Taiwan

Highlights US-China tensions are escalating over the Taiwan Strait as Beijing tests the new Biden administration, yet financial markets are flying high and unprepared for a resumption of structurally elevated geopolitical risk. US restrictions on Chinese tech and arms sales, US internal political divisions, Taiwanese independence activists, China’s power grab in Hong Kong, and aggressive foreign policy from Xi Jinping create what could become a perfect storm. The rattling of sabers can escalate further as a “fourth Taiwan Strait crisis” has been a long time coming – though “gun to head” we do not think China’s civilian leadership is ready to initiate a war over Taiwan. Biden’s shift to a more defensive US strategy on tech offers Beijing the far less risky alternative of continuing its current (very successful) long game. We are closing most of our risk-on, cyclical trades and shifting to a neutral position until we can get a better read on how far the crisis will escalate. Maintain hedges and safe-haven trades: gold, yen, health stocks, an Indian overweight in EM, and defense stocks relative to others. Feature President Joe Biden faces his first crisis as the US and China rattle sabers over the Taiwan Strait. The crisis does not come at a surprise to watchers of geopolitics but it could produce further negative surprises for financial markets that are just starting to take note of it. This premier geopolitical risk combined with vaccine rollout problems, weak economic data releases, and signs of froth sent global equities down 2% over the past five days. The US 10-year Treasury yield fell to 1%, the USD-CNY rose by 0.03%, gold fell by 0.6%, and copper fell by 2%. As things stand today, we are prepared to buy on the dip but we are closing most of our long bets and positioning for a big dip now that our premier geopolitical risk in the Taiwan Strait shows signs of materializing. A series of Chinese air force drills have cut across the far southwestern corner of Taiwan’s Air Defense Identification Zone (ADIZ) over the past week, giving alarm to the Taiwanese military (Map 1). Beijing is sending a clear warning to the Biden administration that Taiwan is its “red line” – namely Taiwanese independence but also Beijing’s access to Taiwanese-made semiconductors. There is not yet a clear signal that China is about to attack or invade Taiwan but an attack is possible. Investors should not underrate the significance of a show of force over Taiwan at this juncture. Map 1Flight Paths Of People’s Liberation Army Aircraft, January 24, 2021 Is The Taiwan Strait Crisis Here? – A GeoRisk Update Is The Taiwan Strait Crisis Here? – A GeoRisk Update Chart 1Global Trade Troubles Global Trade Troubles Global Trade Troubles We are also taking this opportunity to book a 37% gain on our long US energy trade. Global politics are fundamentally anarchic in the context of the US’s relative geopolitical decline, and internal divisions and distractions, and the simultaneous economic shocks that have knocked global trade off course (Chart 1), jeopardizing the newfound success and stability of the ambitious emerging market challengers to the United States. Geopolitical Risk Is Back (Already) Chart 2US And China Lead Global Growth Recovery US And China Lead Global Growth Recovery US And China Lead Global Growth Recovery The US and China have snapped back more rapidly than other economies from the COVID-19 pandemic despite their entirely different experiences (Chart 2). The virus erupted in China but its draconian lockdowns halted the outbreak while it unleashed a wave of monetary and fiscal stimulus to reboot the economy. The US showed itself unwilling and unable to maintain strict lockdowns, leaving its economy freer to operate, and yet also unleashed a wave of stimulus. The US stimulus is the biggest in the world yet China’s is underrated in Chart 3 due to its reliance on quasi-fiscal credit expansion, which amounted to 8.5% of GDP. That goes on top of the 5.6% of GDP fiscal expansion shown here. For most of the past year financial markets have priced the positive side of this stimulus – the fact that it prevented larger layoffs, bankruptcies, and defaults and launched a new economic cycle. Going forward they will face the negative side, which includes financial instability and foreign policy assertiveness. Countries that are domestically unstable yet fueled by government spending can take risks that they would not otherwise take if their economy depended on private or foreign sentiment. The checks and balances that prevent conflict during normal times have been reduced. Chart 3US Leads Stimulus Blowout This Time, Though China Stimulus Larger Than Appears Is The Taiwan Strait Crisis Here? – A GeoRisk Update Is The Taiwan Strait Crisis Here? – A GeoRisk Update Global economic policy uncertainty has fallen from recent peaks around the world but it remains elevated in the US, China, and Russia, which are engaged in a great power struggle that will continue in the coming years (Chart 4). This struggle has escalated with each new crisis point, from 2001 to 2008 to 2015 to 2020, and shows no sign of abating in 2021. Chart 4APolicy Uncertainty Still Rising Here ... Policy Uncertainty Still Rising Here ... Policy Uncertainty Still Rising Here ... Chart 4B... And Can Easily Revive Here ... And Can Easily Revive Here ... And Can Easily Revive Here   Chart 5Terrorism Falling In World Ex-US (For Now) Terrorism Falling In World Ex-US (For Now) Terrorism Falling In World Ex-US (For Now) Europe, the UK, Australia, and various emerging markets will suffer spillover effects from this geopolitical struggle as well as from their own domestic turmoil in the wake of the global recession. Immigration and terrorism have dropped off in recent years but will revive in the Middle East and elsewhere when the aftershocks of the global crisis lead to new state failures, weakened governments, and militant extremism (Chart 5). In many countries, domestic political risks appear contained today but the reality is that social unrest and political opposition will mount over time if unemployment is not dealt with and inflation starts to climb. These two factors combine form the “Misery Index,” a useful indicator of socio-political discontent. India, Russia, Brazil, Turkey, South Africa, Mexico, and Indonesia are just a few of the major emerging markets that face high or rising misery indexes and hence persistent forces for political change (Chart 6). Chart 6AMore Social And Political Unrest To Come More Social And Political Unrest To Come More Social And Political Unrest To Come Chart 6BMore Social And Political Unrest To Come More Social And Political Unrest To Come More Social And Political Unrest To Come So far there have not been many changes in government – the US is the major exception. But change will accelerate from here. It is not hard to see that weakening popular support for national leaders and their ruling coalitions will result in more snap elections, election upsets, and surprise events in the coming months and years (Chart 7). Chart 7Changing Of The Guard Under Way In Global Politics Is The Taiwan Strait Crisis Here? – A GeoRisk Update Is The Taiwan Strait Crisis Here? – A GeoRisk Update Chart 8Italian Elections Heighten Sovereign Spread Italian Elections Heighten Sovereign Spread Italian Elections Heighten Sovereign Spread For example, Italian voters likely face an early election even though Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte saw some of the best opinion polling of any first-world leader since COVID emerged. Last year we identified Italy as a leading candidate for an early snap election and we still maintain that an election is the likeliest outcome of the crumbling ruling coalition. The pandemic has created havoc in the country and now the ruling parties want to take advantage of the situation to strengthen their hand in distributing the $254 billion in European recovery funds destined for Italy. A new electoral law was passed in the fall, enabling an election to go forward, and the leading parties all hope to have control of parliament when the next presidential election occurs in early 2022, since the president is a key player in government and cabinet formation. Political risk is therefore set to increase and boost the risk premium in Italian bonds, producing a counter-trend spread widening for the coming 12 months or so (Chart 8). Anti-establishment right-wing parties, which taken together lead in public opinion, threaten to blow out the Italian budget. It is not a foregone conclusion that they will prevail – and these parties have moderated their rhetoric on the euro and monetary union – but it is an understated risk at present and has some staying power, even if moderate by the standards of geopolitical risks in other regions. Russia also faces rising political and geopolitical risk in the aftermath of the pandemic, which has had an outsized effect on a population that is disproportionately old and unhealthy (Chart 9). Moscow is now witnessing the most serious outpouring of government opposition since 2011 despite the fact that its cyclical economic conditions are not the worst among the emerging markets. The economic recovery is likely to be stunted by the new US administration’s efforts to extend and expand sanctions and any geopolitical conflicts that ensue. We remain negative on Russian equities as we have for the past two years and look at other emerging market oil plays as offering the same value without the geopolitical risk (Chart 10). Chart 9Russian Social Unrest Aggravated By Pandemic Is The Taiwan Strait Crisis Here? – A GeoRisk Update Is The Taiwan Strait Crisis Here? – A GeoRisk Update Chart 10Russian Equities Face Persistent Geopolitical Risk Russian Equities Face Persistent Geopolitical Risk Russian Equities Face Persistent Geopolitical Risk Investors do not need to care about social unrest in itself but do need to pay attention when it leads to a change in government or the overall policy setting. This is what we will monitor for the countries highlighted in these charts as being especially at risk. Italy and Spain are the most likely to see government change in the developed world, though we should note that however stable Germany’s ruling Christian Democrats appear as Chancellor Angela Merkel steps down, there could still be an upset this fall (Chart 11). France’s Emmanuel Macron is still positioned for re-election next year but his legislative control is clearly in jeopardy – and it is at least worth noting that the right-wing anti-establishment leader Marine Le Pen has started to move up in the polls for the first time since 2017, even though she has a very low chance of actually taking power (Chart 12). Chart 11German Election Not A Foregone Conclusion German Election Not A Foregone Conclusion German Election Not A Foregone Conclusion Chart 12Signs Of Life For Marine Le Pen? Signs Of Life For Marine Le Pen? Signs Of Life For Marine Le Pen? Chart 13UK Now Turns To Keeping Scotland UK Now Turns To Keeping Scotland UK Now Turns To Keeping Scotland Even the UK, which has found the “middle way” solution to the Brexit imbroglio, in true British form, faces a significant increase in political risk beginning with local elections in May. If these produce a resounding victory for the Scottish National Party then it will interpret the vote as a mandate to pursue a second independence referendum, which will be a narrow affair even if Prime Minister Boris Johnson is tentatively favored to head it off (Chart 13). Bottom Line: Financial markets have been preoccupied with the pandemic and global stimulus. But now political and geopolitical risks are underrated once again. They are starting to rear their heads, not only in the US-China-Russia power struggle but also in the domestic politics of countries that face high policy uncertainty and high or rising misery indexes. Biden And Xi Bound To Collide It is too soon to identify the “Biden Doctrine” in American foreign policy, as the new president has not yet taken significant action, but the all-too-predictable showdown in the Taiwan Strait could provide the occasion. Since the fall of 2019 we have warned that US-China great power competition would intensify despite any “phase one” trade deal. President Trump undertook a flurry of significant punitive measures on China during his lame duck months in office and now Beijing is pressuring the Biden administration to reverse these measures or at least call a halt to them. The fundamental premise of Biden’s campaign against President Trump was that he would restore America’s active role in international affairs against the supposed isolationism of Trump. Of course, the fact that the Democrats gained full control of Congress means that Biden will not be restricted to foreign policy over his four-year term but will be consumed with trying to cut deals on Capitol Hill to pass his domestic agenda. Nevertheless Biden’s foreign policy schedule is already packed as he is rattling sabers with China, issuing warnings to Russian President Vladimir Putin, and cutting off arms sales to Saudi Arabia and the UAE to signal that he intends to reformulate the Iranian nuclear deal. Americans broadly favor an active role in the world, which is clear from opinion polling in the wake of Trump’s challenge to the status quo – they are weary of wars in the Middle East but are not showing appetite for a broader withdrawal from global affairs (Chart 14). Similarly polling on global trade shows that Trump, if anything, roused the public’s support for trade despite French or Japanese levels of skepticism about it. Chart 14Americans Still Favor Global Engagement Americans Still Favor Global Engagement Americans Still Favor Global Engagement The implication is that the US budget deficit will remain larger for longer and that the US trade deficit will balloon amidst a surge in domestic demand. Trump’s attempt to shrink trade deficits without shrinking the budget deficit (or overall demand) proved economically impossible. Chart 15Biden And The US Role In The World Biden And The US Role In The World Biden And The US Role In The World The Biden administration is opting for expanding the twin deficits albeit at a much greater risk to the dollar’s value. Markets have already discounted this shift to the point that the dollar is experiencing a bounce from having reached oversold levels. The bounce will continue but it is against the grain, the fall will resume later, as indicated by these policies. Another implication is that defense spending will not fall much due to the geopolitical pressures facing the Biden administration. Non-defense spending will go up but defense spending will remain at least flat as a share of overall output (Chart 15). With this policy setting in the US, policy developments in China made it inevitable that US-China strategic tensions would resume where Trump left off despite Biden’s campaign platform of de-emphasizing the China threat. In the long run, Biden’s push for renewed engagement with China runs up against the fact that Beijing’s overarching political and economic strategy is focused on import substitution and technological acquisition, as outlined in the fourteenth five-year plan. China’s share of global exports has grown even larger despite the pandemic and yet China is weaning itself off of global imports in pursuit of strategic self-sufficiency. The US will be left with less global export share, less market access in China, and ongoing dependency on trade surplus nations to buy its debt (Chart 16). Unless, that is, the Biden administration engages in very robust diplomacy and is willing to take geopolitical risks not unlike those that Trump took. Chart 16China's Role In The World Motivates Opposition China's Role In The World Motivates Opposition China's Role In The World Motivates Opposition Chart 17China Plays Are Getting Stretched China Plays Are Getting Stretched China Plays Are Getting Stretched One of the clear takeaways from the above is that industrial metals and China plays, like the Australian dollar and Swedish equities, are facing a pullback. Though Chinese policymakers will ultimately accommodate the economy, the combination of a domestic policy tug-of-war and a renewal of US-China tensions will take the air out of these recent outperformers (Chart 17). Bottom Line: The Biden administration faces a resumption in strategic tensions with China. First, the immediate crisis over the Taiwan Strait can escalate from here (see below). Second, the US-China economic conflict is set to escalate over the long run with the US pursuing an unsustainable policy of maximum reflation while China turns away from the liberal “reform and opening” agenda that enabled positive US-China ties since 1979. This combination points to a large increase in the US trade dependency on China even as China grows more independent of the US and technologically capable. This result ensures that tensions will persist over the long run. Is The Fourth Taiwan Strait Crisis Already Here? Biden may be forced into significant foreign policy action right away in the Taiwan Strait, where General Secretary Xi Jinping has put his fledgling administration to the test. Over the past week Beijing has sent a large squadron of nuclear-capable bombers and fighter jets to cut across the far southwest corner of Taiwan’s Air Defense Identification Zone (Map 2). This activity is a continuation of an upgraded tempo of military drills around the island, including a flight across the median line last year, and follows an alleged army build-up across from the island last year.1 The US for its part has upgraded its freedom of navigation operations over the past several years, including in the Taiwan Strait (though not yet putting an aircraft carrier group into the strait as in the 1990s). Map 2Flight Paths Of People’s Liberation Army Aircraft, January 25-28, 2021 Is The Taiwan Strait Crisis Here? – A GeoRisk Update Is The Taiwan Strait Crisis Here? – A GeoRisk Update In response to China’s sorties on January 23, the US State Department urged the People’s Republic to stop “attempts to intimidate its neighbors, including Taiwan,” called for mainland dialogue with Taiwan’s “elected representatives” (albeit not naming anyone), declared that the US would deepen ties with Taiwan, and pledged a “rock-solid” commitment to the island. Not coincidentally the USS Roosevelt aircraft carrier arrived in the South China Sea on the same day as China’s largest sortie, January 24. Meanwhile a Chinese government spokesman said the military drills should be seen as a “solemn warning” to the Biden administration that China will reunify the island by force if necessary. China is not only concerned about Taiwanese secession and US-Taiwan defense relations, as always, but is specifically concerned that the Biden administration will persist with the technological “blockade” that the Trump administration imposed on Huawei, Semiconductor Manufacturing International Corporation (SMIC), their suppliers, and a range of other Chinese state-owned enterprises and tech firms. Neither the US nor Chinese statements have yet made a definitive break with the longstanding policy framework on Taiwan that first enabled US-China détente and engagement. The US State Department reiterated its commitment to the diplomatic documents that frame the relationship with the People’s Republic and the Republic of China, namely the Three Communiques, the Taiwan Relations Act, and the Six Assurances. It did not make explicit mention of the One China Policy although the US version of that policy is incorporated in the first of the three communiques (the 1972 Shanghai Communique). However, China may not be appeased by this statement. Xi Jinping has gradually shifted the language in major Communist Party policy statements over the past several years to indicate a greater willingness to use force against Taiwan, even suggesting that he envisions the reunification of China by 2035.2 The Trump administration’s offensives have accelerated this security dilemma. In addition to export controls on high tech, Trump signed several significant bills on Taiwan into law over the course of his term that aim to upgrade the relationship. These include the Taiwan Assurance Act of 2020 at the end of last year, which calls for deeper US-Taiwan relations, greater Taiwanese involvement in international institutions, larger US arms sales to support Taiwan’s defense strategy, and more diplomatic exchanges.3 Separately, the US and Taiwan also signed a science-and-technology cooperation agreement on December 15 and the Biden administration is interested in negotiating a free trade agreement.4 A few additional points: The struggle over access to Taiwan’s state-of-the-art semiconductor production continues to escalate. The Trump administration concluded its tenure by cutting off American exports of chips, parts, designs, and knowhow to Chinese telecom giant Huawei, thus putting Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company (TSMC) into the position of having to halt sales of certain goods to the mainland. TSMC accounts for one-fifth of global semiconductor capacity and produces the smallest, fastest, and most efficient chips. China’s SMIC has been hamstrung by these controls as well as Huawei and other Chinese tech champions. This issue remains unresolved and is the primary immediate driver of conflict between the US and China since both economies would suffer if semiconductor supplies were severed. The US’s capability of imposing a tech blockade on China threatens its long-term productivity and hence potentially regime survival, while China’s capability of attacking Taiwan threatens the critical supply lines of the US and its northeast Asian allies, including essential computer chips for US military needs (the main reason the US has tried to strong-arm TSMC into building a fabrication plant in Arizona).5 US arms sales en route to Taiwan. While there are rumors that the Biden administration will delay these sales, the Taiwanese government claims they have been assured that the transfers will go forward. This arms package does not include the most provocative weapons systems, such as F-35 fighter jets, but it does contain advanced weapons systems and weapons that can be seen as offensive rather than defensive. These include truck-mounted rocket launchers, precision strike missiles, 66 F-16 fighter jets, Harpoon anti-ship missiles, subsea mines, and advanced drones. So it is possible that Beijing will put its foot down to prevent the transfer, just as it tried to halt the less-sensitive transfer of THAAD missiles to South Korea during the last US presidential transition. If this should be the case then it will cause a major escalation in tensions until the US either halts the arms transfer or completes it – and completing the transfer, if China issues an ultimatum, will lead to conflict. Growth of “secessionist forces” in Taiwan. Chinese media have specifically cited a political “alliance” that formed on January 24 and aims to revise the island’s democratic constitution. The Taiwanese public no longer sees itself primarily as Chinese but as Taiwanese and is increasingly opposed to eventual reunification. What is the end-game? First, as stated, the current escalation in tensions can go much further in the coming weeks and months. We are not prepared to sound the “all clear” as a confrontation has been building for years and could conceivably amount to Cuban Missile Crisis proportions, which would likely trigger a bear market. Second, we do not yet see China staging a full-scale attack or invasion on Taiwan. China’s goal is to continue expanding its economy and technology, its economic heft in Asia and the world, and thus its global influence and military power. It cannot achieve this goal if it is utterly severed from Taiwan, but it also cannot achieve this goal if it precipitates a war with not only Taiwan but also the US, Japan, other US allies, and a devastation of the very semiconductor foundries upon which Taiwan’s critical importance stands. Playing the long game of growing its economy and taking incremental steps of imposing its political supremacy has paid off so far, including in Hong Kong and the South China Sea. Both Russia’s and China’s gradual slices of regional power have demonstrated that the US does not have the appetite, focus, and resolve to fight small wars at present – whereas Washington is untested on its commitment to major wars such as an invasion of Taiwan would precipitate. At very least China needs to determine whether the Biden administration intends to impose a technological blockade, as the Trump administration looked to do. Biden has so far outlined a “defensive game” of securing US networks, preventing US trade in dual-use technologies that strengthen China’s military, on-shoring semiconductor production, and accelerating US research and development. This leaves open the possibility of issuing waivers for trade in US-made or US-designed items that do not have military purposes, albeit with the US retaining the possibility of removing the waivers if China does not reciprocate. This strategy amounts to what Biden’s “Asia Tsar,” Kurt Campbell, has called “stable competition.” Therefore the earliest indications from the Biden administration suggest that it will seek a lowering of temperature while defending the US’s red lines – and this should prevent a full-scale Taiwan war in the short run, though it does not prevent a major diplomatic crisis at any time. If Biden does in fact pursue this more accommodative approach, and seeks to reengage China, then that Beijing has a much lower-cost strategy that is immediately available, as opposed to an all-or-nothing gambit to stage the largest amphibious assault since D-Day, which is by no means assured to succeed and could in the worst case provoke a nuclear war. This strategy includes negotiating waivers on US tech restrictions, accelerating its high-tech import substitution strategy, and continuing to poach the talent from Taiwan and steal the technology needed to circumvent US restrictions. As long as Washington does not make a dash for a total blockade, Beijing should be expected to pursue this alternate strategy. Investment Takeaways The market is not priced for a serious escalation in US-China-Taiwan tensions. If there is a 17% chance of a 30%-40% drawdown in equities on jitters over a major war, then equities should suffer a full 7%+ correction to discount the possibility. While the prospects of full-scale war are much lower, at say 5%, these odds could escalate rapidly if the two sides fail to mitigate a diplomatic or military crisis through red telephone communications. Chart 18China/Taiwan Policy Uncertainty Will Converge To Upside China/Taiwan Policy Uncertainty Will Converge To Upside China/Taiwan Policy Uncertainty Will Converge To Upside While Chinese policy uncertainty remains elevated, it still has plenty of room to rise. It has diverged unsustainably from Taiwanese uncertainty, which only recently showed signs of ticking up in response to manifest strategic dangers. This gap will converge to the upside as US-China tensions persist and the global news media gradually turns its spotlight away from Donald Trump, alerting financial markets to the persistence of the world’s single most important geopolitical risk right under their nose (Chart 18). Inverting our market-based Geopolitical Risk Indicators, so that falling risk is shown as a rising green line, it becomes apparent that Chinese equities and Taiwanese equities have gone vertical, have only started to correct, and are highly exposed to exogenous events stemming from their fundamentally unstable political relationship. Hong Kong stocks, by contrast, have performed in line with the market’s perception of their political risk, so that there is less discrepancy between market sentiment and reality – even though they will also sell off in the event that this week’s events escalate into a larger confrontation (Chart 19). Chart 19Geopolitical Risks Lurking In Asian Equities Geopolitical Risks Lurking In Asian Equities Geopolitical Risks Lurking In Asian Equities Chart 20Stay Long Korea / Short Taiwan Due To Geopolitical Risk Stay Long Korea / Short Taiwan Due To Geopolitical Risk Stay Long Korea / Short Taiwan Due To Geopolitical Risk South Korean stocks were also overstretched and due for correction. We have long advocated a pair trade favoring Korean over Taiwanese stocks to capture the relative geopolitical risk as well as more favorable valuations in Korea (Chart 20). The ingredients for a fourth Taiwan Strait crisis are all present. This week’s showdown could escalate further. Global and East Asian equities are overbought and vulnerable to a larger correction, especially Taiwanese stocks. US equities are also sky-high and vulnerable to a larger correction, although they would be favored relative to the rest of the world in the event of a full-fledged crisis. Chart 21Geopolitical Flare-Up Would Upset This Trend Geopolitical Flare-Up Would Upset This Trend Geopolitical Flare-Up Would Upset This Trend We maintain our various geopolitical longs and hedges, including gold, Japanese yen, an Indian overweight within EM, and health stocks. We remain long global defense stocks as well. Because our base case is that the current crisis will not result in war, but rather high diplomatic tensions, we are inclined to buy on the dips. But we expect a big dip even in the event of a merely diplomatic crisis that involves no jets shot down or ships sunk. Therefore for now we are closing long municipal bonds versus Treasuries, long international stocks versus American, long GBP-EUR, long Trans-Pacific Partnership countries, and long value versus growth stocks. These trades should be reinitiated once we have clarity on the magnitude of the US-China crisis, given the extremely accommodative economic and policy backdrop, which will, if anything, become more accommodative if geopolitical risks materialize yet fall short of total war. Oil and copper would suffer relative to gold in the meantime (Chart 21). Our remaining strategic portfolio still favors stocks that would ultimately benefit from instability in Greater China, such as European industrials relative to global, Indian equities relative to Chinese, and South Korean equities relative to Taiwanese. While the spike in tensions reinforces our conclusion in last week’s report that long-dated Chinese government bonds should rally on Taiwan risk, this recommendation was made in the context of discussing domestic Chinese markets and is primarily intended for mainland investors or those with a mandate to invest in Chinese assets. Foreign investors could conceivably be exposed to sanctions or capital controls in the event of a major crisis – as we have long flagged is also a risk with foreign holders of Russian ruble-denominated bonds. We have made a note in our trade table accordingly.   Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1 Brad Lendon, "Almost 40 Chinese warplanes breach Taiwan Strait median line; Taiwan President calls it a 'threat of force,'" CNN, September 21, 2020, cnn.com. 2 Richard C. Bush, "8 key things to notice from Xi Jinping’s New Year speech on Taiwan," Brookings Institute, January 7, 2019, brookings.com. 3 Trump also signed the Taiwan Travel Act on March 16, 2018 and the Taiwan Allies International Protection and Enhancement Initiative Act on March 26, 2019. For the Taiwan Assurance Act, see Kelvin Chen, "Trump Signs Taiwan Assurance Act Into Law," Taiwan News, December 28, 2020, taiwannews.com. 4 Jason Pan, "Alliance formed to draft Taiwanese constitution," Taipei Times, January 24, 2021, taipeitimes.com; Emerson Lim and Matt Yu, "Taiwan, U.S. sign agreement on scientific cooperation," Focus Taiwan, December 18, 2020, focustaiwan.tw; Ryan Hass, "A case for optimism on US-Taiwan relations," Brookings Institute, November 30, 2020, brookings.com. 5 Thomas J. Shattuck, "Stuck in the Middle: Taiwan’s Semiconductor Industry, the U.S.-China Tech Fight, and Cross-Strait Stability," Foreign Policy Research Institute, Orbis (65:1) 2021, pp. 101-17, www.fpri.org. Section II: GeoRisk Indicators China China: GeoRisk Indicator China: GeoRisk Indicator Russia Russia: GeoRisk Indicator Russia: GeoRisk Indicator UK UK: GeoRisk Indicator UK: GeoRisk Indicator Germany Germany: GeoRisk Indicator Germany: GeoRisk Indicator France France: GeoRisk Indicator France: GeoRisk Indicator Italy Italy: GeoRisk Indicator Italy: GeoRisk Indicator Canada Canada: GeoRisk Indicator Canada: GeoRisk Indicator Spain Spain: GeoRisk Indicator Spain: GeoRisk Indicator Taiwan Taiwan: GeoRisk Indicator Taiwan: GeoRisk Indicator Korea Korea: GeoRisk Indicator Korea: GeoRisk Indicator Turkey Turkey: GeoRisk Indicator Turkey: GeoRisk Indicator Brazil Brazil: GeoRisk Indicator Brazil: GeoRisk Indicator Section III: Geopolitical Calendar

The global semiconductor industry has been experiencing a record amount of IPOs and M&A deals in recent months. A flurry of IPOs and M&As in any industry often serves as a sign of a top in share prices (Chart 1). Chat 1Will Booming Semiconductor IPOs And M&As Mark A Peak In Share Prices? Asian Semi Stocks: Upgrade Korea But Not Taiwan Asian Semi Stocks: Upgrade Korea But Not Taiwan The basis is that IPO and M&A booms usually occur when investor sentiment on that industry is super optimistic, which often coincides with a top in share prices. Does this mean that semiconductor stocks in general, and the ones in Taiwan and Korea in particular, are at their zenith? Our broad judgement is that semi stocks have not reached a secular peak. First, as we argued in a recent Special Report, the semiconductor industry is in a structural uptrend due to the continuing rollout of 5G networks and phones, a wider adoption of data centers, further technological advancements in artificial intelligence, cloud computing, edge computing and smaller nodes for chip manufacturing. Second, it is critical to differentiate a macro call on semiconductors from a bottom-up call on individual stocks. Not all semi companies have rallied in recent years, i.e., there has been great divergence among global semi stocks as shown in Chart 2. Chat 2The Performance Of Semiconductor Stocks Has Varied Greatly Asian Semi Stocks: Upgrade Korea But Not Taiwan Asian Semi Stocks: Upgrade Korea But Not Taiwan Several semiconductor companies – like TSMC, Nvidia and AMD – have achieved technological breakthroughs, putting them in a position to enjoy high order volumes and charge higher prices. Not surprisingly, revenues of these companies have outpaced the industry average by a wide margin (Chart 3). Chat 3Semiconductor Companies' Revenues Have Diverged Asian Semi Stocks: Upgrade Korea But Not Taiwan Asian Semi Stocks: Upgrade Korea But Not Taiwan Others – like Intel and Analog Devices - have posted inferior revenue gains because they have fallen behind technologically or because they are specializing in certain types of semiconductors for which demand and pricing have been lackluster. Chat 4One-Off Surge In Demand For Semis Might Be Over Asian Semi Stocks: Upgrade Korea But Not Taiwan Asian Semi Stocks: Upgrade Korea But Not Taiwan Finally, if the global reflation trade resumes and global stocks continue advancing, as the first post-US election day suggests, there is little reason for global semiconductor stocks to falter at this moment. From the macro perspective, lower interest rates in the long run will support not-so-cheap semiconductor stock valuations. In addition, companies with access to unique technological capabilities will be able to raise their product prices benefiting their profits.    That said, there are also several signs that the global semi demand cycle might have entered a period of indigestion: The one-off demand surge for personal computers and gadgets and one-off ramp up of global server shipments due to the pandemic might be drawing to a close (Chart 4, top panel). Digitimes Research has reported that global server shipments are estimated to have slipped 6% sequentially in Q3 from Q2 and are projected to drop another 12% in Q4 (Chart 4, bottom panel). Unlike those in March-April, renewed lockdowns are unlikely to produce another surge in demand for digital equipment and, hence, for semis. Many people and companies have already settled into working from home. In short, as the effect of the one-off demand surge for digital hardware fades, global semi demand will moderate.  Semiconductor companies in general, and the ones in Korea and Taiwan in particular, have greatly benefited from China having stockpiled semiconductors in 2019 and 2020 in preparation for US sanctions on Huawei that went into effect on September 15, 2020 (Chart 5). The US supply ban on semiconductors to China for 5G technology will remain in place regardless of the outcome of the US presidential elections. Restrictions on semi sales to China will weigh on certain semi producers. In addition, smartphone sales in China generally, including 5G smartphone sales, have plunged as of late (Chart 6). Chat 5China Has Been Accumulating Semis Inventories Asian Semi Stocks: Upgrade Korea But Not Taiwan Asian Semi Stocks: Upgrade Korea But Not Taiwan Chat 6China: Smartphone Shipments, Including 5G, Are Weak Asian Semi Stocks: Upgrade Korea But Not Taiwan Asian Semi Stocks: Upgrade Korea But Not Taiwan   Finally, the PMI new orders sub-index for Taiwan’s electronic industry has rolled over, signaling a slowdown in its growth rate (Chart 7).   Similarly, the memory chip revenue indicator has recently rolled over, signaling a potential risk to memory stocks such as Samsung and Hynix which make up the Korean technology index (Chart 8). Chat 7A Moderation In The Taiwanese Semis Industry? Asian Semi Stocks: Upgrade Korea But Not Taiwan Asian Semi Stocks: Upgrade Korea But Not Taiwan Chat 8Proxy for Value Of Memory Chips And Korean Tech Stocks Asian Semi Stocks: Upgrade Korea But Not Taiwan Asian Semi Stocks: Upgrade Korea But Not Taiwan   We have been advocating a neutral allocation to both the Korean and Taiwanese stock markets within the EM equity universe. One of our arguments for this strategy has been a potential escalation in the US-China confrontation going into the US elections. However, this risk has not materialized. We are upgrading the Korean bourse to overweight. As to Taiwan, a contested US election and the resulting vacuum of power in the next couple of months might lead to a rise in all types of geopolitical risks around the world. Taiwan could be one of these. We maintain a neutral allocation to the Taiwanese bourse within an EM equity portfolio. Bottom Line: In absolute terms, Korean and Taiwanese equity performance depends on the direction of global stocks. We will discuss the outlook for global and EM stocks in a Strategy Report to be published early next week when there is more clarity on the outcome of the US presidential elections. Within an EM equity universe, we are upgrading Korean stocks from neutral to overweight but keeping Taiwan’s allocation at neutral. Arthur Budaghyan Chief Emerging Markets Strategist arthur@bcaresearch.com Ellen JingYuan He Associate Vice President ellenj@bcaresearch.com Footnotes

Highlights The complexity of global supply chains and the competitive advantages that China holds will likely reinforce China’s status as the world’s largest manufacturing hub. Moving up of the manufacturing value chain will put a floor on China’s productivity growth. Increasing regionalized global supply chains will benefit several emerging Asian economies – Vietnam and India in particular. Meanwhile, Mexico will gain in terms of global manufacturing share due to its geographic proximity to and favorable trade-agreement with the US.  Feature Global supply chains have gone through a severe stress this year as the Covid-19 pandemic battered manufacturing hubs across the world. The shortages of critical medical equipment, including personal protective equipment and ventilators, generated heated debates over strategies of reshoring/nearshoring manufacturing due to concerns over national security. Meanwhile, the escalating US-China conflict and the increasing US pressure on multinational businesses to relocate production primarily from China to the US are also affecting global manufacturers’ decisions about supply chains. There is an old saying, “never let a good crisis go to waste”, which also applies to the global supply chain. The pandemic, together with intensified US-China tensions, have accelerated the transformation of the global supply chain towards digitalization, automation, and regionalization (Appendix 1 below). Chart I-1China's Share Of Global Exports Has Not Dropped Despite US Tariffs China's Share Of Global Exports Has Not Dropped Despite US Tariffs China's Share Of Global Exports Has Not Dropped Despite US Tariffs Our analysis suggests that the competitive advantages that China holds will likely strengthen its status as the world’s leading factory. Notably, China’s share of global exports has not declined despite the US import tariffs on many goods produced in China (Chart I-1). We also conclude that China will likely gain global market share in the production of high-value technology in general and semiconductors in particular. In turn, Vietnam, India and Mexico will gain global market share in the production of garments and smartphones. China’s Resilience As The World’s Factory Despite the secular nature of the US-China confrontation, the increase in protective trade policies around the world and rising nominal wages in China, an en masse supply chain diversification away from China over the next several years is still unlikely. Chart I-2China: Strong Productivity Growth Offsets Rising Wages China: Strong Productivity Growth Offsets Rising Wages China: Strong Productivity Growth Offsets Rising Wages First, rising wages in China have not so far threatened the country’s status as a manufacturing powerhouse as they have been matched by comparable gains in productivity. Indeed, China’s unit labor costs in US dollar terms have been flat in the past six years (Chart I-2, top panel).   Second, the importance of low wages in determining where to build a manufacturing factory is on the decline. In addition to productivity growth, the competitive advantages that China holds –technology availability, talent accessibility, proximity to the end consumers and the extent of support from government – play a much more important role in determining the location of a manufacturing plant. For example, Tesla invested $5 billion in its Shanghai factory in 2018 despite high nominal wages in the city. The most important determining factor for a country’s future competitiveness is the extent of its technological advances. Over the past decade, China has already transformed into a global technology leader in advanced fields such as 5G, robotics, artificial intelligence, supercomputing, bullet trains, mobile payments among others. A technology leader and innovator: China is currently the world’s number one source of Patent Cooperation Treaty (PCT) patent applications (Chart I-3). It also became the world’s innovation leader in areas such as digital communications, computer technology, audio-visual technology and telecommunications (Chart I-4). For a detailed discussion on the state of innovation in China, please refer to our special report published on June 24, 2020. Chart I-3China Leads In PCT Patent Applications China Leads In PCT Patent Applications China Leads In PCT Patent Applications Chart I-4China Leads In The Areas Of Advanced Technology China Leads In The Areas Of Advanced Technology China Leads In The Areas Of Advanced Technology   A 5G leader: About 65% of global 5G phones are currently sold in China. In addition, China’s 5G infrastructure is the fastest developing and has the largest geographic coverage in the world. As of early September, China had installed 480,000 5G base stations, close to hitting its annual target of 500,000. In comparison, as of April 2020, American carriers had only put up about 10,000 5G base stations. For a detailed discussion on China’s 5G development, please refer to our special report released on August 20, 2020. The 5G ecosystem development in China is more advanced than that of most countries in the world.   Chart I-5China: A Leading Robots Producer China: A Leading Robots Producer China: A Leading Robots Producer A leading robot producer: China’s robotic output is the largest in the world, with strong growth amid the pandemic (Chart I-5). In 2018, China accounted for 36% of total worldwide installations of industrial robots, followed by Japan (13%), the US (10%), South Korea (9%) and Germany (6%), according to the International Federation of Robotics (IFR).   A survey of selected companies by the China Development Research Foundation in September 2018 showed that companies had cut 30% to 40% of their labor force between 2015 and 2017 due to the increased adoption of automation. One example is China’s steel industry, where increased automation had contributed to a significant increase in output and a drastic drop in the number of employees (Chart I-6). As a result, steel output per employee has surged. These efficiency/productivity gains have allowed China to increase its share of global steel production from 50% in 2015 to 54% in 2019. Talent accessibility: There is a large talent pool in China focusing on science and engineering advances. This will help China continue its rapid progress in technological innovation. China has already exceeded the US in terms of the number of doctorate recipients in 2018 – 60.7 thousand vs. 55.2 thousand (Chart I-7, top panel). At the doctoral level, the proportion of engineering students is much higher in China (34.8%) than in the US (15.2%), and the proportion of students opting for the natural sciences is only slightly higher in the US than it is in China. The share of doctorates in social sciences – which matter less to the growth of technological innovation - is much higher in the US than in China. In addition, the number of bachelor-equivalent degree graduates in science and engi-neering (S&E) in China is about twice that of the US. Chart I-6Increased Automation In China: Rising Output And Falling Employment Increased Automation In China: Rising Output And Falling Employment Increased Automation In China: Rising Output And Falling Employment Chart I-7China Has A Large And Expanding Talent Pool China Has A Large And Expanding Talent Pool China Has A Large And Expanding Talent Pool Besides the availability of advanced technology, China is also competitive in the following areas.  The proximity to the end consumers: Many American, European and Japanese firms still cite China’s large and growing market as a reason to retain manufacturing in China. A June 2020 European Chamber of Commerce Business Confidence Survey showed that 65% of members still rank China among their top three destinations for new investment. Chart I-8China Exceeded The US And Euro Area In Terms Of PPP-Adjusted GDP China Exceeded The US And Euro Area In Terms Of PPP-Adjusted GDP China Exceeded The US And Euro Area In Terms Of PPP-Adjusted GDP The size of the Chinese economy adjusted for prices in PPP terms has become 10% and 40% larger than the US and the euro area economies, respectively. In PPP-adjusted terms, the share of China in global GDP has jumped from 3.2% in 1990 to 17.3% in 2019 (Chart I-8).   The extent of government support: China is firmly committed to providing support for foreign investment in China. In August, the government urged efforts to stabilize foreign trade, foreign investment and the industrial supply chain. For example, Beijing demanded that domestic financial institutions provide export credit insurance and easier financing to help export-oriented enterprises. Echoing the government’s request, the Export–Import Bank of China established a special fund of RMB 50 billion to support manufacturing factories that are facing difficulty this year.     The complexity of the global supply chain: A large multinational company can have hundreds of tier-one suppliers from which it directly purchases components. Each of those tier-one suppliers in turn can rely on hundreds of tier-two suppliers. The entire supplier ecosystem associated with a large company can encompass tens of thousands of companies around the world when all tiers are included.1 For example, General Motors has 856 tier-1 suppliers but has over 18,000 Tier-2 and below suppliers (Chart I-9). Chart I-9The Complexity Of Global Supply Chains Global Supply Chain: Moving Away From China? Global Supply Chain: Moving Away From China? Hence, exiting an existing key geographic location is not a simple decision, nor is it one taken lightly. Given the complexity of the global supply chain, China has the distinct advantage of easy access to most of the intermediate goods required for the supply chain. After all, China produces the broadest category of manufactured products in the world. This can save considerable transportation and logistics costs for manufacturers in China.   Chart I-10China: Rising Exports And Stagnant Imports In The Auto Parts Sector China: Rising Exports And Stagnant Imports In The Auto Parts Sector China: Rising Exports And Stagnant Imports In The Auto Parts Sector For example, China has become the world’s largest auto market, accounting for 28% of global auto demand and production. As auto producers prefer to use domestically supplied parts in order to save operational costs, China now houses almost all the world-leading auto parts manufacturers and has become a key link in the global supply system of auto parts and automobiles. This is evidenced by the significant increase in Chinese exports and stagnant imports of auto parts and accessories (Chart I-10). The fast-expanded auto parts industry in China has been supported by the large domestic market and the sheer scale of production. Economies of scale have allowed auto parts producers in China to cut production costs and reduce prices. Smaller developing economies do not offer similar economies of scale even though their wages are lower and they are less developed than China. Chart I-11High-Tech Sectors Make A High Proportion Of Global Exports Global Supply Chain: Moving Away From China? Global Supply Chain: Moving Away From China? Technology has always been the main driver for both connectivity and value added for the global supply chain. In 2018, high-tech sectors – automotive, machinery, computer & electronics, communication equipment, and semiconductors & components – accounted for about 35% of global exports. In contrast, the labor-intensive sectors – textiles, apparel and furniture – only contributed to 6% of global exports (Chart I-11). Meanwhile, in terms of the degree of internationalization, which can be measured by export intensity (exports as a share of total industry output), Chart I-12 shows high-tech sectors including electronics, machinery and automotive rank at the top while sectors that typically produce for the domestic market, such as agriculture as well as wholesale and retail, rank at the bottom. Chart I-12High-Tech Products: Higher Internationalization = More Trade Global Supply Chain: Moving Away From China? Global Supply Chain: Moving Away From China? This suggests that while every country can have its own financial services, wholesale and retail trade, agro-based products, as well as food and beverage production, only a limited number of countries can produce high-tech products due to technological barriers. Bottom Line: With China’s competitive advantages in technological innovation, talent accessibility, the proximity to the end consumers, as well as the extent of support from the government, odds are that high-value manufacturing will not be relocating from China to other countries on a large scale. Sector Supply Chains: Where China Gains And Loses China will gain market share in global manufacturing of high-tech products including semiconductors, home appliances and construction machinery over the next five years. In the meantime, China will likely continue to lose some manufacturing capacity in labor-intensive sectors such as apparel and textiles.  Chart I-13China's High-Tech Exports Are Gaining Market Share In Global Exports China's High-Tech Exports Are Gaining Market Share In Global Exports China's High-Tech Exports Are Gaining Market Share In Global Exports First, China will gain a market share in global high-tech manufacturing sectors over the next several years (Chart I-13). Semiconductors are at the epicenter of the US-China confrontation. Ultimately, the US-China contention is about future technological dominance, i.e., access to technology and the capability to develop new technologies. China currently accounts for about 35% of global semiconductor demand. US restrictions on semi producers worldwide to supply semiconductors to Chinese buyers create tremendous barriers for Chinese tech development in the short term (i.e. this year and next year). However, it also forces China to ramp up the country’s investment (both financial capital and human capital) in semiconductor development, which will benefit China over the longer run. China has long regarded the semiconductor sector as an area requiring strategic development, and as such the country is determined to increase its self-sufficiency rate (calculated as domestic production over domestic consumption) in this sector from a current 15% to 70% by 2025. Although this goal is too ambitious to achieve, we still expect the country to cut its semiconductor imports as a share of its semiconductor demand considerably over the next five years and beyond. For the first eight months of this year, the Chinese semiconductor trade deficit reached US$144 billion, having already exceeded the country’s crude oil trade deficit of US$ 121 billion. Semiconductors became the sector where China had the largest trade deficit.    Chart I-14China’s Share Of Global Semiconductor Manufacturing: A Significant Rise Is Expected Global Supply Chain: Moving Away From China? Global Supply Chain: Moving Away From China? Both global and local semiconductor companies will build on/add to their capacity in China. Based on Boston Consulting Group’s (BCG) recent estimate, China’s share of global semiconductor manufacturing capacity will rise from its current rate of 15% to 24% in 2030, overtaking the number one position from Taiwan (Chart I-14). Second, China will gain market share in global manufacturing of home appliances and construction machinery over the next five years. Both sectors will benefit from the country’s Belt & Road Initiative (BRI). BRI so far covers over 70 countries, accounting for about 65% of the world’s population and around one-third of the world’s GDP. For a detailed discussion on the topic of BRI, please refer to our special report published on January 7, 2020. Many of these countries are emerging or frontier economies with strong economic growth potential. Chinese BRI investment has declined moderately this year but is still at a high level. This will facilitate economic growth in those BRI-recipient countries, which will boost their demand of household goods. China has a very strong competitive advantage in consumer goods production, especially in low-price segments that are popular in developing economies (Chart I-15). Chart I-15China: Rising Exports Of Home Appliances And Autos China: Rising Exports Of Home Appliances And Autos China: Rising Exports Of Home Appliances And Autos Chart I-16China’s Construction Machinery Net Exports Will Likely Increase Further China's Construction Machinery Net Exports Will Likely Increase Further China's Construction Machinery Net Exports Will Likely Increase Further As a considerable proportion of China’s BRI investment will remain focused on infrastructure projects, it will help boost recipient countries’ imports of construction machineries. We expect China’s construction machinery net exports to continue to rise, with a rising market share for mainland producers due to their increased competitiveness (Chart I-16). For a detailed discussion on this subject, please refer to our special report released on February 26, 2020.  Lastly, in the low-tech and labor-intensive sectors such as textile and apparel, the global supply chain had already moved away from China to Vietnam, Bangladesh, and Cambodia due to cheaper labor cost in those countries. Chinese textile, garment and footwear exports fell about 5% (US$ 18 billion) from US$ 335 billion in 2015 to US$ 317 billion in 2019. Interestingly, Vietnamese textile, garment and footwear exports increased about 48% (US$ 18.7 billion) from US$ 39 billion in 2015 to US$ 58 billion in 2019. This trend will likely continue, as lower-tech industries, such as textiles and apparel, are less likely to undergo a robot-led transformation in the short to medium term. The number of robots in this industry is still the lowest in manufacturing, for reasons relating to both economic and technical feasibility. That said, as China holds its position as a key producer of raw materials/intermediate goods for the textile, apparel and footwear industries, an expansion in manufacturing capacities of those industries outside of China will likely increase the import demand of raw materials, intermediate goods and capital goods from China. This may somewhat offset the country’s loss in apparel/footwear manufacturing capacity. In fact, from 2015 to 2019, Chinese textile exports indeed increased about 10% (US$ 11 billion), offsetting the 13% decline (US$ 23 billion) in Chinese garments exports and the 12% drop (US$ 6 billion) in Chinese footwear exports. Most textile products are used as intermediate goods for final products like garments and footwear. A declining share of labor-intensive exports and a rising share of high-tech exports shows that China has been moving up the value chain (Chart I-17). As this trend continues, closing down textile factories might shed more employees than new hires in semiconductor plants because semiconductor production is more automated. As a result, the country’s manufacturing employment will continue to shrink (Chart I-18). Chart I-17China Has Been Moving Up On The Value Chain China Has Been Moving Up On The Value Chain China Has Been Moving Up On The Value Chain Chart I-18Manufacturing Employment In China Will Shrink Further Manufacturing Employment In China Will Shrink Further Manufacturing Employment In China Will Shrink Further However, this is not a bad thing. While the net employment in manufacturing in China will drop, the quality of employment and wages will rise because one engineer in a new automated plant will be paid several times more than a worker in a textile factory. This shift coincides with a generational change in China: older employees in labor-intensive factories are retiring and the new generation is more educated and can perform higher value operations. Bottom Line: China will gain market share in technology and high-value added sectors while losing some share in labor-intensive sectors. Overall, Chinese manufacturing production and exports will continue to rise. Sector Supply Chains: Where Other Countries Gain And Lose We expect Vietnam, India and Mexico to be the big winners of newly added global manufacturing capacity in sectors such as textiles/apparel and smartphones. Vietnam, India and Mexico are set to account for an increased share of global exports (Chart I-19). Increasing regionalized global supply chains will benefit several emerging Asian economies – Vietnam and India in particular.  Vietnam is attractive to global companies given its low labor cost, its geographic proximity to China, an educated work force and its rich material and component supply ecosystem. Apart from its expanding network of free trade agreements, many of which, like the EU-Vietnam FTA, will present significant cost-saving opportunities, it has been gaining manufacturing and export share from China in sectors such as apparel, footwear, electronic products and smartphones (Chart I-20). Chart I-19Vietnam, India and Mexico: Share Of Global Exports Will Likely Increase Vietnam, India and Mexico: Share Of Global Exports Will Likely Increase Vietnam, India and Mexico: Share Of Global Exports Will Likely Increase Chart I-20Vietnam Has Gained Manufacturing And Export Share From China Vietnam Has Gained Manufacturing And Export Share From China Vietnam Has Gained Manufacturing And Export Share From China India is an appealing location to global manufacturers due to its large domestic market, low wages and its relatively high innovation capability. Apple manufacturer Foxconn started building iPhone 11 units in India this year. This is the first time Apple has made one of its top-tier phones in that country. Up until this year, Apple had only manufactured lower-priced iPhone models in India since 2017.   Mexico will capture global export market share due to its geographic proximity to the US, its relatively large domestic market, low labor cost and the ongoing US-China conflict. Meanwhile, Mexico will gain in terms of global manufacturing share due to its geographic proximity to and favorable trade-agreement with the US. Bottom Line: Vietnam, India and Mexico will gain market share in sectors such as textiles/apparel and smartphones over the next five years. Conclusions The complexity of global supply chains and the competitive advantages that China holds will likely reinforce China’s status as the world’s largest manufacturing hub. Chart I-21China: Productivity and Labor Force Growth China: Productivity and Labor Force Growth China: Productivity and Labor Force Growth   Moving up the manufacturing value chain will put a floor under China’s productivity and thereby potential GDP growth. China’s potential GDP growth has fallen from double digits in the 2000s to about 6-6.5% due to both decelerating productivity growth and falling labor force growth (Chart I-21). Even as the labor force is beginning to shrink, productivity growth will benefit from technological advancements, automation/robotization and a rising share of the highly educated labor force and ensuing focus on higher-value industries (Chart I-7, bottom panel). As a result, the Middle Kingdom’s potential GDP growth could stabilize in the 5-5.5% range in the years to come.   Expanding manufacturing and rising share in global trade will boost income growth in Vietnam and India and potentially in Mexico too. We have been and remain structurally bullish on Vietnam. There are chances that India will benefit from the relocation of labor-intensive manufacturing out of China. If this occurs, India’s manufacturing will finally thrive with benefits spilling to the rest of the economy. Finally, Mexico should also be watched closely. It will likely gain in terms of global manufacturing share due to increasing US import tariffs on China and its geographical proximity to and favorable trade-agreement with the US.   Ellen JingYuan He Associate Vice President ellenj@bcaresearch.com     Appendix 1 Global Supply Chain: Key Trends Global supply chains are networks that can span across multiple continents and countries for the purpose of sourcing and supplying goods and services. One unintended consequence of this pandemic is an accelerated transformation of the global supply chain towards digitalization, automation, and regionalization. Digitalization covers the Internet of Things (IoT), the cloud, augmented and virtual reality (AR and VR), and platform-based technologies, including e-commerce, fintech and blockchain. The application of digital technologies results in more integrated production processes, a reduction in governance and transaction costs, and effective coordination of complex value chains. Automation increases quality, output and efficiency along the supply chain by reducing human input, thereby slashing the risk of error. COVID-19 has accelerated the adoption of 3D design technologies, as companies are forced to collaborate remotely and share digital assets with manufacturers. Global operational stock of industrial robots has doubled between 2013-2019. The International Federation of Robotics expected a 13% compound annual growth rate (CAGR) during 2020-2022. Technological advancement in AI, IoT, cloud computing and edge computing will help upgrade automation along supply chains as well as assist in designing smaller and more powerful robots.   Regionalization applies the standard model of fragmented and vertically specialized value chains at the regional or local level. For example, nearly 80% of the world’s semiconductor production is located in Asia, with 36.4% in mainland China and Taiwan, 18% in South Korea and 17.6% in Japan. Regionalized supply chains can help reduce distances, decreasing the environmental impact of long-distance transportation of intermediate and final goods. The momentum for value chain regionalization is high and likely to grow further over the coming years, including progress on several regional integration initiatives. Also, in the aftermath of the pandemic, many countries could come to see regionalism as a realistic and valid alternative to globalism for building a degree of local self-reliance and resilience.   Footnotes 1“Risk, resilience, and rebalancing in global value chains”, McKinsey Global Institute, August 2020

Highlights US-China relations in 2020 consist of a gentleman’s agreement to keep the Phase One trade deal in place and aggressive maneuvering in every other policy area. Stimulus is unlikely to be curtailed in the US or China yet, which means brinkmanship will eventually lead to a negative surprise for markets. But it is just as unlikely to come after the election as before. Joe Biden would only initially benefit Chinese equities – trade and tech conflict is a secular trend. North Korea is not a red herring, but South Korea is still a geopolitical investment opportunity more than a risk, especially relative to Taiwan. Feature Chart 1US Power Struggle Raises Risk To Rally US Power Struggle Raises Risk To Rally US Power Struggle Raises Risk To Rally The “everything is awesome” rally continues, with US tech stocks unfazed by rising domestic and international risks. However, according to The Lego Movie 2, everything is not that awesome. The Treasury market smells trouble and long-dated yields remain subdued, despite a substantial new dose of monetary policy dovishness (Chart 1, top panel). In the near term we agree with the bears and remain tactically long 10-year Treasuries. Global policy uncertainty remains extremely elevated despite dropping off a bit from the heights of the pandemic lockdowns. US uncertainty, which is now rising relative to global, will climb through November and possibly all the way through Inauguration Day on January 20 (Chart 1, bottom panels). A contested election is not a low-probability event now that President Trump is making a comeback in the election race. President Trump’s comeback could generate a counter-trend bounce in the US dollar (Chart 2A). His comeback is not based in online betting odds but in battleground opinion polls (Chart 2B). Former Vice President Joe Biden is currently polling the same against Trump as Hillary Clinton did in 2016. Chart 2ATrump Staging A Comeback, But US Consumers Flagging Trump Staging A Comeback, But US Consumers Flagging Trump Staging A Comeback, But US Consumers Flagging Chart 2BTrump Staging A Comeback, But US Consumers Flagging The Trump-Xi Gentleman’s Agreement - GeoRisk Update The Trump-Xi Gentleman’s Agreement - GeoRisk Update Why should Trump be less negative for the greenback than Biden? First, Trump is a protectionist who would turn to aggressive foreign and trade policy when it became clear that most of his other legislative priorities would not make it past the Democratic House of Representatives. Unilateral, sweeping tariffs against China, and possibly the EU and various other nations, would weigh on global trade and economic recovery and hence support the dollar. Second, Trump’s populism means he would pursue growth at all costs, which means that US growth would increase relative to that of the rest of the world. Democrats, by contrast, would raise taxes and regulations that would have to be offset by new spending, weighing on growth at least at first. Thus Trump would inject animal spirits into the US economy while dampening those spirits abroad; Biden would do the opposite. The dollar may not rally sustainably, but it would be flat or fall less rapidly than if Biden and the Democrats reduced trade risks abroad while deterring domestic private investment. It is not yet clear that Trump’s comeback will have legs. The nation is still in thrall to the pandemic, recession, and social unrest, which undermine a sitting president. US consumer confidence has fallen, as anticipated (Chart 2, bottom panel). Trump should still be seen as an underdog despite his incumbent status. A Trump comeback could precipitate a counter-trend bounce in the US dollar. Nevertheless, our quantitative election model gives Trump a 45% chance of victory, up from 42% last month. Florida has shifted back into the Republican column – albeit as a “toss up” state with a roughly even chance of going either way (Chart 3). The shift reflects improvement in state leading economic indexes as a result of the V-shaped recovery in the economy thus far. Chart 3Trump Nearly Regains Florida In Our Quantitative Election Model, Odds Of Victory 45% The Trump-Xi Gentleman’s Agreement - GeoRisk Update The Trump-Xi Gentleman’s Agreement - GeoRisk Update Assuming Trump signs a new relief bill in September, which is working its way through Congress as we speak, we will upgrade our subjective odds from 35% to something closer to our quantitative model (and the market consensus). While Trump is less negative for the dollar than Biden, the dollar may fall anyway, at least beyond any near-term bounce. First, monetary policy is ultra-dovish. As we go to press, Fed Chairman Jerome Powell has given a sneak preview of the Fed’s strategic review of monetary policy at the Kansas City Fed’s annual Jackson Hole summit (this time hosted in cyberspace instead of Wyoming). Powell met expectations that the Fed will adopt average inflation targeting. Inflation will be allowed to overshoot the 2% inflation target to compensate for periods of undershooting. Maximum employment will be the goal rather than an attempt to prevent excessive deviation from the Fed’s estimates of neutral unemployment. This means US growth and inflation will push real rates lower and weaken the dollar. Moreover, as mentioned, Trump’s big spending would eventually drive investors away from the dollar, especially in the context of global economic recovery. Trump, like Biden, would refuse to impose fiscal austerity amid high unemployment. The one area where he would be able to compromise with House Democrats would be spending bills, as in his first term. The US budget deficit and trade deficit would remain very large, showering the world with dollar liquidity. Risk-on currencies will attract buyers in a new global business cycle. Republicans and Democrats have released their policy platforms following their national conventions. We will revisit these platforms in detail in a future report. The Democratic platform is the one that matters most because the Democrats are more likely to win full control of Congress and thus be capable of enacting their preferred policies. Their platform is reflationary, but in seeking to rebalance the economy to reduce financial and social disparities through more progressive tax policy it would offset some of the fiscal spending. Biden would also moderate foreign policy and trade policy, launching a new dialogue with China to manage tensions. The dollar would fall faster in this environment. Bottom Line: President Trump is staging a comeback in the election campaign. If the comeback receives a boost from fiscal stimulus, Trump could pull off a Harry Truman-style surprise victory. This would precipitate a bounce in the US dollar in the near term. Over the medium term, the dollar should continue falling due to US debt monetization and global recovery. The Trump-Xi Gentleman’s Agreement Has Two Months Left Financial markets have largely ignored US-China strategic tensions this year because the two countries are puffing themselves up with monetary and fiscal stimulus. Going forward, either the stimulus will falter, or the US-China conflict will escalate to the point of triggering a negative surprise for markets. Chart 4US-China: Embracing While Struggling US-China: Embracing While Struggling US-China: Embracing While Struggling China is unlikely to pull back on stimulus measures. It cannot do so when unemployment has spiked and the economy is experiencing the weakest growth in over 40 years. Authorities said as much during the annual July Politburo meeting on the economy (a meeting that has often marked turning points in policy), when they pledged to maintain accommodative policy and to speed up local government issuance of special bonds. Money supply is growing briskly. The market is validating the signal from China’s easy monetary policies and robust credit expansion. Our China Play Index – which consists of the Australian dollar, iron ore prices, Brazilian equities, and Swedish equities – continues to rally smartly, breaking above its 2019 peaks (Chart 4, top panel). The risk to this view is that the People’s Bank of China may not provide additional monetary easing in the near term, as the Politburo signaled that monetary policy would be more flexible and targeted in the second half of the year. The three-month Shanghai interbank rate has been rising since April. Politically, Chinese authorities would benefit from releasing negative news or statements that would undermine President Trump’s reelection campaign. However, Beijing would not make consequential moves merely to spite Trump. Its primary interest lies in its own stability. Credit growth will continue growing at its current clip through most of the rest of the year and fiscal spending will expand, particularly to support infrastructure projects. The US Congress is also likely to add more stimulus before the election, as noted above. Thus with both countries stimulating, the risk is that they escalate their strategic confrontation to the point that it causes a negative surprise in financial markets. Will this occur? The US-China relationship in 2020 has been characterized by (1) a gentleman’s agreement to adhere to the Phase One trade deal, which was reaffirmed by top negotiators this week; (2) an aggressive pursuit of national interest in every other policy area. Beijing accelerated its power grab in Hong Kong; the US accelerated up its ban on Chinese tech. Chinese imports of US commodities are naturally much weaker than projected due to economic reality but neither side has an interest in exiting the deal. The renminbi continues to appreciate against the dollar on the back of Chinese and global recovery (Chart 4, second and third panels). Nevertheless a new burst of stimulus will lower the hurdle to President Trump taking additional punitive measures against China. The administration could have paused after its major decision to finalize its ban on business with Huawei and other tech firms, which ostensibly even extends to foreign firms that use US-designed parts in sales to China. It did not. Trump is maintaining the pressure with new sanctions over China’s militarization of the South China Sea. Washington is also likely to kick Chinese companies off US stock exchanges if they fail to meet transparency and accounting standards. Trump is not only burnishing his “tough on China” credentials against Democratic candidate Joe Biden – the US’s recent measures are unlikely to be repealed under either president in the coming years. Chart 5China Faces Internal And External Political Pressures China Faces Internal And External Political Pressures China Faces Internal And External Political Pressures Therefore stimulus will enable US actions and Chinese reactions that will eventually trigger a pullback in financial markets. Chinese tech equities are reflecting this headwind. Equities ex-tech are likely to outperform (Chart 5, top panel). A Biden victory does not prevent Trump from taking punitive measures against China on his way out of office, to solidify his legacy as the Man Who Confronted China, so Chinese tech will remain at risk. Biden would be more favorable for emerging market equities because his administration would speed the dollar’s decline. A change of government in the US would temporarily disrupt the US’s overall policy assault against China. Biden’s foreign and trade policies would be more predictable and orthodox than Trump’s. Over a twelve month period, after a shot across the bow to warn that he is not a lightweight, Biden would probably attempt a diplomatic reset with China – a new round of engagement and dialogue that would support the Chinese equity rally. Eventually this reset would fail, however, and Biden would all the while be working up a coalition of democracies to pressure China to change its behavior – not only on trade but also on unions, carbon emissions, and human rights. Externally focused Chinese companies will remain exposed to the harmful secular trend of US-China power struggle regardless of the US election outcome. Coming out of the secretive leaders’ conclave at the Beidaihe resort in August, it is clear once again that Chinese domestic politics is not conducive to smooth US-China relations. Chinese political risk remains underrated. Our GeoRisk indicator is gradually picking up on this trend, and so are other quantitative political risk indicators such as that provided by GeoQuant (Chart 5, second panel). President Xi Jinping has been dubbed the “Chairman of Everything” due to his tendency to promote a neo-Maoist personality cult and thus shift Chinese governance from consensus-rule to personal rule. He is once again reportedly considering taking on the title of “Chairman” of the Communist Party, a position that only Mao Zedong has held.1 More importantly he is re-energizing his domestic anti-corruption campaign, i.e. political purge, this time against law enforcement. Xi had already seized control of China’s domestic security forces but controlling the police is even more critical in a period of high unemployment, slow growth, and social unrest (Chart 5, third panel). Xi’s attempt to re-consolidate power ahead of the Communist Party centennial in 2021 and especially the twentieth national party congress in 2022 is already under way. China’s domestic and international political environment is a risk for the renminbi, which we noted is rallying forcefully on the global rebound. We will not join this rally until the US election is decided at minimum. With the US posing a long-term threat, Beijing is speeding up its attempts to diversify away from the US dollar, both in trade settlements and foreign exchange reserves. Reliance on the dollar leaves Chinese banks and companies vulnerable to US financial sanctions, which have harmed US rivals like Russia and Iran. Over the long run there is a lot of upside for the yuan given its very low level of global penetration (about 2% of both SWIFT transactions and global foreign exchange reserves) and yet China’s very high share of global trade (about 15%). Cross-border settlements in RMB are recovering gradually after the steep drop-off following 2016. Beijing is also allowing foreign investors greater access to onshore financial markets where they will hold more and more RMB-denominated assets. However, the yuan will not become a reserve currency anytime soon given China’s state-controlled economy and closed capital account. We favor the euro, yen, and other G7 currencies as alternatives to the dollar. Hong Kong equities have suffered from the combination of Xi Jinping’s centralization of power and the US-China strategic conflict. The above analysis suggests that while they may get a temporary reprieve, the secular outlook is uninspiring. However, the Hong Kong monetary authorities are capable of managing the dollar peg. They have been able to manage dollar strength over the past decade, including the COVID-19 dollar run-up, and foreign exchange reserves are more than ample. By contrast, a sharp drop in the dollar can be handled even more easily by printing additional HKD. Eventually shifting to a trade basket, or a renminbi peg, is to be expected. The US election may support the Chinese equity rally if Biden wins, but tech equities should continue to underperform the rest of the bourse due to US grand strategy. Bottom Line: We prefer to play China’s growth recovery via outside countries that export into China, such as Sweden, Australia, and Brazil. The US election may support the Chinese equity rally if Biden wins, but tech equities should continue to underperform the rest of the bourse due to US grand strategy which will remain focused on constraining China’s tech ambitions. North Korea Is Not A Red Herring – But Taiwan Is Entirely Underrated The Taiwan Strait remains the chief geopolitical risk. Xi Jinping’s reassertion of Beijing’s supremacy within China’s sphere of influence has led to a backlash in Taiwanese politics and a confrontational posture across the Strait that is being expressed in saber-rattling and low-level economic sanctions that could easily escalate. Chart 6Taiwan Remains #1 Geopolitical Risk Taiwan Remains #1 Geopolitical Risk Taiwan Remains #1 Geopolitical Risk Military exercises and jingoistic rhetoric are also heating up, not only directly relating to Taiwan but also in the neighboring South China Sea, which is critical to national security for all geopolitical actors in Northeast Asia. On August 26 Beijing testing two anti-ship ballistic missiles known as “aircraft carrier killers” in the South China Sea (the DF-21D and the DF-26B). We have long argued that the lack of clarity over whether the US would uphold its defense obligations to Taiwan makes the situation ripe for misunderstandings. The US Naval Institute has recently confirmed the validity of fears about a full-scale conflict in the near term.2 Neither Beijing nor Taipei nor Washington has crossed a red line. But China’s imposition of legislative dependency on Hong Kong highlights the incompatibility of the Communist Party’s governing model with western liberalism. The “one country, two systems” formulation has become unacceptable to the Taiwanese people, who want to preserve their autonomy indefinitely. The US ban on doing business with Huawei extends to foreign companies that use US parts or designs, squeezing Taiwanese companies (Chart 6, top panel). War is possible, but our base case still holds that the mainland will first use economic means. In particular it will impose economic sanctions, either precipitating or in response to a Fourth Taiwan Strait Crisis. The market continues to underrate the enormous risk to the Taiwanese dollar, as captured by the low level of our risk indicators (Chart 6, second panel). We continue to recommend shorting Taiwan relative to emerging markets. Taiwan is a short relative to South Korea, in particular, which stands to benefit from any negative turn of events in cross-strait relations. Korean equities are finally perking up, though the US tech war with China is weighing on the South Korean tech sector (Chart 7, top panel). We see this as a geopolitical opportunity given that both China and the US will need South Korean companies as they divorce each other. Korean political risk, however, may also be shifting from adequately priced to underrated. The risk premium has trended upward since President Trump’s diplomatic overture to leader Kim Jong Un stopped making progress (Chart 7, second and third panels). We have largely dismissed concerns about North Korea since the reduction of tensions in late 2017 due to our assessment that diplomacy would remain on track throughout Trump’s first term. This has proved to be the case, but it is still possible that North Korea could prove globally relevant before the US election. Chart 7North Korea A Non-Negligible Risk North Korea A Non-Negligible Risk North Korea A Non-Negligible Risk The reason stems from rumors of Kim Jong Un’s health problems earlier this year. We noted at the time that it was suspicious that preparations for Kim’s sister, Kim Yo Jong, to take on greater responsibilities within the Politburo of the Worker’s Party seemed to predate reports of Kim Jong Un’s illness. For the North Korean state to continue to promote her implies that something may indeed be amiss. In fact, she has missed two Politburo meetings after her aggressive public relations campaign against South Korea was called off this summer. It is possible she got too much attention as the Number Two person in the regime. The South Korean National Intelligence Service is debating her status with the Defense Ministry and Unification Ministry. What is clear is that Kim Jong Un is preparing a new five-year economic plan, to be launched in January 2021, and that he is eager to share any blame for disastrous internal conditions in the country amid the global pandemic and recession. The market is typically correct not to hyperventilate over North Korean risks, but after 2016 North Korea is no longer a “red herring.” First, any domestic power struggle would occur at an immensely inconvenient time given the breakdown in US-China trust. Second, as the North manages any internal problems through its opaque and untested political process, it could be pressed into making a show of force that would either embarrass and antagonize President Trump, or provoke a forceful response from a future President Biden, given that North Korea in theory has the raw capability to deliver a crude nuclear weapon to the continental United States. If any US president makes a show of force, it will antagonize China and could lead to a major standoff. This would upset the markets at least temporarily. We are long Korean equities and would also look favorably on Korean tech. A geopolitical risk premium could temporarily undercut these stocks if North Korean diplomacy fails around the US election. But the risk is globally relevant only if Pyongyang somehow sparks a standoff between the US and China. Otherwise a major Korean peninsula crisis is far less of a concern than that of a crisis in the Taiwan Strait.   Matt Gertken Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1Financial Times. 2 See Admiral James A. Winnefeld and Michael J. Morell, "The War That Never Was?" US Naval Institute Proceedings 146: 8 (August 2020), usni.org. Section II: GeoRisk Indicator China China: GeoRisk Indicator China: GeoRisk Indicator Russia Russia: GeoRisk Indicator Russia: GeoRisk Indicator UK UK: GeoRisk Indicator UK: GeoRisk Indicator Germany Germany: GeoRisk Indicator Germany: GeoRisk Indicator France France: GeoRisk Indicator France: GeoRisk Indicator Italy Italy: GeoRisk Indicator Italy: GeoRisk Indicator Canada Canada: GeoRisk Indicator Canada: GeoRisk Indicator Spain Spain: GeoRisk Indicator Spain: GeoRisk Indicator Taiwan Taiwan: GeoRisk Indicator Taiwan: GeoRisk Indicator Korea Korea: GeoRisk Indicator Korea: GeoRisk Indicator Turkey Turkey: GeoRisk Indicator Turkey: GeoRisk Indicator Brazil Brazil: GeoRisk Indicator Brazil: GeoRisk Indicator Section III: Geopolitical Calendar

Highlights The strength in global semiconductor sales in recent months has been due to one-off factors stemming from pandemic-related lockdowns. As the one-off demand surge subsides, global semiconductor sales will decline modestly toward the end of this year. In the near term, global semiconductor stock prices are vulnerable due to overbought conditions, excessive valuations and demand disappointment. The global semiconductor industry is at the epicenter of the US-China confrontation, and more US restrictions on chips sales to China are probable. This is another risk for this sector's share prices.   Nevertheless, the structural outlook for global semiconductor demand is constructive. Its CAGR may rise from 3% during 2014-2019 to 5% during 2020-2024. Feature Investor euphoria has taken hold of semiconductor stocks. Global semiconductor stock prices have skyrocketed by 68% from March lows and 96% from December 2018 lows. Meanwhile, global semiconductor sales during March-June rose only by 5% from a year ago. As a result, the ratio of market cap for global semiconductor stocks relative to global semiconductor sales has reached its highest level since at least the inception of data in 2003 (Chart 1). Chart 1Global Semiconductor Sector: Market Cap-To-Sales Ratio Has Surged Global Semiconductor Sector: Market Cap-To-Sales Ratio Has Surged Global Semiconductor Sector: Market Cap-To-Sales Ratio Has Surged With semi equity multiples very elevated, their share prices have become even more sensitive to global semiconductor demand growth. Hence, the focus of this report is to try to gauge the strength of global semiconductor demand, both in the near term and structurally. Near-term semiconductor stock prices could disappoint due to weak chip demand from the smartphone sector and diminishing purchases of personal computers (PCs) and servers. However, structurally, we are positive on global semiconductor demand, which is underpinned by the continuing rollout of 5G networks and phones, a wider adoption of data centers, and further technological advancements in artificial intelligence (AI), cloud computing, edge computing and smaller nodes for chip manufacturing (Box 1).   Box 1 Key Technologies Underpinning Potential Global Semiconductor Demand AI refers to the simulation of human intelligence in machines, for example, computers that play chess and self-driving cars. The goals of AI include learning, reasoning and perception. Cloud computing is the delivery of computing services – including servers, storage, databases, networking, software, analytics and intelligence – over the Internet (“the cloud”) to offer faster innovation, flexible resources and economies of scale. Edge computing is a form of distributed computing, which brings computation and data storage closer to where it is needed, to improve response times and save bandwidth. Technology node refers to the width of line that can be processed with a minimum width in the semiconductor manufacturing industry, such as technology nodes of 10 nanometers (nm), 7nm, 5nm and 3nm. The smaller the nodes are, the more advanced they are.   Near-Term Headwinds Chart 2World Semiconductor Sales Diverged From The Global Business Cycle World Semiconductor Sales Diverged From The Global Business Cycle World Semiconductor Sales Diverged From The Global Business Cycle Semiconductor demand worldwide grew by 6% year-on-year in the first half of this year. There has been a remarkable divergence between world  semiconductor sales and the global business cycle (Chart 2). The divergence between semiconductor sales and economic activity was most striking in the US and China. Semiconductor sales in China rose by 5% year-on-year in Q12020, and in the US they grew by 29% year-on-year in Q22020, despite a contraction in their aggregate demand during the same period. By contrast, Q2 annual growth of semiconductors sales was -2.2% for Japan, -17% for Europe and 1.8% for Asia ex. China and Japan (Chart 3). The reasons why the US and China posted a surge in semiconductor demand while Europe and Japan experienced a contraction in domestic semiconductor sales are as follows: Most data center investment is occurring in the US and China. Chart 4 shows that 40% of global hyperscale data centers are operating in the US, much larger than any other countries/regions. China, in turn, ranked second, with a global share of 8%. Chart 3Strong Semiconductor Sales In The US And China, But Not Elsewhere Strong Semiconductor Sales In The US And China, But Not Elsewhere Strong Semiconductor Sales In The US And China, But Not Elsewhere Chart 4The US Has The Most Global Hyperscale Data Centers Global Semiconductor Stocks: A Hiatus Is Overdue In A Structural Bull Market Global Semiconductor Stocks: A Hiatus Is Overdue In A Structural Bull Market Demand contraction in Europe and Japan is due to semiconductor demand in these regions mainly originating from the automobile sector, where production was severely hit by the global pandemic. About 37% of European semiconductor sales were from last year’s automotive market. We believe the divergence between global economic activity and semiconductor sales, as demonstrated by Chart 2 on page 3, has been due to one-off factors, as the global pandemic lockdowns have spurred semiconductor demand. Such a one-off demand boost will likely dissipate in the coming months. Traditional PCs and tablets: There has been a surge in demand for traditional PCs1 and tablets in the past six months. This was due to the significant increase in online activities, such as working from home, education, e-commerce, gaming and entertainment. Data from the International Data Corporation (IDC) has revealed that shipments of traditional PCs and tablets in volume terms had a strong year-on-year growth of 11.2% and 18.6%, respectively, in the period of April-June (Chart 5). Looking forward, even renewed lockdowns will not lead to a similar rush to buy these products. Many households are already equipped to work from home and for other online activities. With many countries gradually opening their economies, such demand will diminish. The traditional PC and tablet sectors together account for about 13% of global chip demand (Chart 6). Chart 5Personal Computers Sales Have Surged Amid Lockdowns Personal Computers Sales Have Surged Amid Lockdowns Personal Computers Sales Have Surged Amid Lockdowns Chart 6The Breakdown Of Global Semiconductor Sales By Type Of Usage Global Semiconductor Stocks: A Hiatus Is Overdue In A Structural Bull Market Global Semiconductor Stocks: A Hiatus Is Overdue In A Structural Bull Market Chart 7Server Sales Have Surged Amid Lockdowns Server Sales Have Surged Amid Lockdowns Server Sales Have Surged Amid Lockdowns Server demand: Another major semiconductor demand contribution in Q2020 was from the server sector, which spiked by 21% year-on-year (Chart 7). The surge in online activities triggered a strong demand for cloud services and remote work applications, both of which require computer servers to run on. However, demand from the server sector is also set to diminish in 2H2020 and Q1 2021. Provided the inventories at major data center operators, including Microsoft, Google and Amazon, remain at high levels,2 global cloud service providers will likely reduce their orders of servers next quarter.3  Enterprises will also likely cut their investment in computer servers in 2H2020, as many of them had already increased their purchases of servers to prepare employees and business processes for remote working. We expect global server demand growth to soften in 2H2020. The Digitimes Research forecasted a 5.6% quarter-on-quarter contraction in 3Q2020 and a further cut in global sever shipment in the 4Q2020.2 The global server sector accounts for about 10% of global chip demand and, together with PCs and tablets, they make for 23% (please refer to Chart 6 on page 5). Further, the smartphone sector – accounting for 27% of global semiconductor demand – will continue struggling in H2 this year. The global total smartphone demand has been hit severely, as households delayed their new smartphone purchases. According to Canalys’ data, global smartphone shipments dropped by 13% and 14% year-on-year in Q1 and Q2, respectively. The strength in global semiconductor sales in recent months has been due to one-off factors stemming from the lockdowns. Chart 8Global Smartphone Shipments Will Likely Remain Weak In 2020H2 Global Smartphone Shipments Will Likely Remain Weak In 2020H2 Global Smartphone Shipments Will Likely Remain Weak In 2020H2 We expect smartphone shipments to continue contracting over the next three-to-six months (Chart 8). We believe global consumers will remain cautious in their spending on discretionary goods, such as smartphones, due to lowered incomes and increased job uncertainty. The IDC also forecasted that global smartphone shipments would not grow until 1Q2021.4 The Chinese smartphone sales showed a considerable weakness in July, with a 35% year-on-year contraction, which is much deeper than the 20% decline in H1 this year. 5G smartphone shipments also slowed last month, with a 21% drop from the previous month. Bottom Line: The strength in global semiconductor sales in recent months has been due to one-off factors stemming from the lockdowns. As this one-off demand subsides, global semiconductor sales will decline modestly toward the end of this year. Given the overbought conditions and the elevated equity valuations, global semiconductor stocks are currently vulnerable to near-term disappointments in semiconductor demand. At The Epicenter Of The US-China Rivalry Semiconductors are at the epicenter of the US-China confrontation. Ultimately, the US-China contention is about future technological dominance. That is access to technology and the capability to develop new technologies. The global semiconductor industry is at the epicenter of the US-China confrontation. China currently accounts for about 35% of the global semiconductor demand. US restrictions on semi producers worldwide to supply semiconductors to Chinese buyers constitute a major risk to semiconductor stock prices. On August 17, the US announced fresh sanctions that restrict all US and foreign semiconductor companies from selling chips developed or produced using US software or technology to Huawei, without first obtaining a license. In May, the US had already limited companies, such as the Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company (TSMC), from making and supplying Huawei with its self-designed chips.   In addition, the US recently threatened bans on Chinese-owned apps TikTok and WeChat, and signaled that it could soon restrict Alibaba’s operations in the US. Chart 9Global Semi Companies' Sales To China Are Substantial Global Semiconductor Stocks: A Hiatus Is Overdue In A Structural Bull Market Global Semiconductor Stocks: A Hiatus Is Overdue In A Structural Bull Market The global semiconductor sector is highly vulnerable to further escalation in the tension between these two superpowers. Major global semiconductor companies’ sales are heavily exposed to China, and their revenue from China ranges from 16% to 50% of total (Chart 9). We have been puzzled why global semi share prices have been rallying in spite of US limitations on semiconductor shipments to Huawei and its affiliated entities. One explanation could be that the Chinese companies that are not affiliated with Huawei are able to import semiconductors and then supply them to Huawei. If this is true, the US will have no other choice but to limit all semiconductor sales to China. This will be devastating for global semi producers given their large exposure to China. In anticipation of US punitive policies limiting its access to semiconductors, China had boosted its semiconductor imports over the past 12 months (Chart 10, top panel). Chinese imports of integrated circuits rose by 12% year-on-year in 1H2020, which is much higher than the 5% year-on-year increase in Chinese semiconductor demand during the same period (Chart 10, bottom panel). This gap suggests the country had restocked its semiconductor inventories. China has particularly restocked its imports of non-memory chips with imports of processor & controller and other non-memory chips in H1, surging by 30% and 20%, respectively, in US dollar terms (Chart 11). For memory chips, the contraction in Chinese imports was mainly due to a decline in global memory chip prices. Chart 10China Had Likely Restocked Its Semi Inventories China Had Likely Restocked Its Semi Inventories China Had Likely Restocked Its Semi Inventories Chart 11Strong Chinese Imports In Non-Memory Chips Strong Chinese Imports In Non-Memory Chips Strong Chinese Imports In Non-Memory Chips Bottom Line: The global semiconductor industry is at the epicenter of the US-China confrontation, and more restrictions on sales to China are probable. In turn, the restocked semiconductor inventory in China raises the odds of weakening mainland semiconductor import demand in H2 of this year. Structural Tailwinds Table 1Global Semiconductor Demand CAGR Forecast Over 2020-2024 By Device Global Semiconductor Stocks: A Hiatus Is Overdue In A Structural Bull Market Global Semiconductor Stocks: A Hiatus Is Overdue In A Structural Bull Market We are optimistic on structural global semiconductor demand. Its nominal CAGR may rise from 3% during 2014-2019 to 5% during 2020-2024 in US dollar terms. Table 1 shows our demand growth forecasts for global chips in the main consuming sectors over the next five years. The major contributing sectors during 2020-2024 will be 5G smartphones, servers, industrials, electronics and automotive manufacturing. The underlying driving forces are the continuing rollout of 5G networks and phones, the development of data centers, and further technological advancements in AI, cloud computing and edge computing. Currently, the world is still in the early stages of 5G network development. AI, cloud computing and edge computing are constantly evolving. With increasing adoption of 5G smartphones, computer servers and IoT devices, global semiconductor demand is in a structural uptrend (Box 2). Box 2 Key Components For The Virtual World In Development Data centers and cloud computing allow data to be stored and applications to be running off-premises and to be accessed remotely through the internet. Edge computing allows data from Internet of things (IoT) devices to be analyzed at the edge of the network before being sent to a data center or cloud.  IoT devices contain sensors and mini-computer processors that act on the data collected by the sensors via machine learning. The IoT is a growing system of billions of devices — or things — worldwide that connect to the internet and to each other through wireless networks.  AI technology empowers cloud computing, edge computing and IoT devices.  5G is at the heart of the IoT industry transformation, making a world of everything connected possible.    5G Smartphone Currently, China is the world’s largest 5G-smartphone consumer and the leading 5G-adopter in the world. According to Digitimes Research, global 5G smartphone shipments will reach over 250 million units in 2020, with 170 million (68%) in China and only 80 million units in the world ex. China. Looking forward, 5G smartphone shipments are set to accelerate worldwide over the coming years. Chart 125G Phone Shipments In China Will Continue To Rise 5G Phone Shipments In China Will Continue To Rise 5G Phone Shipments In China Will Continue To Rise The 5G phone shipments in China will continue to rise. The 5G phone sales penetration rate in China is likely to rise from 60% in July to 95% by the end of 2022. In such a case, we estimate that the monthly Chinese 5G phone shipments will increase from the current 16 million units to about 25-30 million units in 2022 (Chart 12). In the rest of the world, the 5G smartphone adoption pace will also likely speed up over the next five years. The 5G phone selling prices in the world outside China will drop, as more models are introduced and become more affordable. 5G smartphone prices have already fallen in China and will inevitably fall elsewhere. Chinese 5G smartphone producers will ship their low-priced 5G phones overseas, putting pressure on other producers to lower their prices.   The 5G infrastructure development is accelerating in China and will accelerate in the rest of the world. Both China and South Korea have been very aggressive in their respective 5G network development. As of the end of June, China's top three carriers: China Mobile, China Unicom, and China Telecom – which together serve more than 1.6 billion mobile users in the country – had installed 400,000 5G base stations against an annual target of 500,000. In comparison, as of April 2020, American carriers had only put up about 10,000 5G base stations.5  As the US is competing with China on the 5G front, the country will likely boost its investment in 5G network development aggressively over the next five years in order to catch up to, or even exceed, China. Importantly, the 5G smartphone has more silicon content than 4G smartphones. More silicon content means higher semiconductor value. Rising 5G smartphone sales and higher silicon content together will more than offset the loss in semiconductor sales due to falling global 4G smartphone shipments. Based on our analysis, we expect a CAGR growth of 4% in semiconductor demand from the global smartphone sector over the next five years, slightly lower than the 5% in previous five years (Table 1 on page 10). This also takes into consideration that the 5G network will be more difficult and more expensive to develop than the 4G network. Servers Global server shipment growth will be highly dependent on both the pace and the scale of data center development (Box 3). Data centers account for over 60% of global server demand.  The future growth of data centers is promising. The global trend of data localization6 due to the concerns of data privacy and national security will also bolster a boom of data centers over the next five years. A growing number of countries are adopting data localization requirements, such as China, Russia, Indonesia, Nigeria, Vietnam and some EU countries. While the Chinese data center market is expected to expand by a CAGR of about 28% over 2020-2022,7 a report recently released by Technavio forecasted the global data center industry’s CAGR at over 17% during 2019-2023.  We forecast that the global semiconductor demand from servers will grow at a CAGR of 12% over 2020-2024.   Box 3 Data Centers There are four main types of data centers – enterprise data centers, managed services data centers, colocation data centers, and cloud data centers. Data centers can have a wide range of number of servers. Corporate data centers tend to have either 200 (small companies), or 1000 servers (large companies). In comparison, a hyperscale data center usually has a minimum of 5,000 servers linked with an ultra-high speed, high fiber count network. Outsourcing and a move towards the cloud are driving the growth of the hyperscale data center. Instead of companies investing in physical hardware, they can rent server space from a cloud provider to both save their data and reduce costs. Amazon, Microsoft, Google, Apple and Alibaba are all top global cloud service providers. The more hyperscales to be built up, the higher the demand for servers. In 2019, about 13% of the total number of data centers in China were of the hyperscale and large-scale varieties. The plan of new infrastructure development announced earlier this year by Beijing was aiming to increase the number of hyperscale and large-scale data centers in China. Among current data centers either under construction or to be developed in the near future, 36% of them are hyperscale and large-scale data centers.   IoTs Technological advancements in AI, cloud computing and edge computing, in combination with 5G network development, will facilitate the IoTs adoption. According to the GSMA,8 46 operators in 24 markets had launched commercially available 5G networks by 30 January 2020. It forecasted that global IoT connections will be increased from 12 billion mobile devices in 2019 to 25 billion in 2025 with a CAGR at 13%.9   IoTs chips include the Artificial Intelligence of Things (AIoT) – a powerful convergence of AI and the IoT. IoTs is an interconnected network of physical devices. Every device in the IoT is capable of collecting and transferring data through the network. Looking forward, global demand of AI chips and IoT chips will have significant potential to grow with creation of “smarter manufacturing”, “smarter buildings”, “smarter cities”, etc. AI applications can be used in manufacturing processes to render them smarter and more automated. Productivity will be enhanced as machines achieve significantly improved uptime while also reducing labor costs. There are plenty of upsides in industrial semiconductor demand (Chart 13). We expect the CAGR of industrial electronics to increase from 3.4% during 2014-2019 to 8% during 2020-2024. AI applications can create smart buildings by increasing connectivity across enterprise assets, enabling home network infrastructure (e.g., routers and extenders) and employing home-security devices (e.g., cameras, alarms and locks). AI applications can be used to create smart cities. A smart city is an urban area that uses different types of IoT electronic sensors to collect data. Insights gained from that data are used to manage assets, resources and services efficiently; in return, that data is used improve operations across the city. China has already developed about 750 trial sites of smart cities with different degrees of smartness in the past decade. As AI and 5G technology advances, the existing smart cities’ “smartness” will be upgraded and new trial smart cities will be implemented. Based on IDC data, China’s investment in smart cities will rise at a CAGR of 13.5% over 2020-2023 (Chart 14). Globally, the U.S., Japan, European countries and other nations are also actively developing smart cities. According to a new study conducted by Grand View Research, the global smart cities market size is expected to grow at a CAGR of 24.7% from 2020 to 2027.10  Chart 13Plenty Of Upside In Industrial Semiconductor Demand Plenty Of Upside In Industrial Semiconductor Demand Plenty Of Upside In Industrial Semiconductor Demand Chart 14China’s Investment In Smart Cities Will Continue To Grow Global Semiconductor Stocks: A Hiatus Is Overdue In A Structural Bull Market Global Semiconductor Stocks: A Hiatus Is Overdue In A Structural Bull Market   Automotive We expect the global automotive chip market to grow at a CAGR of 9% during 2020-2024, as in 2014-2019. The increase in consumption of semiconductors by the auto industry will continue to be driven by the market evolution toward autonomous, connected, electric and shared mobility. Most new vehicles now include some level of advanced driver assist systems (ADAS), such as adaptive cruise control, automatic brakes, blind spot monitoring, and parallel parking. The whole industry is progressing toward fully autonomous vehicles in the coming years. Increasing adoption of automotive chips and recovering car sales will revive automotive chip sales. In addition, rising penetration of new energy vehicles (NEVs) is beneficial to semiconductor sales, as NEVs contain higher semiconductor content than conventional vehicles. Conventional vehicles contain an average of a $330 value of semiconductor content while hybrid electric vehicles can contain up to $1,000 and $3,500 worth of semiconductors.11 Regarding other sectors, we are also positive on structural demand of storage and consumer electronics. AI applications generate vast volumes of data—about 80 exabytes per year, which is expected to increase by about tenfold to 845 exabytes by 2025.12 In addition, developers are now using more data in AI and deep learning (DL) training, which also increases storage requirements. With massive potential demand for storage, we estimate a CAGR of 7% over 2020-2024 (Table 1 on page 10). A recent report from ABI Research predicts that the COVID-19 pandemic will increase global sales of wearables (such as a Fitbit or Apple Watch) by 29% to 30 million shipments of the devices this year. With contribution from wearables, we expect global semiconductor demand from the consumer sector to grow at a CAGR of 3% over 2020-2024, the same rate as in the previous five years. Bottom Line: Continuing rollout of 5G networks and phones, development of data centers, and further technological advancements in AI and cloud computing will provide tailwinds to structural global semiconductor demand, accelerating its CAGR growth from 3% during 2014-2019 to 5% during 2020-2024. Valuations And Investment Conclusions Most global semiconductor stocks are currently over-hyped. Critically, both DRAM and NAND prices have been deflating since January, reflecting weak demand for memory chips. Yet, share prices of memory producers have rallied (Chart 15). Overall, global semiconductor stock prices have diverged from their sales and profits. Overall, global semiconductor stock prices have diverged from their sales and profits (Chart 16). Chart 15Falling Memory Prices Pose Risk To Memory Stocks Falling Memory Prices Pose Risk To Memory Stocks Falling Memory Prices Pose Risk To Memory Stocks Chart 16Global Semiconductor Stocks Have Deviated From Profits Global Semiconductor Stocks Have Deviated From Its Profits Global Semiconductor Stocks Have Deviated From Its Profits Consequently, the multiples of semiconductor stocks have spiked to multi-year highs (Chart 17).  Even after adjusting for negative US real bond yields, valuations of semiconductor stocks are not cheap. Chart 18 illustrates the equity risk premium for global semiconductor stocks is at the lower end of its range of the past 10 years. The ERP is calculated as forward earnings yield minus 10-year US TIPS yields. It is impossible to time a correction or know what the trigger would be (US-China tensions have been our best guess). Nevertheless, we do not recommend chasing semiconductor stocks higher due to their overstretched technicals and valuations on the one hand and potential weakening demand in H2 on the other. Chart 17Global Semiconductor Stocks: Elevated Valuations Global Semiconductor Stocks: Elevated Valuations Global Semiconductor Stocks: Elevated Valuations Chart 18Equity Risk Premium For Global Semi Stocks Is Historically Low Equity Risk Premium For Global Semi Stocks Is Historically Low Equity Risk Premium For Global Semi Stocks Is Historically Low In addition, the ratio of global semi equipment stock prices relative to the semi equity index correlates with absolute share prices of global semi companies. This is because equipment producers are higher-beta as they outperform during growth accelerations and underperform during growth slumps. The basis is that semi manufacturers have to purchase equipment if there is actual strong demand coming up and vice versa. The recent underperformance by global semi equipment stocks relative to the semi equity index might be an early sign of a potential reversal in semi share prices in absolute terms (Chart 19). Chart 19A Signal Of A Potential Reversal In Semi Share Prices A Signal Of A Potential Reversal In Semi Share Prices A Signal Of A Potential Reversal In Semi Share Prices Meanwhile, we believe the subsector- memory chip stocks - will outperform the overall semiconductor index amidst the potential correction, because they have lagged and are less over-extended. Finally, we remain neutral on Taiwanese and Korean bourses within the EM equity space for now. Escalation in US-China confrontation, as well as their exposure to semiconductors, put these bourses at near-term risk. That said, we are reluctant to underweight these markets because fundamentals in EM outside North Asia remain challenging.   Ellen JingYuan He Associate Vice President ellenj@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1Traditional PCs are comprised of desktops, notebooks, and workstations. 2Global server shipments to contract 5.6% sequentially in 3Q2020, says Digitimes Research 3Global server shipments forecast to increase by 5% this year: TrendForce 4IDC Expects Worldwide Smartphone Shipments to Plummet 11.9% in 2020 Fueled by Ongoing COVID-19 Challenges 5America does not want China to dominate 5G mobile networks 6“Data localization” can be defined as the act of storing data on a device that is physically located within the country where the data was created. Data localization requirements are governmental obligations that explicitly mandate local storage of personal information or strongly encourage local storage through data protection laws that erect stringent legal compliance obligations on cross-border data transfers. 7The big data center industry ushered in another outbreak 8The GSMA represents the interests of mobile operators worldwide, uniting more than 750 operators with almost 400 companies in the broader mobile ecosystem, including handset and device makers, software companies, equipment providers and internet companies, as well as organizations in adjacent industry sectors. 9GSMA: 5G Moves from Hype to Reality – but 4G Still King 10Smart Cities Market Size Worth $463.9 billion By 2027 11The Automotive Semiconductor Market – Key Determinants of U.S. Firm Competitiveness 12AI is data Pac-Man. Winning requires a flashy new storage strategy.