and is replaced by a soft-Brexit Tory, or that she agrees to a long-term extension to give the U.K. time to call a new election. Brexit is unsustainable over the secular time horizon. Our low-conviction view is that in the long term, the U.K. will remain inside the European Union. The hour is late in the ongoing Brexit saga. The original deadline, once spoken of with religious reverence, will be tossed aside for one, potentially two, extensions. In this analysis, we attempt to consider the state of Brexit from multiple time horizons. First, we offer our tactical view, what will happen in the next several weeks and months. Second, we offer our strategic view, surveying the Brexit process to the end of the year. Third, we consider the secular view and attempt to answer the question of whether the U.K. will ever fully exit the EU. We then assign investment recommendations across the three time horizons. How Did We Get Here? In March 2016, three months ahead of the fateful June referendum, BCA’s Geopolitical Strategy and European Investment Strategy published a joint report on the topic that drew three conclusions: The probability of Brexit was understated by the market. “According to our modeling results, roughly 64% of Tory undecided voters would have to swing to the “Stay” camp in order to ensure that the vote crosses the 50% threshold in favour of continued EU membership … Conventional wisdom suggests that the probability of Brexit is around 30%, anchoring to the 1975 referendum results. Our own analysis of current polling data suggests that it is much closer to 50%, as in too close to call.” The biggest loser of Brexit, domestically, would be the Conservative Party. “The risk is that the British populace realizes that leaving the EU was a sub-optimal result and that little sovereignty was recovered. As such, there could be a backlash against the Tories in the next general election. In this scenario, the winner would not necessarily be UKIP, but rather the Jeremy Corbyn-led Labour Party – as close to the Michael Foot-led opposition in the early 1980s as any Labour Leadership.” The EU would survive, intact, with no further “exits.” “European integration is therefore a gambit for relevance by Europe’s declining powers. Brexit will not create centrifugal forces that tear the EU apart, and could in fact enhance the sinews that bind EU member states in a bid for 21st century geopolitical relevance.” Thus far, all three predictions have proven prescient. Not only was the probability of Brexit understated, but the electorate actually voted to exit the EU.1 The Conservative Party has wrapped itself into an intellectual pretzel trying to deliver on a referendum that the pro-Brexit Tories – a minority in the party – promised would not mean losing access to the Common Market. And the EU has not only seen no other “exits,” but has held firm and united in the negotiations with the U.K. while witnessing an increase in the support for its troubled currency union, both in the Euro Area in aggregate as well as in crisis-ridden Italy (Chart II-1). Chart II-1The Euro Area Stands Unified The Euro Area Stands Unified The Euro Area Stands Unified The net assessment we conducted in 2016 correctly gauged what the Brexit referendum was about and what it was not about. Our view was that behind the angst lay factors too general to be laid at the feet of European integration. Decades of supply-side reforms combined with competition from emerging economies led to a sharp rise in U.K. income inequality (Chart II-2), the erosion of its manufacturing economy (Chart II-3), and the ballooning of the country’s financial sector (Chart II-4). As a result, the U.K.’s income inequality and social mobility were, in 2016 as today, much closer to those of its Anglo-Saxon peer America than to those of its continental European neighbors (Chart II-5). Chart II-2Brits Saw Inequality Surge Brits Saw Inequality Surge Brits Saw Inequality Surge Chart II-3Manufacturing Jobs Collapsed Manufacturing Jobs Collapsed Manufacturing Jobs Collapsed Chart II-4The Financial Bubble Burst The Financial Bubble Burst The Financial Bubble Burst Chart II-5 The underlying economic angst has continued to influence British politics since Brexit. Campaigning on an anti-austerity platform in the summer of 2017, the Labour Party leader Jeremy Corbyn nearly won the general election, only underperforming the Conservative vote by 2% (Chart II-6). The election was supposed to politically recapitalize Theresa May and allow her to lead the U.K. out of the EU. But the failure to secure a single-party majority created the political math in the House of Commons that is today preventing the prime minister from executing on Brexit. There are simply not enough committed Brexiters in Westminster to deliver on the relatively hard Brexit – no access to the EU Common Market or customs union – that Prime Minister May has put on offer (Chart II-7). Chart II-6 Chart II-7 The decision not to pursue a customs union arrangement with the EU is particularly disastrous. As our colleague Dhaval Joshi – Chief Strategist of BCA’s European Investment Strategy – has pointed out, remaining in the customs union would have protected the cross-border supply chains that are vital to many U.K. businesses and would have avoided a hard customs border on the island of Ireland.2 However, the slim margin of the Tory victory in 2017 has boosted the influence of the 20-to-40 hard-Brexiters in the party. They pushed Theresa May to the extreme, where a customs union arrangement – let alone access to the Common Market – became politically unpalatable. Had the British electorate genuinely wanted “Brexit über alles,” or the relatively hard Brexit on offer today, the margin of victory for Leave would have been greater. Furthermore, the electorate would not have come so close to giving the far-left Corbyn – who nonetheless supports the softest-of-soft Brexits – a majority in mid-2017. The slim margin of victory effectively tied May’s hands in her subsequent negotiations with both the EU and her own party. But there was more to the 2016 referendum than just general malaise centered on the economy and inequality. There were idiosyncratic events that provided tailwinds for the Leave campaign. Or, as we put it in 2016: Certainly, a number of ills have befallen the continent in quick succession: the euro area sovereign debt crisis, Russian military intervention in Ukraine, rampant migrant inflows from Africa and the Middle East, and terrorist attacks in France. It is no surprise that the U.K. populace wants to think twice about tying itself even more closely to a Europe apparently on the run from the Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse. The two issues we would particularly focus on were the migrant crisis and terrorist attacks in Europe. Data ahead of the referendum clearly gave credence to the view that the influx of migrants was raising “concerns about immigration and race.” This angst was primarily focused on EU migrants who came to the U.K. legally (Chart II-8), but the influx of millions of migrants into the EU in 2015 – peaking at 172,000 in the month of October – certainly bolstered the anxiety in the U.K. (Chart II-9).3 Chart II-8EU Migrants A Source Of Anxiety In 2016 EU Migrants A Source Of Anxiety In 2016 EU Migrants A Source Of Anxiety In 2016 Chart II-9The Refugee Crisis Boosted Brexit Vote The Refugee Crisis Boosted Brexit Vote The Refugee Crisis Boosted Brexit Vote Terrorism was another concern. In the 18 months preceding the referendum, continental Europe experienced 13 deadly terror attacks. Two were particularly egregious: the November 2015 Paris terror attack that led to 130 deaths, and the March 2016 Brussels terror attack that led to 32 deaths. Both the migration and terror crises, however, were temporary and caused by idiosyncratic variables with short half-lives. BCA’s Geopolitical Strategy argued that both would eventually abate. The migration crisis would subside due to firming European attitudes towards asylum seekers and the exhaustion of the supply of migrants as the Syrian Civil War drew to its tragic close. The extremist Islamic terror attacks would dwindle due to the decrease in the marginal utility of terror that has been observed in previous waves of terrorism (Chart II-10). Neither forecast was popular with our client base, but both have been spot on. Chart II-10Fewer Attacks Due To Declining Marginal Utility Of Terror Fewer Attacks Due To Declining Marginal Utility Of Terror Fewer Attacks Due To Declining Marginal Utility Of Terror The point is that the British electorate was never as Euroskeptic as the Euroskeptics cheering on Brexit thought. Support for EU integration has waxed and waned for decades (Chart II-11). Instead, a combination of macro-malaise caused by the general plight of the middle class – the same factors that have given tailwinds to populist policymakers across developed markets – and idiosyncratic crises in the middle of this decade created the context in which the public voted to leave the EU. Whatever the vote was for, we can say with a high degree of certainty that it was not in favor of the current deal on offer, a relatively hard Brexit. After all, the pro-Leave Tories almost universally campaigned in favor of remaining in the Common Market post-Brexit.4 Chart II-11Data Does Not Support Euroskeptic U.K. Data Does Not Support Euroskeptic U.K. Data Does Not Support Euroskeptic U.K. Today, Bregret has clearly set in. Not only on the specific issue of whether the U.K. should leave the EU – where the gap between Bremorseful voters and committed Brexiters is now 8% (Chart II-12), a 12% swing since just after the referendum – but also on the more existential question of whether U.K. citizens feel European (Chart II-13). Chart II-12Bregret Has Set In... Bregret Has Set In... Bregret Has Set In... Chart II-13...And Brits Feeling More European ...And Brits Feeling More European ...And Brits Feeling More European The political reality of Bregret is the most important variable in predicting Brexit. Not only is it difficult for Prime Minister May to deliver her relatively hard Brexit in Westminster due to the mid-2017 electoral math, but it is especially the case when the electorate does not want it. Yes, the mid-2016 referendum is an expression of a democratic will that must be respected. But no policymaker wants to respect the referendum at the cost of disrespecting the current disposition of the median voter, which is revealed through polls. Doing so will cost them in the next election. Reviewing “how we got here” is essential in forecasting the tactical, strategic, and secular time horizons in the ongoing Brexit imbroglio. To this task we now turn. Bottom Line: The U.K. electorate is not staunchly Euroskeptic: data clearly support this fact. The Brexit referendum simply came at the right time for the Leave vote, as the secular forces of middle-class discontent combined with idiosyncratic crises of migration and terror. Three years following the referendum, the discontent remains unaddressed by British policymakers while the idiosyncratic crises have abated. As such, Bregret has set in, creating a new reality that U.K. policymakers must respond to if they want to retain political capital. Where Are We Going? The Tactical And Strategic Time Horizons The EU has offered a two-step delay to the Article 50 deadline of March 29. The first option is a delay until May 22, but only if Theresa May successfully passes her Brexit plan through Westminster. The second option is a delay until April 12. This would come in effect if the House of Commons rejects the deal on offer. The short time frame is supposed to pressure London to come up with the next steps, which the EU has inferred would either be to get out of the bloc without a deal or to plan for a long-term extension. Although there are no official conditions to awarding a long-term extension, it is clear that the EU only envisages three options: Renegotiate the terms of Brexit, to include either a customs union or full Common Market membership (a softer Brexit); Hold a general election to break the impasse; Hold another referendum. The EU is suggesting that it could deny the U.K. an extension if London does not come back with a plan. There are two reasons why we would call the EU’s bluff. First, it is likely an attempt to help May get the deal through the House of Commons by creating a sense of urgency. Second, the European Court of Justice (ECJ) ruled in December 2018 that the U.K. could “revoke that notification unilaterally, in an unequivocal and unconditional manner, by a notice addressed to the European Council in writing.”5 The only requirement is that the notification be sent to Brussels prior to March 29 (or, in the case of a mutually agreed upon extension, prior to April 12). It is increasingly likely that, after the deal on offer fails, Theresa May will have to go “hat-in-hand” to the EU to ask for a much longer extension. She will have until April 12 to ask for that extension, but it would require participation in the European Parliamentary (EP) elections on May 23. Prime Minister May has said that the U.K. will not hold those elections. We beg to differ. Not holding the election would allow the EU to end the U.K.’s membership in the bloc, which would by default mean contravening the Parliament’s will to reject a no-deal Brexit (which it did in a rebuke to the government in March). As such, the U.K. will absolutely hold an EP election in May. Yes, it will be a huge embarrassment to the Conservative government. And we would venture that the election would turn out a huge pro-EU majority from the U.K., given that it is the Europhile side of the aisle that is now excited and activated, further embarrassing the ruling government. The most likely scenario, therefore, is that Theresa May either resigns and is replaced by a soft-Brexit Tory, or that she agrees to a long-term extension to give the U.K. time to call a new election. As we have been arguing throughout the year, the only way to break the impasse without calling a referendum – is to call a new election. A new election would be contested almost exclusively on the issue of Brexit – unlike the 2017 election, which Jeremy Corbyn managed to be almost exclusively contested on the issue of austerity. As such, the winner would have a clear political mandate to pursue the Brexit of their choice. If it is Jeremy Corbyn, this would mean a second referendum, given his recent conversion to supporting one. If Theresa May remains prime minister, it would be her relatively hard Brexit option; if another Tory replaces her, it would potentially be a softer Brexit. Intriguingly, Theresa May is coming up to the average “expiry date” of a “takeover” prime minister, which is 3.3 years (Chart II-14). Chart II-14 Why do we think that Theresa May would be replaced with a soft Brexit Tory? Because there are simply not enough members of parliament in the Conservative Party caucus to elect a hard Brexiteer. Furthermore, the current deal on offer, which is a form of hard Brexit, clearly has no chance of passing in the House of Commons. Theresa May herself did not support the Leave campaign, but she converted into a hard Brexiteer due to the pressures in the Conservative Party caucus. If, on the other hand, we are wrong and the Conservative Party elects a hard Brexit Tory as leader, the odds of losing the election to the Labour Party would increase. Furthermore, the impasse in the House of Commons would not be resolved as Theresa May would be replaced by a prime minister with essentially the same approach to Brexit. Confused? You are not alone. Diagram II-1 illustrates the complexity of the tactical (0-3 months) and strategic (3-12 months) time horizons. There are so many options over the next six months alone that we ran out of space in our diagram to consider the consequences of the general election. Chart II- Needless to say, an election would induce volatility in the market as it would put Jeremy Corbyn close to the premiership. While he has now promised a second referendum, his government would also implement policies that could, especially in the short term, agitate the markets. Our forecasts of the currency moves alone suggest that volatility is the only sure bet over tactical and strategic time horizons. We do not have a high-conviction view on a directional call on the pound or U.K. equities. However, global growth concerns, combined with political uncertainty, should create a bond-bullish environment. Bottom Line: Over the course of the year, political uncertainty will remain high in the United Kingdom. A general election is the clearest path to breaking the current deadlock. However, it is not guaranteed, as Labour’s recent decline in the polls appears to be reversing since Jeremy Corbyn finally succumbed to the demands that he support a new referendum (Chart II-15). Chart II-15Labour Party Revives On Referendum Support Labour Party Revives On Referendum Support Labour Party Revives On Referendum Support The Secular Horizon BCA Geopolitical Strategy believes that the median voter is the price maker in the political market place. Politicians are merely price takers. This is why Theresa May’s notion that the sanctity of the 2016 referendum cannot be abrogated is doubly false. First, she cannot truly claim from the slim 52%-48% result that U.K. voters want her form of Brexit. The referendum therefore may be a sacred expression of the democratic will, but her “no customs union” Brexit option is not holy water: It is an educated guess at best, pandering to hard Brexit Tories (a minority of the electorate) at worst. Given that 48% of the electorate wanted to remain in the EU and that a large portion of Brexit voters wanted a Common Market membership as part of Brexit, it is mathematically obvious that the softest of soft Brexit options was the desire of the median voter in June 2016. Furthermore, polling data (presented in Chart II-12 and Chart II-13 on page 28) now clearly show that the median voter is migrating away from even the softest of soft Brexit options to the “Stay” camp. Bregret has set in and a strong plurality of voters no longer supports Brexit. The question behind Chart II-12 is unambiguous. It clearly asks, “In hindsight, do you think Britain was right or wrong to vote to leave the EU?” What does all of this infer for the long term, or secular, horizon? First, an election this year could usher in a Labour government that delivers a new referendum. At this time, given the polling data and the geopolitical context, sans terror and migration crises, we would expect such a referendum to lead to a win for the Stay camp. Second, an election that produces a soft Brexit prime minister or negotiated outcome would allow the U.K. to leave the EU in an orderly fashion. A new Tory prime minister, pursuing a soft Brexit outcome, could even entice some Labour MPs to cross the aisle and support such an exit from the bloc. However, over a secular time horizon of the next two-to-three years, we doubt that a soft Brexit outcome would be viable. Investors have to realize that the vote on leaving the EU does not conclude the U.K. long-term deal with the bloc. That negotiating phase will last during the transition phase, over the next two-to-three years, and would conclude in yet another Westminster vote – and likely crisis – at the end of the period. If this deal entails membership in the Common Market, our low- conviction view over the long term is that it will ultimately fail. Take the financial community’s preferred soft Brexit option, the so-called super soft “Norway Plus” option. A Norway Plus option would entail the highest loss of sovereignty imaginable, given that the U.K. would essentially pay full EU membership fees with no ability to influence the regulatory policies that London would have to abide by. There is also a debate as to whether London would be able to constrict immigration from the EU under that option over the long term, a key demand of Brexiters.6 As such, the only viable option would be to switch to a customs union relationship. However, we fear that even this option may no longer be available to U.K. policymakers. Conservative Party leaders have wasted too much time and lost too much of the public’s good will. With only 40% of the electorate now considering Brexit the correct decision, it is possible that even a customs union arrangement will be unacceptable by the end of the transition period. Aside from the electorate’s growing Bregret, there is also the economic logic – or lack thereof – behind a customs union. A customs union would ensure the unfettered transit of goods between the U.K. and the continent, but not of services. This arrangement greatly favors the EU, not the U.K., as the latter has a wide (and growing) deficit in goods and an expanding surplus in services with the bloc (Chart II-16). Chart II-16Services Are Key For The U.K. Services Are Key For The U.K. Services Are Key For The U.K. The only logic behind selecting a customs union over the Common Market is that a customs union would allow the U.K. to conclude separate trade deals with the rest of the world. While that may be a fantasy of the few remaining laissez-faire free traders in the U.K. Conservative Party, the view hardly represents the desire of the median voter. Other than a potential trade deal with the U.S., it is practically inconceivable to expect the U.K. electorate to support a free trade agreement with China or India, both of which would likely entail an even greater loss of blue-collar jobs. Even a trade deal with the U.S. would likely face political opposition, given that the U.K. is highly unlikely to be given preferential treatment by an economy seven times its size.7 The fact of the matter is that the Conservative Party has wasted its window of opportunity to push a hard, or moderately hard (customs union), Brexit through Parliament. Bregret has set in, as the doyens of Brexit increasingly pursued an unpopular strategy. On the other hand, a Brexit that retains the U.K. membership in the Common Market has never had much logic to begin with. Where does this leave the U.K. in the long term? Given the time horizon and the uncertainty on multiple fronts, our low-conviction view is that it leaves the U.K. inside the European Union. Bottom Line: The combination of increasing Bregret, lack of economic logic behind a customs union membership alone, and the lack of a political logic behind a Common Market membership, suggests that Brexit is unsustainable over the secular time horizon. This imperils the ultimate deal between the U.K. and the EU, which we think will not be able to pass the House of Commons in two-to-three years when it comes up for approval. This is a low-conviction view, however, as political realities can change. Support for Brexit could turn due to exogenous factors, such as a global recession that renews the Euro Area economic imbroglio or a major geopolitical crisis. Both are quite likely over the secular time horizon. Investment Implications Today, cable is cheap, trading at an 18% discount to its long-term fair value as implied by purchasing-power parity models (Chart II-17). The growing probability that the U.K. may, down the road, remain in the European Union means that, at current levels the pound is indeed attractive, especially against the U.S. dollar. Chart II-17Cable Attractive On Higher Odds Of Bremain Cable Attractive On Higher Odds Of Bremain Cable Attractive On Higher Odds Of Bremain However, when it comes to short-term dynamics, the picture is much murkier. The low probability of a no-deal Brexit implies limited downside. However, the path to get the U.K. to abandon the current relatively hard Brexit is also one that involves a new election. This implies that before a resolution is reached, multiple scenarios are possible, including one where Corbyn becomes the next prime minister. Jeremy Corbyn could be the most left-of center leader of any G-10 nation since Francois Mitterrand in France in the early 1980s. Mitterrand’s audacious nationalization and left-leaning policies were met with a collapse in the French franc (Chart II-18). Chart II-18A Left-Wing Leader Bodes Ill For The Currency A Left-Wing Leader Bodes Ill For The Currency A Left-Wing Leader Bodes Ill For The Currency Global growth also has an impact on cable. Despite all the noise around Brexit, the reality remains that exports constitute 30% of U.K. GDP, a larger contribution to output than in the euro area. This means that if global growth deteriorates, GBP/USD will face another headwind. If, however, global growth improves, then cable would face a new tailwind. Since BCA is of the view that global growth will likely trough by the summer, we are inclined to be positive on the pound. Netting out all those factors, it makes sense for long-term investors to buy the GBP, using the dips along the way to build a larger position in this currency. Even on a six-to-twelve-month basis, the path of least resistance for cable is likely upward. The problem is that risk-adjusted returns are likely to be poor as volatility will remain very elevated. We therefore recommend that short-term investors instead buy the 2-year call while selling 3-month ones (Chart II-19). Chart II-19Volatility Will Be A Challenge For Short Term Investors Volatility Will Be A Challenge For Short Term Investors Volatility Will Be A Challenge For Short Term Investors Marko Papic Senior Vice President Chief Geopolitical Strategist Mathieu Savary Vice President The Bank Credit Analyst III. Indicators And Reference Charts Equities have had a volatile month of March, something that was bound to happen after the violent rally witnessed from the end of December to the end of February. When a rally is being tested, it always make sense to review our indicators to gauge whether or not a trend change is in the offing. Generally, our indicators remain broadly positive. Our Willingness-to-Pay (WTP) indicators for the U.S. and the euro area continue to improve. Meanwhile, it has begun to hook back up in Japan. The WTP indicators track flows, and thus provide information on what investors are actually doing, as opposed to sentiment indexes that track how investors are feeling. The current readings in major advanced economies thus suggest that investors are still inclined to add to their stock holdings. Our Revealed Preference Indicator (RPI) has however once again deteriorated, suggesting that the period of churn in global equities prices could last a bit longer. This indicator is essentially saying that in order to resume their ascent, stocks need a bit more time to digest their previous surge. The RPI combines the idea of market momentum with valuation and policy measures. It provides a powerful bullish signal if positive market momentum lines up with constructive signals from the policy and valuation measures. Conversely, if constructive market momentum is not supported by valuation and policy, investors should lean against the market trend. According to BCA’s Composite Valuation Indicator, an amalgamation of 11 measures, the U.S. stock market remains slightly overvalued from a long-term perspective. Nonetheless, despite this year’s rally, the S&P 500 offers a much more attractive risk/reward profile than it did in the fall. Moreover, our Monetary Indicator has shifted out of negative territory for stocks, and is now decisively in stimulative territory. The Fed’s dovish forward guidance last week only reinforces the message from this indicator. Our Composite Technical Indicator for stocks had broken down in December, but it is finally flashing a buy signal. This further confirms that the current period of churn is most likely to ultimately make way for a continued rally in the S&P 500. The 10-year Treasury yield remains within its neutral range according to our valuation model. Moreover, our technical indicator flags a similar picture. This means that without signs of improvements in global growth, price action alone will not be enough to lift bond yields higher. That being said, since BCA expects that over the next 24 months, the Fed will lift rates more than the OIS curve anticipates, and since the term premium is incredibly low, once green shoots for global growth become evident, bonds could suffer a violent selloff. The U.S. dollar is still very expensive on a PPP basis. Our Composite Technical Indicator is not as overbought as it once was, but it is far from having reached oversold levels either. This combination suggests that the greenback could experience further downside this year. However, for this downside to materialize, global growth will first have to stabilize. EQUITIES: Chart III-1U.S. Equity Indicators U.S. Equity Indicators U.S. Equity Indicators Chart III-2Willingness To Pay For Risk Willingness To Pay For Risk Willingness To Pay For Risk Chart III-3U.S. Equity Sentiment Indicators U.S. Equity Sentiment Indicators U.S. Equity Sentiment Indicators Chart III-4Revealed Preference Indicator Revealed Preference Indicator Revealed Preference Indicator Chart III-5U.S. Stock Market Valuation U.S. Stock Market Valuation U.S. Stock Market Valuation Chart III-6U.S. Earnings U.S. Earnings U.S. Earnings Chart III-7Global Stock Market And Earnings: Relative Performance Global Stock Market And Earnings: Relative Performance Global Stock Market And Earnings: Relative Performance Chart III-8Global Stock Market And Earnings: Relative Performance Global Stock Market And Earnings: Relative Performance Global Stock Market And Earnings: Relative Performance FIXED INCOME: Chart III-9U.S. Treasurys And Valuations U.S. Treasurys And Valuations U.S. Treasurys And Valuations Chart III-10Yield Curve Slopes Yield Curve Slopes Yield Curve Slopes Chart III-11Selected U.S. Bond Yields Selected U.S. Bond Yields Selected U.S. Bond Yields Chart III-1210-Year Treasury Yield Components 10-Year Treasury Yield Components 10-Year Treasury Yield Components Chart III-13U.S. Corporate Bonds And Health Monitor U.S. Corporate Bonds And Health Monitor U.S. Corporate Bonds And Health Monitor Chart III-14Global Bonds: Developed Markets Global Bonds: Developed Markets Global Bonds: Developed Markets Chart III-15Global Bonds: Emerging Markets Global Bonds: Emerging Markets Global Bonds: Emerging Markets CURRENCIES: Chart III-16U.S. Dollar And PPP U.S. Dollar And PPP U.S. Dollar And PPP Chart III-17U.S. Dollar And Indicator U.S. Dollar And Indicator U.S. Dollar And Indicator Chart III-18U.S. Dollar Fundamentals U.S. Dollar Fundamentals U.S. Dollar Fundamentals Chart III-19Japanese Yen Technicals Japanese Yen Technicals Japanese Yen Technicals Chart III-20Euro Technicals Euro Technicals Euro Technicals Chart III-21Euro/Yen Technicals Euro/Yen Technicals Euro/Yen Technicals Chart III-22Euro/Pound Technicals Euro/Pound Technicals Euro/Pound Technicals COMMODITIES: Chart III-23Broad Commodity Indicators Broad Commodity Indicators Broad Commodity Indicators Chart III-24Commodity Prices Commodity Prices Commodity Prices Chart III-25Commodity Prices Commodity Prices Commodity Prices Chart III-26Commodity Sentiment Commodity Sentiment Commodity Sentiment Chart III-27Speculative Positioning Speculative Positioning Speculative Positioning ECONOMY: Chart III-28U.S. And Global Macro Backdrop U.S. And Global Macro Backdrop U.S. And Global Macro Backdrop Chart III-29U.S. Macro Snapshot U.S. Macro Snapshot U.S. Macro Snapshot Chart III-30U.S. Growth Outlook U.S. Growth Outlook U.S. Growth Outlook Chart III-31U.S. Cyclical Spending U.S. Cyclical Spending U.S. Cyclical Spending Chart III-32U.S. Labor Market U.S. Labor Market U.S. Labor Market Chart III-33U.S. Consumption U.S. Consumption U.S. Consumption Chart III-34U.S. Housing U.S. Housing U.S. Housing Chart III-35U.S. Debt And Deleveraging U.S. Debt And Deleveraging U.S. Debt And Deleveraging Chart III-36U.S. Financial Conditions U.S. Financial Conditions U.S. Financial Conditions Chart III-37Global Economic Snapshot: Europe Global Economic Snapshot: Europe Global Economic Snapshot: Europe Chart III-38Global Economic Snapshot: China Global Economic Snapshot: China Global Economic Snapshot: China   Mathieu Savary Vice President The Bank Credit Analyst Footnotes 1       At the time of publication of our March report, we still had a low-conviction view that the vote would swing towards Stay at the last moment. 2       Please see BCA Research European Investment Strategy Weekly Report, “Important Message From The Currency Markets,” dated March 14, 2019, available at eis.bcaresearch.com. 3       Trying to play up the threat of unchecked migration, the U.K. Independence Party ran a famous campaign poster showing hundreds of refugees on a road under the title of “Breaking Point – The EU has failed us all.” Despite the fact that the U.K. accepted only around 10,000 Syrian refugees since the 2015 crisis. Germany has accepted over 700,000 while Canada – which is located across the Atlantic Ocean on a different continent – accepted over 40,000. Even the impoverished Serbia has accepted more Syrian refugees than the U.K. 4       One of the most prominent Leave supporters, Boris Johnson, famously quipped after the referendum result that “There will continue to be free trade and access to the single market.” 5       Please see The European Court of Justice, “Judgement Of The Court,” In Case C-621/18, dated December 10, 2018, available at curia.europa.eu. 6       Proponents of the Norway Plus option point out that Article 112(1) of the European Economic Area (EEA) Agreement allows for restriction of movement of people within the area. However, these restrictions are intended to be used in times of “serious economic, societal or environmental difficulties.” It certainly appears to be an option for London to restrict EU migration, but it is not clear whether Europe would agree for this to be a permanent solution. Liechtenstein has been using Article 112 to impose quantitative limitations on immigration for decades, but that is because its tiny geographical area is recognized as a “specific situation” that justifies such restrictions. 7       President Donald Trump may want to give the U.K. preferential trade terms on the basis of the filial Anglo-Saxon relationship alone, but it is highly unlikely that the increasingly protectionist Congress would do the same. There is also no guarantee that President Trump will be around to bring such trade negotiations across the finish line. EQUITIES:FIXED INCOME:CURRENCIES:COMMODITIES:ECONOMY: