Thailand

Feature In this report, we determine which South and Southeast Asian countries are better equipped to endure the COVID-19 pandemic. Answers to this question combined with our macro fundamental analysis lead us to recommend which countries to favor or avoid. We assess several factors in regard to the COVID-19 shock: (1) the healthcare capacity in each country, (2) the COVID-19 containment measures that have been implemented, and (3) the magnitude of fiscal and monetary stimulus packages that have been announced. We conclude that EM equity investors should keep an overweight position in Thai equities and a neutral one in the Malaysian stock market. Indian, Indonesian and Philippine stock markets, on the other hand, warrant an underweight stance. Healthcare System Capacity The COVID-19 virus can cause individuals with underlying medical conditions and already in poor health, as well as those above a certain age, to become seriously ill when infected. These patients will require the kind of special medical attention  – such as ventilation – that is only provided in a hospital’s intensive care unit (ICU). A country that currently lacks sufficient ICU capacity relative to the number of patients requiring it, risks overburdening the health care system. This would be a social catastrophe. A country that currently lacks sufficient ICU capacity relative to the number of patients requiring it, risks over¬burdening the health care system. Therefore, a key measure of the current coronavirus crisis is the relation between a population’s risk of developing critical illness from COVID-19 infections and a country’s intensive care unit (ICU) availability. We assess the risk of COVID-19 infections developing into critical illnesses in ASEAN countries and in India by gauging (1) the prevalence of diabetes in the population and (2) the share in population of people above the age of 60. Chart I-1 and Chart I-2 illustrate these factors separately. Chart I-1ASEAN & India: Population With Diabetes COVID-19 Battle: Assessing ASEAN And Indian Capabilities COVID-19 Battle: Assessing ASEAN And Indian Capabilities Chart I-2Population Above 60 Years Old COVID-19 Battle: Assessing ASEAN And Indian Capabilities COVID-19 Battle: Assessing ASEAN And Indian Capabilities In addition, we combine these two risk variables to calculate the risk of critical illness. This measure is shown in Chart I-3. The measure shows that the population of both Malaysia and Thailand carry the highest risk of developing critical illnesses from COVID-19, owing to Malaysia’s high prevalence of diabetes and to Thailand’s rapidly aging population. Meanwhile, that risk is somewhat lower in India and dramatically lower in both the Philippines and Indonesia.  The next thing to look at is each country’s ICU capacity. Chart I-4 shows the number of ICU beds available per 100,000 people. Thailand has the highest number and Malaysia the second highest. On the other hand, India, Indonesia and the Philippines all have lower rates of ICU capacity. Chart i-3The Risk Of Critical Illness From COVID-19 COVID-19 Battle: Assessing ASEAN And Indian Capabilities COVID-19 Battle: Assessing ASEAN And Indian Capabilities Chart I-4Intensive Care Unit (ICU) Capacity COVID-19 Battle: Assessing ASEAN And Indian Capabilities COVID-19 Battle: Assessing ASEAN And Indian Capabilities Finally, we compare the risk of critical illness in each country to its available ICU capacity. Chart I-5 shows a scatter plot between these two variables. The risk of critical illness is shown on the Y-axis and the availability of ICU beds per 100,000 people is plotted on the X-axis. Thailand and Malaysia both have the highest risk of critical illness but also a large number of available ICU beds. India, Indonesia and the Philippines have lower average risk of critical illness but also far fewer ICU bed availabilities. Chart I-5The Risk Of Critical Illness Versus ICU Capacity COVID-19 Battle: Assessing ASEAN And Indian Capabilities COVID-19 Battle: Assessing ASEAN And Indian Capabilities It is also important to note that Malaysia has the highest relative number of medical doctors per 10,000 people in the region (15 versus an average of 8). Furthermore, both Malaysia and Thailand appear to be performing many more COVID-19 tests. That in turn should help slow the spread of the virus and avoid overwhelming health care systems of Malaysia and Thailand. Bottom Line: Thailand and Malaysia have decent healthcare care capabilities relative to the threat of critical illness among their populations. India, Indonesia and the Philippines, on the other hand, seem relatively unprepared to weather this outbreak. Containment Response The magnitude and effectiveness of social distancing measures implemented is a critical means of protecting a country’s health care system. Indeed, the sooner such measures are put into place, the earlier the threat of the pandemic is likely to subside. This will then allow a country to normalize its economic activities sooner.  It appears that the Philippines and India have enacted the most stringent social distancing measures. Both announced complete lockdowns and called in their respective national armies to intervene. Malaysia has also announced extremely inhibitive measures and their enforcement has been quite successful. In Thailand, while the authorities have not imposed a complete lockdown, they have placed curfews and checkpoints that are subject to extension. Thai authorities have also warned that more restrictive measures could be imposed if residents do not comply. Indonesia, on the other hand, has been much softer on enforcement and is reluctant to introduce additional measures due to its economic concerns. Malaysia and Thailand emerge as the most likely to win the battle against COVID-19 in the region. Remarkably, the effectiveness of the measures can be quantitatively assessed via Google’s COVID-19 mobility tool and TomTom’s traffic congestion data. The average of all Google’s mobility variables, as of April 5, has declined most significantly in the Philippines, Malaysia, and India, relative to baseline values (Chart I-6).1 Likewise, TomTom’s traffic congestion data for the major cities in these same countries’ shows a similar decline during average peak hours over the first two weeks of April 2020, relative to the same period in 2019 (Chart I-7). Chart I-6How Effective Are Social Distancing Measures? COVID-19 Battle: Assessing ASEAN And Indian Capabilities COVID-19 Battle: Assessing ASEAN And Indian Capabilities Chart I-7Decline In Traffic From ##br##A Year Ago COVID-19 Battle: Assessing ASEAN And Indian Capabilities COVID-19 Battle: Assessing ASEAN And Indian Capabilities Bottom Line: The Philippines, India, and Malaysia have imposed the most effective and successful social distancing measures. This is then followed by Thailand. Indonesia on the other hand has not been as effective in this aspect. Fiscal And Monetary Stimulus Table I-1Stimulus Packages So Far Announced COVID-19 Battle: Assessing ASEAN And Indian Capabilities COVID-19 Battle: Assessing ASEAN And Indian Capabilities The magnitude of the stimulus plans announced by each country is also important. Once the pandemic subsides and social distancing measures are relaxed, countries with a larger stimulus package in place should experience a faster economic recovery. Table I-1 shows the size of the overall stimulus packages announced so far. Malaysia and Thailand have the largest overall stimulus packages to the tune of 16% and 14% of GDP, respectively. India, Indonesia and the Philippines fall well short of these levels. Regarding monetary policy, central banks in all these countries have been cutting policy rates and injecting local currency liquidity. However, some of the programs announced by some of the central banks stand out: The Bank Of Thailand will inject 400 billion baht ($13 billion or 2% of GDP) into the corporate bond market. The central bank is also allocating 500 billion baht ($15 billion or 3% of GDP) of soft loans to small-and mid-sized companies.2 The central bank of the Philippines will be purchasing 300 billion pesos worth of government bonds ($6 billion or 1.6% of GDP) under a 3- to 6-month repurchase agreement to aid government efforts in countering the pandemic. Bank Indonesia may also begin buying government bonds (recovery/pandemic bonds) directly from the primary market. Details are not yet clear but the Indonesian government plans to issue $27 billion worth of these bonds and the central bank might emerge as the largest buyer. Similarly, the Reserve Bank of India has been injecting liquidity and purchasing government bonds for some time now. For instance, it announced a 1 trillion rupees injection in February – or $13 billion – via the long-term repo operation channel. It is now infusing an additional 1 trillion rupees through the same channel. It will also continue purchasing government bonds and securities to keep liquidity aflush and suppress market interest rates. Crucially, Governor Shaktikanta Das indicated that the RBI might even be forced to purchase government bonds directly from the primary market and that all options – including non-conventional ones – are on the table. Bottom Line: Both Thailand and Malaysia have so far announced larger overall stimulus packages than Indonesia, the Philippines and India have. This combined with their better health care capacities, suggests that the Thai and Malaysian economies will recover more quickly than they will in India, Indonesia and the Philippines. Conclusions Having considered risk of critical illness, the ICU availability and general medical capacities, the effectiveness of social distancing measures, and the stimulus packages each country has announced, Malaysia and Thailand emerge as the most likely to win the battle against COVID-19 in the region. Despite their elevated risk of critical illness, both countries have decent healthcare system capacities. Additionally, Malaysia has put in place very effective social distancing measures. Meanwhile, Thailand is placing curfews and monitoring developments very closely. Finally, both countries have enacted massive stimulus packages that will aid in the recovery of their economies later this year.  Notably, Thailand and Malaysia have been running current account surpluses for a long period of time whereas India, Indonesia and the Philippines generally run current account deficits. This, in turn, will allow the former to implement much larger overall stimulus packages than the latter, without risking major currency depreciation. Despite strong and successful social distancing efforts, India and the Philippines are hampered by a weakness in their health care infrastructures. They also are unlikely to be able to provide a large enough stimulus without subjecting themselves to significant currency depreciation. Additionally, India also has an elevated critical illness risk. Finally, Indonesia is likely to emerge from the crisis in the weakest position. Its healthcare system capacity is weak, the social distancing measures it implemented are insufficient and its enforcement has been lax. Indonesia is likely to emerge from the crisis in the weakest position. The government has also been timid about enacting significant stimulus given that it runs a large current account deficit. Moreover, it is unwilling to tolerate any further large currency depreciation due to the elevated foreign currency debt that Indonesian companies and banks carry. The latter stands at  $124 billion in the form of both bonds and loans. Investment Strategy Chart I-8Thai Stock Prices Vs. Emerging Markets Thai Stock Prices Vs. Emerging Markets Thai Stock Prices Vs. Emerging Markets The following is our strategy recommendations for each country: Thailand: Our equity overweight stance on this bourse has been significantly challenged since early this year (Chart I-8). However, Thai stocks seem to be holding up at an important technical support level in relative terms.       Furthermore, as of December 2019, the ownership of the country’s local currency bonds was low at 17% (i.e. even before the global sell-off commenced). Further selling by foreigners should therefore be limited, which should reduce renewed depreciation pressures on the Thai currency. We recommend that respective EM portfolios keep an overweight position on Thai equities, sovereign US dollar and local currency bonds. Malaysia: On the one hand, Malaysian stocks have been underperforming EM benchmarks since 2014. Also, foreign ownership of Malaysian local currency bonds has declined from 34% in 2016 to 25% as of December 2019. This limits the possibility of future foreign selling. On the other hand, the economy was facing severe deflationary pressures even before the COVID-19 shock occurred. The latter will only reinforce these deflationary dynamics. Considering the positives and the negatives together, we recommend a neutral allocation to Malaysia within an EM equity portfolio. The Philippines:  Philippine stock prices relative to EM seem to have broken below a critical support level that will now act as resistance (Chart I-9). Moreover, local currency government bond yields have risen sharply (Chart I-10 and Chart I-11). This does not bode well for real estate and bank stocks that account for a very large market-cap chunk of the Philippine MSCI Index (46%). Critically, government expenditures were strong even before the COVID-19 pandemic occurred and it was only a matter of time before that contributed to higher imports. Now that exports are crashing - due to collapsing global demand - and imports are likely to remain high because of even higher government spending/fiscal stimulus, the current account deficit will widen substantially. This will cause the peso – which has been holding up so far – to depreciate significantly. Stay underweight on this bourse and local currency government bonds relative to their respective EM benchmarks. We also recommend keeping a short position on the Philippine peso versus the US dollar. Chart I-9Philippine Stock Prices Vs. Emerging Markets Philippine Stock Prices Vs. Emerging Markets Philippine Stock Prices Vs. Emerging Markets Chart I-10Philippine Yields In Absolute Terms... Philippine Yields In Absolute Terms... Philippine Yields In Absolute Terms... Chart I-11...And Relative To Their EM Peers ...And Relative To Their EM Peers ...And Relative To Their EM Peers India: We discussed India in detail in a recent report. We recommend an underweight position amid the pandemic. In previous years, private banks lent enormous amounts to consumers via mortgages and consumer loans/credit cards. Therefore, the performance of both sectors has been contingent on the health of the Indian consumer sector. However, the outlook for the Indian consumer has worsened dramatically because of the unprecedented income hit households will suffer from the lockdown. Moreover, social safety nets and health care capacities (as mentioned above) are very weak in India. Indonesia: We also discussed Indonesia in detail in a report published on April 2. In recent years, the Indonesian bourse benefited from lower US interest rates and ignored deteriorating domestic fundamentals and lower commodities prices. Global investors’ increased sensitivity to individual EM fundamentals amid this pandemic will only make Indonesia’s weakest spots – like its exposure to commodities and its anemic domestic demand – more apparent. With global growth being very weak, commodities prices will remain low – reinforcing currency depreciation and pushing corporate bond yields higher. Combined with relapsing domestic growth, the Indonesian bourse will likely continue underperforming. Bottom Line:  Within an EM equity portfolio, we are keeping an overweight position on the Thai stock market. We also recommend keeping Malaysian equities on neutral. Our equity underweights are India, Indonesia, and the Philippines. In terms of fixed income markets, we recommend overweighting Thai, Malaysian and Indian local currency bonds and US dollar sovereign bonds. We recommend underweighting Indonesian and Philippine local and US dollar sovereign bonds.   Ayman Kawtharani Editor/Strategist ayman@bcaresearch.com Footnotes 1 The baseline is the median value between January 3 and February 6. Our average calculation includes retail & recreation, grocery & pharmacy, parks, transit stations, and workplaces. It excludes the residential variable. 2 Note that this is part of the stimulus shown in Table 1.

Highlights An analysis on Thailand is available below. In all scenarios of global market performance, EM will underperform DM in the first half of 2020. Absolute return investors should be mindful of downside risks in EM financial markets. The principal drivers for EM corporate profits are domestic demand in both China and EM ex-China. US and European demand are not particularly relevant. We do not expect a recovery in domestic demand in China and the rest of EM in the early months of 2020. EM corporate profit growth is unlikely to turn positive in H1 2020. Volatility Is A Coiled Spring Chart I-1EM Stocks And Profits: An Unsustainable Divergence EM Stocks And Profits: An Unsustainable Divergence EM Stocks And Profits: An Unsustainable Divergence EM share prices and currencies have been range-bound in 2019, despite the strong rally in DM share prices. On one hand, growing hopes of a US-China trade deal, global monetary easing and expectations of a global growth recovery have put a floor under EM (Chart I-1, top panel). On the other hand, a lack of actual growth recovery in EM/China, a deepening contraction in EM corporate profits and lingering structural malaises in many EM economies have capped upside potential (Chart I-1, bottom panel). Consistent with this sideways market action, implied volatility measures for EM equities and currencies have dropped to record lows (Chart I-2, top and middle panels). Similarly, implied volatility measures for commodities currencies – which tend to be strongly correlated with EM risk assets – have plummeted close to their historic lows (Chart I-2, bottom panel). Remarkably, DM currency markets’ implied volatility has also collapsed to the all-time lows recorded in 2007 and 2014 (Chart I-3, top panel). Chart I-2EM Vol Is A Coiled Spring EM Vol Is A Coiled Spring EM Vol Is A Coiled Spring Chart I-3DM Currency Vol Is At Record Low DM Currency Vol Is At Record Low DM Currency Vol Is At Record Low   Nevertheless, past performance does not guarantee future performance. The fact that global financial market volatility has been very low over the past 12 months does not imply that it will remain subdued going forward. On the contrary, when DM currency volatility was this low in 2007 and 2014, it was followed by a bear market in EM risk assets (Chart I-3, bottom panel). Both EM and DM market volatility resemble a coiled spring. As such, it is quite likely these coiled springs will snap sometime in the first half of 2020. If this is indeed the case, it will be accompanied by a selloff in EM risk assets. We devote this report to discussing the reasons why such dynamics are likely to play out. An urge on the part of investors to deploy capital in EM has supported EM financial markets despite shrinking corporate profits. Hence, investment portfolios should be positioned for a resurgence in financial market volatility in general and currency volatility in particular in H1 2020. As we argued in our November 14 report, the US dollar is still enjoying tailwinds, especially versus EM and commodities currencies. All in all, asset allocators should continue to underweight EM stocks, credit markets and currencies relative to their DM counterparts. In all scenarios of global market performance, EM will underperform DM in the first half of 2020. Absolute return investors should be mindful of downside risks in EM financial markets. As always, the list of our recommended country allocations across EM equities, currencies, credit markets and domestic bonds is presented in the tables at the end of our report – please refer to pages 18-19. An Urge To Deploy Capital Amid Poor EM Fundamentals Investors’ unrelenting urge to deploy capital in EM financial markets put a floor under EM equities and currencies in 2019. Yet poor fundamentals have prevented EM equities and currencies from rallying. Such a battle between two opposing forces has produced a stalemate in EM financial markets. The same is true for commodities and many global market segments sensitive to global growth. Chart I-4Global Industrials: A Rally Without Profit Amelioration Global Industrials: A Rally Without Profit Amelioration Global Industrials: A Rally Without Profit Amelioration This stalemate is unlikely to last forever. Next year will likely be a year of either an EM breakout or breakdown. EM corporate earnings hold the key, and China’s domestic demand is of paramount importance to the EM profit cycle. We discuss our outlook for both the China and EM business cycles below. Following are the reasons why we believe market expectations of a rebound in global growth are too optimistic, and that EM risk assets are at risk: First, there is a widening gap between share prices and corporate profits. Not only are EM per-share earnings shrinking at a double-digit rate, as shown in Chart I-1 on page 1, but also EM EPS net revisions have not yet turned positive. This widening gap between share prices and net EPS revisions is also striking for global industrials (Chart I-4). If corporate profits stage an imminent recovery, stocks will continue to advance. Alternatively, investor expectations will not be met, and a selloff will ensue. As the top panel of Chart I-5 illustrates, the annual growth rate of EM EPS will at best begin bottoming – from double-digit contraction territory – only in the second quarter of 2020. Odds are that investor patience might run out before that occurs and EM markets will sell off in such a scenario. Second, improvement in US and European growth is not in and of itself a sufficient reason to be positive on EM/China growth. In fact, neither US nor euro area consumer spending have been weak (Chart I-5, middle and bottom panels). Yet, EM growth and corporate profits have plunged. Hence, EM growth is by and large not contingent on consumer spending in the US and Europe. As we have repeatedly argued, EM profit growth and risk assets are driven by China/EM domestic demand, rather than by US or European growth cycles. Third, EM financial markets are not cheap. Our composite valuation indicators based on 20% trimmed-mean and equal-weighted multiples indicate that stocks are trading close to their fair value (Chart I-6). These indicators are composed based on the trailing and forward P/E ratios, price-cash earnings, price-to-book value and price-to-dividend ratios for 50 EM equity subsectors. Chart I-5EM Profits Are Driven By China Not US Or Europe EM Profits Are Driven By China Not US Or Europe EM Profits Are Driven By China Not US Or Europe Chart I-6EM Equities Are Fairly Valued EM Equities Are Fairly Valued EM Equities Are Fairly Valued   When valuations are neutral, stock prices can rise or drop depending on the outlook for corporate profits. Provided we believe EM corporate profits will continue to contract for now, risks to share prices are skewed to the downside. Finally, several markets are still conveying a cautious message regarding EM assets. Specifically: There are cracks forming in EM credit markets. EM sovereign credit spreads are widening. Remarkably, emerging Asian high-yield corporate bond yields – shown inverted in Chart I-7 – are beginning to rise. Rising borrowing costs for high-yield borrowers in emerging Asia have historically heralded lower share prices in the region (Chart I-7). Chains often break in their weak links. Similarly, selloffs commence in the weakest segments and then spread from there. Hence, the budding weakness in emerging Asian junk corporate bonds and EM sovereign credit could be signals of a forthcoming selloff in EM/China plays. Remarkably, emerging Asian and Chinese small-cap stocks have failed to stage a rally in the past three months – despite global risk appetite having been strong (Chart I-8). This also signifies the lack of a meaningful recovery in emerging Asia in general and China in particular. Chart I-7A Canary In A Coal Mine? A Canary In A Coal Mine? A Canary In A Coal Mine? Chart I-8No Rally In Chinese And Emerging Asian Small Caps No Rally In Chinese And Emerging Asian Small Caps No Rally In Chinese And Emerging Asian Small Caps Chart I-9Semiconductor Prices Are Still Subdued Semiconductor Prices Are Still Subdued Semiconductor Prices Are Still Subdued Last but not least, cyclical currencies and commodities markets are not signaling a global business cycle recovery. Neither industrial metals nor oil prices have been able to rally meaningfully. EM currencies have also failed to appreciate versus the dollar. In addition, semiconductor prices – both DRAM and NAND – remain weak (Chart I-9). Bottom Line: An urge on the part of investors to deploy capital in EM has supported EM financial markets despite a poor growth background, in general, and shrinking corporate profits, in particular. China: Structural Malaises To Delay A Cyclical Recovery Recent macro data, particularly PMIs, have once again raised hopes of a business cycle recovery in China. While it is reasonable to infer that the industrial cycle in China has recently stabilized, sequential improvements will be hard to achieve in the coming months for the following reasons: The credit and fiscal spending impulse has historically led the manufacturing cycle in China on average by about nine months. However, this time gap has varied – from three months in the first quarter of 2009 to about 20 months in 2017 (Chart I-10). Chart I-10China Credit/Fiscal Impulse And Business Cycle: Varying Time Lags China Credit/Fiscal Impulse And Business Cycle: Varying Time Lags China Credit/Fiscal Impulse And Business Cycle: Varying Time Lags There are several reasons why the time lag could be longer than nine months in the current cycle: (1) The US-China confrontation is dampening sentiment among both enterprises and households in China. Marginal propensity to spend among households and enterprises is low and has not improved (Chart I-11). A Phase One deal is unlikely to reverse this. The fact remains that the US and China have failed to reach an even small and limited accord in the past year of negotiations. With this in mind, even if there is a Phase One deal, businesses both in China and around the world are unlikely to alter their investment plans substantially. (2) Regulatory pressures on banks and on the shadow banking sector to deleverage remain acute. Although the People’s Bank of China has reduced interest rates and is providing ample liquidity, the regulatory tightening measures from 2016-2018 have not been reversed. Consistently, commercial banks’ assets and broad bank credit growth are rolling over anew (Chart I-12). Chart I-11China: Lack Of Appetite To Spend For Enterprises And Households China: Lack Of Appetite To Spend For Enterprises And Households China: Lack Of Appetite To Spend For Enterprises And Households Chart I-12Banking System Is Now More Restrained Compared With Previous Stimulus Episodes Banking System Is Now More Restrained Compared With Previous Stimulus Episodes Banking System Is Now More Restrained Compared With Previous Stimulus Episodes   (3) There has been no stimulus targeting the real estate market. Without a recovery in the property market – both strong price appreciation and construction activity – it will be difficult to achieve a business cycle recovery. The basis is that real estate – not exports to the US – has been the key pillar driving China’s growth over the past 10 years. Even if there is a Phase One deal, businesses both in China and around the world are unlikely to alter their investment plans substantially. In the onshore bond market, government bond yields do not confirm the sustainability of the improvement in the national manufacturing PMI (Chart I-13). China’s local currency government bond yields have generally been a good coincident indicator for the industrial cycle, and they are not flashing green. Chart I-13Chinese Local Bond Yields Doubt The Sustainability Of A Stronger PMI Chinese Local Bond Yields Doubt The Sustainability Of A Stronger PMI Chinese Local Bond Yields Doubt The Sustainability Of A Stronger PMI November Asian and Chinese trade data have been somewhat mixed. Korea’s total exports and exports to China still show double-digit contraction (Chart I-14, top panel). Similarly, Japanese foreign machine tool orders – both total and from China – remain in deep contraction (Chart I-14, middle panel). In contrast, Taiwanese exports to China and to the world ex-China have improved (Chart I-14, bottom panel). The recuperation in Taiwanese exports to China could be attributed to stockpiling of semiconductors by mainland companies. Odds are that China has decided to stockpile semiconductors from Taiwan, given the lingering uncertainty over the China-US relationship, especially regarding China’s access to semiconductors. Real estate – not exports to the US – has been the key pillar driving China’s growth over the past 10 years. Infrastructure spending remains lackluster, despite a surge in special bond issuance by local governments over the past 12 months (Chart I-15, top panel). Chart I-14Asian Trade Was Still Very Weak In November Asian Trade Was Still Very Weak In November Asian Trade Was Still Very Weak In November Chart I-15China: Domestic Demand Is Lackluster China: Domestic Demand Is Lackluster China: Domestic Demand Is Lackluster   Chart I-16EM Ex-China: No Recovery In Domestic Demand EM Ex-China: No Recovery In Domestic Demand EM Ex-China: No Recovery In Domestic Demand The reason is that special bond issuance accounts for a small share of infrastructure investment. Bank loans, corporate bond issuance by LFGVs and land sales are still the main source of funding for capital expenditures on infrastructure. Finally, on the consumer side, auto sales are contracting for a second straight year, while smartphone sales are flat-to-down for a third year in a row (Chart I-16, middle and bottom panels). EM Ex-China: Mind The Deflationary Forces In EM ex-China, Korea and Taiwan, not only are their exports weak, but their domestic demand trajectory is also downbeat (Chart I-16). Despite rate cuts by EM central banks, their interest rates remain elevated in real terms (adjusted for inflation). The basis is that inflation has dropped as much as policy rate cuts. In fact, in many economies, inflation is flirting with all-time lows (Chart I-17). Furthermore, lending rates by banks have not been adjusted sufficiently low in line with the declines in policy rates. Consequently, local borrowing costs in EM remain elevated. Not surprisingly, broad money growth is close to a record low (Chart I-18). Chart I-17EM Ex-China: Inflation Is At A Record Low EM Ex-China: Inflation Is At A Record Low EM Ex-China: Inflation Is At A Record Low Chart I-18EM Ex-China: More Aggressive Monetary Easing Is Necessary EM Ex-China: More Aggressive Monetary Easing Is Necessary EM Ex-China: More Aggressive Monetary Easing Is Necessary   Table I-1EM Corporate Profits Across Sectors 2020 Key Views: A Resolution Of The EM Stalemate 2020 Key Views: A Resolution Of The EM Stalemate Without recognizing non-performing loans and recapitalizing banks, a sustainable credit cycle - and hence domestic demand recovery - is implausible in many EM countries. This will impede the corporate profit recovery, especially for banks that account for 28% of MSCI EM corporate profits (Table I-1). As we argued in our November 14 report, such deflationary tendencies in many EM economies warrant a weaker currency. Bottom Line: The principal drivers for EM corporate profits are domestic demand in China and EM ex-China, rather than the ones in the US or Europe. We do not expect a recovery in domestic demand in both China and the rest of EM in the early months of 2020. Arthur Budaghyan Chief Emerging Markets Strategist arthurb@bcaresearch.com   Thailand: Bet On More Monetary Easing Chart II-1Thailand Is Flirting With Deflation Thailand Is Flirting With Deflation Thailand Is Flirting With Deflation Deflationary pressures are mounting in Thailand. This will lead the central bank to cut interest rates much further. We therefore recommend to continue overweighting Thai domestic bonds within an EM local bond portfolio, currency unhedged.  Thailand’s economy is flirting with deflation and needs lower interest rates, a cheaper currency and a fiscal boost: Core inflation has fallen to a mere 0.5%. Likewise, headline inflation has plunged to 0.2%, which is far below the central bank’s lower-bound target of 1% (Chart II-1). Further, nominal GDP growth has dropped below the prime lending rate (Chart II-2). Adjusted for core inflation, real lending rates are too high for the economy to handle. If lending rates are not brought down, credit demand will decline further and non-performing loans will mushroom (Chart II-3). Chart II-2Thailand: Nominal GDP Growth Is Below Prime Lending Rate Thailand: Nominal GDP Growth Is Below Prime Lending Rate Thailand: Nominal GDP Growth Is Below Prime Lending Rate Chart II-3Thailand: Decelerating Domestic Credit Thailand: Decelerating Domestic Credit Thailand: Decelerating Domestic Credit   High borrowing costs are especially detrimental for the non-financial private sector – households in particular. Consumer debt currently stands at 125% of disposable income. The central bank is set to deliver more rate cuts and will probably begin intervening in the foreign exchange market to weaken the baht. Thailand’s economic growth has decelerated and more downside is likely. Business sentiment is deteriorating, companies’ book orders are falling and manufacturing production is contracting (Chart II-4, top panel). Overall, corporate earnings are shrinking 8% from a year ago in local currency terms (Chart II-4, bottom panel). Declining corporate profitability is beginning to hurt capex and employment. In turn, slower employment and wage growth have hit consumer confidence. Private consumption volume has decelerated decisively (Chart II-5, top panel) and passenger vehicle sales are falling (Chart II-5, bottom panel). Chart II-4Thailand: Business Sentiment Is Falling Thailand: Business Sentiment Is Falling Thailand: Business Sentiment Is Falling Chart II-5Thailand: Consumer Spending Has Been Hit Thailand: Consumer Spending Has Been Hit Thailand: Consumer Spending Has Been Hit Chart II-6Thailand's Real Estate Market Is Weak Thailand's Real Estate Market Is Weak Thailand's Real Estate Market Is Weak The real estate market is also slowing down. Chart II-6 shows various types of residential property prices. Specifically, house price appreciation has either decelerated or turned into deflation. Accordingly, construction activity has been weak. Overall, the Thai economy needs significant monetary and fiscal easing. Yet the 2020 fiscal budget entails only a 6% increase in expenditures in nominal terms, which is insufficient to halt the economy’s downtrend momentum. With the budget already set, aggressive monetary easing - in the form of generous rate cuts and foreign exchange interventions to induce some currency depreciation – is the only tool available to the authorities at the moment. Bottom Line: The Thai economy is facing strong deflationary forces and requires lower interest rates and a cheaper currency. The central bank is set to deliver more rate cuts and will probably begin intervening in the foreign exchange market to weaken the baht. Investment Recommendations Local interest rates will drop further and the Bank of Thailand (BoT) will keep cutting interest rates next year in the face of mounting deflationary trends in the economy. For dedicated EM fixed-income portfolios, we recommend keeping overweight positions in Thai local currency bonds and sovereign credit within their respective EM portfolios. While the Thai baht could depreciate because of monetary easing, the currency will still perform better than many other EM currencies. Thailand carries a very robust current account surplus of 6% of GDP. This will provide a cushion for the baht. Furthermore, foreign ownership of local currency bonds is low at 18%. This limits potential foreign outflows from local bonds in case the currency depreciates. In addition, Thailand’s foreign debt obligations - which are calculated as the sum of short-term claims, interest payments and amortization over the next 12 months - are small, accounting for 14% of exports. This limits hedging needs by Thai debtors with foreign currency liabilities and, hence, the currency’s potential downside. We recommend EM equity investors to keep an overweight position in Thai equities. First, Thai bourse is defensive in nature – with utilities, consumer staples and healthcare accounting for 27% of the MSCI Thailand market cap – and will begin outperforming as EM share prices come under renewed stress (Chart II-7, top panel). Second, net EPS revision in Thailand vs. EM has plummeted to a 16-year low (Chart II-7, bottom panel). This entails that a lot of bad news has already been priced in relative terms. Finally, narrow money (M1) growth seems to be bottoming. This is occurring because the central bank has begun accumulating foreign exchange reserves. While it might take some time before monetary easing leads to an economic recovery, Thai share prices will benefit from it early on (Chart II-8). Chart II-7Thailand vs. EM: Relative Stock Prices And Earnings Revisions Thailand vs. EM: Relative Stock Prices And Earnings Revisions Thailand vs. EM: Relative Stock Prices And Earnings Revisions Chart II-8Thailand: Narrow Money And Share Prices Thailand: Narrow Money And Share Prices Thailand: Narrow Money And Share Prices   Ayman Kawtharani Editor/Strategist ayman@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes     Equities Recommendations Currencies, Credit And Fixed-Income Recommendations

Chart II-1Thailand Is Flirting With Deflation Thailand Is Flirting With Deflation Thailand Is Flirting With Deflation Deflationary pressures are mounting in Thailand. This will lead the central bank to cut interest rates much further. We therefore recommend to continue overweighting Thai domestic bonds within an EM local bond portfolio, currency unhedged.   Thailand’s economy is flirting with deflation and needs lower interest rates, a cheaper currency and a fiscal boost: Core inflation has fallen to a mere 0.5%. Likewise, headline inflation has plunged to 0.2%, which is far below the central bank’s lower-bound target of 1% (Chart II-1). Further, nominal GDP growth has dropped below the prime lending rate (Chart II-2). Adjusted for core inflation, real lending rates are too high for the economy to handle. If lending rates are not brought down, credit demand will decline further and non-performing loans will mushroom (Chart II-3). Chart II-2Thailand: Nominal GDP Growth Is Below Prime Lending Rate Thailand: Nominal GDP Growth Is Below Prime Lending Rate Thailand: Nominal GDP Growth Is Below Prime Lending Rate Chart II-3Thailand: Decelerating Domestic Credit Thailand: Decelerating Domestic Credit Thailand: Decelerating Domestic Credit   High borrowing costs are especially detrimental for the non-financial private sector – households in particular. Consumer debt currently stands at 125% of disposable income. The central bank is set to deliver more rate cuts and will probably begin intervening in the foreign exchange market to weaken the baht. Thailand’s economic growth has decelerated and more downside is likely. Business sentiment is deteriorating, companies’ book orders are falling and manufacturing production is contracting (Chart II-4, top panel). Overall, corporate earnings are shrinking 8% from a year ago in local currency terms (Chart II-4, bottom panel). Declining corporate profitability is beginning to hurt capex and employment. In turn, slower employment and wage growth have hit consumer confidence. Private consumption volume has decelerated decisively (Chart II-5, top panel) and passenger vehicle sales are falling (Chart II-5, bottom panel). Chart II-4Thailand: Business Sentiment Is Falling Thailand: Business Sentiment Is Falling Thailand: Business Sentiment Is Falling Chart II-5Thailand: Consumer Spending Has Been Hit Thailand: Consumer Spending Has Been Hit Thailand: Consumer Spending Has Been Hit Chart II-6Thailand's Real Estate Market Is Weak Thailand's Real Estate Market Is Weak Thailand's Real Estate Market Is Weak The real estate market is also slowing down. Chart II-6 shows various types of residential property prices. Specifically, house price appreciation has either decelerated or turned into deflation. Accordingly, construction activity has been weak. Overall, the Thai economy needs significant monetary and fiscal easing. Yet the 2020 fiscal budget entails only a 6% increase in expenditures in nominal terms, which is insufficient to halt the economy’s downtrend momentum. With the budget already set, aggressive monetary easing - in the form of generous rate cuts and foreign exchange interventions to induce some currency depreciation – is the only tool available to the authorities at the moment. Bottom Line: The Thai economy is facing strong deflationary forces and requires lower interest rates and a cheaper currency. The central bank is set to deliver more rate cuts and will probably begin intervening in the foreign exchange market to weaken the baht. Investment Recommendations Local interest rates will drop further and the Bank of Thailand (BoT) will keep cutting interest rates next year in the face of mounting deflationary trends in the economy. For dedicated EM fixed-income portfolios, we recommend keeping overweight positions in Thai local currency bonds and sovereign credit within their respective EM portfolios. While the Thai baht could depreciate because of monetary easing, the currency will still perform better than many other EM currencies. Thailand carries a very robust current account surplus of 6% of GDP. This will provide a cushion for the baht. Furthermore, foreign ownership of local currency bonds is low at 18%. This limits potential foreign outflows from local bonds in case the currency depreciates. In addition, Thailand’s foreign debt obligations - which are calculated as the sum of short-term claims, interest payments and amortization over the next 12 months - are small, accounting for 14% of exports. This limits hedging needs by Thai debtors with foreign currency liabilities and, hence, the currency’s potential downside. We recommend EM equity investors to keep an overweight position in Thai equities. First, Thai bourse is defensive in nature – with utilities, consumer staples and healthcare accounting for 27% of the MSCI Thailand market cap – and will begin outperforming as EM share prices come under renewed stress (Chart II-7, top panel). Second, net EPS revision in Thailand vs. EM has plummeted to a 16-year low (Chart II-7, bottom panel). This entails that a lot of bad news has already been priced in relative terms. Finally, narrow money (M1) growth seems to be bottoming. This is occurring because the central bank has begun accumulating foreign exchange reserves. While it might take some time before monetary easing leads to an economic recovery, Thai share prices will benefit from it early on (Chart II-8). Chart II-7Thailand vs. EM: Relative Stock Prices And Earnings Revisions Thailand vs. EM: Relative Stock Prices And Earnings Revisions Thailand vs. EM: Relative Stock Prices And Earnings Revisions Chart II-8Thailand: Narrow Money And Share Prices Thailand: Narrow Money And Share Prices Thailand: Narrow Money And Share Prices   Ayman Kawtharani Editor/Strategist ayman@bcaresearch.com

Chart II-1Thailand's Current Account Is In Surplus Thailand's Current Account Is In Surplus Thailand's Current Account Is In Surplus The Thai parliament has elected to keep the ex-military general Prayuth Chan-ocha as the country’s prime minister. This will instill political stability for now, which is positive for investor confidence. In absolute terms, Thai financial markets are leveraged to global trade and will, therefore, sell off if our negative views on the latter and EM risk assets play out. Relative to their EM peers, Thai equities, credit, currency and domestic bonds will continue outperforming: The Thai current account balance remains in large surplus, which provides a large cushion for the Thai baht amid the slowdown in global growth (Chart II-1). Critically, Thailand is less exposed to China and is more leveraged to the U.S. and Europe than its EM peers. Thailand’s shipments to China account for 12% of the former’s total exports, while exports to the U.S. and EU together account for 21%. Both U.S. and European imports are holding up better than those of China. Thailand also has the lowest foreign debt obligations (FDO) among EM countries. FDOs measure the sum of short-term claims, interest payments and amortization over the next 12 months. The country’s current FDOs stand at 8% relative to its exports of goods and services and 12% relative to the central bank’s foreign exchange reserves. The rest of EM countries have much higher ratios. In addition, foreign ownership of local currency bonds is amongst the lowest in the region (18%). As a result, currency depreciation will not trigger major portfolio outflows and a self-reinforcing downtrend in Thai financial markets. Thailand’s private consumption is growing reasonably well (Chart II-2, top panel). Likewise, passenger and commercial vehicle sales are rising and so is household credit (Chart II-2, bottom two panels). The Thailand MSCI index carries a large weight in domestic and defensive stocks such as transportation, utilities, telecommunication, and consumer staples. These sectors will benefit from moderate consumption growth. In fact, Thai equity outperformance versus EM has been justified by its non-financial companies’ EBITDA outpacing that of EM non-financials (Chart II-3). This trend remains intact. Chart II-2Thailand: Moderate Growth In Private Consumption Thailand: Moderate Growth In Consumption Thailand: Moderate Growth In Consumption Chart II-3Equity Outperformance Has Been Justified By Earnings Equity Outperformance Has Been Justified By Earnings Equity Outperformance Has Been Justified By Earnings   Concerning banks, Thailand’s commercial banks suffer from credit excesses, as do many of their EM peers. However, Thai commercial banks have been responsible in terms of recognizing NPLs and have been properly provisioning for them (Chart II-4). This is contrary to many other EM banks. Chart II-4Thai Commercial Banks Are Well Provisioned Thai Commercial Banks Are Well Provisioned Thai Commercial Banks Are Well Provisioned   This means that share prices of Thai commercial banks will outperform their EM counterparts. Finally, although the Thai bourse is more expensive than its EM counterparts, relative equity valuation will likely get even more stretched before a major reversal occurs. Given our cautious view on overall EM, we continue to prefer this richly valued and defensive bourse to the more cyclical, albeit cheaper, but fundamentally vulnerable EM peers. Bottom Line: Investors should keep an overweight position in Thai equities, currency, domestic bonds and credit markets. Ayman Kawtharani, Editor/Strategist ayman@bcaresearch.com

Analysis on Thailand is available below. Feature Last week we were on the road meeting with some of our U.S. clients. This week’s report presents some of the key topics of our discussions in a Q&A format. Question: You have been downplaying the potentially positive impact of lower bond yields in advanced economies on EM risk assets. Why do you think lower bond yields in developed markets (DM) and potential rate cuts by DM central banks won’t suffice to lift EM markets on a sustainable basis? Answer: Falling interest rates are positive for share prices when profits are growing, even at a slower rate. When corporate profits are contracting, lower interest rates typically do not preclude equity prices from dropping. Presently, EM and Chinese corporate earnings are shrinking rapidly (Chart I-1). This is the primary reason why we believe DM monetary easing will not help EM share prices much. Furthermore, EM exchange rates follow relative EPS cycles in local currency terms (Chart I-2). In short, EM currencies are driven by relative corporate profitability between EM and the U.S. – not by interest rate differentials. Chart I-1EM & China EPS Are Contracting EM & China EPS Are Contracting EM & China EPS Are Contracting Chart I-2Relative EPS And Exchange Rate Relative EPS And Exchange Rate Relative EPS And Exchange Rate   The contraction in EM and China EPS has not been caused by higher interest rates and slump in DM domestic demand. Rather, the EM/China profit contraction has been due to China’s economic slowdown spilling over to the rest of EM. Crucially, there is no empirical evidence that interest rate cuts and QEs in DM preclude EM selloffs when EM/Chinese growth is slumping. Specifically: Chart I-3A and I-3B illustrate that neither the level of G4 central banks’ assets nor their annual rate of change correlates with EM share prices or EM local bonds’ total returns in U.S. dollar terms. Hence, QEs have not always guaranteed positive returns for EM financial markets. Chart I-3APace Of QE And EM Performance Pace Of QE And EM Performance Pace Of QE And EM Performance Chart I-3BPace Of QE And EM Performance Pace Of QE And EM Performance Pace Of QE And EM Performance Chart I-4U.S. Treasury Yields And EM Performance U.S. Treasury Yields And EM Performance U.S. Treasury Yields And EM Performance Chart I-4 demonstrates the correlation between U.S. 5-year Treasurys yields on the one hand and EM spot exchange rates, EM sovereign credit spreads and EM share prices on the other. There has been no stable relationship – at times it has been positive, and at other times negative. We are not implying that DM interest rates have no bearing on EM financial markets. Our point is that lower interest rates and QEs in DM do not constitute sufficient conditions for EM financial markets to rally. Even though DM monetary policy has not been the driving force of cyclical fluctuations in EM financial markets, it has had a structural impact. QEs and lower bond yields in DM have prompted an expanded search for yield and have produced substantial compression in risk premia worldwide. For example, Chart I-5 demonstrates that excess returns on EM corporate bonds have historically been correlated with the global manufacturing cycle, but the correlation has diminished in recent years. The widening gap between the two lines is due to investors’ search for yield. Investors have bought and continue to hold securities of “zombie” companies and countries that have low productivity and poor fundamentals. In short, QEs have undermined the efficiency of global capital allocation. This is marginally adverse for productivity in the global economy in the long run. Question: But doesn’t DM monetary policy influence DM demand, which in turn affects EM corporate profits? Answer: DM monetary policy influences DM domestic demand, but there is little correlation between DM domestic demand and EM corporate profits. For example, U.S. import volumes have been growing at a decent pace, yet EM corporate profits have shrunk (Chart I-6). Indeed, robust growth in U.S. imports did not preclude EM EPS contraction in 2012, 2014-‘15 and 2018-‘19, as shown in this chart. Chart I-5Fundamentals Have Become Less Important Due To QE Programs Fundamentals Have Become Less Important Due To QE Programs Fundamentals Have Become Less Important Due To QE Programs Chart I-6EM EPS And U.S. Imports EM EPS And U.S. Imports EM EPS And U.S. Imports   Chart I-7 reveals additional evidence of the diminished impact of U.S. growth on Asian exports. Korean, Taiwanese, Japanese and Singaporean exports to the U.S. are growing at 7% rate, while their shipments to China are contracting at an 11% rate from a year ago as of May. As a result, these countries’ overall exports are shrinking because they ship to China considerably more than they do to the U.S. We are not implying that DM interest rates have no bearing on EM financial markets. Our point is that lower interest rates and QEs in DM do not constitute sufficient conditions for EM financial markets to rally. The current global slowdown did not originate in the U.S. or Europe. Rather, it originated in China and has spilt across the world, affecting the economies that sell to China the most. The deceleration in global trade can be tracked to Chinese imports contraction (Chart I-8). Chart I-7Asia's Exports To China And U.S. Asia's Exports To China And U.S. Asia's Exports To China And U.S. Chart I-8Chinese Imports And Global Trade Chinese Imports And Global Trade Chinese Imports And Global Trade   U.S. manufacturing is the least exposed to China, which is the main reason why it was the last shoe to drop in the global manufacturing recession. Question: So, what drives EM business cycles if it is not DM growth and DM interest rates? Chart I-9China's Credit & Fiscal Impulse And EM EPS China's Credit & Fiscal Impulse And EM EPS China's Credit & Fiscal Impulse And EM EPS Answer: The key and dominant driver of EM risk assets – stocks, credit markets and currencies – has been the global trade and EM/China growth cycles. There is a much stronger correlation between EM financial markets and the global business cycle in general, and Chinese imports in particular than with DM interest rates. In turn, Chinese imports are driven by its capital spending cycle. 85% of the mainland’s good imports are composed of industrial goods and devices, machinery, chemicals, various commodities and autos. Only 15% are non-auto consumer goods. Meanwhile, the credit/money cycles drive capital spending. That is why China’s credit and fiscal spending impulse leads EM corporate profits (Chart I-9). This is also why we spend a significant amount of time analyzing and discussing China's credit cycle. Question: Why has the policy stimulus in China not revived growth in its economy and its suppliers around the world? Answer: Our aggregate credit and fiscal spending impulse bottomed in January of this year, but its recovery has so far been timid. In the past, this indicator led China’s business cycle and the global manufacturing PMI by an average of about nine months (Chart I-10, top panel) and EM corporate profits by 12 months (Chart I-9). According to this pattern, the bottom in global manufacturing should occur in August of this year. However, global share prices have not led global manufacturing PMI during this decade; they have instead been coincident (Chart I-10, bottom panel). Hence, there was no historical justification for global share prices to rally since early January - well ahead of a potential bottom in the global manufacturing PMI in August. The current global slowdown did not originate in the U.S. or Europe. Rather, it originated in China and has spilt across the world, affecting the economies that sell to China the most. That said, due to the U.S.-China confrontation and other structural reasons currently prevailing in China – including high levels of indebtedness and more regulatory scrutiny over shadow banking as well as local government debt – a recovery in mainland household and corporate spending is likely to be delayed. Crucially, as we have documented in previous reports, the marginal propensity to spend for consumers and companies continues to fall (Chart I-11). This is the opposite of what occurred in early 2016. Chart I-10Chinese Stimulus, Global Manufacturing And Global Stocks Chinese Stimulus, Global Manufacturing And Global Stocks Chinese Stimulus, Global Manufacturing And Global Stocks Chart I-11China: What Is Different From 2016 China: What Is Different From 2016 China: What Is Different From 2016   Overall, a revival in China’s growth will likely take longer to unfold and EM risk assets will likely sell off anew before bottoming. Chart I-12Global Slowdown Is Not Yet Over Global Slowdown Is Not Yet Over Global Slowdown Is Not Yet Over Chart I-13Global Semiconductor Demand Is Shrinking Global Semiconductor Demand Is Shrinking Global Semiconductor Demand Is Shrinking Question: Apart from China’s credit and fiscal spending impulse and marginal propensity to spend among households and companies, what other indicators are you monitoring to gauge a bottom in the global manufacturing cycle? Answer: Among many variables and indicators we continuously monitor, there are a few we have been paying particular attention to: The difference between global narrow (M1) and broad money growth correlates well with global corporate earnings (Chart I-12). The rationale for this indicator is that it is akin to the marginal propensity to spend: When demand deposits (M1) outpace time/savings deposits, it is indicative that households and companies are getting ready to spend on large-ticket items or kick off capital spending, and vice versa. Presently, this narrow-to-broad money growth differential continues to point to lower global growth. Last week we published a report on the global semiconductor industry, arguing that upstream demand for semiconductors is withering as sales of servers, smartphones, PCs and autos are all shrinking globally (Chart I-13). With consumption of these goods contracting, demand for semiconductors remains lackluster, and semiconductor prices are still deflating (Chart I-14). Hence, semiconductor prices can be used as an indicator of final demand dynamics in many important segments of the global economy. China’s Container Freight Index – the price to ship containers – is also currently lackluster, reflecting weak global trade dynamics (Chart I-15, top panel). Chart I-14Semiconductor Prices Are Still Deflating Semiconductor Prices Are Still Deflating Semiconductor Prices Are Still Deflating Chart I-15Global Shipments Are Very Weak Global Shipments Are Very Weak Global Shipments Are Very Weak Global Shipments Are Very Weak Global Shipments Are Very Weak   In the U.S., both total intermodal carloads and railroad carloads excluding petroleum and coal are tanking, reflecting subsiding growth (Chart I-15, middle and bottom panel). In turn, Chinese imports continue to contract. This is the primary channel in terms of how the Middle Kingdom affects the rest of the world economy. From the rest of the world’s perspective, China is in recession because their shipments to the mainland are shrinking. In China and Taiwan, the seasonally adjusted manufacturing PMI new orders have rolled over after the temporary pick up early this year (Chart I-16). Finally, we are monitoring our Reflation Indicator and Risk-On/Safe-Haven Currency Ratio (Chart I-17). Both are market-based indicators and are very sensitive to global growth conditions – especially to the dynamics in commodities markets – making them very pertinent to EM investors. Chart I-16Manufacturing PMI: New Orders Seasonally-Adjusted Manufacturing PMI: New Orders Seasonally-Adjusted Manufacturing PMI: New Orders Seasonally-Adjusted Chart I-17Market-Based Indicators Market-Based Indicators Market-Based Indicators   As with any marked price-based signals, both are very volatile. Even though both indicators have rebounded in recent days, only a major trend reversal matters for macro investors. Technically speaking, the profile of both indicators is consistent with a breakdown rather than a breakout. Question: You have highlighted that EM corporate EPS is contracting. How widespread is the profit contraction, and how long will it persist? Answer: EM corporate EPS contraction is widespread across almost all sectors. Chart I-18A and I-18B illustrate EPS growth in U.S. dollar terms for all sectors. EPS growth is negative for most sectors, close to zero for three (technology, financials and materials) and still positive for the energy sector. However, technology, materials and energy EPS are heading into contraction, given the drop in semiconductor, industrial metals and oil prices, respectively. Chart I-18ASynchronized EM EPS Contraction Synchronized EM EPS Contraction Synchronized EM EPS Contraction Chart I-18BSynchronized EM EPS Contraction Synchronized EM EPS Contraction Synchronized EM EPS Contraction   Consequently, all EM equity sectors will soon be experiencing synchronized profit contraction. EM corporate EPS contraction is widespread across almost all sectors. Our credit and fiscal spending impulse for China leads EM EPS growth by about 12 months, and it currently entails that the profit contraction will continue to deepen all the way through December (Chart I-9 on page 6). It would be surprising if EM share prices stage a major rally amid a hastening decline in corporate EPS (please refer to Chart I-1 on page 1). Arthur Budaghyan Chief Emerging Markets Strategist arthurb@bcaresearch.com Thailand: A Defensive Play Within EM The Thai parliament has elected to keep the ex-military general Prayuth Chan-ocha as the country’s prime minister. This will instill political stability for now, which is positive for investor confidence. In absolute terms, Thai financial markets are leveraged to global trade and will, therefore, sell off if our negative views on the latter and EM risk assets play out. Chart II-1Thailand's Current Account Is In Surplus Thailand's Current Account Is In Surplus Thailand's Current Account Is In Surplus Relative to their EM peers, Thai equities, credit, currency and domestic bonds will continue outperforming: The Thai current account balance remains in large surplus, which provides a large cushion for the Thai baht amid the slowdown in global growth (Chart II-1). Critically, Thailand is less exposed to China and is more leveraged to the U.S. and Europe than its EM peers. Thailand’s shipments to China account for 12% of the former’s total exports, while exports to the U.S. and EU together account for 21%. Both U.S. and European imports are holding up better than those of China. Thailand also has the lowest foreign debt obligations (FDO) among EM countries. FDOs measure the sum of short-term claims, interest payments and amortization over the next 12 months. The country’s current FDOs stand at 8% relative to its exports of goods and services and 12% relative to the central bank’s foreign exchange reserves. The rest of EM countries have much higher ratios. In addition, foreign ownership of local currency bonds is amongst the lowest in the region (18%). As a result, currency depreciation will not trigger major portfolio outflows and a self-reinforcing downtrend in Thai financial markets. Thailand also has the lowest foreign debt obligations (FDO) among EM countries. Chart II-2Thailand: Moderate Growth In Private Consumption Thailand: Moderate Growth In Consumption Thailand: Moderate Growth In Consumption Thailand’s private consumption is growing reasonably well (Chart II-2, top panel). Likewise, passenger and commercial vehicle sales are rising and so is household credit (Chart II-2, bottom two panels). The Thailand MSCI index carries a large weight in domestic and defensive stocks such as transportation, utilities, telecommunication, and consumer staples. These sectors will benefit from moderate consumption growth. In fact, Thai equity outperformance versus EM has been justified by its non-financial companies’ EBITDA outpacing that of EM non-financials (Chart II-3). This trend remains intact. Concerning banks, Thailand’s commercial banks suffer from credit excesses, as do many of their EM peers. However, Thai commercial banks have been responsible in terms of recognizing NPLs and have been properly provisioning for them (Chart II-4). This is contrary to many other EM banks. This means that share prices of Thai commercial banks will outperform their EM counterparts. Finally, although the Thai bourse is more expensive than its EM counterparts, relative equity valuation will likely get even more stretched before a major reversal occurs. Given our cautious view on overall EM, we continue to prefer this richly valued and defensive bourse to the more cyclical, albeit cheaper, but fundamentally vulnerable EM peers. Chart II-3Equity Outperformance Has Been Justified By Earnings Equity Outperformance Has Been Justified By Earnings Equity Outperformance Has Been Justified By Earnings Chart II-4Thai Commercial Banks Are Well Provisioned Thai Commercial Banks Are Well Provisioned Thai Commercial Banks Are Well Provisioned Bottom Line: Investors should keep an overweight position in Thai equities, currency, domestic bonds and credit markets. Ayman Kawtharani, Editor/Strategist ayman@bcaresearch.com Footnotes   Equity Recommendations Fixed-Income, Credit And Currency Recommendations

Highlights So what? EM elections bring opportunities as well as risks. Why?   Emerging market equities will benefit as long as China’s stimulus does not fizzle. Modi is on track to win India’s election – which is a positive – though risks lie to the downside. Thailand’s next cycle of political instability is beginning, but we are still cyclically overweight. Indonesia will defy the global “strongman” narrative – go overweight tactically. Populism remains a headwind to Philippine and Turkish assets. Wait for Europe to stabilize before pursuing Turkish plays. Feature Chart 1Risks of China's Stimulus Have Shifted To The Upside Risks of China's Stimulus Have Shifted To The Upside Risks of China's Stimulus Have Shifted To The Upside China’s official PMIs in March came at just the right time for jittery emerging market investors awaiting the all-important March credit data. EM equities, unlike the most China-sensitive plays, have fallen back since late January, after outperforming their DM peers since October (Chart 1). This occurred amid a stream of negative economic data and policy uncertainties: China’s mixed signals, prolonged U.S.-China trade negotiations, the Fed’s extended “pause” in rate hikes, the inversion of the yield curve, Brexit, and general European gloom. We have been constructive on EM plays since February 20, when we determined that the risks of China’s stimulus had shifted to the upside. However, several of the EM bourses that are best correlated with Chinese stimulus are already richly valued (the Philippines, Indonesia, Malaysia, etc). The good news is that a series of elections this spring provide a glimpse into the internal politics of several of these countries, which will help determine which ones will outperform if we are correct that global growth will find its footing by Q3.  First, A Word On Turkey … More Monetary Expansion On The Way Local elections in Turkey on March 31 have dealt a black eye to President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. His ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) has lost control of the capital Ankara for the first time since 2004. Erdogan has also (arguably) conceded the mayoralty of Istanbul, the economic center of the country, where he first rose to power in 1994. Other cities also fell to the opposition. Vote-counting is over and the aftermath will involve a flurry of accusations, investigations, and possibly unrest. Erdogan’s inability to win elections with more than a slim majority is a continual source of insecurity for him and his administration. This weekend’s local elections reinforce the point. The AKP alone failed to cross 45% in terms of popular votes. Combined with its traditional ally – the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) – it received 51.6% of the total vote (in the 2015 elections, the two parties combined for over 60% of the vote). While losing the local elections will not upset the balance in parliament, it is a rebuke to Erdogan over his economic policy and a warning to the AKP for the future. Erdogan does not face general elections until 2023. But judging by his response to the first serious challenge to his rule – the Gezi Park protests of May 2013 – his reaction will be to double down on unorthodox, populist economic policy. Chart 2Erdogan Will Respond With Populist Politics Erdogan Will Respond With Populist Politics Erdogan Will Respond With Populist Politics Back in 2013, the government responded to the domestic challenge through expansive monetary policy. The central bank gave extraordinary liquidity provisions to the banking system. Chart 2 clearly shows that the liquidity injections began with the Gezi protests. These provisions only paused in 2016-17, when global growth rebounded on the back of Chinese stimulus and EM asset prices rose, supporting Turkey’s currency and enabling the central bank to hold off. Today, the severe contraction in GDP (by 3% in Q4 2018), with a negative global backdrop, will likely end Erdogan’s patience with tight monetary policy.1 To illustrate how tight policy has been, note that bank loan growth denominated in lira is contracting at a rate of 17% in real terms. Given the authorities’ populist track record, rising unemployment will likely lead to further “backdoor” liquidity easing. A new bout of unorthodox monetary policy will be negative for domestic bank equities, local-currency bonds, and the lira. As one of the first EM currencies and bourses to begin outperforming in September 2018, Turkey has been at the forefront of the EM mini-rally over the past six months. But with global growth still tepid, this mini-cycle is likely to come to an end for the time being. Watch for the bottoming in Chinese followed by European growth before seeking new opportunities in Turkish assets. Erdogan’s domestic troubles could also prompt him to renew his foreign combativeness, which raises tail risks to Turkish risk assets, such as through U.S. punitive measures. Last year, Erdogan responded to the economic downswing by toning down his belligerent rhetoric and mending fences with Europe and the U.S. However, a reversion to populism may require him to seek a convenient distraction. The U.S. is withdrawing from Syria and the Middle East, leaving Turkey in a position where it needs other relationships to pursue its interests. Russia is a key example. Currently Erdogan is bickering with the U.S. over the planned purchase of a missile defense system from Russia. But the consequence is that relations with the U.S. could deteriorate further, potentially leading to new sanctions. Bottom Line: Turkey is still in the grip of populist politics and will respond to the recession and domestic discontent with easier monetary policy which would bode ill for the lira and lira-denominated assets. The stabilization of the European economy is necessary before investors attempt to take advantage of the de-rating of Turkish assets. India: Focus On Modi’s Political Capital We have long maintained that Modi is likely to stay in power after India’s general election on April 11-May 19. His coalition has recovered in public opinion polling since the Valentine’s Day attack on Indian security forces in Indian Kashmir (Chart 3). The government responded to the attacks by ordering airstrikes on February 26 against Pakistani targets in Pakistani territory for the first time since 1974. The attack was theatrical but the subsequent rally-around-the-flag effect gave Modi and his Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) a badly needed popular boost. The market rallied on the back of Modi’s higher chances of reelection. Modi is the more business-friendly candidate, as opposed to his chief rival, Rahul Gandhi of the Indian Congress Party. Nevertheless, election risks still lie to the downside: Modi and his party are hardly likely to outperform their current 58% share of seats in the lower house of parliament, since the conditions for a wave election – similar to the one that delivered the BJP a single-party majority in 2014 – do not exist today. While the range of outcomes is extremely broad (Chart 4), the current seat projections shown in Chart 3 put Modi’s coalition right on the majority line. Meanwhile his power is already waning in the state legislatures. Chart 3 Chart 4 Thus Modi’s reform agenda has lost momentum, at least until he can form a new coalition. This will take time and markets may ultimately be disappointed by the insufficiency of the tools at his disposal in his second term. Indian equities are the most expensive in the EM space, and only more so after the sharp rally in March on the back of the Kashmir clash and Modi’s recovering reelection chances (Chart 5). Additional clashes with Pakistan are not unlikely during the election season, despite the current appearance of calm. This is because Modi’s patriotic dividend in the polls could fade. Since even voters who lack confidence in Modi as a leader believe that Pakistan is a serious threat (Chart 6), he could be encouraged to stir up tensions yet again. This would be playing with fire but he may be tempted to do it if his polling relapses or if Pakistan takes additional actions. Chart 5...And Lofty Valuations ...And Lofty Valuations ...And Lofty Valuations Chart 6 Further escalation would be positive for markets only so long as it boosts Modi’s chances of reelection without triggering a wider conflict. Yet the standoff revealed that these two powers continue to run high risks of miscalculation: their signaling is not crystal clear; deterrence could fail. Thus, further escalation could become harder to control and could spook the financial markets.2 Even if Modi eschews any further jingoism, his lead is tenuous. First, the economic slowdown is taking a toll – even the official unemployment rate is rising (Chart 7) and the government has been caught manipulating statistics. There is no time for the economy to recover enough to change voters’ minds. Opinion polls show that even BJP voters are not very happy about the past five years. They care more about jobs and inflation than they do about terrorism, and a majority thinks these factors have deteriorated over Modi’s five-year term (Chart 8). Chart 7Manipulated Stats Can't Hide Deteriorating Economy Manipulated Stats Can't Hide Deteriorating Economy Manipulated Stats Can't Hide Deteriorating Economy   Chart 8 If the polling does not change, Modi will win with a weak mandate at best. A minority government or a hung parliament is possible. A Congress Party-led coalition, which would be a market-negative event, cannot be ruled out. The latter especially would prompt a big selloff, but anything short of a single-party majority for Modi will register as a disappointment. Bottom Line: There may be a relief rally after Modi is seen to survive as prime minister, but his likely weak political capital in parliament will be disappointing for markets. The market will want additional, ambitious structural reforms on top of what Modi has already done, but he will struggle to deliver in the near term. While we are structurally bullish, in the context of this election cycle –  which includes rising oil prices that hinder Indian equity outperformance – we urge readers to remain underweight Indian equities within emerging markets. Thailand: An Outperformer Despite Quasi-Military Rule Chart A new cycle of political instability is beginning in Thailand as the country transitions back into civilian rule after five years under a military junta. However, this is not an immediate problem for investors, who should remain overweight Thai equities relative to other EMs on a cyclical time horizon. The source of Thai instability is inequality – both regional and economic. Regionally, 49% of the population resides in the north, northeast, and center, deprived of full representation by the royalist political and military establishment seated in Bangkok (Map 1). Economically, household wealth is extremely unevenly distributed. Thailand’s mean-to-median wealth ratio is among the highest in the world (Chart 9). Eventually these factors will drive the regional populist movement – embodied by exiled Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra and his family and allies – to reassert itself against the elites (the military, the palace, and the civil bureaucracy). New demands will be made for greater representation and a fairer distribution of wealth. The result will be mass street protests and disruptions of business sentiment and activity that will grab headlines sometime in the coming years, as occurred most recently in 2008-10 and 2013-14.   Chart 9 Chart 10Social Spending Did Not Hinder Populism Social Spending Did Not Hinder Populism Social Spending Did Not Hinder Populism The seeds of the next rebellion are apparent in the results of the election on March 24. The junta has sought to undercut the populists by increasing infrastructure spending and social welfare (Chart 10), and controlling rice prices for farmers. Yet the populists have still managed to garner enough seats in the lower house to frustrate the junta’s plans for a seamless transition to “guided” civilian rule. The final vote count is not due until May 9 but unofficial estimates suggest that the opposition parties have won a majority or very nearly a majority in the lower house. This is despite the fact that the junta rewrote the constitution, redesigned the electoral system to be proportional (thus watering down the biggest opposition parties), and hand-picked the 250-seat senate. Such results point to the irrepressible population dynamics of the “Red Shirt” opposition in Thailand, which has won every free election since 2001. Nevertheless, the military and its allies (the “Yellow Shirt” political establishment) are too powerful at present for the opposition to challenge them directly. The junta has several tools to shape the election results to its liking in the short run.3 It would not have gone ahead with the election were this not the case. As a result, the cycle of instability is only likely to pick up over time. Investors should note the silver lining to the period of military rule: it put a halt to the spiral of polarization at a critical time for the country. The unspoken origin of the political crisis was the royal succession. The traditional elites could not tolerate the rise of a populist movement that flirted with revolutionary ideas at the same time that the revered King Bhumibol Adulyadej drew near to passing away. This combination threatened both a succession crisis and possibly the survival of the traditional political system, a constitutional monarchy backed by a powerful army. With the 2014 coup and five-year period of military rule (lengthy even by Thai standards), the military drew a stark red line: there is no alternative to the constitutional monarchy. The royalist faction had its bottom line preserved, at the cost of an erosion of governance and democracy. The result is that going forward, there is a degree of policy certainty. Chart 11Thai Confidence Has Bottomed Thai Confidence Has Bottomed Thai Confidence Has Bottomed Chart 12Strong Demand Sans Risk Of Being Overleveraged Strong Demand Sans Risk Of Being Overleveraged Strong Demand Sans Risk Of Being Overleveraged The long-term trend of Thai consumer confidence tells the story (Chart 11). Optimism surged with the election of populist Thaksin in the wake of the Asian Financial Crisis in 2001. The long national conflict that ensued – in which the elites and generals exiled Thaksin and ousted his successors, and the country dealt with a global financial crisis and natural disasters – saw consumer confidence decline. However, the coup of 2014 and the royal succession (to be completed May 4-6 with the new king’s coronation) has reversed this trend, with confidence trending upward since then. Revolution is foreclosed yet the population is looking up. Military rule is generally disinflationary in Thailand and this time around it initiated a phase of private sector deleveraging. Yet the economy has held up reasonably well. Private consumption has improved along with confidence and investment has followed, albeit sluggishly (Chart 12). The advantage is that Thailand has had slow-burn growth and has avoided becoming overleveraged again, like many EM peers. Chart 13Thailand Outperformed EM Despite Military Interference Thailand Outperformed EM Despite Military Interference Thailand Outperformed EM Despite Military Interference Furthermore, Thailand is not vulnerable to external shocks. It has a 7% current account surplus and ample foreign exchange reserves. It is not too exposed to China, either economically or geopolitically: China makes up only 12% of exports, while Bangkok has no maritime-territorial disputes with Beijing in the South China Sea. In fact, Thailand maintains good diplomatic relations with China and yet has a mutual defense treaty with the United States (the oldest such treaty in Asia). It is perhaps the most secure of any of the Southeast Asian states from the point of view of the secular U.S.-China conflict. Finally, if our forecast proves wrong and political instability returns sooner than we expect, it is important to remember that Thailand’s domestic political conflicts rarely affect equity prices in a lasting way. Global financial crises and natural disasters have had a greater impact on Thai assets over the past two decades than the long succession crisis. Thailand has outperformed both EM and EM Asia during the period of military interference, though democratic Indonesia has done better (Chart 13). Bottom Line: Thailand’s political risks are domestic and stem from regional and economic inequality, which will result in a revived opposition movement that will clash with the traditional military and political elite. This clash will eventually create policy uncertainty and political risk. But it will need to build up over time, since the military junta has strict control over the current environment. Meanwhile macro fundamentals are positive. Indonesia: Rejecting Strongman Populism We do not expect any major surprises from the Indonesian election. Instead, we expect policy continuity, a marginal positive for the country’s equities. However, stocks are overvalued, overexposed to the financial sector,4 and vulnerable if global growth does not stabilize. Chart 14 The most important trend since the near collapse of Indonesia in the late 1990s has been the stabilization of the secular democratic political system and peaceful transition of power. That trend looks to continue with President Joko Widodo’s likely victory in the election on April 17. President Jokowi defeated former general Prabowo Subianto in the 2014 election and has maintained a double-digit lead over his rival in the intervening years (Chart 14). Prabowo is a nationalist and would-be strongman leader who was accused of human rights violations during the fall of his father-in-law Suharto’s dictatorship in 1998. Emerging market polls are not always reliable but a lead of this size for this long suggests that the public knows Prabowo and does not prefer him to Jokowi. In fact he never polled above 35% support while Jokowi has generally polled above 45%. The incumbent advantage favors Jokowi. Household consumption is perking up slightly and consumer confidence is high (see Chart 11 above). Wages have received a big boost during Jokowi’s term and are now picking up again, in real as well as nominal terms and for rural as well as urban workers. Jokowi’s minimum wage law has not resulted in extravagant windfalls to labor, as was feared, and inflation remains under control (Chart 15). Government spending has been ramped up ahead of the vote (and yet Jokowi is not profligate). All of these factors support the incumbent. Real GDP growth is sluggish but has trended slightly upward for most of Jokowi’s term. Chart 15Favorable Economic Conditions Support Incumbent Jokowi Favorable Economic Conditions Support Incumbent Jokowi Favorable Economic Conditions Support Incumbent Jokowi Chart 16 Jokowi has been building badly needed infrastructure with success and has been attracting FDI to try to improve productivity (Chart 16). This is the most positive feature of his government and is set to continue if he wins. A coalition in parliament has largely supported him after an initial period of drift. The biggest challenge for Jokowi and Indonesia are lackluster macro fundamentals. For instance, twin deficits, which show a lack of savings and invite pressure on the currency, which has been very weak. The twin deficits have worsened since 2012 because China’s economic maturation has forced a painful transition on Indonesia, which it has not yet recovered from. Chart 17 There is some risk to governance as Jokowi has chosen Ma’ruf Amin, the top cleric of the world’s largest Muslim organization, as his running mate. Jokowi wants to counteract criticisms that he is not Islamic enough (or is a hidden Christian), which cost his ally the governorship of Jakarta in 2017. However, Jokowi is not a strongman leader like Erdogan in Turkey, whose combination of Islamism and populism has been disastrous for the country’s economy. As mentioned, Jokowi will be defeating the would-be strongman Prabowo, who has also allied with Islamism. In fact, Indonesia is a relatively secular and modern Muslim-majority country and Amin is the definition of an establishment religious leader. The security forces have succeeded in cracking down on militancy in the past decade, greatly improving Indonesia’s stability and security as a whole (Chart 17). Governance is weak on some measures in Indonesia, but Jokowi is better than the opposition on this front and neither his own policies nor his vice presidential pick signals a shift in a Turkey-like, Islamist, populist direction. Bottom Line: We should see Indonesian equities continue to outperform EM and EM Asia as long as China’s stimulus efforts do not collapse and global growth picks up as expected in the second half of the year. Peaceful democratic transitions and economic policy continuity have been repeatedly demonstrated in Indonesia despite the inherent difficulties of developing a populous, multi-ethnic archipelago. Nationalism is a constant risk but it would be more virulent under Jokowi’s opponent. The Philippines: Embracing Strongman Populism Chart 18 The May 13 midterm elections mark the three-year halfway point in President Rodrigo Duterte’s presidential term. Duterte is still popular, with approval ratings in the 75%-85% range. These numbers likely overstate his support, but it is clearly above 50% and superior to that of his immediate predecessors (Chart 18). Further, his daughter’s party, Faction for Change, has gained national popularity, reinforcing the signal that he can expand his power base in the vote. The senate is the root of opposition to Duterte. His supporters control nine out of 24 seats. But of the twelve senators up for election, only three are Duterte’s supporters. So he could make gains in the senate which would increase his ability to push through controversial constitutional reforms. (He needs 75% of both houses of parliament plus a majority in a national referendum to make constitutional changes.) In terms of the economy, we maintain the view that Duterte is a true “populist” – pursuing nominal GDP growth to the neglect of everything else. His fiscal policy of tax cuts and big spending have supercharged the economy but macro fundamentals have deteriorated (Chart 19). He has broken the budget deficit ceiling of 3%, up from 2.2% in 2017. His reflationary policies have turned the current account surplus into a deficit, weighing heavily on the peso, which peaked against other EM currencies when he came to power in 2016 (Chart 20). Inflation peaked last year but we expect it to remain elevated over the course of Duterte’s leadership. He has appointed a reputed dove, Benjamin Diokno, as his new central banker. Chart 19Reflationary Policies Created Twin Deficits... Reflationary Policies Created Twin Deficits... Reflationary Policies Created Twin Deficits...   Chart 20...And Twin Deficits Weigh On The Peso ...And Twin Deficits Weigh On The Peso ...And Twin Deficits Weigh On The Peso Rule of law has deteriorated, as symbolized by the removal of the chief justice of the Supreme Court for questioning Duterte’s extension of martial law in Mindanao. Duterte also imprisoned his top critic in the senate, Leila de Lima, on trumped-up drug charges. He tried but failed to do so with Senator Antonio Trillanes, a former army officer and quondam coup ring-leader who has substantial support in the military. The army is pushing back against any prosecution of Trillanes, and against Duterte’s ongoing détente with China, prompting Duterte to warn of the risk of a coup.   Duterte’s China policy is to attract Chinese investment while avoiding a conflict in the South China Sea. His administration has failed to downgrade relations with the U.S. thus far, but further attempts could be made. This strategy could make the Philippines a beneficiary of Chinese investment if it succeeds. However, China knows that the Philippine public is very pro-American (more so than most countries) and that Duterte could be replaced by a pro-U.S. president in as little as three years, so it is not blindly pouring money into the country. Pressure to finance the current account deficit will persist. If pro-Duterte parties gain seats in the senate the question will be whether he comes within reach of the 75% threshold required for constitutional changes. His desire to change the country into a federal system has not gained momentum so far. He claims he will stand down at the end of his single six-year term but he could conceivably attempt to use any constitutional change to stay in power longer. If the revision goes forward, it will be a hugely divisive and unproductive use of political capital. Bottom Line: The Philippine equity market is highly coordinated with China’s credit cycle and so should benefit from China’s stimulus measures this year (as well as the Fed’s backing off). Nevertheless, Philippine equities are overvalued and macro fundamentals and quality of governance have all deteriorated. Duterte’s emphasis on building infrastructure and human capital is positive, but the means are ill-matched to the ends: savings are insufficient and inflation will be a persistent problem. We would favor South Korea, Thailand, Indonesia, and Malaysia over the Philippines in the EM space. Investment Implications We expect China’s stimulus to be significant and to generate increasingly positive economic data over the course of the year. China is a key factor in the bottoming of global growth, which in turn will catalyze the conditions for a weaker dollar and outperformance of international equities relative to U.S. equities. Caveat: In the very near term, it is possible that China plays could relapse and EM stocks could fall further due to the fact that Chinese and global growth have not yet clearly bottomed. We are structurally bullish India, but recommend sitting on the sidelines until financial markets discount the disappointment of a Modi government with insufficient political capital to pursue structural reforms as ambitious as the ones undertaken in 2014-19. Go long Thai equities relative to EM on a cyclical basis. Stay long Thai local-currency government bonds relative to their Malaysian counterparts. Go long Indonesian equities relative to EM on a tactical basis. Maintain vigilance regarding Russian and Taiwanese equities: the Ukrainian election, Russia’s involvement in Venezuela, and the unprecedented Taiwanese presidential primary election reinforce our view that Russia and Taiwan are potential geopolitical “black swans” this year.   Matt Gertken, Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1      See BCA Emerging Markets Strategy, “Turkey: Brewing Policy Reversal?” March 21, 2019, available at www.bcaresearch.com. 2      See Sanjeev Miglani and Drazen Jorgic, “India, Pakistan threatened to unleash missiles at each other: sources,” Reuters, March 16, 2019, available at uk.reuters.com.  3      The junta can disqualify candidates and rerun elections in the same district without that candidate if the candidate is found to have violated a range of very particular laws on campaigning and use of social media. Also, the Election Commission is largely an instrument of the Bangkok establishment and can allocate seats according to the junta’s interests. 4      See BCA Emerging Markets Strategy, “Indonesia: It Is Not All About The Fed,” March 7, 2019, available at www.bcaresearch.com.   Geopolitical Calendar

Highlights So What? Global divergence will persist beyond the near term. Why? China’s stimulus will be disappointing unless things get much worse. U.S.-China trade war will reignite and strategic tensions will continue. European risks are limited short-term, but will surge without reform. U.S. assets will outperform; oil and the yen will rise; the pound is a long-term play; EM pain will continue. Feature The year 2019 will be one of considerable geopolitical uncertainty. Three issues dominate our Outlook, with low-conviction views on all three questions: Question 1: How much will China stimulate? Question 2: Will the trade war abate? Question 3: Is Europe a Black Swan or a Red Herring? U.S. Outperformance Should Be Bullish USD U.S. Outperformance Should Be Bullish USD The main story in 2018 was policy divergence. American policymakers ramped up stimulus – both through the profligate tax cuts and fiscal spending – at the same time that Chinese policymakers stuck to their guns on de-levering the economy. The consequence of this policy mix was that the synchronized global recovery of late 2016 and 2017 evolved into a massive outperformance by the U.S. economy (Chart 1). The Fed responded to the bullish domestic conditions with little regard for the global economy, causing the DXY to rally from a 2018 low of 88.59 in February to 97.04 today. Fiscal Conservatism Melts Away Fiscal Conservatism Melts Away Republicans Change Their Minds When In Power Republicans Change Their Minds When In Power While the policy divergence narrative appears to be macroeconomic in nature, it is purely political. There is nothing cyclical about the ‘U.S.’ economic outperformance in 2018. President Donald Trump campaigned on an economic populist agenda and then proceeded to deliver on it throughout 2017 and 2018. He faced little opposition from fiscal conservatives, mainly because fiscal conservativism melts away from the public discourse when budget deficits are low (Chart 2) and when the president is a Republican (Chart 3). Meanwhile, Chinese policymakers have decided to tolerate greater economic pain in an effort to escape the Middle Income Trap (Chart 4). They believe this trap will envelop them if they cannot grow the economy without expanding the already-massive build-up of leverage (Chart 5). 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge Debt Still Rising Debt Still Rising Geopolitics is not just about “things blowing up somewhere in the desert.” In today’s world, emblematized by paradigm shifts, politicians are more than ever in the driver’s seat. While technocrats respond to macroeconomic factors, politicians respond to political and geopolitical constraints. Few investment narratives last much longer than a year and policy divergence is coming to a close. Will the Fed pause given the turn in global growth? Will China respond with effective stimulus in 2019? If the answer to both questions is yes, global risk assets could light up in the next quarter and potentially beyond. Already EM has outperformed DM assets for a month and some canaries in the coal mine for global growth – like the performance of Swedish economic indicators – signal that the outperformance is real. Global Economic Divergence Will Continue Global Economic Divergence Will Continue 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge We are skeptical that the move is sustainable beyond a quarter or two (Chart 6). As our colleague Peter Berezin has highlighted, the market is pricing less than one hike in 2019 (Chart 7). Regardless, the impact on the U.S. dollar, remains muted, with the DXY at 97.04. This suggests that the backing off that the Fed may or may not have already done is still not enough from the perspective of weakening global growth (Chart 8). Global risk assets need more from the Fed than what the market is already pricing. And with U.S. inflationary pressures building (Chart 9), the BCA House View expects to see multiple Fed hikes in 2019, disappointing investors bullish on EM and global risk assets. Global Growth Leading Indicators Global Growth Leading Indicators Does The Fed Like It Hot? Does The Fed Like It Hot? With our Fed view set by the House View, we therefore turn to where we can add value. To this end, the most important question of 2018 largely remains the same in 2019: How much will China stimulate? Question 1: How Much Will China Stimulate In 2019? bca.gps_sr_2018_12_14_c10 bca.gps_sr_2018_12_14_c10 China is undoubtedly already stimulating, with a surge in local government bond issuance earlier this year and a bottoming in the broad money impulse (Chart 10). M2 is in positive territory. However, the effort can best be characterized as tepid, with a late-year collapse in bond issuance (Chart 11) and a still-negative total social financing (TSF) impulse (Chart 12). TSF is the broadest measure of private credit in China’s economy.   2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge China's Total Credit Is Weak China's Total Credit Is Weak We expect a surge in TSF in Q1, but this is a normal seasonal effect. A typical Q1 credit surge will not be enough to set global risk assets alight for very long, particularly if the market has already priced in as much of a “pause” from the Fed as we are going to get. Investors should specifically focus on new local government bond issuance and whether the “shadow financing” component of TSF gets a bid, since the primary reason for the weakness in TSF over the past year is the government’s crackdown on shadow lending. As Chart 13A & B shows, it was new local government bonds that led the way for stimulus efforts in 2015, followed by a surge in both bank lending and shadow lending in 2016. Don't Focus Just On TSF... Don't Focus Just On TSF... ...But Shadow Financing In Particular ...But Shadow Financing In Particular We would also expect further monetary policy easing, with extra RRR cuts or even a benchmark policy rate cut. However, monetary policy has been easy all year and yet the impact on credit growth has remained muted. This begs two important questions: Is the credit channel impaired? A slew of macroprudential reforms – which we have dubbed China’s “Preemptive Dodd-Frank” – may have impaired the flow of credit in the system. The official policy of “opening the front door, closing the back door” has seen bank loans pick up modestly but shadow lending has been curtailed (Chart 14A & B). This way of controlling the rise of leverage has its costs. For private enterprises – with poor access to the official banking sector – the shadow financial system was an important source of funding over the past several years. Opening The Front Door... Opening The Front Door... ...Closing The Back Door ...Closing The Back Door Is policy pushing on a string? An even more dire scenario would be if China’s credit channel is not technically, but rather psychologically, impaired. Multiple reasons may be to blame: a negative net return on the assets of state-owned enterprises (Chart 15); widespread trade war worries; mixed signals from policymakers; or a general lack of confidence in the political direction of the country. The rising M2/M1 ratio suggests that the overall economy’s “propensity to save” is rising (Chart 16). Old China Is A Zombie China Old China Is A Zombie China Propensity To Save Propensity To Save Why would Chinese policymakers keep their cool despite a slow pickup in credit growth? Are they not concerned about unemployment, social unrest, and instability? Of course, they are. But Chinese policymakers are not myopic. They also want to improve potential GDP over the long run. Table 1China: The Trend In Domestic Demand, And The Outlook For Trade, Is Negative 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge So far, the economy has weathered the storm relatively well. First, eight out of ten of our China Investment Strategy’s housing price indicators (Table 1) are flat-to-up – although it is true that the October deterioration in floor space started and especially floor space sold (Chart 17) is cause for concern. If and when the housing market weakens further, stimulus will be used to offset it, despite the fact that the government is attempting to prevent a sharp increase in prices at the same time. With so much of China’s middle-class savings invested in the housing market, the key pillar of socio-economic stability is therefore real estate. A Possible Clue For China Stimulusr A Possible Clue For China Stimulusr Second, credit has fueled China’s “old economy,” but policymakers want to buoy “new China” (Chart 18). This means that measures to boost consumption and the service sector economy will be emphasized in new rounds of stimulus, as has occurred thus far (tax cuts, tariff cuts, deregulation, etc). This kind of stimulus is not great news for global risk assets leveraged to “old China,” such as EM and industrial metals. Rebalancing Of The Chinese Economy Rebalancing Of The Chinese Economy Third, policymakers are not exclusively focused on day-to-day stability but are also focused on the decades-long perseverance of China’s political model. And that means moving away from leverage and credit as the sole fuel for the economy. This is not just about the Middle Income Trap, it is also about national security and ultimately sovereignty. Relying on corporate re-levering for stimulus simply doubles-down on the current economic model, which is still export-oriented given that most investment is geared toward the export sector. But this also means that China will be held hostage to foreign demand and thus geopolitical pressures, a fact that has been revealed this year through the protectionism of the White House. As such, moving away from the investment-led growth model and towards a more endogenous, consumer-led model is not just good macro policy, it makes sense geopolitically as well. Will the trade war – or the current period of trade truce – change Chinese policymakers’ decision-making? We do not see why it would. First, if the trade truce evolves into a trade deal, the expected export shock will not happen (Chart 19) and thus major stimulative measures would be less necessary. Second, if we understand correctly why policymakers have cited leverage as an “ill” in the first place, then we would assume that they would use the trade war as an excuse for the pain that they themselves have instigated. In other words, the trade war with the U.S. gives President Xi Jinping the perfect excuse for the slowdown, one that draws attention from the real culprit: domestic rebalancing. Trump's Initial Tariffs Soon To Be Felt Trump's Initial Tariffs Soon To Be Felt Bottom Line: Since mid-2018, we have been asking clients to focus on our “Stimulus Overshoot” checklist (Table 2). We give the first item – “broad money and/or total credit growth spike” – a premier spot on the list. If a surge in total credit occurs, we will know that policymakers are throwing in the towel and stimulating in a major way. It will be time to turn super-positive on global risk assets, beyond a mere tactical trade, as a cyclical view at that point. Note that if one had gone long EM in early February 2016, when January data revealed a truly epic TSF splurge, one would not have been late to the rally. Table 2Will China’s Stimulus Overshoot In 2019? 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge Our low-conviction view, at the moment, is that the increase in credit growth that we will see in Q1 will be seasonal – the usual frontloading of lending at the beginning of the year – rather than an extraordinary surge that would signal a policy change. A modest increase in credit growth will not be enough to spark a sustainable – year-long – rally in global risk assets. The Fed has already backed off as far as the market is concerned. As such, a pickup in Chinese credit could temporarily excite investors. But global stabilization may only embolden the Fed to refocus on tightening after a Q1 pause. Question 2: Will The Trade War Abate? The first question for investors when it comes to the trade war is “Why should we care?” Sure, trade policy uncertainty appears to have correlated with the underperformance of global equity indices relative to the U.S. (Chart 20). However, such market action was as much caused by our policy divergence story – being as it is deeply negative for EM assets – as by a trade war whose impact on the real economy has not yet been felt. U.S. Is 'Winning' The Trade War U.S. Is 'Winning' The Trade War Nonetheless, we do believe that getting the trade war “right” is a big call for 2019. First, while the impact of the U.S.-China trade war has been minimal thus far, it is only because China front-loaded its exports ahead of the expected tariffs, cut interbank rates and RRRs, accelerated local government spending, and allowed CNY/USD to depreciate by 10%. A restart of trade tensions that leads to further tariffs will make frontloading untenable over time, whereas further currency depreciation would be severely debilitating for EMs. We doubt the sustainability of the trade truce for three reasons: U.S. domestic politics: The just-concluded midterm election saw no opposition to President Trump on trade. The Democratic Party candidates campaigned against the president on a range of issues, but not on his aggressive China policy. Polling from the summer also shows that a majority of American voters consider trade with China unfair (Chart 21). In addition, President Trump will walk into the 2020 election with a wider trade deficit, due to his own stimulative economic policy (Chart 22). He will need to explain why he is “losing” on the one measure of national power that he campaigned on in 2016. Structural trade tensions: Ahead of the G20 truce, the U.S. Trade Representative Robert Lighthizer issued a hawkish report that concluded that China has not substantively changed any of the trade practices that initiated U.S. tariffs. Lighthizer has been put in charge of the current trade negotiations, which is a step-up in intensity from Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin, who was in charge of the failed May 2018 round. Geopolitical tensions: The G20 truce did not contain any substantive resolution to the ongoing strategic tensions between the U.S. and China, such as in the South China Sea. Beyond traditional geopolitics, tensions are increasingly involving high-tech trade and investment between the two countries and American allegations of cyber theft and spying by China. The recent arrest of Huawei’s CFO in Canada, on an American warrant, will likely deepen this high-tech conflict in the short term. 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge Trade Deficit To Rise Despite Tariffs Trade Deficit To Rise Despite Tariffs Since the G20 truce with Xi, President Trump has seen no significant pickup in approval ratings (Chart 23). Given that the median American voter has embraced protectionism – against China at least – we would not expect any. Meanwhile, U.S. equities have sold off, contrary to what President Trump, or his pro-trade advisors, likely expected in making the G20 decision to delay tariffs. Appeasing China Doesn't Pay Appeasing China Doesn't Pay At some point, President Trump will realize that he risks considerable political capital on a trade deal with China that very few voters actually want or that the U.S. intelligence and defense community supports. Democrats did not oppose his aggressive China policy in the midterm election because they know that the median voter does not want it. As such, it is guaranteed that Trump’s 2020 Democratic Party opponent will accuse him of “surrender,” or at least “weakness.” If, over the next quarter, the economic and market returns on his gambit are paltry, we would expect President Trump to end the truce. Furthermore, we believe that a substantive, and long-lasting, trade deal is unlikely given the mounting tensions between China and the U.S. These tensions are not a product of President Trump, but are rather a long-run, structural feature of the twenty-first century that we have been tracking since 2012.1 Tensions are likely to rise in parallel to the trade talks on the technology front. We expect 2019 to be the year when investors price in what we have called Bifurcated Capitalism: the segmentation of capital, labor, and trade flows into geopolitically adversarial – and yet capitalist in nature – economic blocs. Entire countries and sectors may become off-limits to Western investors and vice-versa for their Chinese counterparts. Countries will fall into either the Tencent and Huawei bloc or the Apple and Ericsson bloc. This development is different from the Cold War. Note our emphasis on capitalism in the term Bifurcated Capitalism. The Soviet Union was obviously not capitalist, and clients of BCA did not have interests in its assets in the 1970s and 1980s. Trade between Cold War economic blocs was also limited, particularly outside of commodities. The closest comparison to the world we now inhabit is that of the nineteenth century. Almost all global powers were quite capitalist at the time, but they engaged in imperialism in order to expand their economic spheres of influence and thus economies of scale. In the twenty-first century, Africa and Asia – the targets of nineteenth century imperialism – may be replaced with market share wars in novel technologies and the Internet. This will put a ceiling on how much expansion tech and telecommunication companies can expect in the competing parts of Bifurcated Capitalism. The investment consequences of this concept are still unclear. But what is clear is that American policymakers are already planning for some version of the world we are describing. The orchestrated effort by the U.S. intelligence community to encourage its geopolitical allies to ban the use of Huawei equipment in their 5G mobile networks suggests that there are limits to the current truce ever becoming a sustainable deal. So does the repeated use of economic sanctions originally designed for Iran and Russia against Chinese companies. President Trump sets short- and medium-term policies given that he is the president. However, the intelligence and defense communities have “pivoted to Asia” gradually since 2012. This shift has occurred because the U.S. increasingly sees China as a peer competitor, for the time being confined in East Asia but with intentions of projecting power globally. To what extent could President Trump produce a trade deal with Xi that also encompasses a change in the U.S. perception of China as an adversary? We assign a low probability to it. As such, President Xi has little reason to give in to U.S. pressure on trade, as he knows that the geopolitical and technology pressure will continue. In fact, President Xi may have all the reason to double-down on his transformative reforms, which would mean more pain for high-beta global plays. Bottom Line: What may have appeared as merely a trade conflict has evolved into a broad geopolitical confrontation. President Trump has little reason to conclude a deal with China by March. Domestic political pressures are not pushing in the direction of the deal, while America’s “Deep State” is eager for a confrontation with China. Furthermore, with President Trump “blinking” on Iranian sanctions, his administration has implicitly acknowledged the constraints discouraging a deeper involvement in the Middle East. This puts the geopolitical focus squarely on China. Question 3: Is Europe a Black Swan or a Red Herring? The last two years have been a dud in Europe. Since the Brexit referendum in mid-2016, European politics have not been a catalyst for global markets, save for an Italy-induced sell-off or two. This could substantively change in 2019. And, as with the first two questions, the results could be binary. On one hand, there is the positive scenario where the stalled and scaled-back reforms on the banking union and Euro Area budget get a shot in the arm in the middle of the year. On the other hand, the negative scenario would see European-wide reforms stall, leaving the continent particularly vulnerable as the next global recession inevitably nears. At the heart of the binary distribution is the broader question of whether populism in Europe is trending higher. Most commentators and our clients would say yes, especially after the protests and rioting in Paris over the course of November. But the answer is more complicated than that. While populists have found considerable success in the ballot box (Chart 24), they have not managed to turn sentiment in Europe against the currency union (Chart 25). Even in Italy, which has a populist coalition government in power, the support for currency union is at 61%, the highest since 2012. This number has apparently risen since populists took over. Anti-Establishment Parties Are Rising... Anti-Establishment Parties Are Rising... ...But Euroskepticism Is A Failed Strategy ...But Euroskepticism Is A Failed Strategy What explains this divergence? Effectively, Europe’s establishment parties are being blamed for a lot of alleged ills, liberal immigration policy first amongst them. However, European integration remains favored across the ideological spectrum. Few parties that solely focus on Euroskepticism have any chance of winning power, something that both Lega and Five Star Movement found out in Italy. Italy’s Deputy Prime Minister Matteo Salvini confirmed his conversion away from Euroskepticism by stating that he wants to “reform the EU from the inside” and that it was time to give the “Rome-Berlin axis” another go.2 Salvini is making a bet – correct in our view – that by moderating Lega’s populism on Europe, he can capture the center ground and win the majority in the next Italian election, which could happen as soon as 2019. As such, we don’t think that the “rise of populism” in Europe is either dramatic or market-relevant. In fact, mainstream parties are quickly adopting parts of the anti-establishment agenda, particularly on immigration, in a bid to recoup lost voters. A much bigger risk for Europe than populism is stagnation on the reform front, a perpetual Eurosclerosis that leaves the bloc vulnerable in the next recession. What Europe needs is the completion of a backstop to prevent contagion. Such a backstop necessitates greatly enhancing the just-passed banking union reforms. The watered-down reforms did not include a common backstop to the EU’s single resolution fund nor a deposit union. A working group will report on both by June 2019, with a potential legislative act set for some time in 2024. What could be a sign that the EU is close to a grand package of reforms in 2019? We see three main avenues. First, a political shift in Germany. Investors almost had one, with conservative Friedrich Merz coming close to defeating Merkel’s hand-picked successor Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer (also known as AKK) for the leadership of the ruling Christian Democratic Union (CDU). Merz combined a right-leaning anti-immigrant stance with staunch pro-European integration outlook. It is unclear whether AKK will be willing to make the same type of “grand bargain” with the more conservative factions of the CDU electorate. However, AKK may not have a choice, with both Alternative for Germany (AfD) and the Green Party nibbling at the heels of the right-of-center CDU and left-of-center Social-Democratic Party (SPD) (Chart 26). The rise of the Green party is particularly extraordinary, suggesting that a larger portion of the German electorate is radically Europhile rather than Euroskeptic. AKK may have to adopt Merz’s platform and then push for EU reforms. Challengers To The Established Parties Challengers To The Established Parties Second, French President Emmanuel Macron may have to look abroad for relevance. With his reform agenda stalled and political capital drained, it would make sense for Macron to spend 2019 and beyond on European reforms. Third, a resolution of the Brexit debacle. The longer the saga with the U.K. drags on, the less focus there will be in Europe on integration of the Euro Area. If the U.K. decides to extend the current negotiating period, it may even have to hold elections for the European Parliament. As such, we are not focusing on the budget crisis in Italy – our view that Rome is “bluffing” is coming to fruition –or a potential early election in Spain. And we are definitely not focusing on the EU Parliamentary election in May. These will largely be red herrings. The real question is whether European policymakers will finally have a window of opportunity for strategic reforms. And that will require Merkel, AKK, and Macron to expend whatever little political capital they have left and invest it in restructuring European institutions. Finally, a word on Europe’s role in the global trade war. While Europe is a natural ally for the U.S. against China – given its institutional connections, existing alliance, and trade surplus with the latter and deficit with the former (Chart 27) – we believe that the odds are rising of a unilateral tariff action by the U.S. on car imports. EU Surplus With U.S. Pays For Deficit With China EU Surplus With U.S. Pays For Deficit With China This is because the just-concluded NAFTA deal likely raised the cost of vehicle production in the trade bloc, necessitating import tariffs in order for the deal to make sense from President Trump’s set of political priorities. The Trump administration may not have the stomach for a long-term trade war with Europe, but it can shake up the markets with actions in that direction. Bottom Line: In the near term, there are no existential political risks in Europe in 2019. As such, investors who are bullish on European assets should not let geopolitics stand in the way of executing on their sentiment. We remain cautious for macroeconomic reasons, namely that Europe is a high-beta DM play that needs global growth to outperform in order to catch a bid. However, 2019 is a make-or-break year on key structural reforms in Europe. Without more work on the banking union – and without greater burden sharing, broadly defined – the Euro Area will remain woefully unprepared for the next global recession. Question 4: Will Brexit Happen? Given the volume of market-relevant geopolitical issues, we have decided to pose (and attempt to answer) five additional questions for 2019. We start with Brexit. Prime Minister Theresa May has asked for a delay to the vote in the House of Commons on the Withdrawal Treaty, which she would have inevitably lost. The defeat of the subsequent leadership challenge is not confidence-inspiring as the vote was close and a third of Tory MPs voted against her. May likely has until sometime in January to pass the EU Withdrawal Agreement setting out the terms of Brexit, given that all other EU member states have to get it through their parliaments before the Brexit date on March 29. The real question is whether any deal can get through Westminster. The numbers are there for the softest of soft Brexits, the so-called Norway+ option where the U.K. effectively gets the same deal as Norway, if May convinces the Labour Party to break ranks. Such a deal would entail Common Market access, but at the cost of having to pay essentially for full EU membership with no ability to influence the regulatory policies that London would have to abide by. The alternative is to call for a new election – which may usher the even less pro-Brexit Labour Party into power – or to delay Brexit for a more substantive period of time, or simply to buckle under the pressure and call for a second referendum. We disagree that the delay signals that the “no deal Brexit,” or the “Brexit cliff,” is nigh. Such an outcome is in nobody’s interest and both May and the EU can offer delays to ensure that it does not happen. Whatever happens, one thing is clear: the median voter is turning forcefully towards Bremain (Chart 28). It will soon become untenable to delay the second referendum. And even if the House of Commons passes the softest of Soft Brexit deals, we expect that the Norway+ option will prove to be unacceptable when Westminster has to vote on it again in two or three year’s time. Bremain Surging Structurally Bremain Surging Structurally Is it time to buy the pound, particularly cable, which is cheap on a long-term basis (Chart 29)? It is a tough call. On one hand, our confidence that the U.K. ultimately has to remain in the EU is rising. However, to get there, the U.K. may need one last major dose of volatility, either in the form of a slow-burn crisis caused by Tory indecision or in the form of a far-left Labour government that tries its own hand at Brexit while pursuing a 1970s style left-wing economic agenda. Can any investor withstand this kind of volatility in the short and potentially long-ish term? Only the longest of the long-term investors can.  Start Buying The Pound Start Buying The Pound Question 5: Will Oil Prices Rally Substantively In 2019? Several risks to oil supply remain for 2019. First, there is little basis for stabilization in Venezuelan oil production, and further deterioration is likely (Chart 30). Second, sectarian tensions in Iraq remain unresolved. Third, supply risks in other geopolitical hot spots – like Nigeria and Libya – could surprise in 2019. Venezuela: On A Downward Spiral Venezuela: On A Downward Spiral The most pressing geopolitical issue, however, is a decision on the Iranian sanction waivers. President Trump induced considerable market-volatility in 2019 by signaling that he would use “maximum pressure” against Iran. As a result, the risk premium contribution to the oil price – illustrated in Chart 31 by the red bar – rose throughout 2018, only to collapse as the White House offered six-month sanction waivers. Not only did the risk premium dissipate, but Saudi Arabia then scrambled to reverse the production surge it had instituted to offset the Iran sanctions. 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge We agree with BCA’s Commodity & Energy Strategy that oil market fundamentals are tight and numerous supply risks loom. We also struggle to see why President Trump will seek to pick a fight with Iran in the summer of 2019. Our suspicion is that if President Trump was afraid of a gasoline-price spike right after the midterm election, why would he not “blink” at the end of the spring? Not only will the U.S. summer driving season be in full swing – a time of peak U.S. gasoline demand – but the 2020 election primaries will only be six months away. Furthermore, it is highly unlikely that OPEC and Russia will do the U.S. president’s bidding by turning on the taps to offset any unforeseen supply losses in 2019. They did not do so even when President Trump asked, very nicely, ahead of the just-concluded Vienna meeting. Once Trump prioritized domestic politics over Saudi geopolitical interests – by backing away from his maximum pressure tactic against Iran – he illustrated to Riyadh that his administration is about as reliable of an ally as the Obama White House. Meanwhile, his ardent defense of Riyadh in the Khashoggi affair, at a cost of domestic political capital, means that he lost the very leverage that he could have used to pressure Saudi Arabia. We therefore remain cautiously bullish on oil prices in 2019, but with the caveat that a big-bang surge in prices due to a U.S.-Iran confrontation – our main risk for 2019 just a few months ago – is now less likely. Question 6: Will Impeachment Become A Risk In 2019? While we have no way to forecast the Mueller investigation, it is undoubtedly clear that risks are rising on the U.S. domestic front. President Trump’s popularity among GOP voters is elevated and far from levels needed to convince enough senators to remove him from power (Chart 32). However, a substantive finding by Mueller may leave the moderate Democrats in the House with no choice but to pursue impeachment. 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge This may rattle the market for both headline and fundamental reasons. The headline reasons are obvious. The fundamental reasons have to do with the looming stimulus cliff in 2020. A pitched battle between the House Democrats and the White House would make cooperation on another substantive stimulus effort less likely and thus a recession in 2020 more likely. The market may start pricing in such an outcome at some point in 2019. Furthermore, sentiment could be significantly impacted by a protracted domestic battle that impairs Trump’s domestic agenda. President Bill Clinton sought relevance abroad amidst his impeachment proceedings by initiating an air war against Yugoslavia. President Trump may do something similar. There is also an unclear relationship between domestic tensions and trade war. On one hand, President Trump may want a clear win and so hasten a deal. On the other hand, he may want to extend the trade war to encourage citizens to “rally around the flag” and show his geopolitical mettle amidst a distracting “witch hunt.” While we have faded these domestic risks in 2017 and 2018, we think that it may be difficult to do so in 2019. We stick by our view that previous impeachment bouts in the U.S. have had a temporary effect on the markets. But if market sentiment is already weakened by global growth and end of cycle concerns, a political crisis may become a bearish catalyst.  Question 7: What About Japan? Japan faces higher policy uncertainty in 2019, after a period of calm following the 2015-16 global turmoil. We expect to see “peak Shinzo Abe” – in the sense that after this year, his political capital will be spent and all that will remain will be for him to preside over the 2020 Tokyo Olympics. The primary challenge for Abe is getting his proposed constitutional revisions passed despite economic headwinds. Assuming he goes forward, he must get a two-thirds vote in both houses of parliament plus a majority vote in a popular referendum. The referendum is unscheduled but could coincide with the July upper house elections. This will be a knife’s edge vote according to polling. If he holds the referendum and it passes, he will have achieved the historic goal of making Japan a more “normal” country, i.e. capable of revising its own constitution and maintaining armed forces. He will never outdo this. If he fails, he will become a lame duck – if he does not retire immediately like David Cameron or Matteo Renzi. And if he delays the revisions, he could miss his window of opportunity.   This uncertain domestic political context will combine with China/EM and trade issues that entail significant risks for Japan and upward pressure on the yen. Hence government policy will resume its decidedly reflationary tilt in 2019. It makes little sense for Abe, looking to his legacy, to abandon his constitutional dream while agreeing to raise the consumption tax from 8% to 10% as expected in October. We would take the opposite side of the bet: he is more likely to delay the tax hike than he is to abandon constitutional revision. If Abe becomes a lame duck, whether through a failed referendum, a disappointing election, or a consumption tax hike amid a slowdown, it is important for investors to remember that “Abenomics” will smell just as sweet by any other name. Japan experienced a paradigm shift after a series of “earthquakes” from 2008-12. No leader is likely to raise taxes or cut spending aggressively, and monetary policy will remain ultra-easy for quite some time. The global backdrop is negative for Japan but its policy framework will act as a salve. Question 8: Are There Any Winners In EM? We think that EM and global risk assets could have a window of outperformance in early 2019. However, given the persistence of the policy divergence narrative, it will be difficult to see EM substantively outperforming DM over the course of 2019. Mexico Over Brazil That said, we do like a few EM plays in 2019. In particular, we believe that investors are overly bullish on Brazil and overly bearish on Mexico. In both countries, we think that voters turned to anti-establishment candidates due to concerns over violence and corruption. However, Brazilian President-elect Jair Bolsonaro has a high hurdle to clear. He must convince a traditionally fractured Congress to pass a complex and painful pension reform. In other words, Bolsonaro must show that he can do something in order to justify a rally that has already happened in Brazilian assets. In Mexico, on the other hand, Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) remains constrained by the constitution (which he will be unable to change), the National Supreme Court of Justice, and political convention that Mexico is right-of-center on economic policy (an outwardly left-wing president has not won an election since 1924). In other words, AMLO has to show that he can get out of his constraints in order to justify a selloff that has already happened. To be clear, we are not saying that AMLO is a positive, in the absolute, for Mexico. The decision to scrap the Mexico City airport plans, to sideline the finance ministry from key economic decisions, and to threaten a return to an old-school PRI-era statism is deeply concerning. At the same time, we are not of the view that Bolsonaro is, in the absolute, a negative for Brazil. Rather, we are pointing out that the relative investor sentiment is overly bullish Bolsonaro versus AMLO. Especially given that both presidents remain constrained by domestic political intricacies and largely campaigned on the same set of issues that have little to do with their perceived economic preferences. They also face respective median voters that are diametrically opposed to their economic agendas – Bolsonaro, we think, is facing a left-leaning median voter, whereas the Mexican median voter is center-right. The macroeconomic perspective also supports our relative call. If our view on China and the Fed is correct, high-beta plays like Brazil will suffer, while an economy that is tied-to-the-hip of the U.S., like Mexico, ought to outperform EM peers. Mexico Finally Has Some Positive Carry Mexico Finally Has Some Positive Carry As such, we are putting a long MXN/BRL trade on, to capture this sentiment gap between the two EM markets. Investors will be receiving positive carry on Mexico relative to Brazil for the first time in a long time (Chart 33). The relative change in the current account balance also favors Mexico (Chart 34). Finally, the technicals of the trade look good as well (Chart 35). Mexico Looks Good On Current Account Mexico Looks Good On Current Account Technicals Look Good Too Technicals Look Good Too South Korea Over Taiwan  Diplomacy remains on track on the Korean peninsula, despite U.S.-China tensions in other areas. Ultimately China believes that peace on the peninsula will remove the raison d’être of American troops stationed there. Moreover, Beijing has witnessed the U.S.’s resolve in deterring North Korean nuclear and missile tests and belligerent rhetoric. It will want to trade North Korean cooperation for a trade truce. By contrast, if Trump’s signature foreign policy effort fails, he may well lash out. We view deeply discounted South Korean equities as a long-term buy relative to other EMs. Taiwan, by contrast, is a similar EM economy but faces even greater short-term risks than South Korea. In the next 13-month period, the Tsai Ing-wen administration, along with the Trump administration, could try to seize a rare chance to upgrade diplomatic and military relations. This could heighten cross-strait tensions and lead to a geopolitical incident or crisis. More broadly, U.S.-China trade and tech tensions create a negative investment outlook for Taiwan. Thailand Over India Five state elections this fall have turned out very badly for Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his National Democratic Alliance (NDA). These local elections have a negative impact, albeit a limited one, on Modi’s and the NDA’s reelection chances in the federal election due in April (or May). Nevertheless, it is entirely possible to lose Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, and Rajasthan while still winning a majority in the Lok Sabha – this is what happened to the Indian National Congress in 2004 and 2009. So far federal election opinion polling suggests anything from a hung parliament to a smaller, but still substantial, BJP majority. Modi was never likely to maintain control of 20 out of 29 states for very long, nor to repeat his party’s sweeping 2014 victory. He was also never likely to continue his reform push uninhibited in the lead up to the general election. Nevertheless, the resignation of Reserve Bank of India Governor Urjit Patel on December 10 is a very worrisome sign. Given that Indian stocks are richly valued, and that we expect oil prices to drift upwards, we remain negative on India until the opportunity emerges to upgrade in accordance with our long-term bullish outlook. By contrast, we see the return to civilian rule in Thailand as a market-positive event in the context of favorable macro fundamentals. Thai elections always favor the rural populist “red” movement of the Shinawatra family, but presumably the military junta would not hold elections if it thought it had not sufficiently adjusted the electoral system in favor of itself and its political proxies. Either way, the cycle of polarization and social unrest will only reemerge gradually, so next year Thailand will largely maintain policy continuity and its risk assets will hold up better than most other EMs.   Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Chief Geopolitical Strategist marko@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken, Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Roukaya Ibrahim, Editor Strategist roukayai@bcaresearch.com Ekaterina Shtrevensky, Research Analyst ekaterinas@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1      Please see Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, “Power And Politics In East Asia: Cold War 2.0?” dated September 25, 2012, Global Investment Strategy Special Report, “Searing Sun: Japan-China Conflict Heating Up,” dated January 25, 2013, “Sino-American Conflict: More Likely Than You Think, Part II,” dated November 6, 2015, and “The South China Sea: Smooth Sailing?” dated March 28, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 2      Yes. He literally said that.   Geopolitical Calendar

Highlights So What? Global divergence will persist beyond the near term. Why? China’s stimulus will be disappointing unless things get much worse. U.S.-China trade war will reignite and strategic tensions will continue. European risks are limited short-term, but will surge without reform. U.S. assets will outperform; oil and the yen will rise; the pound is a long-term play; EM pain will continue. Feature The year 2019 will be one of considerable geopolitical uncertainty. Three issues dominate our Outlook, with low-conviction views on all three questions: Question 1: How much will China stimulate? Question 2: Will the trade war abate? Question 3: Is Europe a Black Swan or a Red Herring? Chart 1U.S. Outperformance Should Be Bullish USD U.S. Outperformance Should Be Bullish USD U.S. Outperformance Should Be Bullish USD The main story in 2018 was policy divergence. American policymakers ramped up stimulus – both through the profligate tax cuts and fiscal spending – at the same time that Chinese policymakers stuck to their guns on de-levering the economy. The consequence of this policy mix was that the synchronized global recovery of late 2016 and 2017 evolved into a massive outperformance by the U.S. economy (Chart 1). The Fed responded to the bullish domestic conditions with little regard for the global economy, causing the DXY to rally from a 2018 low of 88.59 in February to 97.04 today. Chart 2Fiscal Conservatism Melts Away Fiscal Conservatism Melts Away Fiscal Conservatism Melts Away Chart 3Republicans Change Their Minds When In Power Republicans Change Their Minds When In Power Republicans Change Their Minds When In Power While the policy divergence narrative appears to be macroeconomic in nature, it is purely political. There is nothing cyclical about the ‘U.S.’ economic outperformance in 2018. President Donald Trump campaigned on an economic populist agenda and then proceeded to deliver on it throughout 2017 and 2018. He faced little opposition from fiscal conservatives, mainly because fiscal conservativism melts away from the public discourse when budget deficits are low (Chart 2) and when the president is a Republican (Chart 3). Meanwhile, Chinese policymakers have decided to tolerate greater economic pain in an effort to escape the Middle Income Trap (Chart 4). They believe this trap will envelop them if they cannot grow the economy without expanding the already-massive build-up of leverage (Chart 5). Chart 4Policymakers Fear The Middle Income Trap 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge Chart 5Debt Still Rising Debt Still Rising Debt Still Rising Geopolitics is not just about “things blowing up somewhere in the desert.” In today’s world, emblematized by paradigm shifts, politicians are more than ever in the driver’s seat. While technocrats respond to macroeconomic factors, politicians respond to political and geopolitical constraints. Few investment narratives last much longer than a year and policy divergence is coming to a close. Will the Fed pause given the turn in global growth? Will China respond with effective stimulus in 2019? If the answer to both questions is yes, global risk assets could light up in the next quarter and potentially beyond. Already EM has outperformed DM assets for a month and some canaries in the coal mine for global growth – like the performance of Swedish economic indicators – signal that the outperformance is real. Chart 6Global Economic Divergence Will Continue Global Economic Divergence Will Continue Global Economic Divergence Will Continue Chart 7The Market Has Already Priced-In A Fed Pause 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge We are skeptical that the move is sustainable beyond a quarter or two (Chart 6). As our colleague Peter Berezin has highlighted, the market is pricing less than one hike in 2019 (Chart 7). Regardless, the impact on the U.S. dollar, remains muted, with the DXY at 97.04. This suggests that the backing off that the Fed may or may not have already done is still not enough from the perspective of weakening global growth (Chart 8). Global risk assets need more from the Fed than what the market is already pricing. And with U.S. inflationary pressures building (Chart 9), the BCA House View expects to see multiple Fed hikes in 2019, disappointing investors bullish on EM and global risk assets. Chart 8Global Growth Leading Indicators Global Growth Leading Indicators Global Growth Leading Indicators Chart 9Does The Fed Like It Hot? Does The Fed Like It Hot? Does The Fed Like It Hot? With our Fed view set by the House View, we therefore turn to where we can add value. To this end, the most important question of 2018 largely remains the same in 2019: How much will China stimulate? Question 1: How Much Will China Stimulate In 2019? Chart 10A Ray Of Hope From Broad Money bca.gps_sr_2018_12_14_c10 bca.gps_sr_2018_12_14_c10 China is undoubtedly already stimulating, with a surge in local government bond issuance earlier this year and a bottoming in the broad money impulse (Chart 10). M2 is in positive territory. However, the effort can best be characterized as tepid, with a late-year collapse in bond issuance (Chart 11) and a still-negative total social financing (TSF) impulse (Chart 12). TSF is the broadest measure of private credit in China’s economy.   Chart 11Fiscal Policy Becomes More Proactive? 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge Chart 12China's Total Credit Is Weak China's Total Credit Is Weak China's Total Credit Is Weak We expect a surge in TSF in Q1, but this is a normal seasonal effect. A typical Q1 credit surge will not be enough to set global risk assets alight for very long, particularly if the market has already priced in as much of a “pause” from the Fed as we are going to get. Investors should specifically focus on new local government bond issuance and whether the “shadow financing” component of TSF gets a bid, since the primary reason for the weakness in TSF over the past year is the government’s crackdown on shadow lending. As Chart 13A & B shows, it was new local government bonds that led the way for stimulus efforts in 2015, followed by a surge in both bank lending and shadow lending in 2016. Chart 13ADon't Focus Just On TSF... Don't Focus Just On TSF... Don't Focus Just On TSF... Chart 13B...But Shadow Financing In Particular ...But Shadow Financing In Particular ...But Shadow Financing In Particular We would also expect further monetary policy easing, with extra RRR cuts or even a benchmark policy rate cut. However, monetary policy has been easy all year and yet the impact on credit growth has remained muted. This begs two important questions: Is the credit channel impaired? A slew of macroprudential reforms – which we have dubbed China’s “Preemptive Dodd-Frank” – may have impaired the flow of credit in the system. The official policy of “opening the front door, closing the back door” has seen bank loans pick up modestly but shadow lending has been curtailed (Chart 14A & B). This way of controlling the rise of leverage has its costs. For private enterprises – with poor access to the official banking sector – the shadow financial system was an important source of funding over the past several years. Chart 14AOpening The Front Door... Opening The Front Door... Opening The Front Door... Chart 14B...Closing The Back Door ...Closing The Back Door ...Closing The Back Door Is policy pushing on a string? An even more dire scenario would be if China’s credit channel is not technically, but rather psychologically, impaired. Multiple reasons may be to blame: a negative net return on the assets of state-owned enterprises (Chart 15); widespread trade war worries; mixed signals from policymakers; or a general lack of confidence in the political direction of the country. The rising M2/M1 ratio suggests that the overall economy’s “propensity to save” is rising (Chart 16). Chart 15Old China Is A Zombie China Old China Is A Zombie China Old China Is A Zombie China Chart 16Propensity To Save Propensity To Save Propensity To Save Why would Chinese policymakers keep their cool despite a slow pickup in credit growth? Are they not concerned about unemployment, social unrest, and instability? Of course, they are. But Chinese policymakers are not myopic. They also want to improve potential GDP over the long run. Table 1China: The Trend In Domestic Demand, And The Outlook For Trade, Is Negative 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge So far, the economy has weathered the storm relatively well. First, eight out of ten of our China Investment Strategy’s housing price indicators (Table 1) are flat-to-up – although it is true that the October deterioration in floor space started and especially floor space sold (Chart 17) is cause for concern. If and when the housing market weakens further, stimulus will be used to offset it, despite the fact that the government is attempting to prevent a sharp increase in prices at the same time. With so much of China’s middle-class savings invested in the housing market, the key pillar of socio-economic stability is therefore real estate. Chart 17A Possible Clue For China Stimulusr A Possible Clue For China Stimulusr A Possible Clue For China Stimulusr Second, credit has fueled China’s “old economy,” but policymakers want to buoy “new China” (Chart 18). This means that measures to boost consumption and the service sector economy will be emphasized in new rounds of stimulus, as has occurred thus far (tax cuts, tariff cuts, deregulation, etc). This kind of stimulus is not great news for global risk assets leveraged to “old China,” such as EM and industrial metals. Chart 18Rebalancing Of The Chinese Economy Rebalancing Of The Chinese Economy Rebalancing Of The Chinese Economy Third, policymakers are not exclusively focused on day-to-day stability but are also focused on the decades-long perseverance of China’s political model. And that means moving away from leverage and credit as the sole fuel for the economy. This is not just about the Middle Income Trap, it is also about national security and ultimately sovereignty. Relying on corporate re-levering for stimulus simply doubles-down on the current economic model, which is still export-oriented given that most investment is geared toward the export sector. But this also means that China will be held hostage to foreign demand and thus geopolitical pressures, a fact that has been revealed this year through the protectionism of the White House. As such, moving away from the investment-led growth model and towards a more endogenous, consumer-led model is not just good macro policy, it makes sense geopolitically as well. Will the trade war – or the current period of trade truce – change Chinese policymakers’ decision-making? We do not see why it would. First, if the trade truce evolves into a trade deal, the expected export shock will not happen (Chart 19) and thus major stimulative measures would be less necessary. Second, if we understand correctly why policymakers have cited leverage as an “ill” in the first place, then we would assume that they would use the trade war as an excuse for the pain that they themselves have instigated. In other words, the trade war with the U.S. gives President Xi Jinping the perfect excuse for the slowdown, one that draws attention from the real culprit: domestic rebalancing. Chart 19Trump's Initial Tariffs Soon To Be Felt Trump's Initial Tariffs Soon To Be Felt Trump's Initial Tariffs Soon To Be Felt Bottom Line: Since mid-2018, we have been asking clients to focus on our “Stimulus Overshoot” checklist (Table 2). We give the first item – “broad money and/or total credit growth spike” – a premier spot on the list. If a surge in total credit occurs, we will know that policymakers are throwing in the towel and stimulating in a major way. It will be time to turn super-positive on global risk assets, beyond a mere tactical trade, as a cyclical view at that point. Note that if one had gone long EM in early February 2016, when January data revealed a truly epic TSF splurge, one would not have been late to the rally. Table 2Will China’s Stimulus Overshoot In 2019? 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge Our low-conviction view, at the moment, is that the increase in credit growth that we will see in Q1 will be seasonal – the usual frontloading of lending at the beginning of the year – rather than an extraordinary surge that would signal a policy change. A modest increase in credit growth will not be enough to spark a sustainable – year-long – rally in global risk assets. The Fed has already backed off as far as the market is concerned. As such, a pickup in Chinese credit could temporarily excite investors. But global stabilization may only embolden the Fed to refocus on tightening after a Q1 pause. Question 2: Will The Trade War Abate? The first question for investors when it comes to the trade war is “Why should we care?” Sure, trade policy uncertainty appears to have correlated with the underperformance of global equity indices relative to the U.S. (Chart 20). However, such market action was as much caused by our policy divergence story – being as it is deeply negative for EM assets – as by a trade war whose impact on the real economy has not yet been felt. Chart 20U.S. Is 'Winning' The Trade War U.S. Is 'Winning' The Trade War U.S. Is 'Winning' The Trade War Nonetheless, we do believe that getting the trade war “right” is a big call for 2019. First, while the impact of the U.S.-China trade war has been minimal thus far, it is only because China front-loaded its exports ahead of the expected tariffs, cut interbank rates and RRRs, accelerated local government spending, and allowed CNY/USD to depreciate by 10%. A restart of trade tensions that leads to further tariffs will make frontloading untenable over time, whereas further currency depreciation would be severely debilitating for EMs. We doubt the sustainability of the trade truce for three reasons: U.S. domestic politics: The just-concluded midterm election saw no opposition to President Trump on trade. The Democratic Party candidates campaigned against the president on a range of issues, but not on his aggressive China policy. Polling from the summer also shows that a majority of American voters consider trade with China unfair (Chart 21). In addition, President Trump will walk into the 2020 election with a wider trade deficit, due to his own stimulative economic policy (Chart 22). He will need to explain why he is “losing” on the one measure of national power that he campaigned on in 2016. Structural trade tensions: Ahead of the G20 truce, the U.S. Trade Representative Robert Lighthizer issued a hawkish report that concluded that China has not substantively changed any of the trade practices that initiated U.S. tariffs. Lighthizer has been put in charge of the current trade negotiations, which is a step-up in intensity from Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin, who was in charge of the failed May 2018 round. Geopolitical tensions: The G20 truce did not contain any substantive resolution to the ongoing strategic tensions between the U.S. and China, such as in the South China Sea. Beyond traditional geopolitics, tensions are increasingly involving high-tech trade and investment between the two countries and American allegations of cyber theft and spying by China. The recent arrest of Huawei’s CFO in Canada, on an American warrant, will likely deepen this high-tech conflict in the short term. Chart 21Americans Are Focused On China As Unfair 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge Chart 22Trade Deficit To Rise Despite Tariffs Trade Deficit To Rise Despite Tariffs Trade Deficit To Rise Despite Tariffs Since the G20 truce with Xi, President Trump has seen no significant pickup in approval ratings (Chart 23). Given that the median American voter has embraced protectionism – against China at least – we would not expect any. Meanwhile, U.S. equities have sold off, contrary to what President Trump, or his pro-trade advisors, likely expected in making the G20 decision to delay tariffs. Chart 23Appeasing China Doesn't Pay Appeasing China Doesn't Pay Appeasing China Doesn't Pay At some point, President Trump will realize that he risks considerable political capital on a trade deal with China that very few voters actually want or that the U.S. intelligence and defense community supports. Democrats did not oppose his aggressive China policy in the midterm election because they know that the median voter does not want it. As such, it is guaranteed that Trump’s 2020 Democratic Party opponent will accuse him of “surrender,” or at least “weakness.” If, over the next quarter, the economic and market returns on his gambit are paltry, we would expect President Trump to end the truce. Furthermore, we believe that a substantive, and long-lasting, trade deal is unlikely given the mounting tensions between China and the U.S. These tensions are not a product of President Trump, but are rather a long-run, structural feature of the twenty-first century that we have been tracking since 2012.1 Tensions are likely to rise in parallel to the trade talks on the technology front. We expect 2019 to be the year when investors price in what we have called Bifurcated Capitalism: the segmentation of capital, labor, and trade flows into geopolitically adversarial – and yet capitalist in nature – economic blocs. Entire countries and sectors may become off-limits to Western investors and vice-versa for their Chinese counterparts. Countries will fall into either the Tencent and Huawei bloc or the Apple and Ericsson bloc. This development is different from the Cold War. Note our emphasis on capitalism in the term Bifurcated Capitalism. The Soviet Union was obviously not capitalist, and clients of BCA did not have interests in its assets in the 1970s and 1980s. Trade between Cold War economic blocs was also limited, particularly outside of commodities. The closest comparison to the world we now inhabit is that of the nineteenth century. Almost all global powers were quite capitalist at the time, but they engaged in imperialism in order to expand their economic spheres of influence and thus economies of scale. In the twenty-first century, Africa and Asia – the targets of nineteenth century imperialism – may be replaced with market share wars in novel technologies and the Internet. This will put a ceiling on how much expansion tech and telecommunication companies can expect in the competing parts of Bifurcated Capitalism. The investment consequences of this concept are still unclear. But what is clear is that American policymakers are already planning for some version of the world we are describing. The orchestrated effort by the U.S. intelligence community to encourage its geopolitical allies to ban the use of Huawei equipment in their 5G mobile networks suggests that there are limits to the current truce ever becoming a sustainable deal. So does the repeated use of economic sanctions originally designed for Iran and Russia against Chinese companies. President Trump sets short- and medium-term policies given that he is the president. However, the intelligence and defense communities have “pivoted to Asia” gradually since 2012. This shift has occurred because the U.S. increasingly sees China as a peer competitor, for the time being confined in East Asia but with intentions of projecting power globally. To what extent could President Trump produce a trade deal with Xi that also encompasses a change in the U.S. perception of China as an adversary? We assign a low probability to it. As such, President Xi has little reason to give in to U.S. pressure on trade, as he knows that the geopolitical and technology pressure will continue. In fact, President Xi may have all the reason to double-down on his transformative reforms, which would mean more pain for high-beta global plays. Bottom Line: What may have appeared as merely a trade conflict has evolved into a broad geopolitical confrontation. President Trump has little reason to conclude a deal with China by March. Domestic political pressures are not pushing in the direction of the deal, while America’s “Deep State” is eager for a confrontation with China. Furthermore, with President Trump “blinking” on Iranian sanctions, his administration has implicitly acknowledged the constraints discouraging a deeper involvement in the Middle East. This puts the geopolitical focus squarely on China. Question 3: Is Europe a Black Swan or a Red Herring? The last two years have been a dud in Europe. Since the Brexit referendum in mid-2016, European politics have not been a catalyst for global markets, save for an Italy-induced sell-off or two. This could substantively change in 2019. And, as with the first two questions, the results could be binary. On one hand, there is the positive scenario where the stalled and scaled-back reforms on the banking union and Euro Area budget get a shot in the arm in the middle of the year. On the other hand, the negative scenario would see European-wide reforms stall, leaving the continent particularly vulnerable as the next global recession inevitably nears. At the heart of the binary distribution is the broader question of whether populism in Europe is trending higher. Most commentators and our clients would say yes, especially after the protests and rioting in Paris over the course of November. But the answer is more complicated than that. While populists have found considerable success in the ballot box (Chart 24), they have not managed to turn sentiment in Europe against the currency union (Chart 25). Even in Italy, which has a populist coalition government in power, the support for currency union is at 61%, the highest since 2012. This number has apparently risen since populists took over. Chart 24Anti-Establishment Parties Are Rising... Anti-Establishment Parties Are Rising... Anti-Establishment Parties Are Rising... Chart 25...But Euroskepticism Is A Failed Strategy ...But Euroskepticism Is A Failed Strategy ...But Euroskepticism Is A Failed Strategy What explains this divergence? Effectively, Europe’s establishment parties are being blamed for a lot of alleged ills, liberal immigration policy first amongst them. However, European integration remains favored across the ideological spectrum. Few parties that solely focus on Euroskepticism have any chance of winning power, something that both Lega and Five Star Movement found out in Italy. Italy’s Deputy Prime Minister Matteo Salvini confirmed his conversion away from Euroskepticism by stating that he wants to “reform the EU from the inside” and that it was time to give the “Rome-Berlin axis” another go.2 Salvini is making a bet – correct in our view – that by moderating Lega’s populism on Europe, he can capture the center ground and win the majority in the next Italian election, which could happen as soon as 2019. As such, we don’t think that the “rise of populism” in Europe is either dramatic or market-relevant. In fact, mainstream parties are quickly adopting parts of the anti-establishment agenda, particularly on immigration, in a bid to recoup lost voters. A much bigger risk for Europe than populism is stagnation on the reform front, a perpetual Eurosclerosis that leaves the bloc vulnerable in the next recession. What Europe needs is the completion of a backstop to prevent contagion. Such a backstop necessitates greatly enhancing the just-passed banking union reforms. The watered-down reforms did not include a common backstop to the EU’s single resolution fund nor a deposit union. A working group will report on both by June 2019, with a potential legislative act set for some time in 2024. What could be a sign that the EU is close to a grand package of reforms in 2019? We see three main avenues. First, a political shift in Germany. Investors almost had one, with conservative Friedrich Merz coming close to defeating Merkel’s hand-picked successor Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer (also known as AKK) for the leadership of the ruling Christian Democratic Union (CDU). Merz combined a right-leaning anti-immigrant stance with staunch pro-European integration outlook. It is unclear whether AKK will be willing to make the same type of “grand bargain” with the more conservative factions of the CDU electorate. However, AKK may not have a choice, with both Alternative for Germany (AfD) and the Green Party nibbling at the heels of the right-of-center CDU and left-of-center Social-Democratic Party (SPD) (Chart 26). The rise of the Green party is particularly extraordinary, suggesting that a larger portion of the German electorate is radically Europhile rather than Euroskeptic. AKK may have to adopt Merz’s platform and then push for EU reforms. Chart 26Challengers To The Established Parties Challengers To The Established Parties Challengers To The Established Parties Second, French President Emmanuel Macron may have to look abroad for relevance. With his reform agenda stalled and political capital drained, it would make sense for Macron to spend 2019 and beyond on European reforms. Third, a resolution of the Brexit debacle. The longer the saga with the U.K. drags on, the less focus there will be in Europe on integration of the Euro Area. If the U.K. decides to extend the current negotiating period, it may even have to hold elections for the European Parliament. As such, we are not focusing on the budget crisis in Italy – our view that Rome is “bluffing” is coming to fruition –or a potential early election in Spain. And we are definitely not focusing on the EU Parliamentary election in May. These will largely be red herrings. The real question is whether European policymakers will finally have a window of opportunity for strategic reforms. And that will require Merkel, AKK, and Macron to expend whatever little political capital they have left and invest it in restructuring European institutions. Finally, a word on Europe’s role in the global trade war. While Europe is a natural ally for the U.S. against China – given its institutional connections, existing alliance, and trade surplus with the latter and deficit with the former (Chart 27) – we believe that the odds are rising of a unilateral tariff action by the U.S. on car imports. Chart 27EU Surplus With U.S. Pays For Deficit With China EU Surplus With U.S. Pays For Deficit With China EU Surplus With U.S. Pays For Deficit With China This is because the just-concluded NAFTA deal likely raised the cost of vehicle production in the trade bloc, necessitating import tariffs in order for the deal to make sense from President Trump’s set of political priorities. The Trump administration may not have the stomach for a long-term trade war with Europe, but it can shake up the markets with actions in that direction. Bottom Line: In the near term, there are no existential political risks in Europe in 2019. As such, investors who are bullish on European assets should not let geopolitics stand in the way of executing on their sentiment. We remain cautious for macroeconomic reasons, namely that Europe is a high-beta DM play that needs global growth to outperform in order to catch a bid. However, 2019 is a make-or-break year on key structural reforms in Europe. Without more work on the banking union – and without greater burden sharing, broadly defined – the Euro Area will remain woefully unprepared for the next global recession. Question 4: Will Brexit Happen? Given the volume of market-relevant geopolitical issues, we have decided to pose (and attempt to answer) five additional questions for 2019. We start with Brexit. Prime Minister Theresa May has asked for a delay to the vote in the House of Commons on the Withdrawal Treaty, which she would have inevitably lost. The defeat of the subsequent leadership challenge is not confidence-inspiring as the vote was close and a third of Tory MPs voted against her. May likely has until sometime in January to pass the EU Withdrawal Agreement setting out the terms of Brexit, given that all other EU member states have to get it through their parliaments before the Brexit date on March 29. The real question is whether any deal can get through Westminster. The numbers are there for the softest of soft Brexits, the so-called Norway+ option where the U.K. effectively gets the same deal as Norway, if May convinces the Labour Party to break ranks. Such a deal would entail Common Market access, but at the cost of having to pay essentially for full EU membership with no ability to influence the regulatory policies that London would have to abide by. The alternative is to call for a new election – which may usher the even less pro-Brexit Labour Party into power – or to delay Brexit for a more substantive period of time, or simply to buckle under the pressure and call for a second referendum. We disagree that the delay signals that the “no deal Brexit,” or the “Brexit cliff,” is nigh. Such an outcome is in nobody’s interest and both May and the EU can offer delays to ensure that it does not happen. Whatever happens, one thing is clear: the median voter is turning forcefully towards Bremain (Chart 28). It will soon become untenable to delay the second referendum. And even if the House of Commons passes the softest of Soft Brexit deals, we expect that the Norway+ option will prove to be unacceptable when Westminster has to vote on it again in two or three year’s time. Chart 28Bremain Surging Structurally Bremain Surging Structurally Bremain Surging Structurally Is it time to buy the pound, particularly cable, which is cheap on a long-term basis (Chart 29)? It is a tough call. On one hand, our confidence that the U.K. ultimately has to remain in the EU is rising. However, to get there, the U.K. may need one last major dose of volatility, either in the form of a slow-burn crisis caused by Tory indecision or in the form of a far-left Labour government that tries its own hand at Brexit while pursuing a 1970s style left-wing economic agenda. Can any investor withstand this kind of volatility in the short and potentially long-ish term? Only the longest of the long-term investors can.  Chart 29Start Buying The Pound Start Buying The Pound Start Buying The Pound Question 5: Will Oil Prices Rally Substantively In 2019? Several risks to oil supply remain for 2019. First, there is little basis for stabilization in Venezuelan oil production, and further deterioration is likely (Chart 30). Second, sectarian tensions in Iraq remain unresolved. Third, supply risks in other geopolitical hot spots – like Nigeria and Libya – could surprise in 2019. Chart 30Venezuela: On A Downward Spiral Venezuela: On A Downward Spiral Venezuela: On A Downward Spiral The most pressing geopolitical issue, however, is a decision on the Iranian sanction waivers. President Trump induced considerable market-volatility in 2019 by signaling that he would use “maximum pressure” against Iran. As a result, the risk premium contribution to the oil price – illustrated in Chart 31 by the red bar – rose throughout 2018, only to collapse as the White House offered six-month sanction waivers. Not only did the risk premium dissipate, but Saudi Arabia then scrambled to reverse the production surge it had instituted to offset the Iran sanctions. Chart 31Trump Sanctions Boosted Risk Premium 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge We agree with BCA’s Commodity & Energy Strategy that oil market fundamentals are tight and numerous supply risks loom. We also struggle to see why President Trump will seek to pick a fight with Iran in the summer of 2019. Our suspicion is that if President Trump was afraid of a gasoline-price spike right after the midterm election, why would he not “blink” at the end of the spring? Not only will the U.S. summer driving season be in full swing – a time of peak U.S. gasoline demand – but the 2020 election primaries will only be six months away. Furthermore, it is highly unlikely that OPEC and Russia will do the U.S. president’s bidding by turning on the taps to offset any unforeseen supply losses in 2019. They did not do so even when President Trump asked, very nicely, ahead of the just-concluded Vienna meeting. Once Trump prioritized domestic politics over Saudi geopolitical interests – by backing away from his maximum pressure tactic against Iran – he illustrated to Riyadh that his administration is about as reliable of an ally as the Obama White House. Meanwhile, his ardent defense of Riyadh in the Khashoggi affair, at a cost of domestic political capital, means that he lost the very leverage that he could have used to pressure Saudi Arabia. We therefore remain cautiously bullish on oil prices in 2019, but with the caveat that a big-bang surge in prices due to a U.S.-Iran confrontation – our main risk for 2019 just a few months ago – is now less likely. Question 6: Will Impeachment Become A Risk In 2019? While we have no way to forecast the Mueller investigation, it is undoubtedly clear that risks are rising on the U.S. domestic front. President Trump’s popularity among GOP voters is elevated and far from levels needed to convince enough senators to remove him from power (Chart 32). However, a substantive finding by Mueller may leave the moderate Democrats in the House with no choice but to pursue impeachment. Chart 32Barometer Of Trump’s Survival 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge 2019 Key Views: Balanced On A Knife’s Edge This may rattle the market for both headline and fundamental reasons. The headline reasons are obvious. The fundamental reasons have to do with the looming stimulus cliff in 2020. A pitched battle between the House Democrats and the White House would make cooperation on another substantive stimulus effort less likely and thus a recession in 2020 more likely. The market may start pricing in such an outcome at some point in 2019. Furthermore, sentiment could be significantly impacted by a protracted domestic battle that impairs Trump’s domestic agenda. President Bill Clinton sought relevance abroad amidst his impeachment proceedings by initiating an air war against Yugoslavia. President Trump may do something similar. There is also an unclear relationship between domestic tensions and trade war. On one hand, President Trump may want a clear win and so hasten a deal. On the other hand, he may want to extend the trade war to encourage citizens to “rally around the flag” and show his geopolitical mettle amidst a distracting “witch hunt.” While we have faded these domestic risks in 2017 and 2018, we think that it may be difficult to do so in 2019. We stick by our view that previous impeachment bouts in the U.S. have had a temporary effect on the markets. But if market sentiment is already weakened by global growth and end of cycle concerns, a political crisis may become a bearish catalyst.  Question 7: What About Japan? Japan faces higher policy uncertainty in 2019, after a period of calm following the 2015-16 global turmoil. We expect to see “peak Shinzo Abe” – in the sense that after this year, his political capital will be spent and all that will remain will be for him to preside over the 2020 Tokyo Olympics. The primary challenge for Abe is getting his proposed constitutional revisions passed despite economic headwinds. Assuming he goes forward, he must get a two-thirds vote in both houses of parliament plus a majority vote in a popular referendum. The referendum is unscheduled but could coincide with the July upper house elections. This will be a knife’s edge vote according to polling. If he holds the referendum and it passes, he will have achieved the historic goal of making Japan a more “normal” country, i.e. capable of revising its own constitution and maintaining armed forces. He will never outdo this. If he fails, he will become a lame duck – if he does not retire immediately like David Cameron or Matteo Renzi. And if he delays the revisions, he could miss his window of opportunity.   This uncertain domestic political context will combine with China/EM and trade issues that entail significant risks for Japan and upward pressure on the yen. Hence government policy will resume its decidedly reflationary tilt in 2019. It makes little sense for Abe, looking to his legacy, to abandon his constitutional dream while agreeing to raise the consumption tax from 8% to 10% as expected in October. We would take the opposite side of the bet: he is more likely to delay the tax hike than he is to abandon constitutional revision. If Abe becomes a lame duck, whether through a failed referendum, a disappointing election, or a consumption tax hike amid a slowdown, it is important for investors to remember that “Abenomics” will smell just as sweet by any other name. Japan experienced a paradigm shift after a series of “earthquakes” from 2008-12. No leader is likely to raise taxes or cut spending aggressively, and monetary policy will remain ultra-easy for quite some time. The global backdrop is negative for Japan but its policy framework will act as a salve. Question 8: Are There Any Winners In EM? We think that EM and global risk assets could have a window of outperformance in early 2019. However, given the persistence of the policy divergence narrative, it will be difficult to see EM substantively outperforming DM over the course of 2019. Mexico Over Brazil That said, we do like a few EM plays in 2019. In particular, we believe that investors are overly bullish on Brazil and overly bearish on Mexico. In both countries, we think that voters turned to anti-establishment candidates due to concerns over violence and corruption. However, Brazilian President-elect Jair Bolsonaro has a high hurdle to clear. He must convince a traditionally fractured Congress to pass a complex and painful pension reform. In other words, Bolsonaro must show that he can do something in order to justify a rally that has already happened in Brazilian assets. In Mexico, on the other hand, Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) remains constrained by the constitution (which he will be unable to change), the National Supreme Court of Justice, and political convention that Mexico is right-of-center on economic policy (an outwardly left-wing president has not won an election since 1924). In other words, AMLO has to show that he can get out of his constraints in order to justify a selloff that has already happened. To be clear, we are not saying that AMLO is a positive, in the absolute, for Mexico. The decision to scrap the Mexico City airport plans, to sideline the finance ministry from key economic decisions, and to threaten a return to an old-school PRI-era statism is deeply concerning. At the same time, we are not of the view that Bolsonaro is, in the absolute, a negative for Brazil. Rather, we are pointing out that the relative investor sentiment is overly bullish Bolsonaro versus AMLO. Especially given that both presidents remain constrained by domestic political intricacies and largely campaigned on the same set of issues that have little to do with their perceived economic preferences. They also face respective median voters that are diametrically opposed to their economic agendas – Bolsonaro, we think, is facing a left-leaning median voter, whereas the Mexican median voter is center-right. The macroeconomic perspective also supports our relative call. If our view on China and the Fed is correct, high-beta plays like Brazil will suffer, while an economy that is tied-to-the-hip of the U.S., like Mexico, ought to outperform EM peers. Chart 33Mexico Finally Has Some Positive Carry Mexico Finally Has Some Positive Carry Mexico Finally Has Some Positive Carry As such, we are putting a long MXN/BRL trade on, to capture this sentiment gap between the two EM markets. Investors will be receiving positive carry on Mexico relative to Brazil for the first time in a long time (Chart 33). The relative change in the current account balance also favors Mexico (Chart 34). Finally, the technicals of the trade look good as well (Chart 35). Chart 34Mexico Looks Good On Current Account Mexico Looks Good On Current Account Mexico Looks Good On Current Account Chart 35Technicals Look Good Too Technicals Look Good Too Technicals Look Good Too South Korea Over Taiwan  Diplomacy remains on track on the Korean peninsula, despite U.S.-China tensions in other areas. Ultimately China believes that peace on the peninsula will remove the raison d’être of American troops stationed there. Moreover, Beijing has witnessed the U.S.’s resolve in deterring North Korean nuclear and missile tests and belligerent rhetoric. It will want to trade North Korean cooperation for a trade truce. By contrast, if Trump’s signature foreign policy effort fails, he may well lash out. We view deeply discounted South Korean equities as a long-term buy relative to other EMs. Taiwan, by contrast, is a similar EM economy but faces even greater short-term risks than South Korea. In the next 13-month period, the Tsai Ing-wen administration, along with the Trump administration, could try to seize a rare chance to upgrade diplomatic and military relations. This could heighten cross-strait tensions and lead to a geopolitical incident or crisis. More broadly, U.S.-China trade and tech tensions create a negative investment outlook for Taiwan. Thailand Over India Five state elections this fall have turned out very badly for Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his National Democratic Alliance (NDA). These local elections have a negative impact, albeit a limited one, on Modi’s and the NDA’s reelection chances in the federal election due in April (or May). Nevertheless, it is entirely possible to lose Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, and Rajasthan while still winning a majority in the Lok Sabha – this is what happened to the Indian National Congress in 2004 and 2009. So far federal election opinion polling suggests anything from a hung parliament to a smaller, but still substantial, BJP majority. Modi was never likely to maintain control of 20 out of 29 states for very long, nor to repeat his party’s sweeping 2014 victory. He was also never likely to continue his reform push uninhibited in the lead up to the general election. Nevertheless, the resignation of Reserve Bank of India Governor Urjit Patel on December 10 is a very worrisome sign. Given that Indian stocks are richly valued, and that we expect oil prices to drift upwards, we remain negative on India until the opportunity emerges to upgrade in accordance with our long-term bullish outlook. By contrast, we see the return to civilian rule in Thailand as a market-positive event in the context of favorable macro fundamentals. Thai elections always favor the rural populist “red” movement of the Shinawatra family, but presumably the military junta would not hold elections if it thought it had not sufficiently adjusted the electoral system in favor of itself and its political proxies. Either way, the cycle of polarization and social unrest will only reemerge gradually, so next year Thailand will largely maintain policy continuity and its risk assets will hold up better than most other EMs.   Marko Papic, Senior Vice President Chief Geopolitical Strategist marko@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken, Vice President Geopolitical Strategy mattg@bcaresearch.com Roukaya Ibrahim, Editor Strategist roukayai@bcaresearch.com Ekaterina Shtrevensky, Research Analyst ekaterinas@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1      Please see Geopolitical Strategy Special Report, “Power And Politics In East Asia: Cold War 2.0?” dated September 25, 2012, Global Investment Strategy Special Report, “Searing Sun: Japan-China Conflict Heating Up,” dated January 25, 2013, “Sino-American Conflict: More Likely Than You Think, Part II,” dated November 6, 2015, and “The South China Sea: Smooth Sailing?” dated March 28, 2017, available at gps.bcaresearch.com. 2      Yes. He literally said that.   Geopolitical Calendar

Dear client, Our publishing schedule will be shifting over the next two weeks. Next Friday, we will publish a Special Report aggregating various pieces from our colleague Matt Gertken of BCA's Geopolitical Strategy detailing the reforms taking place in China and their past and future evolution, and the economic and investment implications for China and the rest of the world. Matt argues that Chinese reforms are in place and here to stay, which should deepen the malaise in EM and support the dollar. We will not publish any report on August 31st. We will resume our regular publishing schedule on September 7. I hope you enjoy the rest of your summer. Best regards, Mathieu Savary Highlights The 1997 Asian Crisis was a deflationary event, causing commodity prices, commodity currencies and the yen to fall against the dollar, but it had a limited impact on the euro. When Russia collapsed in 1998, the LTCM crisis hit the U.S. banking system, with fears of solvency dragging Treasury yields lower, hurting the dollar against the yen and the euro. Today is not 1997, but the tightness of the U.S. economy suggests the Federal Reserve will need a large shock before abandoning its current pace of a hike per quarter; additionally, global liquidity conditions are tightening and China is slowing. The EM crisis is therefore not over, and vulnerable Brazil, Chile, Mexico, Colombia and South Africa could still experience significant pain. Unlike in 1998, the hot potato is not hiding in the U.S. but in Europe. A contagion event is therefore more likely to hurt the euro than 20 years ago; meanwhile, the yen stands to benefit. DXY could hit 100, and commodity currencies still have ample downside, the AUD in particular. Continue to monitor our China Play Index to gauge if Chinese stimulus could delay the day of reckoning for EM; this index can also be employed as a hedge for investors long the dollar or short EM plays. Feature "Misfortune tests the sincerity of friends." - Aesop This summer is oddly reminiscent of that of 1997. The Federal Reserve is tightening policy because the U.S. economy is not only at full employment but is also growing strongly and generating increasing domestic inflationary pressures. But the most familiar echoes come from outside the U.S. Specifically, emerging market trepidations are once again front page news as the Turkish lira, which had already fallen by 24% between January 2018 and July 31st, dropped by an additional 28% at its worst in a mere two weeks. Consequently, investors are now fretting about the risks of contagion across EM markets, one that could reverberate among G10 economies as well. We too worry that the echoes of 1997 are becoming increasingly louder. EM economies have built up large stocks of debt, and have financed themselves heavily by tapping foreign investors. However, these investors can be rather fickle friends, and we are set to test their sincerity. In this piece, we review how the events of 1997-'98 unfolded, what it meant for G10 currencies, and whether the same lessons can be applied today. We find that in 2018, an EM crisis could ultimately be more supportive for the dollar versus the euro, as unlike in 1998, where the hot potatoes were held by U.S. hedge funds, this time the mess sits squarely in Europe. Tom Yum Goong Goes Viral Initiated in the second half of the 1980s, the peg of the Thai baht seemed like a very successful experiment. The stability created by this institutional setup not only contributed to keeping Thai inflation at manageable levels, but by incentivizing capital inflows in the country it also helped Thailand build up its capital stock. At the time, this yielded a large growth dividend, with real GDP growth averaging 9% from 1985 to 1996. However, the economic boost generated by this cheap financing had a dark side. The Thai current account balance ballooned to a deficit of 8% of GDP in 1995-'96. As Herb Stein famously expressed, if something cannot go on forever, it will stop. Like in Aesop's fable where one of two travelers climbed up a tree to avoid a bear, leaving his friend to fend off the bear on his own, foreign investors abandoned Thailand, which was left on its own to finance its large current account deficit. While the Bank of Thailand was able to fend off the attacks for a few weeks, on July 2nd, 1997, it abandoned its efforts. The THB was left to float freely and dropped 56% against the USD over the subsequent six months. Other EM countries including Malaysia, Brazil and Korea, to name a few, had implemented similar U.S. dollar pegs. They too enjoyed stable inflation, growing money inflows and improved growth, but also experienced growing current account deficits and foreign currency debt loads. It did not take long for investors to extrapolate Thailand's woes to other countries. The Malaysian ringgit and the Indonesian rupiah began falling soon after the THB, while the Korean won began its own steep descent four months later (Chart 1). The economic pain was felt globally. The collapse in EM Asian exchange rates and the deep recessions experienced in these countries caused their export prices to collapse, which created a global deflationary shock (Chart 2). This shock was compounded by a fall in commodity prices that materialized as market participants realized that demand for commodities from the crisis-stricken countries was set to evaporate (Chart 2, bottom panel). Chart 1How The Thai Crisis Morphed Into An Asian Crisis How The Thai Crisis Morphed Into An Asian Crisis How The Thai Crisis Morphed Into An Asian Crisis Chart 2The Asian Crisis Was A Deflationary Shock The Asian Crisis Was A Deflationary Shock The Asian Crisis Was A Deflationary Shock Not only did this deflationary shock lift the USD against EM currencies and commodity currencies, it also caused inflation breakevens in the U.S. to fall significantly (Chart 3). However, because the U.S. economy remained robust through the second half of 1997 and in the early days of 1998, real rates did not respond much (Chart 3, bottom panel). Markets where not very concerned that this shock would force the Fed to cut rates, as it did not seem to affect the outlook for U.S. growth and employment. However, this combination of stable real rates in the face of weaker growth in EM, as well as the collapse in commodity prices ended up having large second-round effects. Russia defaulted in August 1998, prompting a collapse in the ruble. To patch up its finances, Russia began pumping ever more oil out of the ground, causing oil prices to fall below US$10/bbl in December 1998, deepening the malaise in commodity prices. This caused the Brazilian real to collapse in 1999, and the Argentinian peso to follow in 2002 (Chart 4). Chart 31997: Falling Breakevens, Stable Real Yields 1997: Falling Breakevens, Stable Real Yields 1997: Falling Breakevens, Stable Real Yields Chart 4Asian Crisis Goes Global Asian Crisis Goes Global Asian Crisis Goes Global Among these contagions, the Russian default was the event with the greatest systemic impact. This was because it was a direct hit to the U.S. banking system. Long Term Capital Management, a large Connecticut-based hedge fund, had accumulated massive bets on Russia. The country's default plunged the fund into the abyss. However, LTCM had liabilities to banks to the tune of US$125 billion. The exposure was perceived as an existential threat to the banking sector, and the market began to anticipate a repeat of the 1907 panic.1 Junk bond spreads jumped, the S&P 500 fell by 18%, and U.S. government bond yields collapsed by 120 basis points (Chart 5). The Fed was forced to respond, coming out of hibernation and cutting rates by 75 basis points between September and November of 1998. As the Fed forcefully responded to this shock and 10-year Treasury yields fell, the dollar, which had managed to stay somewhat stable against the synthetic euro from July 1997 to August 1998, fell 11%. Within the same one-year window starting in July 1997, the yen dropped 23%, dragged lower by the competitive pressures created by weaker Asian currencies. However, as soon as U.S. bond yields collapsed, the yen began to surge, rising by 36% from August 1998 to January 1999 (Chart 6). Only once the Fed started increasing rates anew did the euro and the yen level off. Chart 5The Russian Default Was The Real Shock For The U.S. The Russian Default Was The Real Shock For The U.S. The Russian Default Was The Real Shock For The U.S. Chart 6The Dollar Buckled After LTCM The Dollar Buckled After LTCM The Dollar Buckled After LTCM In aggregate, the dollar's performance through the 1997-1998 period was very mixed. The trade-weighted dollar managed to rise from July 1997 to August 1998. Nevertheless, this was a complex picture. During this timeframe the dollar rose against EM currencies - against the CAD, the AUD, the NZD and the JPY - but was flat against the euro. The USD then fell against everything from August 1998 to the first half of 1999. Only once the Fed started hiking again in the summer 1999, was the greenback able to resuming its broad ascent, one that lasted all the way until late 2001. Bottom Line: In 1997, the first domino to fall was Thailand. Since many East Asian economies suffered the same ills - current account deficits, foreign currency debt loads and falling foreign exchange reserves - Asian currencies followed, dragging the yen lower in the process. This generated a deflationary shock that hurt commodity prices and commodity currencies, leading to the infamous Russian default of 1998. The associated LTCM bankruptcy threatened the survival of the U.S. banking system, forcing bond yields much lower as the Fed cut rates three times. The dollar suffered because of this policy move, especially against the yen. However, once the Fed resumed its hiking campaign, the dollar recovered across the board, making new highs all the way to late 2001 and early 2002. Is 2018: 1997, 1998, Or 2018? In one key regard, today is not the late 1990s: Dollar pegs are few and far between. However, in many respects, similarities abound. First and most obviously, EM foreign currency debt loads, as measured against exports, GDP or reserves, are at similar levels to those prevailing in the late 1990s (Chart 7). This means that EM economies suffer when the dollar rises, as it represents an increase in their cost of capital, and thus a tightening in financial conditions. Second, the Fed has been increasing interest rates. Most importantly, the Fed is growingly concerned that domestic inflationary pressures in the U.S. are intensifying, courtesy of strong growth - at least relative to potential; a high degree of capacity utilization, especially in the labor market (Chart 8); and, unique to today, the U.S. has received a large degree of unneeded fiscal stimulus. Chart 7EM Dollar Debt Is High EM Have More ##br##Foreign-Currency Debt Than In The 1990s EM Dollar Debt Is High EM Have More Foreign-Currency Debt Than In The 1990s EM Dollar Debt Is High EM Have More Foreign-Currency Debt Than In The 1990s Chart 8The Foreign Pain Threshold For The Fed Is Much Higher ##br##Now Than In 2015 or 2016 The Foreign Pain Threshold For The Fed Is Much Higher Now Than In 2015 or 2016 The Foreign Pain Threshold For The Fed Is Much Higher Now Than In 2015 or 2016 This means it will take a lot of pain to derail the Fed from its desire to hike rates once a quarter. This also makes the current environment very different from 2015, the most recent episode of EM tumult. In 2015-2016, the Fed easily abandoned its hiking campaign. When it hiked rates in December 2015, the Fed anticipated increasing rates four times over the following 12 months. It delivered only one hike in December 2016. The reason was straightforward: Unlike today, the U.S. economy was still replete with slack (Chart 8) and was not on the receiving end of a large fiscal stimulus program, suggesting the Fed could not tolerate the deflationary impact of tightening financial conditions. Third, global liquidity is tightening, which is hurting the global growth outlook. Today, global excess money, as defined by the growth of broad money supply above that of loan growth in the U.S., the euro area and Japan, is contracting. Today, as in 1997, this indicator forebodes important weaknesses in global industrial production (Chart 9). U.S. liquidity is particularly important. Not only is dollar-based liquidity crucial to financing the large stock of dollar-denominated foreign debt, but the U.S. is also driving the fall in global excess money. The pick-up in U.S. economic activity is sucking liquidity from both the rest world and from the financial system to finance U.S. loan growth (Chart 10). This phenomenon was also at play in 1997. Chart 9Excess Money Is Contracting Global Excess ##br##Money Contracting, Just Like In Early 1997 Excess Money Is Contracting Global Excess Money Contracting, Just Like In Early 1997 Excess Money Is Contracting Global Excess Money Contracting, Just Like In Early 1997 Chart 10The U.S. Economy Is ##br##Sucking In Liquidity The U.S. Economy Is Sucking In Liquidity The U.S. Economy Is Sucking In Liquidity Why does this matter? Simply put, U.S. financial liquidity; built as a composite of 3-month T-bills, total bank deposits minus bank loans, bank investments, and M2 money supply; is a wonderful leading indicator. The current collapse in financial liquidity suggests that the global economy is about to hit a rough patch. As Chart 11 illustrates, the weakness of this indicator points to declines in our Global Leading Economic Indicators and in global commodity prices. This suggests the indicator is foretelling that a deflationary scare could materialize, an event normally also associated with a stronger dollar and downside in EM export prices (Chart 12). In a logically consistent fashion, the liquidity indicator is also warning that the AUD, CAD and NZD have substantial downside, while EM equity prices could also suffer more (Chart 13). Finally, it also highlights that even the U.S. stock market may not be immune to upcoming troubles (Chart 14). Chart 11U.S. Financial Liquidity Points To Weaker Growth... U.S. Financial Liquidity Points To Weaker Growth... U.S. Financial Liquidity Points To Weaker Growth... Chart 12...And A Stronger Dollar But Weaker EM Export Prices... ...And A Stronger Dollar But Weaker EM Export Prices... ...And A Stronger Dollar But Weaker EM Export Prices... Chart 13...Falling EM Stocks And Commodity Currencies... ...Falling EM Stocks And Commodity Currencies... ...Falling EM Stocks And Commodity Currencies... Chart 14...And Maybe Even A Correction In U.S. Stock Prices ...And Maybe Even A Correction In U.S. Stock Prices ...And Maybe Even A Correction In U.S. Stock Prices Fourth, gold is sending a similar signal as in the late 1990. As we have argued in the past, gold is a very good gauge of global liquidity conditions. During the Asian Crisis and the Russia/LTCM fiasco, industrial commodity prices only experienced a serious decline after the Thai baht had dragged down Asia into a tailspin. However, gold had been falling since 1996, a move predating the fall in Asian currencies (Chart 15). The precious metal was confirming that global liquidity was tightening and being sucked back into the booming U.S. economy. Today, gold prices are sending an ominous signal. After forming a large tapering wedge from 2011 to 2018, gold prices have broken down below the major upward-sloping trend line that had defined the bull market that began in 2001 (Chart 16). This indicates that gold may be starting another leg of a major bear market. Moreover, as the bottom panel of Chart 16 illustrates, it is true that net speculative positions in the yellow metal have plunged, but they remain far above the large net short positions that prevailed in the late 1990s. If gold is indeed entering another major down leg, this would confirm that tightening liquidity will further hurt EM asset prices, commodity prices and non-U.S. economic activity. Chart 15As Early As 1996, Gold Warned Of Upcoming Problems In Asia As Early As 1996, Gold Warned Of Upcoming Problems In Asia As Early As 1996, Gold Warned Of Upcoming Problems In Asia Chart 16Is A Secular Bear Market In Gold Beginning? Is A Secular Bear Market In Gold Beginning? Is A Secular Bear Market In Gold Beginning? Finally, adding insult to injury is China. The current communist party leadership is hell-bent on reforming the Chinese economy, moving it away from its dependence on capex and leverage. Consequently, China is in the midst of a major deleveraging campaign concentrated in the shadow banking sector, which has already caused money growth and total social financing to plumb to new lows (Chart 17). This is deflationary for the global economy as weaker Chinese credit weighs on capex, which in turns weighs on Chinese imports, as 69% of China's intake from the rest of the world are commodities and intermediate as well as industrial goods. Chart 17Chinese Monetary And Credit Conditions Remain ##br##Tight China Deleveraging Is Biting Chinese Monetary And Credit Conditions Remain Tight China Deleveraging Is Biting Chinese Monetary And Credit Conditions Remain Tight China Deleveraging Is Biting Chart 18No Capitulation ##br##Yet No Capitulation Yet No Capitulation Yet Moreover, the recent wave of renminbi weakness is exacerbating these deflationary pressures. The 9% fall in the yuan versus the dollar since April 11th represents a competitive devaluation that will hurt many EM countries. It also implies downside in China's import volumes, as it increases the prices paid by Chinese economic agents for foreign-sourced industrial goods and commodities.2 All these forces suggest that the pain that started in Argentina and Turkey could continue to spread across other vulnerable EM economies. It is doubtful that economies with large debt loads, large upcoming debt rollovers and other underlying economic problems will find it easy to receive financing in an environment of declining global liquidity, a strong dollar, budding deflationary pressures and a slowing China. Making this worry even more real, EM investors have not capitulated, as bottom-fishing has prompted massive inflows into Turkey in recent days (Chart 18). 2018 may not be 1997 or 1998, but it is likely to be a year to remember. Bottom Line: EM currency pegs to the dollar may not be as prevalent as they were back in the 1990s, but enough risks are present that contagion from Argentina and Turkey to other EM economies is a very real risk. Specifically, the domestic economic situation in the U.S. warrants higher interest rates, which suggests the Fed is unlikely to be fazed by EM market routs unless they become deep enough to present a threat to U.S. growth itself. Moreover, global liquidity conditions are tightening as the U.S.'s economic strength is sucking in capital from around the world. This combination means that EM countries with large dollar debt loads are likely to find debt refinancing a very onerous exercise. Finally, China is slowing and letting the RMB fall, which is exerting a deflationary impact on the world. Investment implications An environment of slower global economic activity, tightening global liquidity conditions and a potential deflationary scare is positive for the dollar. But 1998 shows that if the hot potato hides in the U.S. and the Fed is forced to ease aggressively, the dollar could nonetheless suffer. In order to get a sense as to whether the dollar can continue to strengthen or not, it is important to get a sense of where the exposure to an EM accident may lie. To begin this exercise, we need to first assess which EM countries are most vulnerable to catching the "Turkish Flu." To do so, we collaborated with our colleague Peter Berezin and his team at BCA's Global Investment Strategy to build a heat map of vulnerable EM economies. This heat map is based on the following factors: current account balance, net international investment position, external debt, external debt service obligation, external funding requirements, private sector savings/investment balance, private sector debt, government budget balance, government debt, foreign ownership of local currency bonds, and inflation. This method shows that after Turkey and Argentina, the next six most vulnerable countries are Colombia, Brazil, Mexico, Chile, South Africa, and Indonesia in this order (Chart 19). Chart 19Vulnerability Heat Map For Key EM Markets The Bear And The Two Travelers The Bear And The Two Travelers While our long-term valuation models show that the Colombian peso is already trading at a significant discount to its fair value, the BRL, the CLP, the ZAR, and the MXN are not (Chart 20). This highlights that these markets could provide serious fireworks in the coming months. Moreover, they all have their own idiosyncrasies that accentuate these risks. Brazil will soon undergo elections that will likely not result in a market-friendly outcome.3 Chile has an extremely large dollar-debt load, copper prices are tanking and the CLP is very pricey. Finally, South Africa is contemplating the kind of land expropriations reminiscent of those that plunged Zimbabwe into chaos - not a good optic for a still-expensive currency. So, who is most exposed to this potential mess? The answer is the euro area, most specifically, Spain. As Chart 21 shows, the exposure of Spanish banks to the most vulnerable EM markets totals nearly 170% of the banking system's capital and reserves. This means that 30% of the capital and reserves of the banking systems in the euro area's five largest economies is exposed to these markets. Making the risk even more acute, French banks have large exposure to Spain, and German banks to France. This combined exposure dwarfs the exposure of the U.K., Japan or the U.S. to the most vulnerable EM economies. To be fair to Spain, Spanish banks often have set up their foreign affiliates as separate legal entities. This means that the impact on the balance sheets of the Spanish banking system of defaults in vulnerable EM countries may be more limited than seems at face value. Yet, this is far from certain. Chart 20BRL, CLP, ZAR, And MXN Are Too Expensive##br## In Light Of Their Vulnerabilities BRL, CLP, ZAR, And MXN Are Too Expensive In Light Of Their Vulnerabilities BRL, CLP, ZAR, And MXN Are Too Expensive In Light Of Their Vulnerabilities Chart 21Who Has More Exposure To EM? The Bear And The Two Travelers The Bear And The Two Travelers As a result, we would not be surprised if the European Central Bank is forced by an EM accident to back away from its desire to abandon its extraordinary accommodative stance. The ECB would first use forward guidance to message that a hike will be delayed ever further in the future. The ECB may even be forced to resume government and corporate bonds purchases past 2018. This is a potential nightmare scenario for the euro. In fact, as Chart 22 illustrates, a euro at parity may not be a far stretch. Historically, the euro bottoms when it trades 10% below our fair value model, based on real short rate differentials, relative yield curve slopes and the ratio of copper to lumber prices. Such a discount would correspond to EUR/USD at parity. Because under such circumstances the Fed could be forced to pause its own hiking cycle for a quarter or two, a move to EUR/USD between 1.10 and 1.05 seems more likely than a collapse to parity right now. This also means that in conjunction with BCA's Geopolitical Strategy team, we recommend our clients close overweight positions in Spanish assets. Chart 22The Euro Still Has Downside If EM Go Bust The Euro Still Has Downside If EM Go Bust The Euro Still Has Downside If EM Go Bust What about the yen? In the late 1990s, the yen fell against the U.S. dollar as Asian currencies were collapsing, but surged once the Fed backtracked and bond yields tanked in 1998. This time could follow a different road map. Japan does not compete against Brazil, Colombia, Mexico, Chile and South Africa in the same way as it was competing against industrial companies in countries like Taiwan, Singapore or South Korea. This means that Japan is unlikely to need to competitively devalue to remain afloat if the BRL, COP, MXN, CLP and ZAR collapse further. However, since an EM shock is likely to prove to be a deflationary event, this means that bond yields could experience downside, especially as positioning in the U.S. bond market is massively crowded to the short side (Chart 23). A countertrend bull market in bonds would greatly flatter the yen. As a result, we are maintaining our short EUR/JPY bias over the coming months. The G10 commodity currency complex is also at risk. Not only does tightening dollar liquidity imply further weakness in this group of currencies, so does slowing EM activity and a deflationary scare. Additionally, the CAD and the NZD are not trading at much of a discount to their fair value, and the AUD trades at a premium (Chart 24). This means we would anticipate these currencies to suffer more in the coming quarters, led by the AUD, which is not only the most expensive of the group, but also the most geared to EM economic activity. Being short AUD/CAD still makes sense. Chart 23A Bond Rally Would ##br##Support The Yen A Bond Rally Would Support The Yen A Bond Rally Would Support The Yen Chart 24TDollar-Bloc Currencies Offer Limited Cushion##br## In The Event of An EM Selloff TDollar-Bloc Currencies Offer Limited Cushion In The Event of An EM Selloff TDollar-Bloc Currencies Offer Limited Cushion In The Event of An EM Selloff Finally, the pound is its own animal. GBP/USD is now quite cheap, but the U.K.'s large current account deficit of 3.9% of GDP, which is not funded through FDIs anymore, means that Great Britain remains vulnerable to tightening global liquidity conditions. Moreover, Brexit negotiations will heat up in the fall, as the March 2019 deadline for reaching a deal with the EU looms large. This means that political tumult in the U.K. will remain a large source of risk for the pound. We will explore the outlook for the pound in an upcoming report this September. Currently, our long DXY trade is posting an 8.5% profit, with a target at 98. The above picture suggests that the dollar could move well past 98, especially as the momentum factor that is so important to the greenback still plays in favor of the USD.4 As a result, we are upgrading our target on the dollar to 100. However, we are also tightening our stop loss to 94.88. We will update our stop loss to 97 if the DXY hits 98 in the coming weeks, in order to protect gains while still being exposed to the dollar's potential upside. Bottom Line: Beyond Turkey and Argentina, the EMs most vulnerable to tightening global liquidity conditions are Brazil, Colombia, Mexico, Chile and South Africa. Spanish banks have outsized exposure to these markets, which means the euro area is at risk if the "Turkish Flu" becomes contagious. As such, the ECB could be forced to remain easier than it wants to. The euro is still at risk. The yen could strengthen if global bond yields suffer. Hence, it still makes sense to be short EUR/JPY. While the CAD, AUD and NZD are also all vulnerable to a deflationary scare, the Aussie is the worst positioned of the three. Shorting AUD/CAD still makes sense. The DXY is likely to experience significant upside from here, with a move to 100 becoming an increasingly probable scenario. Risks To Our View Chart 25A Gauge And A Hedge Against Chinese Stimulus A Gauge And A Hedge Against Chinese Stimulus A Gauge And A Hedge Against Chinese Stimulus The biggest risk to our view is China. In 2016, a vicious EM selloff was staunched by a large wave of stimulus that put a floor under Chinese economic activity, and caused China to re-lever. The impact was felt around the world, lifting commodity prices and EM assets while plunging the dollar into a vicious selloff in 2017. It is conceivable that such an outcome materializes anew, especially as China is, in fact, injecting stimulus into its economy. However, as we wrote two weeks ago, the current stimulus still pales in comparison to what took place in 2015. Moreover, reforms and deleveraging have much greater primacy now than they did back then.5 BCA believes that the current wave of stimulus is not designed to cause growth to surge again, as was the case in 2015, but is instead aimed at limiting the negative impact of the ongoing trade war with the U.S. Yet, we cannot be dogmatic. Not only is it hard to gauge the actual degree of stimulus currently applied to the Chinese economy, there is a heightened risk that the flow of policy announcements causes a shift in the dominant narrative among market participants. Such a shift in attitudes could easily cause a mass buying of EM assets and commodities, delaying the day of reckoning for vulnerable EM. As a result, we continue to promulgate that investors track the behavior of our China Play Index, introduced two weeks ago (Chart 25).6 Not only does this index provide a live read on how traders are pricing in Chinese developments, but it also provides a great hedge for investors long the dollar, short EM, or short the commodity complex. Mathieu Savary, Vice President Foreign Exchange Strategy mathieu@bcaresearch.com 1 In the panic of 1907, the Knickerbocker Trust Company went bankrupt, threatening the health of the U.S. banking system. The stock market crashed, money markets went into paralysis, and a consortium of bankers led by J.P. Morgan himself ended up acting as a lender of last resort, staunching the crisis. As a consequence of this panic, the Federal Reserve System was born in 1913. 2 For a more detailed discussion of the deflationary risk created by the RMB, please see Foreign Exchange Strategy Weekly Report, "What Is Good For China Doesn't Always Help The World", dated June 29, 2018, available at fes.bcaresearch.com 3 Please see Emerging Markets Strategy Special Report, "Brazil: Faceoff Time", dated July 27, 2018, available at ems.bcaresearch.com 4 Please see Foreign Exchange Strategy Special Report, "Riding The Wave: Momentum Strategies In Foreign Exchange Markets", dated December 8, 2017, available at fes.bcaresearch.com 5 Please see Foreign Exchange Strategy Weekly Report, "The Dollar And Risk Assets Are Beholden To China's Stimulus", dated August 3, 2018, available at fes.bcaresearch.com 6 Ibid. Trades & Forecasts Forecast Summary Core Portfolio Tactical Trades Closed Trades