Sectors

Cyclical Software Theme Is Intact Cyclical Software Theme Is Intact Overweight Our long-held view that digitalization of the economy is still in the early innings remains intact, and hence we reiterate our cyclical (and structural) preference for software companies. The recent pullback in the relative share price ratio also offers a compelling entry point for investors to further augment their overweight stance. Importantly, generationally low interest rates along with ample software companies’ free cash flow has emboldened the industry to embark on a new M&A frenzy that effectively reduces the supply of stocks available to investors and pushes prices higher (top panel). Already, the average M&A premium paid is probing new highs since the GFC at the same time as the actual count of deals is going through the roof. Both of these dynamics bode well for the future earnings power of software stocks. As a reminder, we are currently employing a barbell portfolio strategy within the GICS1 technology sector by preferring defensive software- and services-related stocks over more aggressive hardware and equipment equities. Bottom Line: Stay overweight the S&P software index. The ticker symbols for the stocks in this index are: BLBG: S5SOFT – MSFT, ADBE, CRM, ORCL, INTU, NOW, ADSK, ANSS, SNPS, CDNS, FTNT, PAYC, CTXS, NLOK, TYL.  

Initiating a long S&P semis/short S&P technology hardware storage & peripherals (THS&P) pair trade is the ultimate reflationary play given its tight positive correlation with the 10-year US Treasury yield (top panel). Not only does the bond market spell more upside for this relative share price ratio, but the trade also captures a significant early supply chain advantage of chip stocks over their hardware brethren. Switching from macro to industry level data, and the news on the operating front is equally enticing. Chip capital outlays trounce THS&P stocks’ investments by a wide margin, which should further boost relative revenue prospects (bottom panel). In fact, chip sales already have the upper hand compared with tech hardware storage and peripherals revenues and a relative reacceleration phase looms as the chip industry’s bottlenecks get resolved in the back half of the year (not shown). Tack on recent news of President Biden’s preliminary infrastructure plans that include a $50bn sum for semiconductors in order to bolster US based manufacturing and research and development and the demand profile for chip stocks brightens further. Bottom Line: We initiated a long S&P semis/short S&P THS&P pair trade in a recent Special Report. The ticker symbols for the stocks in the S&P semiconductors and S&P THS&P indexes are BLBG: S5SECO – INTC, TXN, ADI, AMD, MXIM, XLNX, MCHP, NVDA, AVGO, QCOM, MU, SWKS, QRVO, NXPI, MPWR, and BLBG: S5CMPE – AAPL, HPQ, HPE, WDC, NTAP, STX, respectively. Intra-sector Reflationary Trade Intra-sector Reflationary Trade

How To Play Biden’s $2.4 trillion “American Jobs Plan” How To Play Biden’s $2.4 trillion “American Jobs Plan” We have been inundated with client requests on how to best position for President Biden’s sweeping infrastructure spending package. We therefore constructed the BCA Biden Fiscal Advantage Basket, which comprises eight ETFs and one stocks, all equal weighted (top panel). Instead of buying specific stocks we opted to go the ETF way in order to diversify away company specific risk. Our goal was to filter for ETFs that hold mostly US companies and that offered the highest possible liquidity. From a portfolio construction perspective, we tried to match the different spending segments of Biden’s preliminary bill (that our sister BCA US Political Strategy expects to pass Congress with high conviction) with an ETF. The ticker symbols of the eight ETFs and one stock we included in this Equity Basket are: PAVE, PHO, QCLN, TAN, WOOD, SOXX, HAIL, GRID and SU. We choose SU as there is no pure play Canadian oil sands ETF trading in USD. Granted there is some replication of stocks included in these ETFs, and in certain ETFs there is a sizable international stock exposure including EM and Chinese stocks. One final caveat is that these ETFs have a high concentration of technology stocks. Our sense is that this Basket should outperform the SPX on a cyclical and structural basis (middle panel). However, given the high tech exposure, our preferred way to express this trade is via a long/short pair trade versus the QQQ (bottom panel). Bottom Line: Initiate a long BCA Biden Fiscal Advantage Basket/short QQQ pair trade. On April 26, 2021 we will publish a joined SR with our sister US Political Strategy service on President Biden’s infrastructure spending bill proposal and elaborate further on this Equity Basket. The ticker symbols for the stocks in the BCA Biden Fiscal Advantage Basket are: PAVE, PHO, QCLN, TAN, WOOD, SOXX, HAIL, GRID and SU. The table in the appendix on the next page shows a number of other related ETFs that did not make our cut, but that you may find interesting to research further.   How To Play Biden’s $2.4 Trillion "American Jobs Plan" How To Play Biden’s $2.4 Trillion "American Jobs Plan"

Bon Voyage! Bon Voyage! Overweight We have been overweight the niche (0.33% of the S&P 500) airlines sector going into the pandemic, and while it has been slow to recover, there is little doubt that soon airline stocks will reclaim their pre-COVID-19 altitude. The top panel of the chart on the right highlights that travelling is making a comeback as a larger and larger proportion of the world population is becoming inoculated. Consequently, air travel is springing to life. Another services industry that COVID-19 wrecked also confirms that the path of least resistance is higher for airlines: indoor dining is en route to rebound to pre-pandemic levels (middle panel). Finally, business and consumer travelling is slated to make a huge comeback following months of “staycations”. Consumers and businesses alike have amassed significant excess savings and stand ready to draw them down when the opportunity arises, likely some time after Memorial Day. This will further underpin the recovery in airlines and other savaged services stocks. Bottom Line: Stay overweight the S&P airlines index that will be gaining altitude as fiscal checks trickle down through the economy at a time when the US at large reaches herd immunity. The ticker symbols for the stocks in this index are: BLBG: S5AIRL - DAL, LUV, AAL, UAL, ALK. ​​​​​​​

Put A Rolling Stop On The "Back-To-Work" Versus "COVID-19 Winners Trade" Put A Rolling Stop On The "Back-To-Work" Versus "COVID-19 Winners Trade" We nearly fully captured the economic reopening theme through our long “Back-To-Work”/short “COIVD-19 Winners” baskets pair trade. As a brief summary, we first initiated this trade in the September 8th, 2020 Strategy Report, and subsequently closed it earlier this year for a gain of 21.5% via a rolling stop trigger, until we reopened it once again on February 3. Fast-forward to today, and this pair trade has vaulted another 25.5% since the second inception. Now that the US equity market is euphoric on the back of stimulus news and more importantly given that the bond market is no longer responsive having already priced in four Fed hikes by the end of 2023, we opt to re-introduce a 5% rolling stop as a risk management tool in order to protect handsome profits. Bottom Line: Institute a 5% rolling stop in the long “Back-To-Work”/short “COIVD-19 Winners” baskets pair trade today. ​​​​​​​

Highlights Our 80% odds that Biden will pass the $2.3 trillion American Jobs Plan stem from public opinion as well as Democratic control of Congress. Voters favor both higher taxes on corporations and higher infrastructure spending, as well as Biden’s proposal to pay for the latter by means of the former. A bipartisan consensus favors infrastructure spending, including “soft” infrastructure. Republicans who campaigned on the need for infrastructure over the past five years will not gain voter support by opposing it now. The Senate parliamentarian’s recent ruling on budget reconciliation procedures enables the Democrats to pass a second reconciliation bill, as expected. This puts Biden’s American Families Plan, to be detailed this month, officially into play for FY2022. Our initial premise remains a 50/50 chance that the $1.9 trillion bill passes before the 2022 midterms. Infrastructure plays benefit from a rising budget deficit but will also face a global headwind as China’s stimulus and growth momentum wane. Feature The market cheered the Biden administration’s $2.3 trillion American Jobs Plan despite the confirmation that corporate tax rates will go up as expected (Chart 1). The details of the plan are shown in Table 1, which makes it clear that $760 billion can easily be subtracted from the plan during negotiations as not having to do with infrastructure. However, investors should wager that most of the new spending, including the social welfare components, will pass, since Democrats will use the budget reconciliation process. Chart 1Market Response To Biden, Infrastructure, Tax Hikes Market Response To Biden, Infrastructure, Tax Hikes Market Response To Biden, Infrastructure, Tax Hikes Table 1Biden's 'American Jobs Plan' Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? The bigger question is tax hikes. Senator Joe Manchin of West Virginia reiterated that a 25% corporate tax rate is as high as he is willing to go. Since Democrats cannot spare a single vote in the Senate (not to mention six or seven votes, which Manchin claims to have on his side), the corporate tax rates may be compromised. Still, investors should prepare for the worst, i.e. the 28% rate that Biden presented or only slightly less. While Manchin is the critical marginal voter – his vote will turn the balance of power in the Senate – nevertheless there will be enormous pressure on him not to “betray” his party and vote against the signature legislative proposal of the Biden presidency. Insofar as Manchin succeeds, he presents a “less bad” outcome for equity sectors that stand to suffer the most from a higher headline corporate tax rate, such as utilities, health care, and information technology (Chart 2). Chart 2Corporate Tax Rates Will Rise To 25%-28%, A Big Increase For Real Estate, Health Care, Tech, Utilities, And Consumer Staples Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? It will take time to draft and negotiate the spending and tax provisions and then get them passed in both the House and Senate. The Democrats also face tight margins in the House, where they can only lose four votes (the balance in the House is 218-211 after the death of Florida Representative Alcee Hastings). The earliest possible passage – based on historical precedent – is in May. The average length of time would put passage in November. In the worst case the negotiations could drag on till Christmas but we highly doubt the Democrats will take that long (Diagram 1). We attach an 80% subjective probability to the view that the American Jobs Plan will pass by end of year. Diagram 1Time Line For Congress To Pass American Jobs Plan By End Of 2021 Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Where we are less certain is in the second part of Biden’s economic plan, the $1.9 trillion American Families Plan, which contains social welfare spending, an expansion of the child tax credit and other tax cuts for the lower and middle classes, and the tax hikes on upper-middle class and wealthy individuals and households. This program will be outlined this month. It will be a challenge to pass it prior to the 2022 midterm elections, depending on how fast infrastructure flies through Congress. Our subjective 50% odds received initial support on April 5 when the Senate parliamentarian, Elizabeth MacDonough, ruled that the Democrats can indeed pass more than one budget reconciliation bill per fiscal year, contrary to previous practice. This bill is just as likely to be the Democratic campaign platform for 2022 as to be passed in early 2022 under the current Congress. Senate Parliamentarian Enables Democrats To Bypass Filibuster We must pause here to note that the parliamentarian’s ruling is highly consequential as it erodes the checks and balances on passing legislation in the Senate. The new ruling holds that under Section 304 of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974 the annual budget resolution can be revised. If it can be revised, then a new budget reconciliation bill can be crafted according to the new budget resolution. And reconciliation enables the ruling party to push through bills on a simple majority (51 votes) in the Senate. It will be hard for the Senate, as a body, to limit the ramifications of this decision in future. If the Democrats can pass two reconciliation bills in FY2021, then who is to say that some later Congress cannot pass three? Regardless, it is hard for a party to pass more than three major pieces of legislation in a single year, so the window is just wide enough to enable major breakthroughs in legislation (and, whenever the opposing party regains the House and Senate, big reversals of legislation). We have argued that Democrats would eventually, if not immediately, remove the Senate filibuster (the rule that requires 60-votes to end debate on regular legislation). At the moment there are still not enough votes to remove the filibuster entirely, although moderate Democrats are looking at technical ways of diminishing its influence, such as via the “talking filibuster” that would increase the difficulty of the process and thus reduce its use in the Senate.1 But this new ruling on budget reconciliation process substantively bypasses the filibuster. While the reconciliation process will still come with various technical limitations (the “Byrd rule,” and relevance to the budget), they are pliable. Clearly the ruling party calls the shots – especially if it is a party in synch with the political establishment in Washington. The Public Favors Tax Hikes For Infrastructure Where do we get our 80% subjective probability that Biden’s American Jobs Plan will pass Congress? Why so confident? First, Democrats have control of Congress, albeit narrowly. Second, public opinion not only favors infrastructure but also favors tax hikes on corporations – especially if they are to pay for infrastructure. The solution has been to rebrand renewable energy, broadband Internet, subsidized housing, and a range of other government programs as “infrastructure,” and meanwhile to rebrand social welfare as “human infrastructure.” Consider the following: The public favors higher taxes on corporations: 69% of Americans believe corporations pay too little in taxes, while only 6% believe they pay too much (Chart 3). While this is a general view, and does not reflect regional variations, it calls into question Joe Manchin’s opposition to a corporate tax rate of 28%. Manchin has his eye on the economic recovery, small business owners, as well as the particular industries and political orientation of his state. But the point is that opposition to corporate tax hikes is politically weak and therefore we continue to expect the result to be closer to Biden’s 28% than to Manchin’s 25%. The public favors higher taxes on high-income earners: As for Biden’s second slate of tax hikes, on individuals and households under the yet-to-be detailed American Families Act, 62% of Americans believe that upper-income earners pay too little in taxes and again only 9% believe they pay too much (Chart 4). Since Biden’s proposals amount to only a partial repeal of President Trump’s Tax Cut and Jobs Act, which was itself unpopular in opinion polling, investors should also have a presumption in favor of individual tax hikes. However, as noted above, the American Families Plan only has a 50% chance of passing prior to the midterms due to the time crunch. Chart 3Public Favors Tax Hikes On Corporations Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Chart 4Public Favors Tax Hikes On The Rich Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Government is not seen as incompetent on infrastructure: Net public approval of the government’s performance on infrastructure is positive, just barely, unlike immigration, health care, or the environment. This means Biden can tap into a greater level of trust in government on this policy, while still calling on a general belief that infrastructure needs to be improved (Chart 5). Chart 5Public Gives Government Decent Grades On Infrastructure Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Chart 6No Partisan Gap On whether Infrastructure Should Be Prioritized Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Infrastructure is bipartisan: The gap in the views of Republicans and Democrats is narrow when it comes to infrastructure, unlike other policy issues that are extremely polarized. The gap is narrow whether infrastructure should be prioritized (Chart 6), whether government should play a larger role (Chart 7), and whether the federal government does a good job in this area (Chart 8). Democrats are more supportive of these propositions and they are currently in charge. But even Republicans tend to agree, as indicated by President Trump’s own emphasis on infrastructure, which the grassroots of his party supported despite establishment Republican hesitations due to concerns about the deficit. These charts also suggest that voters, especially Democratic voters, will not be bothered by the presence of non-traditional or “soft” infrastructure in Biden’s package as long as it can be successfully pitched as helping the economy, jobs, and American supply chains. Chart 7Government Role In Infrastructure Not Too Partisan Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Chart 8Government Performance On Infrastructure Not Too Partisan Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? The public approves of Biden’s corporate-tax-hikes-for-infrastructure tradeoff: About 54% approve outright, in line with Biden’s overall approval rating, including 52% of independents and a non-negligible 32% of Republicans. A further 27% support infrastructure spending without raising taxes, including 42% of Republicans (Chart 9). This poll does not stand alone but corroborates a range of polling over the past decade on both taxes and infrastructure. It strongly implies that the median voter will support Biden’s plan. (And again it suggests that while Senator Manchin may turn the balance in the Senate he is not standing on solid rock in calling for Biden to pare back his corporate tax hikes.) Chart 9Voters Back Tax Hikes For Infrastructure Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? No need to rely on polling – look at how people vote: Ballot measures on the local level for transportation funding usually win high levels of voter approval, meaning that people vote to increase their own taxes if they think traditional infrastructure will be improved. The average approval for such measures stood at 74% in 2016 and rose to 94% in the 2020 election cycle (Chart 10). And voters clearly understood that this combination is what they would get in voting for Biden, given that he did not shy away from his tax proposals in the presidential debates (although he insisted no tax hikes on those who earn less than $400,000 per year). Chart 10Voters Accept Higher Taxes For Infrastructure Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? The Democrats have the votes for an infrastructure package, they have the votes for at least some degree of corporate tax hikes, and they have popular opinion behind the principle of tax hikes in exchange for infrastructure upgrades. Furthermore the rise of geopolitical struggle abroad and populism at home have given Biden and the traditional Democrats extraordinary impetus to pass this bill. If they fail, they will have wasted precious congressional time, they will be less likely to pass the American Families Plan, and they will be more likely to lose control of the House or even the Senate in 2022, as their failure would energize both the democratic socialists on their left and the Trump Republicans on their right. It is unlikely that Senator Manchin alone is willing or able to cause such a train wreck for his party given the popularity of the proposals.2 The implication is that corporate tax hikes will be compromised only somewhat. It is also possible that non-infrastructure components of the bill, such as housing or some social spending, could be pared back, although these are not the controversial parts of the bill and we would not bet on the overall size of spending to be reduced by much. A bill with Biden’s spending measures and only half of the tax hikes would increase the budget deficit by $1.4 trillion, as we showed last week. A bill with all spending and all tax hikes would increase the deficit by $400 billion. Bottom Line: Biden has an 80% chance of passing the American Jobs Act, although some non-infrastructure provisions could be pared back and the corporate tax hike may not reach all the way to 28%. Most likely the final bill will be substantially similar to Biden’s proposal on spending, while the tax hikes will be compromised, reflecting the populist and proactive fiscal turn in US politics. Investment Takeaways A basket of the 50 companies in the S&P 500 with the highest median effective tax rates outperformed the S&P500 upon Trump’s election and subsequent tax cuts (Chart 11). Since Biden’s election they have also outperformed on the expectation of post-pandemic reopening and economic stimulus. However, the high-tax companies and high-tax sectors have underperformed on an equal-weighted basis since the Democratic Party won control of the Senate and tax hikes became inevitable. Tax hikes are largely but not fully priced from this point of view. Historically a rising budget deficit does not have a clear or positive correlation with the S&P 500, cyclical sectors, value stocks, or small caps. Fiscal thrust normally surges during recessions and bear markets. Nevertheless infrastructure plays – by which we include building products, construction materials and services, environmental services, metals and mining, machinery, and steel – tend to perform better when the deficit blows out. That trend looks to be intact today (Chart 12). Chart 11High-Tax Companies Rallied Despite Biden's Tax Hikes (But Not On Equal-Weighted Basis) High-Tax Companies Rallied Despite Biden's Tax Hikes (But Not On Equal-Weighted Basis) High-Tax Companies Rallied Despite Biden's Tax Hikes (But Not On Equal-Weighted Basis) Chart 12US Budget Blow-Out Positive For Infrastructure Plays US Budget Blow-Out Positive For Infrastructure Plays US Budget Blow-Out Positive For Infrastructure Plays The budget deficit is generally a stronger predictor of the performance of these sub-sectors than global manufacturing surveys and leading economic indicators, although the improvement in global sentiment and growth is clearly a positive backdrop (Chart 13). Europe and countries other than China will soon improve their vaccinations, reopen, and start catching up to the US economic rebound. China’s fiscal-and-credit impulse is closely correlated with US infrastructure plays and this has not changed since the trade war began (Chart 14). Importantly, China is tapping on the policy brakes and its economy is set to decelerate in the second half of the year, which has important implications for our BCA Infrastructure Basket and long trades. This indicator suggests that the relative performance of infrastructure plays will face a gradually rising headwind from abroad even as the US economy continues to provide a tailwind. Chart 13Global Sentiment Positive But Not A Big Driver Of US Infrastructure Plays Global Sentiment Positive But Not A Big Driver Of US Infrastructure Plays Global Sentiment Positive But Not A Big Driver Of US Infrastructure Plays Chart 14Infrastructure Plays Face Headwind From China's Waning Stimulus Infrastructure Plays Face Headwind From China's Waning Stimulus Infrastructure Plays Face Headwind From China's Waning Stimulus Infrastructure plays shown here – which consist of goods and services that fall under greater demand when infrastructure is built – should not be confused with infrastructure companies themselves, which tend to be classified under the much more defensive utilities and telecommunication sectors (Chart 15). This ratio is looking very toppy, in keeping with the general rollover in cyclical equity sector performance relative to defensives.   Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Jesse Anak Kuri Associate Editor jesse.Kuri@bcaresearch.com Chart 15Infrastructure Plays Versus Utilities And Telecoms Infrastructure Plays Versus Utilities And Telecoms Infrastructure Plays Versus Utilities And Telecoms   Appendix Table A1Political Risk Matrix Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Table A2Political Capital Index Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Table A3APolitical Capital: White House And Congress Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Table A3BPolitical Capital: Household And Business Sentiment Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Table A3CPolitical Capital: The Economy And Markets Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Table A4Biden’s Cabinet Position Appointments Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure? Will Biden Get The Votes For Infrastructure?   Footnotes 1     Molly E. Reynolds, “What is the Senate filibuster, and what would it take to eliminate it?” Brookings Institution, September 9, 2020, brookings.edu. 2     On the contrary, while the bill will pass via party-line voting, it is still conceivable that one or two moderate Senate Republicans could be brought to endorse Biden’s American Jobs Plan.  

Feature The selloff in Chinese stocks since mid-February reflects a rollover in earnings growth and multiples. Lofty valuations in Chinese equities driven by last year’s massive stimulus means that stock prices are vulnerable to any pullback in policy supports (Chart 1A and 1B). Chart 1AGrowth In Chinese Investable Earnings And Multiple Expansions Has Rolled Over Growth In Chinese Investable Earnings And Multiple Expansions Has Rolled Over Growth In Chinese Investable Earnings And Multiple Expansions Has Rolled Over Chart 1BEarnings Outlook Still Looks Promising In The Onshore Market, But May Soon Peak Earnings Outlook Still Looks Promising In The Onshore Market, But May Soon Peak Earnings Outlook Still Looks Promising In The Onshore Market, But May Soon Peak After diverging in the past seven to eight months, Chinese stocks have started to gravitate towards deteriorating monetary conditions index. The market may be beginning to price in a peak in economic as well as corporate profit growth (Chart 2). Defensive stocks in China’s onshore and offshore equity markets have also outperformed cyclicals since February, which confirms that investors expect earnings growth will slow in the coming months (Chart 3). A tighter monetary policy stance, coupled with increased regulations targeting the real estate, banking, and tech sectors have further dampened investors’ appetite for Chinese stocks. Chart 2A-Share Prices Start To Gravitate Towards Tightening Monetary Conditions A-Share Prices Start To Gravitate Towards Tightening Monetary Conditions A-Share Prices Start To Gravitate Towards Tightening Monetary Conditions Chart 3Defensives Have Prevailed Over Cyclicals In Both Onshore And Offshore Markets Defensives Have Prevailed Over Cyclicals In Both Onshore And Offshore Markets Defensives Have Prevailed Over Cyclicals In Both Onshore And Offshore Markets The official PMIs bounced back smartly in March following three consecutive months of decline. However, the strong PMI readings do not change our view that the speed of China’s economic recovery is near its zenith. PMIs in the first two months of the year are typically lower due to the Lunar New Year (LNY), and the improvement in March’s PMI did not exceed seasonal rebounds experienced in previous years. Weakening fixed-asset investments also indicate that economic activity is moderating. We remain cautious on the 6 to 12-month outlook for Chinese stocks, in both absolute and relative terms. Qingyun Xu, CFA Associate Editor qingyunx@bcaresearch.com Jing Sima China Strategist jings@bcaresearch.com     China’s NBS manufacturing and non-manufacturing PMIs in March beat market expectations with sharp rebounds after moderating in the previous three months. The improvement in the PMIs will likely provide authorities with confidence to stay the course on policy normalization. The methodology calculating PMI indexes reflects the net reported improvement in business activities relative to the previous month and there was a notable decline in PMIs in February, due to the LNY holiday and travel restrictions related to the spread of COVID-19.  Additionally, the average reading of China’s official composite PMI in Q1 this year was 2.2 percentage points lower than in Q4 last year and weaker than the Q1 PMI figures in most of the pre-pandemic years. Moreover, Chinese Caixin manufacturing PMI, which focuses on smaller and private corporates, declined further in March as it continued its downward trend started in December 2020. Chart 4Q1 PMIs Slowed By More Than Seasonal Factors Q1 PMIs Slowed By More Than Seasonal Factors Q1 PMIs Slowed By More Than Seasonal Factors Chart 5Caixin PMI Shows Further Deterioration Among Private-Sector Manufacturers Caixin PMI Shows Further Deterioration Among Private-Sector Manufacturers Caixin PMI Shows Further Deterioration Among Private-Sector Manufacturers Growth in credit expansions in February was better than expected, supported by a substantial increase in corporates’ demand for medium- and long-term loans. Travel restrictions during this year’s LNY led to a shorter holiday, a faster resumption in manufacturing activity after the break and stronger credit demand in February. China’s Monetary Policy Committee meeting last week reiterated the authorities’ hawkish policy tone and removed dovish language prevalent in last month’s National People’s Congress, such as “maintaining the consistency, stability, and sustainability in monetary policy” and “not making a sudden turn in policymaking.” Given the strong headline economic and credit data in January and February, the authorities will be unlikely to slow normalizing monetary policy. Therefore, the risk of a policy-tightening overshoot remains high. The PBoC has continued to drain net liquidity in the interbank system since early this year, evidenced by falling excess reserves at the central bank. Excess reserves normally lead the credit impulse by about six months, signaling that the latter will continue to decelerate in the months ahead. In turn, the credit impulse normally leads the business cycle by six to nine months, meaning that China’s cyclical economic recovery will likely peak in the first half of 2021. Chart 6Corporates Demand For Longer-Term Bank Loans Resumed Their Upward Trend Early This Year Corporates Demand For Longer-Term Bank Loans Resumed Their Upward Trend Early This Year Corporates Demand For Longer-Term Bank Loans Resumed Their Upward Trend Early This Year Chart 7Falling Excess Reserves Leads To A Deceleration In Credit And Economic Growth Falling Excess Reserves Leads To A Deceleration In Credit And Economic Growth Falling Excess Reserves Leads To A Deceleration In Credit And Economic Growth Robust industrial activities and improving profitability helped to boost profit growth in January and February. The bounce in producer prices also drove up returns in industrial output, particularly in upstream industries loaded with commodity producers. Nevertheless, weak final demand is limiting the ability of Chinese producers to pass on higher prices to domestic consumers, highlighted in the divergence between Chinese PPI and CPI. In addition, China’s domestic demand for commodities and industrial metals may reach its cyclical peak in mid-2021, following ongoing credit tightening and reduced economic activity. Commodity inventories have surged to historical highs due to soaring imports (which far exceeded consumption) during 2H20. Inventory destocking pressures will weigh on commodity prices with China’s domestic demand reaching its cyclical peak. Disinflation/deflation pressures may re-emerge in 2H21, which will pose downside risks to China’s industrial profits. Chart 8Industrials Posted A Strong Rebound In The First Two Months of 2021 Industrials Posted A Strong Rebound In The First Two Months of 2021 Industrials Posted A Strong Rebound In The First Two Months of 2021 Chart 9Surging Commodity Prices Helped To Boost Upstream Industry Profits Surging Commodity Prices Helped To Boost Upstream Industry Profits Surging Commodity Prices Helped To Boost Upstream Industry Profits Chart 10Domestic Final Demand Remains Sluggish Domestic Final Demand Remains Sluggish Domestic Final Demand Remains Sluggish Chart 11Decelerating Chinese Credit Growth Poses Downside Risks To Global Commodity Prices Decelerating Chinese Credit Growth Poses Downside Risks To Global Commodity Prices Decelerating Chinese Credit Growth Poses Downside Risks To Global Commodity Prices Chart 12Chinas Raw Material Inventory Restocking Cycle May Be Near A Cyclical Peak Chinas Raw Material Inventory Restocking Cycle May Be Near A Cyclical Peak Chinas Raw Material Inventory Restocking Cycle May Be Near A Cyclical Peak Chart 13Real Estate And Infrastructure Investment Losing Steam In 2021 Real Estate And Infrastructure Investment Losing Steam In 2021 Real Estate And Infrastructure Investment Losing Steam In 2021 Investments in infrastructure and real estate drove China’s economic recovery in the second half of 2020. However, growth momentum in both sectors has slowed because of retreating government spending in infrastructure and tightening regulations in the property sector. Both home sales and housing prices, especially in tier-one cities, rose significantly in January-February this year, deepening authorities’ concerns over bubble risks in the property market. The share of mortgages, deposits and advanced payments as a source of funds for property developers reached an all-time high in February. Following the LNY, the authorities introduced a slew of new restrictions on the housing market to curb excessive demand. These were in addition to placing limits on bank lending to both property developers and household mortgages. All of these measures will weigh on housing supply and demand, and the impact is already evident in falling land purchases and housing starts. At the same time, property developers are rushing to complete existing projects. The tighter regulations on real estate financing will likely weaken growth in real estate investment and construction activities in the second half of this year. Chart 14Housing Prices In Top-Tier Cities Have Been On A Tear … Housing Prices In Top-Tier Cities Have Been On A Tear Housing Prices In Top-Tier Cities Have Been On A Tear Chart 15… But Bank Lending To Developers And Mortgage Loans Continue Downward Trend But Bank Lending To Developers And Mortgage Loans Continue Downward Trend But Bank Lending To Developers And Mortgage Loans Continue Downward Trend Chart 16Property Developers Are Rushing To Sell And Complete Existing Projects Property Developers Are Rushing To Sell And Complete Existing Projects Property Developers Are Rushing To Sell And Complete Existing Projects Chart 17Forward-Looking Indicators Suggest A Slowdown In Housing And Construction Activities Forward-Looking Indicators Suggest A Slowdown In Housing And Construction Activities Forward-Looking Indicators Suggest A Slowdown In Housing And Construction Activities   Table 1China Macro Data Summary China Macro And Market Review China Macro And Market Review Table 2China Financial Market Performance Summary China Macro And Market Review China Macro And Market Review Footnotes Cyclical Investment Stance Equity Sector Recommendations

Book Handsome Gains In Synthetic SPX Long Book Handsome Gains In Synthetic SPX Long Last week we highlighted BCA’s Risk Appetite Index (RAI) that has catapulted to uncharted territory. While such euphoria has not historically spelled cyclical or structural SPX trouble, it does warrant some near-term caution. Tack on the blockbuster non-farm payrolls and ISM manufacturing releases from last week and this week’s ISM services all-time high print and investors have further stampeded into stocks. Moreover, we recently showed that seasonality would boost the SPX in April before the dreaded month of May. Lastly, the equity put/call ratio collapsed to 0.38 on Monday, the VIX broke 18 and the SPX surpassed our end-2021 target of 4,000 (please look forward to receiving our SPX DDM update scheduled for the April 19 Strategy Report publication). Amidst such exuberance, and given that the 10-year US Treasury yield appears exhausted unable to breakout to fresh recovery highs, we are compelled to book handsome profits in our synthetic SPX long via closing the long $400/$420 call spread short $340 put on the SPY for June expiry for a gain of $8.86/contract or 2850% since the February 11 inception (middle panel). As a reminder, our previous synthetic long netted us $5.41/contract of 676% return as we managed to lock in gains before it fell to $0 at expiry (bottom panel). For clients that want to roll over the synthetic long position and continue to chase this manic market, we would recommend a long $415/$435 call spread with a short $365 put on the SPY for the August expiry at a net outflow of $0.2/contract. Bottom Line: Crystalize gains of $8.86/contract or 2850% and move to the sidelines on the SPX synthetic long position for now, but stay tuned. The SPX is now above our 4,000 yearend target and some near-term caution is warranted.   ​​​​​​​

Highlights The Biden Administration's $2.25 trillion infrastructure plan rolled out yesterday will, at the margin, boost global demand for energy and base metals more than expected later this year and next.  Global GDP growth estimates – and the boost supplied by US stimulus – once again will have to be adjusted higher (Chart of the Week). Energy and metals fundamentals continue to tighten. OPEC 2.0's so-far-successful production management strategy will keep the level of supply just below demand, which will keep Brent crude oil on either side of $60/bbl. Base-metals output will struggle to meet higher demand from the ongoing buildout of renewables infrastructure and growing electric-vehicle sales. Of late, concerns that speculative positioning suggests prices will head lower – or, at other times, higher – are entirely misplaced: Spec positioning conveys no information on price levels or direction.  Energy and metals prices, on the other hand, do convey useful information on spec positioning, demonstrating specs do not lead the news or prices, they follow them. Short-term headwinds caused by halting recoveries and renewed lockdowns – particularly in the EU – will fade in 2H21 as vaccines roll out, if the experience of the UK and US are any guide.  Continued USD strength, however, would remain a headwind. Feature If the Biden administration is successful in getting its $2.25 trillion infrastructure-spending bill through Congress, the US will join the rest of the world in the race to re-build – in some cases, build anew – its long-neglected bridges, roads, schools, communications and high-speed transportation networks, and, critically, its electric-power grid.  There's a lot of game left to play on this, but our Geopolitical Strategy group is giving this bill an 80% of passage later this year, after all the wrangling and log-rolling in Congress is done. In and of itself, the infrastructure-directed spending coming out of Biden's plan will be a catalyst for higher US industrial commodity demand – energy, metals and bulks.  In addition, it will support the lift in the demand boost coming out of higher GDP growth globally, which will be pushed higher by US fiscal spending, as the Chart of the Week shows.  Of note is the extremely robust growth expected in India, China and the US, which are among the largest consumers of industrial commodities globally.  Overall growth in the G20 and globally will be expansive in 2022 as well. Chart of the WeekBiden's $2.25 Trillion Infrastructure Bill Will Boost Global Commodity Demand Fundamentals Support Oil, Bulks, And Metals Fundamentals Support Oil, Bulks, And Metals Higher GDP growth translates directly into higher demand for commodities, all else equal, as can be seen in the relationship between EM and DM GDP, supply and inventories and Brent crude oil prices in Chart 2.  While we have reduced our Brent forecast for this year to $60/bbl on the back of renewed demand-side weakness in the EU due to problems in acquiring and distributing COVID-19 vaccines, we expect this to be reversed next year and into 2025, with prices trading between $60-$80/bbl (Chart 3).  OPEC 2.0, the oil-producer coalition led by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) and Russia, has done an excellent job of keeping the level of oil supply below demand over the course of the pandemic, which we expect to continue to the end of 2025.1 Chart 2Higher GDP Growth Presages Higher Commodity Demand Higher GDP Growth Presages Higher Commodity Demand Higher GDP Growth Presages Higher Commodity Demand Chart 3Brent Crude Oil Prices Will Average - / bbl to 2025 Brent Crude Oil Prices Will Average $60 - $80 / bbl to 2025 Brent Crude Oil Prices Will Average $60 - $80 / bbl to 2025 As the Biden plan makes its way through Congress, markets will get a better idea of how much diesel fuel, copper, steel, iron ore, etc., will be required in the US alone.  What is important to note here that the US is just moving to the starting line, whereas other economies like China and the EU already have begun their investment cycles in renewables and EVs.  At present, key markets already are tight, particularly copper (Chart 4) and aluminum (Chart 5).  In both markets, we expect physical deficits this year and next, which inclines us to believe the metals leg of this renewables buildout is just beginning – higher prices will be required to incentivize the development of new supply.2  Chart 4Copper Will Post Physical Deficit... Copper Will Post Physical Deficit... Copper Will Post Physical Deficit... Chart 5...As Will Aluminum ...As Will Aluminum ...As Will Aluminum This is particularly important in copper, where growth in mining output of ore has been flat for the past two years.  Copper is the one metal that spans all renewables technologies, and is a bellwether commodity for global growth.  We expect copper to trade to $4.50/lb (up ~ $0.50/lb vs spot) on the COMEX in 4Q21 on the back of increasing demand and tight supplies – i.e., falling mining supply and refined copper output growth (Chart 6). Worth noting also is steel rebar and hot-rolled coil prices traded at record highs this week on Chinese futures markets.  Stronger steel markets continue to support iron ore prices, although the latter is trading off its recent highs and likely will move lower toward the end of the year as Brazilian supply returns to the market.3  We use steel prices as a leading indicator for copper prices – steel leads copper prices by ~ 9 months.  This makes sense when one considers steel is consumed early in infrastructure and construction projects, while copper consumption occurs later as airports and houses are fitted with copper for electric, plumbing and communications applications. Chart 6Copper Ore Output Flat Copper Ore Output Flat Copper Ore Output Flat   Does Speculative Positioning Matter? Of late, media pundits and analysts have cited an unwinding of speculative positions in oil and metals markets following sharp run-ups in net long positions as a harbinger of weaker prices in the near future (Chart 7).4  At other times, speculation has been invoked as a reason for price surges – e.g., when oil rocketed  toward $150/bbl in mid-2008, which was followed by a price collapse at the start of the Global Financial Crisis (GFC).5 Brunetti et al note, "The role of speculators in financial markets has been the source of considerable interest and controversy in recent years. Concern about speculative trading also finds support in theory where noise traders, speculative bubbles, and herding can drive prices away from fundamental values and destabilize markets." (p. 1545) Chart 7Speculative Positioning Lower In Brent Than WTI Speculatives Positioning Lower in Brent Than WTI Speculatives Positioning Lower in Brent Than WTI We recently re-tested earlier findings in our research, which found that knowledge of how specs are positioned – either on the long or the short side of the market – conveys no information on the level of prices or the change that should be expected given that knowledge.  However, knowledge of the price level does convey useful information on how speculators are positioned in futures markets.6 In cointegrating regressions of speculative positions in crude oil, natural gas and copper futures on price levels for these commodities, we find the level of prices to be a statistically significant determinant of spec positions. We find no such relationship using spec positions as an explanatory variable for prices.7 On the other hand, Chart 2 above is an example of statistically significant relationships for Brent and WTI price as a function of supply-demand fundamentals displaying coefficients of determination (r-squares) of close to 90% in the post-GFC period (2010 to now).  This supports our earlier findings regarding spec behavior: They follow prices, they don't lead them.8 We are not dismissive of speculation.  It plays a critical role in markets, by providing the liquidity that enables commodity producers and consumers to hedge their price exposures, and to investors seeking to diversify their portfolios with commodity exposures that are uncorrelated to their equity and bond holdings.  Short-Term Headwinds Likely Dissipate COVID-19 remains the largest risk to markets generally, commodities in particular.  The mishandling of vaccine rollouts in the EU has pushed back our assumption for demand recovery deeper into 2H21, but it has not derailed it.  We expect COVID-related deaths and hospitalizations to fall in the EU as they have in the UK and the US following the widespread distribution of vaccines, which should occur in the near future as Brussels organizes its pandemic response (Chart 8).  Making vaccines available for other states in dire straits will follow, which will allow the global re-opening to progress as lockdowns are lifted (Chart 9). Chart 8EU Vaccination Rollouts Will Boost Global Economic Recovery Fundamentals Support Oil, Bulks, And Metals Fundamentals Support Oil, Bulks, And Metals Chart 9Global Re-Opening Has Slowed, But Will Resume In 2H21 Fundamentals Support Oil, Bulks, And Metals Fundamentals Support Oil, Bulks, And Metals The other big risk we see to commodities is persistent USD strength (Chart 10).  The dollar has rallied for the better part of 2021, largely on the back of improving US economic prospects relative to other states, and success in its vaccination efforts.  The resumption of the USD's bear market may have to wait until the rest of the world catches up with America's public-health response to the pandemic, and the global economy ex-US and -China enters a stronger expansionary mode. Bottom Line: We remain bullish industrial commodities expecting demand to improve as the EU rolls out vaccines and begins to make progress in arresting the pandemic and removing lockdowns.  Global fiscal and monetary policy, which likely will be bolstered by a massive round of US infrastructure spending beginning in 4Q21 will catalyze demand growth for oil and base metals.  This will prompt another round of GDP revisions to the upside.  The dollar remains a headwind for now, but we expect it to return to a bear market in 2H21. Chart 10The USD's Evolution Remains Important The USD's Evolution Remains Important The USD's Evolution Remains Important   Robert P. Ryan Chief Commodity & Energy Strategist rryan@bcaresearch.com Ashwin Shyam Research Associate Commodity & Energy Strategy ashwin.shyam@bcaresearch.com   Commodities Round-Up Energy: Bullish Going into the April 1 meeting of OPEC 2.0 today, we are not expecting any increase in production.  OPEC earlier this week noted demand had softened, mostly due to the slow recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic in the EU, which, based on their previous policy decisions, suggests the producer coalition will not be increasing production.  The coalition led by KSA and Russia will have to address Iran's return as a major exporter to China this year, which appears to have been importing ~ 1mm b/d of Iranian crude this month (Chart 11).  This puts Iran in direct competition with KSA as a major exporter to China, in defiance of the US re-imposition of sanctions against Iranian exports.  China and Iran over the weekend signed a 25-year trade pact that also could include military provisions, which could, over time, alter the balance of power in the Persian Gulf if Chinese military assets – naval and land warfare – deploy to Iran under their agreement.  Details of the deal are sparse, as The Guardian noted in its recent coverage.  Among other things, government officials in Tehran have come under withering criticism for entering the deal, which they contend was signed with a "politically bankrupt regime."  The Guardian also noted US President Joe Biden " is prepared to make a new offer to Iran this week whereby he will lift some sanctions in return for Iran taking specific limited steps to come back into compliance with the nuclear agreement, including reducing the level to which it enriches uranium," in the wake of the signing of this deal. Base Metals: Bullish Copper fell this week, initially on an inventory build, and has now settled right under the $4/lb mark, as investors await details on the US infrastructure bill unveiled in Pittsburgh, PA, on Wednesday.  According to mining.com, a major chunk of the proposed bill will be devoted to investments in infrastructure, which will be metals-intensive.  Precious Metals: Bullish Gold fell further this week, as US treasury yields rose, buoyed by the increased US vaccine efforts and President Biden’s proposed spending plans (Chart 12). USD strength also worked against the yellow metal, which has been steadily declining since the beginning of this year.  COMEX gold fell below the $1,700/oz mark for the third time this month and settled at $1,683.90/oz on Tuesday. Chart 11 Sporadic Producers Will Be Accomodated Sporadic Producers Will Be Accomodated Chart 12 Gold Trading Lower On The Back of A Strong Dollar Gold Trading Lower On The Back of A Strong Dollar     Footnotes 1     Please see Five-Year Brent Forecast Update: Expect Price Range of $60 - $80/bbl, which we published 25 March 2021.  It is available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 2     Please see Industrial Commodities Super-Cycle Or Bull Market?, which we published 4 March 2021 for additional discussion, particularly regarding the need for additional capex in energy and metals markets. 3    Please see UPDATE 1-Strong industrial activity, profit lift China steel futures, published by reuters.com 29 March 2021. 4    See, e.g., Column: Frothy oil market deflates as virus fears return published 23 March 2021. 5    Brunetti, Celso, Bahattin Büyüksahin, and Jeffrey H. Harris (2016), " Speculators, Prices, and Market Volatility," Journal of Financial and Quantitative Analysis, 51:5, pp. 1545-74, for further discussion. 6    Please see Specs Back Up The Truck For Oil, which we published 26 April 2018, and Feedback Loop: Spec Positioning & Oil Price Volatility published 10 May 2018.  Both are available at ces.bcaresearch.com. 7     We group money managers (registered commodity trading advisors, commodity pool operators and unregistered funds) and swap dealers (banks and trading companies providing liquidity to hedgers and speculators) together to test these relationships. 8    In our earlier research, we also noted our results generally were supported in the academic literature.  See, e.g., Fattouh, Bassam, Lutz Kilian and Lavan Mahadeva (2012), "The Role of Speculation in Oil Markets: What Have We Learned So Far?" published by The Oxford Institute For Energy Studies.   Investment Views and Themes Strategic Recommendations Commodity Prices and Plays Reference Table Summary of Closed Trades Higher Inflation On The Way Higher Inflation On The Way

Highlights President Biden’s $2.4 trillion “American Jobs Plan” is a major US public investment that will dispel any endogenous deflationary tail risk from the US economy this cycle, increase inflation expectations yet boost productivity, and hike corporate taxes. The proposal has an 80% chance of passage before the end of the year given that infrastructure is popular and Democrats can pass the bill via reconciliation with zero Republican votes.   The $2.4 trillion infrastructure proposal will take effect over eight years and will be offset by corporate tax hikes that will take effect over 15 years. The increase in the budget deficit will be around $400 billion if all tax hikes pass and $1.4 trillion if only half the tax hikes pass. The American Families Plan will follow with another roughly $700 billion to $1.3 trillion increase to the budget deficit, depending on how much individual/household taxes go up. But this bill only has a 50/50 chance of passing before the 2022 midterm elections. Investors should maintain a bullish cyclical (12-month) bias and keep favoring value stocks, industrials, and materials over tech and health care. We also recommend going long consumer discretionary stocks and energy large caps versus small caps. Feature President Joe Biden spoke in Pittsburgh on Wednesday to unveil his economic vision and policy proposals going forward. Biden proposed a $2.4 trillion “American Jobs Plan” infrastructure and green energy package to be implemented over eight years, which will be part of a $4 trillion-plus “Build Back Better” legislative agenda that will be partially offset by an estimated $3 trillion in tax hikes to take effect over 15 years. The result will be a pro-cyclical boost to fiscal thrust, GDP growth, and inflation expectations; some potential for a productivity boom; a possible expansion of the social safety net; and tax reform that reduces US corporate profits. Pennsylvania is a Rust Belt state, Biden’s home state, and a critical swing state in the 2016 and 2020 elections, so the location makes sense. Biden aims to solidify the economic recovery and restore the Democratic Party’s leadership on infrastructure and manufacturing after Republican President Trump nearly stole their thunder. If he succeeds then his administration and party will improve their support substantially. The US economy is opening rapidly while the COVID-19 vaccination campaign continues apace. Chart 1 shows that household disposable income and net worth surged as a result of giant fiscal relief while consumer spending lags behind due to social distancing. The $1.7 trillion treasure chest of personal savings creates the basis for an increase in spending as consumers get vaccinated and regain their freedom. Economic policy uncertainty has collapsed, even relative to global uncertainty (Chart 2). There are no longer doubts about whether government will spend the country out of a slump. Even state and local governments have been bailed out despite having much stronger finances than predicted. However, there are doubts about how much more deficit spending the Biden administration will be able to push through, and that is what will now be debated in Congress following Biden’s Pittsburgh proposals. Chart 1Lower Spending And Higher Income Led To Mounting Excess Savings Lower Spending And Higher Income Led To Mounting Excess Savings Lower Spending And Higher Income Led To Mounting Excess Savings Chart 2US Policy Uncertainty Soon To Revive US Policy Uncertainty Soon To Revive US Policy Uncertainty Soon To Revive There will not be much of a deflationary tail risk to the new business cycle in the context of this expansive fiscal policy, as bullish investors are well aware. However, policy uncertainty will revive going forward as more spending will raise the risk of economic overheating, tax hikes will affect different sectors disproportionately, deficits and debt will balloon, and Biden’s challenges with immigration and foreign policy will intensify. There is an upside risk for the stock market that Congress delays tax hikes but this is not our base case. In this week’s report we revise and update our estimates for the impact of Biden administration’s legislative proposals – including his projected $4 trillion-plus in spending on infrastructure, health, and education – taking into consideration Biden’s Pittsburgh speech, his first press conference on March 25, and all the rumors and leaks that have come to light over the past two weeks. Back-Of-The-Envelope Estimates Of US Growth And Output Gap After ARPA First we need to revise our back-of-the-envelope estimates of the impact of the $1.9 trillion American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA). Chart 3 shows two scenarios for US GDP growth. The first is the “maximum” scenario, in which US real GDP grows by 10.7% because all of the money authorized under the new law is spent. The second scenario puts real growth at 6% by using only the Congressional Budget Office’s expected federal outlays (as opposed to budget authority) to estimate the government spending component of GDP. In both cases we assume that 33% of the fiscal relief is spent in FY2021 and the remainder in FY2022. These scenarios do not include Biden’s American Jobs and Families Plans because those bills have yet to be drafted, let alone pass Congress. Chart 3Revised US GDP Estimates With ARPA Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Consensus estimates put real GDP growth at 5.7% and the Federal Reserve estimates that 2021 growth will clock in at 6.5%, as shown in Chart 4. Not all of the government spending will translate directly into aggregate demand because 37% of the ARPA consists of direct checks and unemployment benefits to households that may only spend one-third of the amount they receive (while paying down debt with a third of it and saving a third of it). Yet more government deficit spending is coming down the pike and consumers are sitting on a huge pile of savings, which implies that growth could surprise to the upside of consensus estimates. Chart 4Consensus Estimates Of US GDP PosT-ARPA Consensus Estimates Of US GDP PosT-ARPA Consensus Estimates Of US GDP PosT-ARPA Chart 5 uses our same back-of-the-envelope calculation to estimate the impact of current law (including ARPA) on the US output gap. The output gap is the difference between actual GDP growth and potential GDP growth – during busts the country’s growth falls well beneath potential while during booms it rises above potential. The chart shows that if all of the government relief funds are spent then the output gap will be more than closed by the end of the year. By contrast, the CBO’s January projection shows the output gap persisting through 2025. While our estimates in Chart 5 may be too generous regarding federal cash handouts translating directly to consumer spending and higher demand, nevertheless the consensus estimate is entirely understated and out of date as a result of ARPA and the Biden administration’s additional fiscal spending that is coming. Chart 5Revised US Output Gap Estimates With ARPA Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Chart 6Revised US Budget Deficit Projection Post-ARPA Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Chart 6 updates our US budget deficit outlook using the CBO’s February budget baseline. The ARPA’s increase in government spending is added to create the new Democratic Party status quo scenario over the next ten years, with the budget normalizing by 2025. The Democratic low spending scenario assumes that Biden passes the $2.4tn infrastructure-plus plan announced in Pittsburgh (Table 1) using all the revenue from all the corporate tax hikes. Biden’s agenda will be broken into separate bills with varying probabilities of success. So in our budget deficit outlook we only include the infrastructure-and-corporate-tax-hikes component that is apparently being prioritized. Table 1Biden's 'American Jobs Plan' Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Bottom Line: US growth will surprise to the upside of consensus estimates while the US output gap will be closed much sooner than expected. Financial markets are largely prepared for this outcome, although it reinforces that investors should maintain a cyclically bullish view and tactically should buy on the dips. Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And ‘American Jobs Plan’ Budget Impacts Our view is that the Biden administration has a subjective 80% chance of passing a second major budget reconciliation bill (FY2022) and a 50% chance of passing a third budget reconciliation bill (FY2023). The question appears to be resolved that Democrats will prioritize infrastructure over social welfare. Whichever one they prioritize can be linked to tax hikes and yet will still be highly likely to pass given that no Republican votes are needed under budget reconciliation rules. Moderate Democrats may water down the tax provisions but they would be suicidal to oppose their entire party on the administration’s signature piece of legislation. The social spending bill, assuming it follows infrastructure, would have to be pursued via a third reconciliation bill for FY2023 but it is less likely to pass. By next year Biden will have spent a lot of his political capital, fiscal spending fatigue will be a real phenomenon, and the 2022 midterm elections will loom. What matters for investors is the impact on the budget deficit since that will determine how big of an impact will hit GDP and how long US fiscal policy remains accommodative. Table 2 shows the impact on the budget balance if Biden gets all of his spending and all revenue proposals (Baseline), if he gets all the spending but only half the tax hikes (Scenario 1), and if he gets half the spending and half the tax hikes (Scenario 2). Scenarios 3 and 4 treat the social spending plan with varying degrees of tax revenue from the proposed individual tax hikes, while Scenarios 5 and 6 treat the infrastructure plan with varying tax revenue from corporate tax hikes. Table 2Biden’s Forthcoming ‘American Jobs Plan’ Legislative Proposals Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Table 3 shows the Biden campaign’s proposed tax hikes by line item along with the spending proposals. The range of net deficit spending runs from about $400 billion to about $3 trillion over ten years, which is a broad range and not very telling but which seems, subjectively, likely to settle in the $2 trillion range. Chart 7 shows the budget deficit’s deviation from the status quo trajectory in each of these scenarios, i.e. additional fiscal thrust. Table 3Biden’s Tax-And-Spend Proposals In Detail Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Chart 7US Budget Deficit Projections With ‘American Jobs Plan’ Agenda Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda The infrastructure package consists of a range of proposals having to do with traditional roads and bridges, renewable energy, rural broadband Internet, domestic manufacturing incentives, supply chain security initiatives, affordable housing, and research and development (see Table 1 above). The social safety net expansion consists of making permanent the child tax credit that was extended in the ARPA; lowering the Medicare eligibility requirement to age 60 from 65; lengthening paid family/medical leave for workers; funding universal pre-school; and funding tuition-free community college. Some Democrats will oppose delaying social spending and tax hikes because they may not pass before the midterms and Republicans could easily take back control of the House of Representatives in 2022. Hence there is still a chance that Biden will pursue infrastructure on a bipartisan and piecemeal basis while using the FY2022 budget reconciliation for his social spending and tax hikes. The reasoning goes as follows: Historically the House has a high probability of shifting against a new president’s party in his first midterm election. The only exception to this rule were George W. Bush and Franklin D. Roosevelt. Republicans will definitely oppose social welfare and tax hikes, whereas they could be convinced to support an infrastructure plan. Republicans will not vote for infrastructure if it includes tax hikes and many Democrats believe that long-term infrastructure spending will enhance productivity and hence need not require revenue offsets. Hence there is still a chance of a bipartisan infrastructure bill. This would jeopardize its overall passage but it would ensure that Democrats could pass their social agenda via FY2022 reconciliation. What are the odds of bipartisanship? Throughout this year we have reserved some space for bipartisan lawmaking to take place under the radar. A recent example is the Paycheck Protection Program (PPP) Extension Act of 2021, which Biden signed into law on March 30. This is a bipartisan extension of the small business emergency loan program that began under President Trump. Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell quashed objections from within his party to extending the program, which has substantial support from the National Federation of Independent Business.1 The result was a 92-7 vote majority in the Senate, showing that Republican cooperation is possible. The fact that Republicans also cleared the way for the use of earmarks, or pork barrel spending directed at a critical lawmaker’s constituency in exchange for his or her vote, also suggests that bipartisanship is possible, particularly on infrastructure. Republicans can also be brought to support efforts to secure supply chains and energize the US technological race with China, such as the $50 billion funding for semiconductor manufacturing, which could be part of a major infrastructure package or regular budget appropriations. The catch is that Republicans will not support tax hikes, unionization, IRS strengthening, workplace enforcement, or climate change policies pursued under the guise of infrastructure. As a result the Democrats are highly incentivized to bypass Republicans from the beginning and pursue their agenda through two separate reconciliation bills. Finally, Democrats still have the option of removing the Senate filibuster, enabling regular bills to pass with merely 51 votes. Investors should plan on this occurring despite the news media narrative suggesting that moderate Democrats do not want it to happen – the point is that it is not an invincible check on the ruling party’s power. Biden signaled in his first press conference on March 25 that he is willing to see the filibuster removed. Bottom Line: Democrats can pass most of their infrastructure and social safety net proposals via budget reconciliation bills for FY2022 and FY2023, without a single Republican vote. If they do so they can only spare three votes in the House and zero votes in the Senate – meaning that the devil is in the details. Their odds of passing the first are high at a subjective 80% but then their odds of passing the second are 50/50 at best. Thus it is not wise to bet against Democratic tax hikes or new spending. The net impact on the deficit will be negative and hence stimulating for the economy. Growth and inflation will surprise to the upside. Biden’s Political Capital Still Moderate-To-Strong Our argument above is based in great part on Biden’s political capital, which is moderate but likely to strengthen as consumer sentiment rises. Table 4 updates our US Political Capital Index. Political polarization is subsiding from extreme peaks, and business sentiment and economic conditions are improving (with a surge in capex intentions albeit rising concerns over regulation). Table 4Biden’s Political Capital Sufficient For Another Major Bill Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda The weak spot is household sentiment as Biden’s approval rating is falling (normal for presidents as their honeymoon ends). However, consumer confidence is already picking up and will surely accelerate with vaccinations gaining ground, the dole being delivered, and the service sector reviving. Chart 8 shows that Biden’s approval rating is settling in the mid-50% range, which is substantially better than Trump’s at this time although worse than President Obama’s. Biden can be understood as a synthesis of these two predecessors given that he is coopting Trump’s agenda on fiscal spending, infrastructure, trade, and manufacturing while continuing Obama’s legacy on regulation, immigration, civil rights, and foreign policy. We expect Biden’s approval rating not to fall too far, unless he suffers a foreign policy disaster with China, Iran, or Russia, given that over 50% of voters will tend to support him as long as President Trump is the obvious alternative. Chart 9 suggests that Biden’s economic approval rating is weak but this score is going to rise once the new relief funds are distributed and the economic recovery gets going full steam. The early business cycle will probably be a constant source of support for the president over his four-year term. Chart 8Biden’s Approval Rating Fairly Stout Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Chart 9Biden’s Approval On Economy Will Rise Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Remarkably even the US Congress is gaining greater popular approval (Chart 10). This is very rare in modern times and could suggest that a major change is taking shape as Congress pursues populist fiscal policy under both Trump and Biden. Congress is handing out free money so people suddenly don’t hate it as much. There is a limit to how popular Congress will become and it will certainly not shake off its hard-earned reputation for gridlock and partisan rancor by suddenly exemplifying enlightenment and bipartisanship. But any rise in congressional approval is notable and would imply greater political capital for the current government and hence greater policy certainty for investors in the short run. Biden’s political capital is not yet suffering due to economic overheating as the latter has not yet happened – but it is a risk to monitor over the medium term. Inflationary pressures continue to build across the supply chain. Small businesses are increasingly flagging cost of labor as a rising concern while consumer price inflation is likely to pick up. Chart 10Congress Is Becoming More Popular Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Inflation expectations are critical and will take time to change. Americans think about inflation through prices at the pump. Chart 11 shows the US and global crude oil price and average gasoline prices at the gas station for US consumers. Gasoline prices have surged although they are not yet at the $4 per gallon level that causes popular concern to escalate sharply. Chart 11Inflation Is Coming But Geopolitics Brings Oil Price Volatility Inflation Is Coming But Geopolitics Brings Oil Price Volatility Inflation Is Coming But Geopolitics Brings Oil Price Volatility Oil prices are expected to go higher in the coming two years, according to our Commodity & Energy Strategy, but over a five-year period global supply-demand trends and balances suggest that the price will fluctuate within the $60-$80 dollar range. Biden’s regulations and foreign policy will introduce some volatility by hampering domestic US production, triggering sparks in the Middle East over Iran, and yet ultimately increasing global supply via any diplomatic deal with Iran. The BCA Research House View holds that today’s inflation is a temporary phenomenon whereas a more substantial bout of inflation is waiting in the medium-to-long term. The reason our strategists are not overly concerned in the near term is that there is still substantial slack in the economy: the labor force participation rate has fallen from 63.3% to 61.4% since the pandemic, the U6 unemployment rate stands at 11.1% (up from 7% prior to the pandemic), and the all-important employment-to-population ratio for prime-age workers stands at 57.6%, down from 61.1% prior to the pandemic. However, this slack is on pace to be tightened quickly as long as the pandemic subsides and Biden’s American Jobs Plan passes. Bottom Line: Our US Political Capital Index suggests Biden’s political capital is moderate-to-strong, which supports our view that he can pass at least one more major piece of legislation and possibly two. Inflation expectations will rise further and the selloff in US treasuries will continue. Investment Takeaways The market rally since January has priced a lot of the good news from Biden’s proposals, which are broadly similar to his campaign proposals. There is not a clear legislative strategy and passing two major bills before the midterm elections is a stretch. The priority bill, however, looks to pass by the end of this year after a roller-coaster ride of congressional negotiations and horse-trading. Deep cyclical sectors will benefit the most. We remain long value over growth stocks, specifically industrials and materials. We are also maintaining our long BCA infrastructure basket at least until passage of the bill is secured. Our infrastructure basket consists of a range of materials and machinery producers, construction services, and environmental services, and does not focus on headline “infrastructure” companies in the utilities and telecoms sectors. We recommend going long large cap energy stocks relative to small caps, which will have a harder time adjusting to Biden’s regulatory, tax, and green agenda. A long-term infrastructure plan that includes green energy, manufacturing, digital infrastructure, and R&D could create a productivity boost. Hiking the corporate tax rate to 28% is negative for corporate earnings but it will take place over a longer time frame and is being introduced in the context of a cyclical upswing. Hence we remain bullish over the course of this year. Biden’s Pittsburgh speech ostensibly confirmed the news flow over the past month suggesting that the Democrats will not propose a government-provided health insurance option in their upcoming legislative proposals. Instead they are prioritizing lowering the Medicare eligibility requirement and enabling Medicare to negotiate pharmaceutical prices. Our short of the managed health care sub-sector suffered from this shift in policy focus although we will maintain the trade as we expect the public option to reemerge at a later date. Meanwhile our pair trade of long health equipment and facilities relative to pharmaceuticals and bio-tech continues to perform well (Chart 12). A clear beneficiary of the US’s newfound proactive fiscal policy is the consumer. Consumer spending has not fully recovered from the pandemic and recession. Household disposable income ticked down in February from January, after the distribution of the government’s $900 billion COVID-19 relief funds in the Consolidated Appropriations Act passed in December. However, disposable income is up 8% over the 12 months since COVID broke out, due to fiscal relief. The result of lower spending and higher income is an increase in the personal saving rate to 13.6% in February, well above normal, as our US Bond Strategy highlights in its latest report. Recent research from our US Investment Strategy highlights that consumer growth should track relatively well with increases in household net worth, implying that nominal personal consumption expenditures could grow at a rate of 8.8% by the end of the year and 6.9% by the end of next year. Chart 12Stay Long Industrials Over Health Care Stay Long Industrials Over Health Care Stay Long Industrials Over Health Care Chart 13Go Long Consumer Discretionary Stocks Go Long Consumer Discretionary Stocks Go Long Consumer Discretionary Stocks In this context we take a positive view of consumer stocks in general. Cyclically we would favor consumer discretionary stocks and recommend investors go long. While discretionary spending should outperform as the economic upswing gains pace, we are holding consumer staples as a hedge against bad news (Chart 13). Not only will Biden’s tax hikes, inflation, and the rise in bond yields cause ongoing risks to cyclical sectors, but Biden also faces a series of imminent foreign policy tests with China/Taiwan, Iran, Russia, and North Korea, as highlighted in our sister Geopolitical Strategy.     Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com   Appendix Table A1Political Risk Matrix Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Table A2APolitical Capital: White House And Congress Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Table A2BPolitical Capital: Household And Business Sentiment Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Table A2CPolitical Capital: The Economy And Markets Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Table A3Biden’s Cabinet Position Appointments Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda Biden’s Pittsburgh Speech And Legislative Agenda   Footnotes 1     Bill Scher, “The Bipartisan Senate Bill You Haven’t Heard About,” Real Clear Politics, realclearpolitics.com.