Trade / BOP

Executive Summary Favor ASEAN And The Philippines Favor ASEAN And The Philippines Favor ASEAN And The Philippines Southeast Asia is suffering from fading macro and geopolitical tailwinds but there are still investment opportunities on a relative basis. The peace dividend, globalization dividend, and demographic dividend are all eroding and will continue to erode, though there are relative winners and losers. The Philippines and Thailand are most secure; the Philippines and Indonesia are least dependent on trade; and the Philippines and Vietnam have the highest potential GDP growth. Geopolitical risk premiums have risen for Russia, Eastern Europe, China, and will rise for the Middle East. This leaves ASEAN states as relatively attractive emerging markets. Trade Recommendation Inception Date Return LONG PHILIPPINES / EM EQUITIES 2022-05-12   LONG ASEAN / ACW EQUITIES 2022-05-12   Bottom Line: ASEAN’s geopolitical outlook is less ugly than many other emerging markets. Cyclically, go long ASEAN versus global equities and long Philippine equities versus EM. Feature Chart 1Hypo-Globalization A Headwind For Trading States Hypo-Globalization A Headwind For Trading States Hypo-Globalization A Headwind For Trading States The Philippines elected its second “strongman” leader in a row on May 9, provoking the usual round of editorials about the death of liberalism. Investors know well by now that such political narratives do as much to occlude economic reality as to clarify it. Still, there is a fundamental need to understand the changing global political order since it will ultimately impact the investment landscape. If the global order stabilizes – e.g. US-Russia and US-China relations normalize – then trade and investment may recover from recent shocks. A new era of “Re-Globalization” could ensue. Asia Pacific would be a prime beneficiary as it is full of trading economies (Chart 1). Related Report  Geopolitical StrategySecond Quarter Outlook 2022: When It Rains, It Pours By contrast, if Great Power Rivalry escalates further, then trade and investment will suffer, the current paradigm of Hypo-Globalization will continue, and East Asia’s frozen conflicts from 1945-52 will thaw and heat up. Asian states will have to shift focus from trade to security and their economies will suffer relative to previous expectations. How will Southeast Asia fare in this context? Will it fall victim to great power conflict, like Eastern Europe? Or will it keep a balance between the great powers and extract maximum benefits? Three Dividends Three dividends have underpinned Southeast Asia’s growth and prosperity in recent decades: 1.  Peace Dividend – A relative lack of war and inter-state conflict. 2.  Globalization Dividend – Advantageous maritime geography and access to major economies. 3.  Demographic Dividend – Young demographics and strong potential GDP growth. All three of these dividends are eroding, so the macro and geopolitical investment case for ASEAN has weakened relative to twenty years ago. Nevertheless in a world where Russia, China, and the Gulf Arab markets face a higher and persistent geopolitical risk premium, ASEAN still offers attractive investment opportunities, particularly if the most geopolitically insecure countries are avoided. Peace Dividend Favors The Philippines And Thailand Since the end of the US and Chinese wars with Vietnam, military conflicts in Southeast Asia have been low intensity. Lack of inter-state conflict encouraged economic prosperity and security complacency. The five major Southeast Asian nations saw military spending decline since the 1990s and only Vietnam spends more than 2% of GDP (Chart 2). Chart 2Peace Brought Prosperity Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines Unfortunately that is about to change. China has large import dependencies, an insufficient tradition of sea power, and feels hemmed in by its geography and the US alliance system. Beijing’s solution is to build and modernize its navy and prepare for potential conflict with the US, particularly over Taiwan. The result is rising tension across East Asia, including in Southeast Asia and the South China Sea. The ASEAN states fear China will walk over them, China fears they will league with the US against China, and the US tries to get them to do exactly that. Hence ASEAN’s defense spending has not kept up with its geopolitical importance and will have to rise going forward. Consider the following: Vietnam risks conflict with China. Vietnam has the most capable and experienced naval force within ASEAN due to its sporadic conflicts with China. Its equipment is supplied mainly by Russia, pitting it squarely against China’s Soviet or Soviet-inspired equipment. But Russia-China ties are tightening, especially after Russia’s divorce with Europe. While Vietnam will not reject Russia, it is increasingly partnering with the United States. The pandemic added to the Vietnamese public’s distrust of China, which is ancient but has ramped up in recent years due to clashes in the South China Sea. While Vietnam officially maintains that it will never host the US military, it is tacitly bonding with the US as a hedge against China. Yet Vietnam does not have a mutual defense treaty with the US, so it is vulnerable to Chinese military aggression over time. Indonesia distances itself from China. Rising security tensions are also forcing Indonesia to change its strategy toward China. Indonesia lacks experience in naval warfare and is not a claimant in the territorial disputes in the South China Sea. It is reluctant to take sides due to its traditionally non-aligned diplomatic status, its military culture of prioritizing internal stability (which is hard to maintain across thousands of islands), and China’s investment in its economy. However, China is encroaching on Indonesia’s exclusive economic zone and Indonesia has signaled its displeasure through diplomatic snubs and high-profile infrastructure contracts. Indonesia is trying to bulk up its naval and air capabilities, including via arms purchases from the West. Malaysia distances itself from China. Malaysia and the Philippines have the weakest naval forces and both face pressure from China’s navy and coast guard due to maritime-territorial disputes. But while the Philippines gets help from the US and its allies and partners, Malaysia has no such allies. Traditionally it was non-aligned. Instead it utilizes economic statecraft, as it has often done against more powerful countries. It recently paused Chinese economic projects in the country to conduct reviews and chose Ericsson over Huawei to build the 5G network. Ongoing maritime and energy disputes will motivate defense spending. The Philippines preserves alliance with United States. Outgoing President Rodrigo Duterte tried but failed to strengthen ties with China and Russia. Beijing continued to swarm the Philippines’ economic zone with ships and threaten its control of neighboring rocks and reefs. Ultimately Duterte renewed his country’s Visiting Forces Agreement with the US in July 2021. The newly elected President “Bong Bong” Marcos is even less likely to try to pivot away from the US. Instead the Philippines will work with the US to try to deter China. Thailand preserves alliance with United States. Thailand is the most insulated from the South China Sea disputes and often acts as mediator between China and other ASEAN states. However, Thailand is also a formal US defense ally and assisted with logistics during the Korean and Vietnamese wars. While US military aid was suspended after the 2014 military coup, non-military aid from the US continued. The State Department certified Thailand’s return to democracy in 2019, relations were normalized, and the annual Cobra Gold exercise resumed in 2020. The US’s hasty normalization shows Thailand’s importance to its regional strategy. On their own, the ASEAN states cannot counter China – they are simply outgunned (Chart 3). Hence their grand strategy of balancing Chinese trade relations with American security relations. Chart 3Outgunned By China Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines Chart 4Opinion Shifts Against China Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines In recent decades, with the US divided and distracted, they sought to entice China through commercial deals, in hopes that it would reduce its encroachments on the high seas. This strategy failed, as China’s expansion of economic and military influence in the region is driven by China’s own imperatives. Beijing’s lack of transparency about Covid-19 also sowed distrust. As a result, public opinion became more critical of China and defensive of national sovereignty (Chart 4). Southeast Asia will continue trading with China but changing public opinion, the US-China clash, and tensions in the South China Sea will inject greater geopolitical risk into this once peaceful and prosperous region. Military weakness will also lead the ASEAN states to welcome the US, EU, Japan, and Australia into the region as economic and security hedges against China. This trend risks inflaming regional tensions in the short run – and China may not be deterred over the long run, since its encroachments in the region are driven by its own needs and insecurities. Decades of under-investment in defense will result in ASEAN rearmament, which will weigh on fiscal balances and potentially economic competitiveness. Investors should not take the past three decades of peace for granted. Bottom Line: Vietnam (like Taiwan) is in a geopolitical predicament where it could provoke China’s wrath and yet lacks an American security guarantee. The Philippines and Thailand benefit from American security guarantees. Indonesia and Malaysia benefit from distance from China. All of these states will attempt to balance US and China relations – but in the future that means devoting more resources to national security, which will weigh on fiscal budgets and take away funds from human capital development. Waning Globalization Dividend Favors Indonesia And The Philippines All the ASEAN states rely heavily on both the US and China for export markets. This reliance grew as trade recovered in the wake of the global pandemic (Chart 5). Now global trade is slowing down cyclically, while US-China power struggle will weigh on the structural globalization process, penalizing the most trade-dependent ASEAN states relative to their less trade-dependent neighbors. So far US-China economic divorce is redistributing US-China trade in a way that is positive for Southeast Asia. China is rerouting exports through Vietnam, for example, while the US is shifting supply chains to other Asian states (Chart 6). The US will accelerate down this path because it cannot afford substantively to reengage with China’s economy for fear of strengthening the Russo-Chinese bloc. Chart 5Trade Rebounded But Hypo-Globalization Will Force Domestic Reliance Trade Rebounded But Hypo-Globalization Will Force Domestic Reliance Trade Rebounded But Hypo-Globalization Will Force Domestic Reliance ​​​​​ Chart 6ASEAN’s Exports To US Surge Ahead Of China’s ASEAN's Exports To US Surge Ahead Of China's ASEAN's Exports To US Surge Ahead Of China's Hence the US will become more reliant on Southeast Asian exporters. Whatever the US stops buying from China will have to be sourced from other countries, so countries that export a similar basket of goods will benefit from the switch. Comparing the types of goods that China and ASEAN export to the US, Thailand is the closest substitute for China, whereas Malaysia is the farthest (Chart 7). That is not to say that Malaysia will suffer from US-China divorce. It is already ahead of China in exporting high-tech goods to the US, which is the very reason its export profile is so different. In 2020, 58% of Malaysia’s exports to the US are high-tech versus 35% for China’s. At the same time, Southeast Asian exports to China may not grow as fast as expected – cyclically China’s economy may accelerate on the back of current stimulus efforts, but structurally China is pursuing self-sufficiency and import substitution via a range of industrial policies (“Made in China 2025,” “dual circulation,” etc). These policies aim to make Chinese industrials competitive with European, US, Japanese, and Korean industrials. But they will also make China more competitive with medium-tech and fledging high-tech exports from Southeast Asia. Thus while China will keep importing low value products and commodities, such as unrefined ores, from Southeast Asia, imports of high-tech products will be limited due to China’s preference for indigenous producers. US export controls will also interfere with ASEAN’s ability to export high-tech goods to China. (In order to retain their US trade, in the face of Chinese import substitution, ASEAN states will have to comply with US export controls at least partially.) Even the low-to-medium tech goods that China currently imports from Southeast Asia may not grow as fast in the coming years as they have in the past. The ten provinces in China with the lowest GDP per capita exported a total of $129 billion to the world in 2020, whereas China’s imports from the top five ASEAN states amounted to $154 billion USD in 2020 (Chart 8). If Beijing insists on creating a domestic market for its poor provinces’ exports, then Southeast Asian exports to China will suffer. China might do this not only for strategic sufficiency but also to avoid US and western sanctions, which could be imposed for labor, environmental, human rights, or strategic reasons. Chart 7The US Sees Thailand And Vietnam As Substitutes For China Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines ​​​​​​ Chart 8China Threatens ASEAN With Import Substitution Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines ​​​​​​ Chart 9Trade Rebound Increased Exposure To US, China Trade Rebound Increased Exposure To US, China Trade Rebound Increased Exposure To US, China China, unlike the US during the 1990s and 2000s, cannot afford to open up its doors and become a ravenous consumer and importer of all Asia’s goods. This would be a way to buy influence in the region, as the US has done in Latin America. But China still has significant domestic development left to do. This development must be done for the sake of jobs and income – otherwise the Communist Party will face sociopolitical upheaval. Malaysia, Vietnam, and Thailand are the most vulnerable to China’s dual circulation strategy because of their sizeable exports to China, which stand at 12%, 15% and 7.6% of GDP respectively (Chart 9). Even though the Southeast Asian states have formed into a common market, and have joined major new trade blocs such as the CPTPP and RCEP, they will not see unfettered liberalization within these agreements – and they will not be drawn exclusively into China’s orbit. Instead they will face a China that wishes to expand export market share while substituting away from imports. The US and India, which are not part of these new trade blocs, will still increase their trade with ASEAN, as they will seek to substitute ASEAN for China, and ASEAN will be forced to substitute them for China. Thus globalization will weaken into regionalization and will not provide as positive of a force for Southeast Asia as it did over the 1980s-2000s. Going forward, the new paradigm of Hypo-Globalization will weigh on trade-dependent countries like Malaysia, Vietnam, and Thailand relative to their neighbors. Within this cohort, Malaysia and the Philippines will benefit from selling high-tech goods to the US, while Thailand and Vietnam will benefit from selling low- and mid-tech goods. China will remain a huge and critical market for ASEAN states but its autarkic policies will drive them to pursue other markets. Those with large and growing domestic markets, like Indonesia and the Philippines, will weather hypo-globalization better than their neighbors. Vietnam, Malaysia, and Thailand are all extremely dependent on foreign trade and hence vulnerable if international trade linkages weaken. Bottom Line: Global trade is likely to slow on a cyclical basis. Structurally, Hypo-Globalization is the new paradigm and will remove a tailwind that super-charged Southeast Asian development over the past several decades. Indonesia and the Philippines stand to suffer least and benefit most. Potential Growth Dividend Favors The Philippines And Vietnam Countries that can generate endogenous growth will perform the best under hypo-globalization. Indonesia, the Philippines, and Vietnam have the largest populations within ASEAN. But we must also take into account population growth, which contributes directly to potential GDP growth. A domestic market grows through population growth and/or income growth. For example, China benefitted from its growing population but now must switch to income generation as its population growth is stagnating. In Southeast Asia, the Philippines, Malaysia, and Indonesia have the highest population growth, while Thailand has the lowest. Thai population growth is even weak compared to China. The total fertility rate reinforces this trend – it is highest in Philippines but lowest in Thailand (Chart 10). A population that is too young or too old needs significant support that diverts resources away from the most productive age group. Philippines and Indonesia have the lowest median age, while Thailand has the highest. The youth of Indonesia and Philippines will come of age in the next decade, augmenting labor force and potential GDP growth. By contrast, Vietnam and especially Thailand, like China, will be weighed down by a shrinking labor force in the coming decade (Chart 11). Chart 10Fertility Rates Robust In ASEAN Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines ​​​​​​ Chart 11Falling Support Ratio Weighs On Thailand, Vietnam Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines Southeast Asia: Favor The Philippines ​​​​​​ Hence Indonesia and Philippines will prosper while Thailand, and to some extent Vietnam, lack the ability to diversify away from trade through domestic market growth. Malaysia sits in the middle: it is trade dependent and has the smallest population, but it has a young and growing population, and its labor force is still growing. Yet falling population growth is not a disaster if productivity and income growth are high. Productivity trends often contrast with population trends: Indonesia had the weakest productivity growth despite having a large, young, and growing population, while Vietnam had the strongest growth, despite a population slowdown. In fact Vietnam has the strongest productivity growth in Southeast Asia, at a 5-year, pre-pandemic average of 6.3%, followed by the Philippines (Chart 12A). By comparison China’s productivity growth averaged between 3%-6.6%, depending on the data source. Chart 12AProductivity And Potential GDP Productivity And Potential GDP Productivity And Potential GDP ​​​​​​ Chart 12BProductivity And Potential GDP Productivity And Potential GDP Productivity And Potential GDP ​​​​​​ Chart 13Capital Formation Favors Philippines Capital Formation Favors Philippines Capital Formation Favors Philippines Productivity growth adds to labor force growth to form potential GDP. In 2019, Philippines had the highest potential GDP growth at 6.9%, followed by the Vietnam at 6.8%, Indonesia at 5.6%, Malaysia at 3.9% and Thailand at 2.3%. In comparison China’s potential GDP growth was 3.6%-5.9%, again depending on data. Thailand is undoubtedly the weakest from both a population and productivity standpoint, while the Philippines has strength in both (Chart 12B). Countries invest in their economies to increase productivity. In 2019, Vietnam recorded the highest growth in grossed fixed capital formation at around 10.6%, followed by Indonesia at 6.9%, Philippines at 6.3%, and Thailand at 2.2%. Gross fixed capital formation has rebounded from the contractions countries suffered during the pandemic lockdowns in 2020 (Chart 13). Bottom Line: The Philippines has strong potential GDP growth, but Indonesia is not far behind as it invests in its economy. Vietnam has the highest investment and productivity growth, but its demographic dividend is waning. Malaysia is slightly better than Thailand because it has a growing population, but it has stopped investing and it is as trade dependent as Thailand. Thailand is weak on all accounts: it is trade dependent, has a shrinking population, and has a low potential GDP growth. Investment Takeaways Bringing it all together, ASEAN is witnessing the erosion of key dividends (peace, globalization, and demographics). Yet it offers attractive investment opportunities on a relative basis, given the permanent step up in geopolitical risk premiums for other major emerging markets like Russia, eastern Europe, China, and (soon) the Gulf Arab states (Charts 14A & 14B). Indeed the long under-performance of ASEAN stocks as a bloc, relative to global stocks, has recently reversed. As investors recognize China’s historic confluence of internal and external risks, they increasingly turn to ASEAN despite its flaws. Chart 14AASEAN Will Continue To Outperform China ASEAN Will Continue To Outperform China ASEAN Will Continue To Outperform China The US and China will use rewards and punishments to try to win over ASEAN states as strategic and economic partners. Those that have a US security guarantee, or are most distant from potential conflict, will see a lower geopolitical risk premium. Chart 14BASEAN Will Continue To Outperform China ASEAN Will Continue To Outperform China ASEAN Will Continue To Outperform China ​​​​​​ Chart 15Favor The Philippines Favor The Philippines Favor The Philippines The Philippines is the most attractive Southeast Asian market based on our criteria: it has an American security guarantee, domestic-oriented growth, and high productivity. Populism in the Philippines has come with productivity improvements and yet has not overthrown the US alliance. Philippine equities can outperform their emerging market peers (Chart 15). Indonesia is the second most attractive – it does not have direct territorial disputes with China, maintains defense ties with the West, is not excessively trade reliant, and keeps up decent productivity growth. It is vulnerable to nationalism and populism but its democracy is effective overall and the regime has maintained general political stability after near-dissolution in 1998. Thailand is geopolitically secure but lacking in potential growth. Vietnam has high potential growth but is geopolitically insecure over the long run. Investors should only pursue tactical investments in these markets. We maintain our long-term favorable view of Malaysia, although it is trade dependent and productivity has weakened. In future reports we will examine ASEAN markets in greater depth and with closer consideration of their domestic political risks.   Jesse Anak Kuri Associate Editor Jesse.Kuri@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken Chief Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com   Strategic Themes Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Regional Geopolitical Risk Matrix

Executive Summary More Chinese Households Intend To Save Than To Invest More Households Intend To Save Than To Invest More Households Intend To Save Than To Invest The Politburo meeting last Friday signaled that China is determined to achieve the 5.5% annual growth target set earlier this year. Policymakers vowed to accelerate the implementation of existing pro-growth measures and hinted that they may scale up stimulus due to domestic challenges and external uncertainties. However, Chinese policymakers are facing an “impossible trinity” of eliminating domestic COVID cases and avoiding an overshoot as they stimulate the economy, while trying to achieve a high rate of economic expansion. The Politburo did not mention any plans to boost income and consumption via direct fiscal transfers to households, a sector that has been a weak link in China’s economy in the past two years. China’s consumption growth and demand for housing will not recover any time soon without meaningful aids to shore up household income.  Bottom Line: Policy stimulus measures announced so far fall short of what is required to lift the economy. Given constraints on household consumption and the property market, China’s economic growth is set to underwhelm and Chinese stock prices will underperform their global counterparts.     China’s top leaders have pledged to provide more support to the economy. The Politburo meeting last week indicated that the 5.5% growth target set for 2022 will be maintained and stimulus measures will be accelerated. Chinese stocks in both on- and offshore markets rebounded sharply following the positive rhetoric. Related Report  Emerging Markets StrategyA Whiff Of Stagflation? In our view, however, Chinese authorities are facing an “impossible trinity” as they simultaneously attempt to achieve three goals: (1) pursuing a dynamic zero-Covid policy, (2) delivering decent economic growth, and (3) not resorting to “irrigation-style” massive stimulus. The pro-growth measures announced last week by the government lack the needed elements to generate a quick and strong rebound in the economy, particularly in the household and property sectors. Hence, the rebound in Chinese stock prices will unlikely progress into a cyclical rally (over a 6- to 12-month time span). We maintain our neutral allocation in Chinese onshore stocks and an underweight stance on the MSCI China Index, within a global portfolio. An “Impossible Trinity” The messages from the Politburo meeting highlight policymakers’ determination to shore up the economy. However, the authorities are not backing away from the zero-COVID policy, which is taking a heavy toll as cities are forced into lockdown to contain outbreaks. In addition, the Politburo reiterated the housing policy principle that “housing is for living, not for speculation” and did not mention concrete measures to boost household consumption. Thus, the biggest challenge for China to achieve its growth target this year is how to normalize economic activity without resorting to another round of “irrigation-style” stimulus while keeping domestic COVID cases at bay. In an environment of frequent lockdowns, monetary and fiscal easing have limited effect as the private and household sectors are averse to taking risks. China’s zero-COVID policy comes with hefty economic costs. April’s PMI showed sharp declines in a wide range of business activities due to the prolonged lockdown in Shanghai and several other cities (Chart 1). The new orders, new export orders, and imports subindexes in the manufacturing PMI and services PMI, all fell to their lowest levels since Q1 2020 when COVID first hit China (Chart 2). Chart 1April PMIs Show Widespread Declines In Business Activities April PMIs Show Widespread Declines In Business Activities April PMIs Show Widespread Declines In Business Activities ​​​​​​ Chart 2PMI Subindexes Fell To Lowest Levels Since Q1 2020 PMI Subindexes Fell To Lowest Levels Since Q1 2020 PMI Subindexes Fell To Lowest Levels Since Q1 2020 Going forward, even if China manages to avoid a Shanghai-style month-long lockdown, the dynamic zero-COVID policy will have devastating ramifications on the economy. Notably, March economic data from the city of Shenzhen, China’s technology center, suggests that even a week-long lockdown has had large impact on the local economic activity. Chart 3Severe Economic Disruptions In Shenzhen Due To A Week-Long City Lockdown Severe Economic Disruptions In Shenzhen Due To A Week-Long City Lockdown Severe Economic Disruptions In Shenzhen Due To A Week-Long City Lockdown In contrast with the extensive outbreak in Shanghai, Shenzhen was able to contain its COVID cases at an early stage and endured a citywide lockdown for only one week in mid-March. However, Shenzhen’s export growth contracted by 12.8% year-on-year (YoY) in March, a stark contrast from the 14.7%YoY increase in exports on a national level. The city’s imports fell by 11.9%YoY, also significantly lower than China’s total import growth, which was flat (Chart 3). Retail sales of consumer goods in Shenzhen shrank by 1.6%YoY in March and home sales plummeted by a stunning 90%YoY during the week of March 13-20. On the national level, the Politburo has called for an acceleration in infrastructure investment through frontloading local government special purpose bonds (SPB) and fast-tracking infrastructure project approvals. However, the lack of details has created questions regarding the magnitude of incremental stimulus, or whether the stepped-up policy effort will involve an increase in SPB or a general bond quota for local governments. Chart 4Construction Activity Started Softening In March, Before Shanghai Lockdown Construction Activity Started Softening In March, Before Shanghai Lockdown Construction Activity Started Softening In March, Before Shanghai Lockdown The stringent COVID containment methods will also undermine the effectiveness of China’s pro-growth measures. As expected, China’s construction activity PMI tumbled in April amid the lockdowns, but the new orders and business expectations components in the construction PMI had already started to slide in March (Chart 4, top and middle panels). Moreover, employment in the labor-intensive construction sector also declined substantially in March and April (Chart 4, bottom panel). The deterioration in these indicators is consistent with our view that even short and less draconian lockdowns spark considerable disruptions in business activities. Bottom Line: There is a low likelihood that China will deviate from its existing zero-COVID policy for the rest of this year. As such, boosting the economy via stimulus will be challenging due to frequent interruptions to economic activities. No Bazooka For Consumers China’s household consumption, which accounts for about 40% of the country’s aggregate demand, has been a weak link in the economy during the past two years. Last week’s Politburo meeting pledged to stabilize employment, create new jobs and encourage hiring from small and medium enterprises (SMEs). However, there was no mention of any large-scale fiscal transfer to households via cash or subsidy payments, which suggests that pro-consumer measures are not in the stimulus package. Chart 5Retail Sales In China Have Been The Weak Link In The Economy In The Current Cycle Retail Sales In China Have Been The Weak Link In The Economy In The Current Cycle Retail Sales In China Have Been The Weak Link In The Economy In The Current Cycle China’s retail sales growth has been muted in the current business cycle, a deviation from past economic recoveries when a revival in the general economy and moderate pro-consumption stimulus helped to lift household spending growth substantially above the rate of nominal GDP expansion (Chart 5). Since the pandemic, however, government stimulus to the household sector has been insufficient to revive consumption, due to the negative impact lockdowns have on both labor market demand and the service sector activities. Compared with the US and Europe, China’s fiscal transfer to the household sector has been very limited since the first wave of COVID in early 2020 (Chart 6). Local governments handed out vouchers in Q2 2020 aimed at boosting consumption, but the amounts were dismal and have had a minimal effect on the sector. Chart 6IMF Fiscal Monitor Database: Fiscal Response To The COVID-19 Pandemic China’s Trilemma China’s Trilemma Presently the RMB value in direct payments to the household sector is even smaller: some cities including Shenzhen distributed consumption vouchers ahead of the May holiday week. Nonetheless, the total value of consumption vouchers this year is estimated at around RMB 2billion. The amount, even with a multiplier effect of 3 on consumption, will be less than 0.1% of China’s monthly retail sales in nominal value. Hence, the coupons are unlikely to make any significant difference to the aggregate household spending. Bottom Line: Household consumption will be severely curtailed as lockdowns wreak havoc on the economy and household income, and the government so far has not provided meaningful direct transfers to the public. Rebound In Housing Demand Doubtful The Politburo encouraged local governments to further relax local housing policies, such as lowering mortgage rates and down payment ratios, and easing restrictions on home sales and purchases. However, we do not expect that these policies alone will restore homebuyers’ confidence amid short-term factors such as COVID outbreaks/lockdowns, and longer-term factors like slowing household income growth, high household debt and poor demographics (Chart 7A and 7B). Chart 7AProperty Market Is Challenged By Slower Household Income Growth, High Household Income Debt And Poor Demographics Property Market Is Challenged By Slower Household Income Growth, High Household Income Debt And Poor Demographics Property Market Is Challenged By Slower Household Income Growth, High Household Income Debt And Poor Demographics Chart 7BProperty Market Is Challenged By Slower Household Income Growth, High Household Income Debt And Poor Demographics Property Market Is Challenged By Slower Household Income Growth, High Household Income Debt And Poor Demographics Property Market Is Challenged By Slower Household Income Growth, High Household Income Debt And Poor Demographics China’s household sector was struggling prior to recent lockdowns. The growth rate of national disposable income per capita slowed by more than two percentage points (in nominal terms) in Q1 this year compared with Q4 2019 (Chart 7A, top panel). In addition, the PBoC’s quarterly urban depositor survey (released before the Shanghai lockdown) in Q1 showed subdued confidence in future household income (Chart 8). Households’ willingness to save hit a record high and is even more elevated than in early 2020; on the other hand, the propensity to invest has dropped to a multi-year low (Chart 9).  Chart 8Chinese Households' Subdued Confidence In Future Income Chinese Households' Subdued Confidence In Future Income Chinese Households' Subdued Confidence In Future Income Chart 9More Households Intend To Save Than To Invest More Households Intend To Save Than To Invest More Households Intend To Save Than To Invest Chart 10Chinese Households' Declining Appetite For Purchasing Real Estate Assets Chinese Households' Declining Appetite For Purchasing Real Estate Assets Chinese Households' Declining Appetite For Purchasing Real Estate Assets Despite lower interest rates and easier monetary conditions, Chinese consumers’ medium- to long-term loans continued to trend down in Q1, which indicates a declining appetite for purchasing real estate assets and durable goods (Chart 10). COVID-related restrictions have exacerbated matters and weighed heavily on the demand for housing. Home sales from 30 Chinese cities were down by 56% in April from a year ago (Chart 11). House prices have started to deflate in tier-3 cities. Deflation will likely spread to tier-1 and -2 cities due to a pandemic-driven decline in income and confidence. ​​​Furthermore, the unemployment rate has picked up, especially among younger workers (Chart 12). Job and income dynamics normally improve after the overall economic cycle bottoms. Therefore, without any measures to boost household income, the demand for housing will remain a drag on the economy in the near term.   Chart 11Home Sales Worsened In April Amid COVID Flareups In Major Cities Home Sales Worsened In April Amid COVID Flareups In Major Cities Home Sales Worsened In April Amid COVID Flareups In Major Cities Chart 12Labor Market Dynamics Deteriorated Rapidly Labor Market Dynamics Deteriorated Rapidly Labor Market Dynamics Deteriorated Rapidly Bottom Line: The real estate market has been vital to business cycle recoveries in China since 2009. However, the property market will not recover anytime soon without a substantial boost to household income and a normalization in social and economic activities. Investment Conclusions The policy rhetoric from the Politburo meeting helped to shore up market confidence last Friday. Nevertheless, we do not think that the stimulus measures will be sufficient to produce a rapid business cycle recovery or a sustainable stock market rally (Chart 13A and 13B). Chart 13AIt Is Too Early To Call A Bottoming In Chinese Stocks It Is Too Early To Call A Bottoming In Chinese Stocks It Is Too Early To Call A Bottoming In Chinese Stocks Chart 13BIt Is Too Early To Call A Bottoming In Chinese Stocks It Is Too Early To Call A Bottoming In Chinese Stocks It Is Too Early To Call A Bottoming In Chinese Stocks Given the negative forces from rolling lockdowns and shrinking demand, China’s economy requires a massive government stimulus via direct transfers to households and SMEs. Yet, Beijing is neither ready to abandon its dynamic zero-Covid policy nor provide “irrigation-type” stimulus, especially for households and the property market. The policy stimulus measures announced so far still fall short of what is required to lift the economy. In light of the constraints on household consumption and the property market, economic growth in China is set to underwhelm and stock prices will likely underperform their global counterparts. Jing Sima China Strategist jings@bcaresearch.com Strategic Themes Cyclical Recommendations

Executive Summary Economic Growth in Q2 Will Be Much Softer Economic Growth In Q2 Will Be Much Softer Economic Growth In Q2 Will Be Much Softer China’s GDP headline growth in Q1 was better than consensus, but it does not capture the full economic impact of ongoing city lockdowns. Other than infrastructure investment, business activity data from March shows a broad-based slowing in growth momentum. Manufacturing investment decelerated, while both real estate investment and retail sales contracted from a year ago. Exports in value terms continued to grow rapidly through March. However, the resilient rate of expansion is unsustainable given a weakening global manufacturing cycle and softening external demand for goods. China’s domestic supply-chain disruptions will also weigh on its export sector’s activity. Home sales contracted sharply in the first three weeks of April, particularly in larger cities. The lockdowns, coupled with poor funding dynamics among real estate developers, suggest that the real estate sector will remain a huge drag on China’s economy this year. Bottom Line: Even though business activities will resume after the lockdown restrictions are lifted, we do not expect China’s economy to rebound quickly and strongly as it did in 2H20. From a cyclical perspective, we continue to recommend a neutral allocation to Chinese onshore stocks in a global portfolio.   A slew of economic data released during the past two weeks suggests that the negative effects from the COVID-induced lockdowns in China’s largest and most prosperous cities are starting to emerge. The closings, which will likely continue through the end of April, are causing disruptions in both production and demand just as the economy was already in a business downcycle. Other than infrastructure spending, business activity data from March illustrates a broad-based slowing in growth momentum. The longer-term impact of the citywide shutdowns is still to come. Related Report  China Investment StrategyThe Cost Of China’s Zero-COVID Strategy The economic benefits of Beijing’s enhanced stimulus measures will be delayed to 2H22 at the earliest. Moreover, as we discussed in our last week’s report, the post-lockdown recovery in the second half of this year will be much more muted than in H2 2020 . The external environment is less reflationary than in 2H20; China’s domestic demand and sentiment among corporates and households were already declining prior to the latest lockdowns. The deteriorating economic outlook will continue to depress the absolute performance of Chinese onshore stocks in the coming months (Chart 1). Furthermore, against a backdrop of rising US Treasury yields, the interest rate differentials between China and US have become negative for the first time in a decade. A yield disadvantage, coupled with risk-averse sentiment across global financial markets, has discouraged portfolio flows into China. We expect foreign investment outflows to continue in the near term before China’s economy stabilizes sometime in 2H22 (Chart 2). Chart 1Deteriorating Domestic Economic Fundamentals Are The Main Risk To Chinese Onshore Stocks... Deteriorating Domestic Economic Fundamentals Are The Main Risk To Chinese Onshore Stocks... Deteriorating Domestic Economic Fundamentals Are The Main Risk To Chinese Onshore Stocks... Chart 2...And Have Triggered Substantial Foreign Investment Outflows ...And Have Triggered Substantial Foreign Investment Outflows ...And Have Triggered Substantial Foreign Investment Outflows From a cyclical perspective, we maintain our neutral position on Chinese onshore stocks in a global portfolio. Qingyun Xu, CFA Associate Editor qingyunx@bcaresearch.com China’s Credit Conditions: Amble Supply Versus Lack Of Demand Although broad credit growth accelerated in March from the previous month, the improvement mainly reflects a sharp increase in local government bond issuance. Bank loan growth on a year-over-year basis has not improved yet. Loan demand for infrastructure investments escalated, supported by front-loaded fiscal supports in Q1 (Chart 3). However, private-sector credit demand remains very weak. The acceleration in the credit impulse –calculated as a 12-month difference in the annual change in credit as a percentage of nominal GDP –is much more muted when excluding local government bond issuance (Chart 4). Chart 3Infrastructure-Related Bank Loans And Investments Picked Up Sharply In Q1 Infrastructure-Related Bank Loans And Investments Picked Up Sharply In Q1 Infrastructure-Related Bank Loans And Investments Picked Up Sharply In Q1 Chart 4The Rebound In Credit Impulse Is Much More Muted When Excluding Local Government Bond Issuance The Rebound In Credit Impulse Is Much More Muted When Excluding Local Government Bond Issuance The Rebound In Credit Impulse Is Much More Muted When Excluding Local Government Bond Issuance Sentiment among the corporate and household sectors has plunged to a multi-year low, following two years of stringent COVID-containment measures and last year’s regulatory clampdowns (Chart 5). Furthermore, the corporate sector’s propensity to invest weakened sharply in Q1, despite much looser monetary conditions (Chart 6). A worsening private sector’s sentiment suggests that demand for credit is unlikely to pick up imminently. Chart 5Private-Sector Demand For Credit Remains in The Doldrums... Private-Sector Demand For Credit Remains in The Doldrums... Private-Sector Demand For Credit Remains in The Doldrums... Chart 6...And Unlikely To Turn Around Imminently Despite Accommodative Monetary Conditions ...And Unlikely To Turn Around Imminently Despite Accommodative Monetary Conditions ...And Unlikely To Turn Around Imminently Despite Accommodative Monetary Conditions Chart 7Significant Foreign Investment Outflows In China's Onshore Bond Market Significant Foreign Investment Outflows In China's Onshore Bond Market Significant Foreign Investment Outflows In China's Onshore Bond Market The PBoC announced a 25bps cut in its reserve requirement ratio (RRR) rate on April 15, but has kept its policy rate unchanged. The move was below the market’s expectation of a 50bps RRR cut and/or a policy rate cut. While we still expect that the PBoC will trim the loan prime rate (LPR) in Q2, the recent acceleration in the RMB’s devaluation may make the central bank more cautious in reducing rates and further diverging from the hawkish US Fed and other major central banks  (Chart 7). China GDP: Above-Expectation Growth In Q1, Mounting Concerns In Q2 China’s year-over-year GDP growth in Q1 accelerated to 4.8% from 4.0% in Q4 last year, beating the market expectation of a 4.2% increase. The Q1 growth was mainly supported by strong infrastructure investments and exports (Chart 8). On a sequential basis, however, seasonally adjusted GDP growth in Q1 was 1.3% (non-annualized), slower than Q4’s reading of 1.6% and below its historical mean (Chart 9). Meanwhile, private- sector investment and household consumption remain subdued and activity in the housing sector worsened. Chart 8Economic Growth In Q1 Was Underpinned By Infrastructure Investments And Exports Economic Growth In Q1 Was Underpinned By Infrastructure Investments And Exports Economic Growth In Q1 Was Underpinned By Infrastructure Investments And Exports Chart 9Q1 GDP Growth On A Sequential Basis Is Below Its Historical Mean Q1 GDP Growth On A Sequential Basis Is Below Its Historical Mean Q1 GDP Growth On A Sequential Basis Is Below Its Historical Mean The negative effect from broadening city-wide lockdowns and more supply-chain disruptions in Shanghai and surrounding cities in the Yangtze River Delta region will be much larger in Q2 than in Q1. We expect that year-over-year GDP growth in Q2 will drop well below 4%, sharply down from the 4.8% growth recorded in Q1. Furthermore, the aggregate economic impact from the lockdowns could reduce China’s real GDP growth in 2022 by 1ppt, which poses substantial risks to the country’s 5.5% annual growth target for this year. Exports Growth Set To Decelerate Although the growth of exports in value terms remained resilient in March, China’s exports will be challenged this year by the softening global demand for goods and domestic COVID-induced disruptions in the supply chain. A recent PBoC survey of 5,000 industrial enterprises shows that overseas orders dived sharply (Chart 10). In addition, global cyclical stocks have underperformed defensives. The underperformance has historically been a good leading indicator of a global manufacturing downturn, which will likely lead to a decline in demand for Chinese exports (Chart 11). The weakening external demand is also reflected in softening US demand and falling personal consumption expenditures on goods ex-autos (Chart 12).   Chart 10Overseas Orders For Chinese Industrial Enterprises Dived Sharply Overseas Orders For Chinese Industrial Enterprises Dived Sharply Overseas Orders For Chinese Industrial Enterprises Dived Sharply Chart 11Global Equity Sector Performance Points To A Relapse In Global Manufacturing Global Equity Sector Performance Points To A Relapse In Global Manufacturing Global Equity Sector Performance Points To A Relapse In Global Manufacturing Furthermore, China’s imports for processing trade, which historically has been highly correlated with China’s total exports growth, decelerated sharply in March. The drop heralds a slowdown in the growth of Chinese exports in the coming months (Chart 13). Chart 12External Demand For Chinese Export Goods Will Likely Dwindle External Demand For Chinese Export Goods Will Likely Dwindle External Demand For Chinese Export Goods Will Likely Dwindle Chart 13Slowing Processing Imports Point To A Deceleration In Chinese Export Growth Slowing Processing Imports Point To A Deceleration In Chinese Export Growth Slowing Processing Imports Point To A Deceleration In Chinese Export Growth   Port congestions and supply-chain disruptions worsened in April after the Shanghai lockdown began on March 28. COVID-related supply-chain disruptions in China’s key ocean ports and reduced shipping volumes will curtail activity of the country’s export sector in the short term. Real Estate Sector Will Remain A Drag On China’s Economy March’s data reflects a broad-based deterioration in housing market activities (Chart 14). The growth in real estate investment rolled over, and all floor space indicators contracted further in March. Moreover, households’ sentiment in the property market remains lackluster (Chart 15). Funding among real estate developers has plummeted to an all-time low, which will continue to dampen housing construction activities (Chart 16). Chart 14A Broad-based Deterioration In Housing Market Indicators In March A Broad-based Deterioration In Housing Market Indicators In March A Broad-based Deterioration In Housing Market Indicators In March Chart 15Housing Market Sentiment Shows Little Signs Of Revival Housing Market Sentiment Shows Little Signs Of Revival Housing Market Sentiment Shows Little Signs Of Revival Chart 16Housing Construction Activities Are Set To Slow Further Housing Construction Activities Are Set To Slow Further Housing Construction Activities Are Set To Slow Further Chart 17Home Sales Worsened In April Amid COVID Flareups In Major Cities Home Sales Worsened In April Amid COVID Flareups In Major Cities Home Sales Worsened In April Amid COVID Flareups In Major Cities The March housing transaction data only captures some early indications from the recent round of lockdowns. The negative upshot on home sales will be greater in April. Figures for high-frequency floor space sold show a substantial weakening in home sales, particularly in tier-one and tier-two cities, through the first three weeks of April (Chart 17). The shrinkage in home sales will likely continue through Q2 and poses a significant risk for property investment and construction activities in H2. Regional governments are allowed to initiate their own housing policies, therefore, an increasing number of regional cities have slashed mortgage rates and/or down payment thresholds (Chart 18). However, the easing measures have failed to shore up demand for housing. In addition, pledged supplementary lending, which the government used to monetize massively excess inventories in the 2015/16 market, resumed its downtrend in March after a short-lived rebound earlier this year (Chart 19). Chart 18More Regional Cities Have Eased Local Housing Policies Expect A Much Weaker Economy In Q2 Expect A Much Weaker Economy In Q2 Chart 19PSL Injections Resumed Downward Trend In March PSL Injections Resumed Downward Trend In March PSL Injections Resumed Downward Trend In March Subdued Domestic Demand And Household Consumption Chart 20Strong Pickup In Infrastructure Investment Growth Failed To Offset The Deceleration In Manufacturing And Real Estate Investments Strong Pickup In Infrastructure Investment Growth Failed To Offset The Deceleration In Manufacturing And Real Estate Investments Strong Pickup In Infrastructure Investment Growth Failed To Offset The Deceleration In Manufacturing And Real Estate Investments China’s domestic demand remained weak in March and will likely worsen in the next few months when more negative fallout from the recent lockdowns spill over to the aggregate economy.   Infrastructure investments picked up strongly in March. However, robust infrastructure investments were insufficient to fully offset the weakness in capital spending in the real estate and manufacturing sectors (Chart 20). The sluggish housing market and a deceleration in exports growth will likely slow China’s capital spending further in Q2. Growth in China’s imports in value terms contracted slightly in March; this was the first time since September 2020. Meanwhile, import growth in volume terms contracted sharply amid weak domestic demand and the early effects of supply-chain disruptions (Chart 21). Moreover, imports of major commodities in volume shrank deeper in March (Chart 22).  Chart 21Chinese Imports Value Growth Fell Into Contraction In March Chinese Imports Value Growth Fell Into Contraction In March Chinese Imports Value Growth Fell Into Contraction In March Chart 22The Volume Of China's Key Commodity Imports Contracted Further In March The Volume Of China's Key Commodity Imports Contracted Further In March The Volume Of China's Key Commodity Imports Contracted Further In March Household consumption has been a laggard in China’s economy in the past two years and the wave of city lockdowns are taking a heavy toll on consumption. Retail sales growth contracted in March, for the first time since August 2020 (Chart 23). Notably, online sales of goods also slowed to a multi-year low, highlighting not only subdued demand but also COVID-related logistic interruptions. Chart 23Retail Sales Growth Slipped Below Zero Retail Sales Growth Slipped Below Zero Retail Sales Growth Slipped Below Zero Chart 24Tame Core And Service CPIs Also Reflect Sluggish Household Demand Tame Core And Service CPIs Also Reflect Sluggish Household Demand Tame Core And Service CPIs Also Reflect Sluggish Household Demand Weakening core and service CPI readings also reflect a lackluster demand from consumers (Chart 24). We expect that the ongoing lockdowns will continue to weigh on service sector activity and household consumption, at least for the next couple of months (Chart 25). In addition, labor market dynamics are worsening rapidly and the nationwide urban unemployment rate rose to its highest level since mid-2020. The employment situation will also curb household consumption in the medium-term (Chart 26). Chart 26Labor Market Situation Is Deteriorating Sharply Labor Market Situation Is Deteriorating Sharply Labor Market Situation Is Deteriorating Sharply Chart 25Surging COVID Cases And Stringent Countermeasures Will Continue To Curb Service Sector Activities Surging COVID Cases And Stringent Countermeasures Will Continue To Curb Service Sector Activities Surging COVID Cases And Stringent Countermeasures Will Continue To Curb Service Sector Activities Table 1China Macro Data Summary Expect A Much Weaker Economy In Q2 Expect A Much Weaker Economy In Q2 Table 2China Financial Market Performance Summary Expect A Much Weaker Economy In Q2 Expect A Much Weaker Economy In Q2   Footnotes Strategic Themes Cyclical Recommendations

Listen to a short summary of this report.     Dear Client, In lieu of our weekly report next week, I will be hosting a webcast on Tuesday with my colleague Mathieu Savary, Chief European Strategist, on the implications of stagflation on European assets and global FX markets. I look forward to answering any questions you might have. Kind regards, Chester Executive Summary The Yen And Interest Rates The Yen And Interest Rates The Yen And Interest Rates The Japanese yen is in liquidation. The historical evidence suggests waiting for an exhaustion in selling pressure, before placing fresh bets. This exhaustion is likely to occur once global bond yields stabilize (Feature chart), and energy price inflation abates. A move lower in these two key variables would catalyze an explosive rebound in the yen, on the back of very cheap valuations and a large net short speculative position. The Bank of Japan will not meaningfully pivot soon. The reason is that downside risks to the Japanese economy supersede the risk of an inflation overshoot. What Japan needs is stronger fiscal spending, that would offset deficient domestic demand. That said, Japan is also one of the best candidates for generating non-inflationary growth, a bullish backdrop for the currency. Our 2022 target for the yen is 110. Our sense is that most of the downside risks are well understood by markets, while upside surprises are much underappreciated. RECOMMENDATIONS INCEPTION LEVEL inception date RETURN Short chf/JPY 135 2022-04-21 - Bottom Line: The yen has undershot. According to our in-house PPP models, the Japanese currency is undervalued by 35%. Historically, an investor buying the yen at such undervalued levels has made 6% per year over the subsequent 5 years. Feature The yen’s move in recent weeks has been explosive. Since early March, the yen has collapsed by 11%, pushing USD/JPY from around 115 to a nudge below 130. Over the last year, the yen is down 16%. In retrospect, a chart formation since 1990 suggests this is a classic liquidation phase that is unlikely to reverse until fundamentals shift. The two key drivers of yen weakness have been higher global yields, and elevated energy prices. Chart 1 shows that the yen has been perfectly tracking the US 10-year Treasury yield. Yield curve control (YCC) is leading to a capitulation of both domestic and foreign investors, fleeing from Japanese bonds towards external bond markets. Looking out the curve, investors do not expect the Bank of Japan to lift rates higher than 50 bps until 2028 (Chart 2). Chart 1The Yen And Interest Rates The Yen And Interest Rates The Yen And Interest Rates Chart 2The BoJ Is Expected To Stay Dovish The BoJ Is Expected To Stay Dovish The BoJ Is Expected To Stay Dovish Meanwhile, higher energy costs are also putting selling pressure on the yen as merchants sell JPY to pay for more expensive imports in US dollars.    Is Selling Pressure Exhausted? Chart 3A Technical Profile Of The Japanese Yen A Technical Profile Of The Japanese Yen A Technical Profile Of The Japanese Yen The key question for investors is whether the carnage in the yen is in an apocalyptic phase. The answer depends on the time horizon. Daily traders, reconciling positions every few hours, should continue shorting the yen. Exhaustion in selling pressure is likely to manifest itself through a few technical patterns, most notably, a consolidation phase. Chart 3 suggests that reversals in the yen have tended to pass through a period of indigestion, allowing investors enough time to play on a reversal. We are not there yet.  That said, for longer-term investors, being contrarian could pay off handsomely. The 1-year drawdown in the yen is within the scope of historical capitulation phases (Chart 4). Since JPY became freely floating, selloffs have been around 15%-20% especially during major events (the Asian financial crisis or the manufacturing recession the last decade, for example). The last major selloff was around Abenomics in 2012, a pivotal event. Chart 4The Yen Drawdown Has Matched Previous Capitulation Phases The Yen Drawdown Has Matched Previous Capitulation Phases The Yen Drawdown Has Matched Previous Capitulation Phases Speculators are also very short JPY and sentiment is quite depressed. This is bullish from a contrarian perspective. Low rates in Japan have led to the proliferation of carry trades. While these are likely to persist, the bulk of investors have already jumped on this bandwagon. A stabilization and/or reversal in US Treasury yields could flush out stale shorts in the yen (Chart 5). If, as we expect, the greenback does weaken in the second half of this year, that will also support the yen. Chart 5Sentiment On The Yen Is Very Depressed Sentiment On The Yen Is Very Depressed Sentiment On The Yen Is Very Depressed Japan’s Economic Outlook The yen tends to appreciate when the Japanese economy is exiting a recession (Chart 6). Part of the reason why the yen has been so weak is because economic growth in Japan has been anemic. While the external sector has been benefiting from a global trade boom, the domestic sector has been under siege from the pandemic, until recently. Chart 6The Yen Tends To Rebound When The Japanese Economy Recovers The Yen Tends To Rebound When The Japanese Economy Recovers The Yen Tends To Rebound When The Japanese Economy Recovers It is notable that while goods spending has been picking up around the world, the personal consumption component of GDP in Japan remains 5% below the pre-pandemic trend. Shinkansen passenger volumes are still down 42% this year after an even bigger collapse last year. Inbound tourists, a meaningful source of demand, has collapsed from about 25% of the overall Japanese population before the pandemic to zero today. These dire statistics are likely to reverse. The manufacturing PMI is ticking higher. The number of daily new COVID-19 cases has dramatically rolled over. This will be a welcome fillip to much subdued consumer and business sentiment. 2% Inflation = Mission Impossible? The BoJ is likely to get its wish of 2% inflation in the coming months. However, it will prove fleeting. The overarching theme for Japan is an aging and declining population which has put a lid on consumer prices (Chart 7). This will support real interest rates. Inflation does not tend to accelerate on the island until the output gap is fully closed. That has yet to occur. Meanwhile, the political push to cut mobile phone prices has been a drag on CPI. Mobile phone charges alone have cut around 1.2%-1.5% from the core core measure of Japanese inflation, according to the BoJ. This has been a structural trend. As a result, long-term inflation expectations in Japan remain anchored near 1%, even though the rest of the world is seeing a price boom (Chart 8). The revealed preference is for low/stable prices. Chart 7Demographics Are Weighing On Japanese##br##Inflation Demographics Are Weighing On Japanese Inflation Demographics Are Weighing On Japanese Inflation Chart 8Long-Term Inflation Expectations In Japan Are Rising, But Muted Long-Term Inflation Expectations In Japan Are Rising, But Muted Long-Term Inflation Expectations In Japan Are Rising, But Muted Clearly, the Bank of Japan would like this to change, as it aims for a persistent 2% inflation target. That said, it will be unable to adjust monetary settings aggressively. The BoJ already owns over 50% of Japanese government bonds, and that has made the market very illiquid. As a result, ownership as a share of GDP is nearing attrition (Chart 9). Related Report  Foreign Exchange StrategyThe Yen In 2022 Arguably, the BoJ could widen the target band for yield curve control, while lowering short rates further below zero, but that is unlikely to do much for inflation expectations. It could also expand its 0% bank loan scheme beyond renewable industries, and/or small/medium-sized firms, but the problem in Japan is a lack of demand. The currency remains the sole policy lever for the BoJ. Unfortunately, for a small, open economy, the BoJ has less control over the currency. The Ministry of Finance last intervened to support the currency in 1998 (Chart 10). That helped the yen temporarily, but global factors dictated its longer-term trend. Intervention this time around will not assuage the whale of carry traders. Chart 9The BoJ Has Not Been Aggressively Buying Government Bonds The BoJ Has Not Been Aggressively Buying Government Bonds The BoJ Has Not Been Aggressively Buying Government Bonds Chart 10The MoF Could Soon ##br##Intervene The MoF Could Soon Intervene The MoF Could Soon Intervene A falling yen would allow some pass-through inflation, but this is unlikely to be sticky. The yen needs to fall 10% every year to generate 1% inflation in Japan (Chart 11). Meanwhile, a policy based on depreciating your currency could lead to a crisis of confidence, especially vis-à-vis Japanese trade partners. Our model for core core inflation suggests that all the weakness in the currency will only boost this print to 0.5% in the coming months (Chart 12). Chart 11Currency Weakness Will Only Temporarily Help Boost Inflation Currency Weakness Will Only Temporarily Help Boost Inflation Currency Weakness Will Only Temporarily Help Boost Inflation Chart 12Core CPI Will Not Meaningfully ##br##Recover Core CPI Will Not Meaningfully Recover Core CPI Will Not Meaningfully Recover What Japan needs is more fiscal spending. For a low-growth economy, with ultra-loose monetary settings, the fiscal multiplier tends to be much larger. Putting it all together, real rates are unlikely to fall very much in Japan. This is very positive for the yen in a world with deeply negative real rates. As demand recovers, and the Japanese economy generates non-inflationary growth, the currency should find a solid footing. Why Valuation Matters Chart 13The Yen Is Very Cheap The Yen Is Very Cheap The Yen Is Very Cheap Japan is running a big trade deficit on the back of high energy prices. A cheap currency at least increases Japan’s competitiveness. This is particularly the case since the boom in external demand has been a much welcome cushion for Japanese growth. According to our PPP models, the Japanese yen is the cheapest G10 currency, undervalued by around 35% (Chart 13). Why valuations matter is because an investor who buys the yen today can expect to make 6% a year over the next half decade, based on the historical correlation between valuation and subsequent currency returns (Chart 14). This will especially be the case if Japanese inflation keeps lagging inflation in the US. As we argued at the beginning of this report, US yields will need to stabilize before long yen positions make sense on a tactical basis (Chart 15). Chart 14Valuation Matters For The Japanese Yen Valuation Matters For The Japanese Yen Valuation Matters For The Japanese Yen Chart 15Global Yields Need To Stabilize For The Yen To Bounce Global Yields Need To Stabilize For The Yen To Bounce Global Yields Need To Stabilize For The Yen To Bounce The Yen As A Safe Haven The yen still appears to have the best correlation with a rising VIX (Chart 16). In a world of slowing global growth and the potential for equity market turbulence, this bodes well for long yen positions. That said, the carry on this position will be unbearable especially if the Federal Reserve continues to sound hawkish. The better play on potential yen strength is a short CHF/JPY position. Historically, these currencies have tended to move together. However, more recently, the CHF has risen substantially versus the JPY, suggesting some mean reversion is due (Chart 17). Chart 16The Yen Remains A Good Hedge The Yen Remains A Good Hedge The Yen Remains A Good Hedge Chart 17Go Short CHF/JPY Go Short CHF/JPY Go Short CHF/JPY Strategically, we were stopped out of our short USD/JPY position at 128, initiated at 124. Our 2022 target for the yen is 110. Our sense is that most of the downside risks are well understood by markets, while upside surprises are much underappreciated. Tactically, we will wait for the consolidation phase we outlined earlier in this report, before initiating fresh positions.   Chester Ntonifor Foreign Exchange Strategist chestern@bcaresearch.com Trades & Forecasts Strategic View Cyclical Holdings (6-18 months) Tactical Holdings (0-6 months) Limit Orders Forecast Summary

Executive Summary The Declining Value Of An Old Friendship Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? India may buy cheap oil from Russia, but oil alone cannot expand this partnership. India needs to maintain a balance of power against China and Pakistan. With Russia’s heft set to decline, India will be compelled to explore a configuration with America. India will slowly yet surely move into America’s sphere of influence. Strong geopolitical as well as economic incentives exist for both sides to develop partnership. The US’s grand strategy will continue to collide with that of Russia and China. China will increasingly align with Russia and is doomed to stay entangled in a strategic conflict with India. With India a promising emerging market set to cleave to America, we reiterate our strategic buy call on India. Tactically however we are bearish on India. We also recommend investors go strategically long Indian tech / short Chinese tech. This pair trade is likely to keep rising on a secular basis. Trade Recommendation Inception Date Return LONG INDIAN TECH / CHINESE TECH EQUITIES 2022-04-21   Bottom Line: For reasons of geopolitics as well as macroeconomics, we maintain our constructive view on India and our negative view on China on a strategic time frame. On a tactical timeframe, we remain sellers of India given cyclical political and macro risks. Feature Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has forced all players at the global geopolitical table to show their hand. The one major player at the table who is yet to show her cards is India. Which side India choses matters. Its geopolitical rise is one of the many reasons we live in a brave new multipolar world. India will gain influence in the global economy as a large buyer of oil and guns and as a user of tech platforms and capital. Related Report  Geopolitical StrategyFrom Nixon-Mao To Putin-Xi The situation is complicated by mixed signals. India has played a geopolitically neutral or “non-aligned” role for most of its time since independence in 1947. Those who believe India will stay neutral point to the fact that India has continued buying oil from Russia and has abstained from voting on both anti-Russia and anti-Ukrainian resolutions at the United Nations. Those who predict that India will side with Russia have trouble explaining how India will get along with China, which committed to a “no limits” strategic partnership with Russia prior to the invasion. Those who speculate that India will align with the US have trouble explaining India’s persistent ties with Russia and the Biden administration’s threat of punishment for those who help Russia circumvent US sanctions. In this report we argue that the Indo-Russian friendship is destined to fade over a long-term, strategic horizon. The reason is simple: Russia’s geopolitical power is fading and hence it can no longer help India meet its regional security goals. The growing Russia-China alignment will only alienate India further. Hence, we expect the relationship between India and Russia to be reduced to a transactional status – mainly trade in oil and guns over the next few years, while strategic realities will drive India to tighten relations with the US and its Asian allies. Three geopolitical forces will break down the camaraderie between India and Russia, namely: (1) A collision in the grand strategies of America with that of both China and Russia, (2) India’s need to align with the US to underwrite its own regional security, and (3) China’s rising distrust of India as India aligns with the US and its allies. In fact, we expect China and India to stay embroiled in a strategic conflict over the next few years. Any thaw in their relations will be temporary at best. The rest of this report explains and quantifies these forces. We conclude with actionable investment conclusions. Let’s dive straight in. US Versus China-Russia: A Grand Strategy Collision “For the enemy is the communist system itself – implacable, insatiable, unceasing in its drive for world domination … For this is not a struggle for supremacy of arms alone – it is also a struggle for supremacy between two conflicting ideologies: freedom under God versus ruthless, Godless tyranny. “ – John F. Kennedy, Remarks at Mormon Tabernacle, Utah (September 1960) Chart 1China’s Is An Export-Powered Economic Heavyweight Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? It’s been six decades since these words were spoken and today the quotation is more relevant than at any time since the Cold War ended in 1991. The excerpt captures how the Biden administration has positioned itself with respect to Russia and China, only replacing “communist” with “autocratic” in Russia’s case. The Ukraine war helps America advance its grand strategy with respect to Russia. The Ukraine war is steadily draining Russia’s already limited economic might. Western sanctions aim to weaken Russia further. Russia’s military capabilities are now in greater doubt than before, so that its only remaining geopolitical strengths are nuclear weapons and, significantly, its leverage as an energy supplier. With Russia weakened, yet capable of reinforcing China, America will focus more intensely on China over the coming years and the breakdown in US-China relations will only accelerate. China is a genuine economic competitor to the United States (Chart 1). Its strategic rise worries America. To make matters worse, America poses a unique threat to China. China relies heavily on energy imports (Chart 2) from the Middle East (Chart 3). This is a source of great vulnerability as China’s fuel imports must traverse seas that America controls (Map 1). During peace time, and periods of robust US-China strategic engagement, this vulnerability is not an issue. But China is acutely aware that America has the capability to choke China’s energy access at will in the event of hostilities, just as it did to Japan in World War II. Russia has managed to wage war in Ukraine, against US wishes, since it is a net energy supplier to Europe and the global economy. Chart 2China And India Rely On Imports For Energy Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? ​​​​​ Chart 3India And China Both Depend On Middle East For Oil Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? ​​​​​​ Map 1US Military Footprint In Middle East Threatens China … Yet US Presence In South Asia Is Weak Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Atop China’s fuel-supply related insecurities, America has begun a strategic pivot to Asia in recent years. For instance, America has pulled troops out of Iraq and Afghanistan, declared a trade war on China, and strengthening strategic alliances and partnerships with regional geopolitical powers like India and Australia (Table 1). The US has retained its alliance with the Philippines despite an adverse government there, while South Korea has just elected a pro-American president again. With Japan, South Korea and Australia aligned militarily with the US, China’s naval power pales in comparison (Chart 4). Table 1America’s Influence In Asia Is Rising Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Chart 4China’s Naval Power Pales Versus US Allies In Asia Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Now China cannot watch America refurbish its grand strategy in Asia silently. Given China’s need for supply security, geopolitical independence, and regional influence, Beijing will double down on building its influence in Asia and in the eastern hemisphere. Against this backdrop of US-China competition, military conflict becomes increasingly likely, especially in the form of “proxy wars” involving China’s neighbors but conceivably even in the form of US-China naval warfare. China’s plans to modernize and enhance its economic prowess will add to America’s worries (Chart 5). A bipartisan consensus of American lawmakers is focused on reviving America’s economic strength but simultaneously limiting China’s benefit by restricting Chinese imports and American high-tech exports (Chart 6). Since Beijing cannot afford to base its national strategy on the hope of lingering American engagement, US-China trade relations will weaken regardless of which party controls the White House. Chart 5China’s Growing Might Worries America Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? ​​​​​​ Chart 6US Growth Does Not Equal Growth In Imports From China Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? ​​​​​​ The consensus in global financial media (which we never bought) held that the Biden administration would reduce tensions with China – but the détente never occurred and the remaining window for détente is limited by the uncertainty of the 2024 election. The US is currently occupied with Russia but threatening to impose secondary sanctions on China if it provides military assistance or circumvents sanctions. The Russo-Ukrainian war has led to an energy price shock that hurts an industrial economy like China’s. For the rest of this year China’s leaders will be consumed with managing the energy shock, a nationwide Covid-19 outbreak, and the important political reshuffle this fall. Only in 2023 will Beijing have room for maneuver when it comes to the US. But the US cannot return to engagement, which strengthens China’s economy, while China cannot open up to the US economy and become more exposed to future US sanctions. Bottom Line: A grand strategy collision between the US and China is certain. US dominance of sea routes that China uses for energy imports necessarily intimidates China. America’s pivot to Asia threatens China’s regional influence. This will prompt China to restrict American advances in strategic geographies —and not only the Taiwan Strait but also, as we will see, in South Asia. US-India Strategic Alignment: Only A Matter Of Time “If they [nation states] wish to survive, they must be willing to go to war to preserve a balance against the growing hegemonic power of the period.” – Nicholas J. Spykman, America's Strategy in World Politics (Harcourt, Brace and Co, 1942) For reasons of strategy, China will continue to build its influence in South Asia. South Asia offers prospects of sea access to the Indian Ocean, namely via Pakistan. This factor could ease China’s fuel supply insecurities. Also, penetrating northern India helps China set up a noose around India’s neck, thus neutralizing a potential enemy and US ally. In short China will pursue a two-pronged strategy of Eurasian development and naval expansion, both of which threaten India. Against this backdrop, India needs US support to counter Pakistan to its west, China’s latest intrusions into its eastern flank (Map 2), and China’s maritime challenge. India has historically spent generously on defense, but its military might pales in comparison to that of China. Even partial support from America would help India make some progress toward a balance of power in South Asia (Chart 7). Map 2China’s Newfound Interest In India’s Eastern Flank Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Chart 7America Can Provide Military Heft To India Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? ​​​​​​ Chart 8US Is A Key Trading Partner For India Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? ​​​​​​ There’s another reason why US alignment makes sense for India. Much like China, India is highly import-dependent for its fuel needs (Chart 2). Given India’s high reliance on the Middle East for energy, India stands to benefit from America’s solid military footprint in this region (Map 1). The US too has a motive in exploring this alliance. India can provide a strategic foothold on the Eurasian rimland. America will value this new access route to Eurasia because America knows that its military footprint in South Asia is surprisingly weak – a weakness it needs to address against the backdrop of China’s increasing influence in the region (Map 1). Meaningful economic interests also underpin the US-India relationship. India and the US appear like sparring partners from time to time. The US may raise issues of human rights violations in India and the two may bicker over trade. However there exist strong economic incentives for the two countries to keep their differences under check and develop a long-term strategic partnership. The US is a major user of India’s software services and buys nearly a fifth of India’s merchandise exports. The trading relationship that India shares with the US is far more developed than India’s trading relationship with China and Russia (Chart 8). Capital is a factor of production that India desperately needs to finance its high growth. America and its allies are also major suppliers of capital to India (Chart 9). India is averse to granting China the political influence that would go along with major capital infusions and direct investments. Chart 9US And Its Allies Are Major Suppliers Of Capital To India Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? ​​​​​​ Chart 10India Offers US Firms Access To High Growth Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? ​​​​​​ Chart 11India Is A Key Market For American Big Tech Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? India on its part is a large marketplace which offers high growth prospects (Chart 10) and remains open and accessible to American corporations (unlike say Russia or China). The growth element is something that American firms will value more over time, as the American economy is mature and has a lower potential growth rate. Most importantly if the US imposes sanctions on India, then two key business lobbies are sure to mitigate the damage. In specific: Since India is a key potential market for American tech firms (Chart 11), Big Tech will always desire amicable Indo-US relations. Since India is the third largest buyer of defense goods globally, American defense suppliers will have similar intentions. In both cases, US policy planners will support these industries’ lobbying efforts due to the grand strategic considerations outlined above. Bottom Line: India will slowly yet surely move into America’s sphere of influence. Notwithstanding persistent differences, the Indo-US relationship will strengthen over a strategic timeframe. Strong geopolitical motives as well as notable economic incentives exist for both sides to develop this alignment. Indo-Russian Alignment: Destined To Fade The Indo-Russian friendship can be traced back to the second half of the 20th century. The fulcrum was the fact that Russia was a formidable land-based power and provided an offset against threats from China and Pakistan (Chart 12). The finest hour of this friendship perhaps came in 1971 when Russia sided with India in its war with Pakistan. India’s citizens hold an unusually favorable opinion of Russia (Chart 13). Chart 12The Declining Value Of An Old Friendship Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? ​​​​​​ Chart 13Indians Hold A Favorable Opinion Of Russians Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? ​​​​​​ Despite this rich past, the Indo-Russia friendship is doomed to fade over a strategic timeframe. Even if  Russia’s share in Indian oil rises from current low levels of 2%, this glue alone cannot hold the Indo-Russian relationship together for one key reason: Russia’s geopolitical might has been waning and Russia can no longer help India establish a balance of power against China and Pakistan (Table 2). In fact, since 2006, the Russo-Indian partnership has been commanding lower geopolitical power than that of China (Chart 12). Table 2Russia’s Military Heft Is Of Limited Use To India Today Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Managing regional security is a key strategic concern for India. As Russia’s geopolitical power wanes so will India’s utility of Russia as an effective guarantor of India’s security. Russia’s war in Ukraine is ominous in this regard, as Russian armed forces were forced to retreat from Kyiv, while the country’s already bleak economic prospects have worsened under western sanctions. The solidification of the China-Russia axis will alienate India further (Chart 14). China is essential to Russia’s economy now while Moscow is essential to China’s Eurasian strategy of bypassing American naval dominance to reduce its supply insecurity. Russia holds the keys to Central Asia, from a military-security point of view, and hence also to the Middle East. Furthermore, limited economic bonds exist to prevent India and Russia from falling out. Russia accounts for a smidgen of India’s trade (Chart 8). India is Russia’s largest arms client (accounting for +20% of its arms sales) but this reliance could also decline over time: The Indian government has been pursuing a range of policies to increase the indigenous production of arms. This is a strategic goal that would also reinforce India’s economic need for more effective manufacturing capabilities. Russia’s own defense franchise had been coming under pressure, even before the Ukraine war (Chart 15). On the contrary, Western arms manufacturers’ franchise has been steadily growing. Chart 14China-Russia Axis Will Alienate India Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? ​​​​​ Chart 15The Rise & Rise Of Western Arms Manufacturers Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? ​​​​​​ While the US may look the other way in the short term when India buys arms from Russia, over a period of time the US is bound to pull India away by using a combination of sticks (mild sanctions) and carrots (heavy discounts). Two aforementioned external factors will also work against the Indo-Russia relationship namely (1) The Russo-Chinese alignment and its clash with US grand strategy and (2) The coming-to-life of a US-India strategic alignment. Bottom Line: India’s need for cheap oil will preserve basic Indo-Russian relations for some time. But oil alone cannot drive a deeper strategic alignment. Regional security concerns are paramount for India. Russia’s geopolitical decline will force India to explore an alignment with America, which will offer India security in the Indian Ocean and Persian Gulf in the face of China’s emergence in this region. Is A Realignment In Indo-China Relations Possible? But why should India not join the other Asian giants to balance against America’s threat of global dominance? Would such a bloc not secure India’s interests? And what if the US imposes harsh sanctions for India’s continued trade with Russia and strategic neutrality? Or what if a future US administration grows restless and attempts to force India to choose sides sooner rather than later? Even if the US offends India, it will only lead to a temporary improvement in India’s ties with the China-Russia alliance. This is because America stands to lose if India cleaves towards the Sino-Russian alliance and would thus quickly correct its policy. In specific: Security Interests: America will risk losing all influence in South Asia if India were to cleave towards China. India provides a key foothold for America to control China’s regional ascendance especially given that the US has now withdrawn from Afghanistan and its bilateral relations with Pakistan are weak. Business Interests: India’s movement into the China-Russia sphere of influence can have adverse business implications for American corporations and US allies, given that the US is abandoning the Chinese market over time, while India is a large and fast-growing consumer of American tech exports and services. India could emerge as a major buyer of American defense goods and will import more and more energy provided by the US and its partners in the Persian Gulf. These business groups will lobby for the withdrawal of US sanctions on India given India’s long-term potential. Meanwhile any improvement in Indo-Chinese relations will have a limited basis. In specific: Ascendant Nationalism In China And India: China’s declining potential GDP is motivating a rise in nationalism and an assertive foreign policy. Meanwhile India’s inability to create plentiful jobs for a young and growing population is also fuelling a wave of nationalism. A historic turn toward Sino-Indian economic engagement would require the domestic political ability to embrace and promote each other’s well-being. Pakistan Factor: India’s eastern neighbor Pakistan is controlled by its military. The military’s raison d'être is enforced by maintaining an aggressive stance towards India, while pursuing economic development through whatever other means are available. As long as Pakistan’s military stays influential its stance towards India will be hostile. And as long as Pakistan’s economy remains weak (Chart 16), its reliance on China will remain meaningful (Chart 17). Chart 16Pakistan: High Military Influence, Low Economic Vigor Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? ​​​​​​ Chart 17China & Pakistan: Iron Brothers? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? ​​​​​​ Chart 18Indians View China And Pakistan Negatively Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis? Indo-Russian Relations: Quo Vadis?   China also benefits from its alliance with Pakistan because it provides an alternative entry point into India and access to the Indian Ocean. Fundamental Distrust: For reasons of history, Indians harbor a negative opinion of both Pakistan and China (Chart 18). This factor reinforces the first point that any Indian administration will see limited political dividends from developing a long-term alignment with China or with Pakistan. Bottom Line: If any Indo-Chinese détente materializes owing to harsh US sanctions, which we do not expect, the result will be temporary. America has limited incentives to push India towards the Sino-Russian camp. More importantly, China and India will stay entangled in a strategic conflict for reasons of both history and geography. Investment Conclusions Chart 19Sell India Tactically But Buy India On A Strategic Horizon Sell India Tactically But Buy India On A Strategic Horizon Sell India Tactically But Buy India On A Strategic Horizon The historic Indo-Russia relationship will weaken over the next few years as India and Russia explore new alignments with USA and China respectively. The relationship may not collapse entirely but has limited basis to grow given Russia’s declining geopolitical clout. Indo-American economic interests are set to deepen not just for reasons of security. India may consider looking for alternatives to Russian arms in the American defense industry while American Big Tech will be keen to grow their footprint in India. With India set to cleave to America, a country whose geopolitical power remains unparalleled today, we reiterate our constructive long-term investment view on India (Chart 19). However, tactically we remain worried about near-term geopolitical and macro headwinds that India must confront. China will strengthen relations with Russia over the next few years. It needs Russia’s help to execute its Eurasian strategy and to diversify its sources of fuel supply, over the long run. Given that the US and its allies will be engaged in a conflict with China over a strategic horizon, we reiterate our strategic sell call on China. Tactically we are neutral on Chinese stocks, given that they have already sold off sharply in accordance with our views over the past two years. In view of both these calls, we urge clients with a holding period mandate of more than 12 months to reduce exposure to Chinese assets and increase exposure to Indian assets. We also recommend investors go strategically long Indian tech / short Chinese tech. This pair trade is likely to keep rising on a secular basis.   Ritika Mankar, CFA Editor/Strategist ritika.mankar@bcaresearch.com Matt Gertken Chief Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com Strategic Themes Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Regional Geopolitical Risk Matrix

Executive Summary After having overspent on goods ex-autos over the past two years and experiencing contracting incomes in real terms, US and European households will reduce their purchases of goods ex-autos. Risks to global growth stemming from China remain to the downside. Leading indicators from Asia and global financial markets are signaling a contraction in global trade. Yet, US core inflation will not drop below 4% for the rest of this year. Consequently, the Fed will likely end up hiking rates and sounding hawkish amidst a major global trade slump. This will give rise to stagflation anxiety among investors and will be negative for global risk assets in general and EM equities, currencies and credit markets in particular. The yuan is breaking down versus the US dollar. A weaker RMB will pull down Emerging Asian as well as other EM currencies. Does This Divergence From A Historic Correlation Signify Stagflation? Does This Divergence From A Historic Correlation Signify Stagflation? Does This Divergence From A Historic Correlation Signify Stagflation? Bottom Line: Global equity and credit portfolios should remain defensive and continue underweighting EM. Currency investors should be positioned for another upleg in the US dollar and a downleg in EM currencies. Feature The volume of global trade is about to contract. Meantime, US inflation will remain well above the Fed’s target. This combination will produce stagflation anxiety among investors. It is impossible to know whether stagflation will be a long-lasting phenomenon in the real economy. In our view, the stagflation narrative will dominate global financial markets in the coming months. This heralds a cautious stance on global and EM risk assets. The slowdown in global manufacturing and trade will be pervasive and broad-based but will exclude auto production. The latter will in fact recover as chip/input shortages ease. The main drivers of the slowdown are (1) a mean reversion in US and European demand for goods ex-autos; (2) China’s economic woes and (3) moribund domestic demand in mainstream EM. Shrinking DM Household Demand For Goods ex-Autos Chart 1DM Household Demand For Goods ex-Autos Will Experience Mean Reversion DM Household Demand For Goods ex-Autos Will Experience Mean Reversion DM Household Demand For Goods ex-Autos Will Experience Mean Reversion After having overspent on goods ex-autos over the past two years and experiencing contracting income in real terms (after adjusting for inflation), US and European households will reduce their purchases of goods ex-autos. US and European consumption of goods ex-autos exploded at the onset of the pandemic two years ago and has stayed robust until now. Chart 1 illustrates that since mid-2020, the consumption of goods ex-autos was running well above its trend, which signifies excessive demand over the past two years. Such excessive demand has led to bottlenecks and shortages, giving producers an opportunity to hike prices. In a nutshell, inflation in tradable goods in the past 18 months was primarily driven by demand, not supply constraints. A portion of future goods consumption has been pulled forward, which implies that household demand for these goods has become saturated. Moreover, as the pandemic subsides, consumers are shifting their spending from goods to services. These dynamics could create an air pocket in the demand for certain goods. Chart 2DM Household Real Incomes Are Contracting DM Household Real Incomes Are Contracting DM Household Real Incomes Are Contracting Critically, US and European household income is contracting in real terms (Chart 2). Wage growth has not kept up with the surge in inflation. Due to shrinking disposable real income, consumers in advanced economies will curtail their consumption of discretionary items, primarily goods ex autos on which they have overspent during the past two years. Bottom Line: Demand for goods ex-autos will shrink in advanced economies in the next 6-12 months. This will weigh on global merchandise trade. China’s Trilemma Chinese authorities are facing an “impossible trinity” in their attempts to simultaneously achieve three objectives: (1) pursuing the dynamic zero-Covid policy, (2) delivering decent economic growth, and (3) not resorting to “irrigation-style” massive stimulus. We do not think all three objectives can be achieved. China’s economy was struggling prior to the recent lockdowns. The COVID-related restrictions have only made matters worse and have weighed heavily on economic activities and household income. Domestic orders for industrial enterprises plunged below 50, i.e., they are in contraction territory (Chart 3). These surveys, released on March 30-31, were not affected by the Shanghai lockdowns, which have proliferated since March 28. Exports orders are also contracting (Chart 4). Chart 3China: Domestic Orders Were Plunging Prior To Lockdowns China: Domestic Orders Were Plunging Prior To Lockdowns China: Domestic Orders Were Plunging Prior To Lockdowns Chart 4China: Exports Are Set To Contract China: Exports Are Set To Contract China: Exports Are Set To Contract   Further, China’s import and export volumes were contracting in January – prior to the Ukraine war and the recent lockdowns. Notably, Chart 5 highlights that prior to the recent lockdowns, import weakness was broad-based, including commodities, machinery and semiconductors. In particular, total imports in USD are flat in March compared to a year ago. With commodity prices up significantly, it is clear that import volumes in March have shrunken substantially. National disposable income per capita was growing at about 6% in nominal terms before the lockdowns (Chart 6, top panel). Household mortgage growth had decelerated considerably before lockdowns became widespread (Chart 6, bottom panel). Chart 5Chinese Imports Were Shrinking Before Lockdowns Chinese Imports Were Shrinking Before Lockdowns Chinese Imports Were Shrinking Before Lockdowns Chart 6China: Household Income And Mortgage Borrowing China: Household Income And Mortgage Borrowing China: Household Income And Mortgage Borrowing ​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​   As the lockdowns wreak havoc on the economy and household income, and with the government not providing direct transfers to the population, household consumption will be severely affected in the months ahead. The property market remains in the doldrums and is unlikely to recover soon. As we have highlighted in previous reports, structural headwinds, continue to weigh down on the property market. Since 2009, there has been no business cycle recovery in China without the real estate market playing the leading role. Residential floor space sold was down by 20% in Q1 from a year ago (Chart 7, top panel). House prices have begun deflating in tier-3 cities. Deflation will likely spread to tier-1 and -2 cities due to a pandemic-driven decline in income and confidence. Critically, the plunge in property developers’ financing entails shrinkage in housing completion (construction work) (Chart 7, bottom panel). The latter has so far held up as authorities have been forcing developers to use their limited financing to complete projects that they had already started. The massive issuance of local government bonds will spur an acceleration in infrastructure spending. China’s government gave the green light already this year to infrastructure projects worth nearly 70% of what was allowed for the whole of last year. Yet, this might be insufficient to produce a rapid business cycle recovery in an environment of rolling lockdowns and with other segments of the economy facing challenges. Related Report  Emerging Markets StrategyGlobal Semi Stocks: More Downside Given these negative forces, the Chinese economy requires massive government stimulus in the form of direct transfers to households and SMEs – as the US offered in the spring of 2020. Yet, it does not seem that the government is rushing to provide such direct and significant stimulus. In our opinion, the policy stimulus measures announced so far by the government fall short of what is required to lift the economy. Policymakers are neither ready to abandon the dynamic zero-Covid policy nor provide “irrigation-type” stimulus, especially for households and the property market. With these two constraints, economic growth in China is set to underwhelm. Bottom Line: Risks to global growth stemming from China remain to the downside. In EM ex-China, ongoing fiscal tightening, monetary tightening in LATAM and feeble household income growth in India and ASEAN will all cap consumer spending and business investment (Chart 8). Chart 7China: Property Construction Is Set To Shrink China: Property Construction Is Set To Shrink China: Property Construction Is Set To Shrink Chart 8EM ex-China: Domestic Demand Will Remain Sluggish EM ex-China: Domestic Demand Will Remain Sluggish EM ex-China: Domestic Demand Will Remain Sluggish Signs Of A Global Trade Contraction There is already evidence to suggest that a major relapse in global manufacturing and trade is beginning: Taiwanese shipments to China are dipping into negative territory, and they lead global exports (Chart 9). Taiwanese exports to China are a good leading indicator of global trade dynamics because mainland producers order inputs from Taiwan first before they produce final goods for export. When producers located in China order less inputs, they evidently expect less in the way of production and shipments. Korea’s business survey of exporting companies indicates a substantial deterioration in their business conditions in April (Chart 10). This points to a major slump in the nation’s exports and, hence, global trade. Chart 9Global Trade Is Set To Contract Global Trade Is Set To Contract Global Trade Is Set To Contract Chart 10Korean Exporters Are Downgrading Their Expectations Korean Exporters Are Downgrading Their Expectations Korean Exporters Are Downgrading Their Expectations Korean and Japanese non-financial share prices have plunged despite considerable currency depreciation, which is typically positive for their competitiveness. As many of these non-financial companies are major exporters, this development points to a major downtrend in global trade. Global cyclicals have been underperforming global defensives. This dynamic has historically been a good leading indicator for the global industrial downturn (Chart 11). Finally, early cyclical stocks in the US have sold off and have substantially underperformed domestic defensives (Chart 12). This also points to a slowdown in US growth. Chart 11Global Equity Sector Performance Points To A Relapse In Global Manufacturing Global Equity Sector Performance Points To A Relapse In Global Manufacturing Global Equity Sector Performance Points To A Relapse In Global Manufacturing Chart 12Beware Of A Relapse in US Early Cyclical Stocks Beware Of A Relapse in US Early Cyclical Stocks Beware Of A Relapse in US Early Cyclical Stocks   Bottom Line: Leading indicators from Asian economies and global financial markets are signaling that global trade will experience a contraction and global growth will slow. Inflation Amid A Global Trade Contraction? Chart 13US Wages Are Surging in Nominal Terms Yet Shrinking In Real Terms US Wages Are Surging in Nominal Terms Yet Shrinking In Real Terms US Wages Are Surging in Nominal Terms Yet Shrinking In Real Terms A natural question is why worry about inflation when global trade volumes will be contracting? The primary source of anxiety in this context is US inflation and the Fed’s tightening. A decline in global trade will not be enough to bring down US core inflation substantially. By contrast, China and Asia do not face an inflation problem. US inflation worries will persist, and the Fed will likely continue to hike rates and sound hawkish for the following reasons: First, US capital expenditures by companies and household spending on services will remain robust. US services make up a larger share of the American economy and employment than do goods-producing sectors. Hence, we do not expect a broad-based recession in the US this year. Second, as we have previously noted, the US has a genuine inflation problem. American wages are accelerating, and a tight labor market will push up wage growth above 5-6% (Chart 13, top panel). Importantly, real wages in the US have contracted (Chart 13, bottom panel). Faced with a decline in purchasing power, employees will demand higher wages. The tight labor market raises the odds that companies will likely accommodate higher wages. Chart 14Unit Labor Costs Are The Key To Core Inflation Unit Labor Costs Are The Key To Core Inflation Unit Labor Costs Are The Key To Core Inflation Given that US productivity growth is no more than 1.5-2%, wage growth over 5-6% means that unit labor costs will be rising by more than 3-4%. This will prevent core inflation from falling a lot. Unit labor costs have historically been the main driver of core inflation in the US (Chart 14). Finally, inflation is a lagging and inert phenomenon. It takes a long time (more than six to nine months) of sub-par growth for inflation to subside. Odds are that even though global trade volumes will be contracting, the Fed will continue hiking rates and sounding hawkish because US inflationary pressures will remain acute. Bottom Line: Annual core CPI inflation will drop in the US due to the base effect and a drop in some goods prices. Yet, we expect core CPI and PCE to remain above 4% for the rest of this year. Underlying inflationary pressures have spilled over into the labor market, and the wage-price spiral has probably unraveled. Therefore, inflation cannot be reduced meaningfully without bringing economic growth down below potential growth and weakening the labor market for a few quarters. Investment Implications Shrinking global trade volumes and a hawkish Fed are bearish for global risk assets in general and EM equities, currencies and credit markets in particular. Contracting exports and a hawkish Fed are negative for the Chinese yuan and other Asian currencies. The CNY/USD exchange rate has broken below its 200-day moving average and odds are that it will depreciate further (Chart 15). Our target for CNY/USD is 6.7. The broad trade-weighted US dollar has more upside and EM currencies will depreciate. Chart 16 illustrates that investors’ net long positions in ZAR, BRL and MXN are high. Chart 15The RMB Is Breaking Down The RMB Is Breaking Down The RMB Is Breaking Down Chart 16Investors Are Long EM Commodity Currencies Investors Are Long EM Commodity Currencies Investors Are Long EM Commodity Currencies   Our recommended currency shorts for now are ZAR, PHP, IDR, COP, HUF, PEN and PLN. Global equity and credit portfolios should continue underweighting EM. Notably, global defensive equity sectors have been outperforming non-TMT stocks despite rising US/global bond yields (Chart 17). This is a major departure from the historical relationship and likely signifies a period of slower global growth ahead but continuous Fed tightening. Global equity managers should favor defensive stocks. Chart 17Does This Divergence From A Historic Correlation Signify Stagflation? Does This Divergence From A Historic Correlation Signify Stagflation? Does This Divergence From A Historic Correlation Signify Stagflation? For EM equity managers, we also recommend favoring defensive sectors like consumer staples. Presently, our country overweights are Korea, Singapore, Chinese A-shares, Mexico and Brazil. Our underweights are India, Central Europe, Indonesia, Turkey, South Africa, Colombia and Peru. In local rates, we continue recommending receiving Chinese and Malaysian 10-year swap rates, a long position in Brazilian 10-year bonds, betting on yield curve flattening in Mexico and paying Polish 10-year swap rates while receiving Czech 10-year swap rates. Arthur Budaghyan Chief Emerging Markets Strategist arthurb@bcaresearch.com​​​​​​​ A Whiff Of Stagflation? A Whiff Of Stagflation? A Whiff Of Stagflation? A Whiff Of Stagflation?

Executive Summary China’s Daily New COVID Cases And City Lockdowns, 2020 To Present China's Daily New COVID Cases And City Lockdowns, 2020 To Present China's Daily New COVID Cases And City Lockdowns, 2020 To Present The ongoing wave of local Omicron infections and city lockdowns pose the largest macro risk in China post Q1 2020. The current lockdowns in major cities - including Shanghai - may shave one percentage point from China’s 2022 GDP growth. Restrictions on activity and travel in Shanghai and surrounding areas in the Yangtze River Delta have led to severe supply-chain disruptions, created by both port and highway transportation congestion and manufacturing plant shutdowns. Unlike in 2H20, chances are lower for a quick and strong post-lockdown recovery in China’s economy and stock prices because the nation’s policy easing will be less aggressive and is less effective than two years ago. The scale of China’s monetary easing will be smaller than in H1 2020 given the Fed is rising interest rates. The country’s fiscal balance sheet is also in worse shape than in 2020, particularly at the local level.  Bottom Line: The wave of lockdowns in China’s major cities will pose substantial risks to China’s economy this year. The post-lockdown recovery will likely be more muted than in 2H20 because there is limited room for the country to stimulate its economy and policy easing measures will likely be less effective than two years ago.   Chart 1China's Daily New COVID Cases And City Lockdowns, 2020 To Present China's Daily New COVID Cases And City Lockdowns, 2020 To Present China's Daily New COVID Cases And City Lockdowns, 2020 To Present The ongoing lockdowns linked to the spike in Omicron and China’s zero tolerance towards COVID are exacting a heavy toll on China’s economy. While the situation is fluid and official data is lagging, China’s economy faces the largest macro risk since early 2020. In the past four months, China has imposed more lockdowns, with full and partial mobility restrictions, than in the past two years combined (Chart 1). In particular, this round of citywide shutdowns occurred in some of China’s largest and most prosperous cities, such as Shanghai and Shenzhen, and several manufacturing hubs including Jilin province and cities in the Yangtze River Delta region. Furthermore, the post-lockdown recovery this year will likely be more muted than two years ago. Beijing has less room to ease policy and stimulate the economy than in early 2020. In addition, policy easing measures will be less effective in boosting domestic demand, given that private sector sentiment was already downbeat prior to the lockdowns and the country’s zero-COVID policy may lead to more stringent confinement measures in the rest of the year. Serious Economic Implications China’s aggregate economy is suffering significant damage from the current round of city- and province-wide lockdowns in some of China’s most populous and prosperous regions. Chart 2The Economic Impact From Hubei Lockdown In Q1 2020 The Cost Of China’s Zero-COVID Strategy The Cost Of China’s Zero-COVID Strategy Economic data following the shutdown of Hubei province in early 2020 can serve as a roadmap to illustrate what to expect from lockdowns in Shanghai, which accounts for 4% of China’s GDP and is the same size as Hubei. During a 60-day lockdown in Q1 2020, Hubei’s retail sales growth nose-dived by 43 percentage points (ppt) and fixed-asset investment growth tumbled by 83ppt in Q1 2020 compared with the previous three months (Chart 2). The aggregate economy in Hubei shrank by 40% in Q1 2020 from a year ago and the decline likely reduced Chinese GDP growth by 1.5% in that quarter alone (Chart 3). The lockdown also dragged Hubei’s government revenues, tourism income and corporate profits into a deep contraction for 2020 (Chart 4). Chart 3The Economic Impact From Hubei Lockdown In Q1 2020 The Cost Of China’s Zero-COVID Strategy The Cost Of China’s Zero-COVID Strategy Chart 4The Economic Impact From Hubei Lockdown In Q1 2020 The Cost Of China’s Zero-COVID Strategy The Cost Of China’s Zero-COVID Strategy A recent study estimating the economic impact of lockdowns by analyzing the flow of intercity trucking found that freight traffic would plummet by 54% under a full lockdown for a month, versus a 20% drop under a partial lockdown. In addition, the ripple effect of a lockdown would be felt by surrounding cities. According to the article, if the four most important economic centers of the country - Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou and Shenzhen - are shut down for one month at the same time, then their real income in that month would decrease by a whopping 61%. Meanwhile, the national real income in the same period would shrink by 8.6%, which translates into a 1ppt decline in China’s annual GDP growth. The scenario that China’s four major cities would be locked down was inconceivable before the onset of Omicron. However, as of April 15, it is estimated that local cities that have experienced full or partial lockdowns account for about 40% of China’s GDP, affecting more than 250 million residents. As such, the aggregate economic losses from the current round of lockdowns could reach 1ppt of China’s 2022 GDP growth. Bottom Line: The economic impact from the current lockdowns has the potential to reduce China’s GDP growth by 1ppt in 2022. Supply Chain Disruptions Shanghai’s lockdown has had economic repercussions on the Yangtze River Delta region, an important manufacturing hub and key supplier in the automobile and electronic equipment industries. Cross-regional travel restrictions have led to supply-chain disruptions through transportation blockades and manufacturing plant shutdowns. These obstacles include: Table 1Top Ten Ports In China The Cost Of China’s Zero-COVID Strategy The Cost Of China’s Zero-COVID Strategy Increased port congestion. The Ports of Shanghai and its nearby Ningbo handle nearly 30% of China’s total ocean shipping volume and are key barometers of China’s foreign trade and logistics chain (Table 1). Data from VesselsValue shows an almost fivefold increase in the number of ships waiting to load or discharge at Shanghai in the second half of March (Chart 5). Port congestion worsened in April after the Shanghai lockdown began on March 28. Chart 5Ships Waiting To Load Or Discharge At Shanghai Port The Cost Of China’s Zero-COVID Strategy The Cost Of China’s Zero-COVID Strategy Chart 6Chinese Suppliers' Delivery Times Have Lengthened Chinese Suppliers' Delivery Times Have Lengthened Chinese Suppliers' Delivery Times Have Lengthened Road transport blockades. Road traffic in the Yangtze River Delta has been restricted, causing significant delays in suppliers’ delivery times (Chart 6). By April 7, nationwide vehicle logistics freight flow fell by 32% from a year ago and plunged more than 80% in the Shanghai area. Highway traffic mobility tracked by Gaode dipped to the same level as in early 2020. Production suspensions. A significant number of businesses from automakers Tesla and Volkswagen to notebook manufacturer Quanta Computer Inc. reportedly suspended operations at their Shanghai plants to comply with government restrictions for virus control. ​​​​​​​The city, together with Jilin and Guangdong provinces, account for more than 30% of China’s auto production. Even if employees at auto and chip makers in Shanghai can return to production plants and work through a “closed-loop” system whereby they live on-site and test regularly, a more serious challenge would be how manufacturers can secure trucks to get materials and products delivered on time.1 Supply-chain disruptions are starting to impact China’s trade. The country’s import growth in nominal value in March dropped sharply to a 0.1% contraction (on a year-on-year basis) (Chart 7). Even though China’s exports in March expanded by 14.7% from a year ago, exports are below that of its Asian manufacturing neighbors, such as South Korea and Vietnam (Chart 8). Chart 7Chinese Import Growth Fell Into Contraction In March Chinese Import Growth Fell Into Contraction In March Chinese Import Growth Fell Into Contraction In March Chart 8China's Export Growth Has Dropped Below That Of Vietnam And South Korea China's Export Growth Has Dropped Below That Of Vietnam And South Korea China's Export Growth Has Dropped Below That Of Vietnam And South Korea Bottom Line: The Shanghai lockdown is having spillover effects on the Yangzte River Delta region through supply-chain disruptions. Strong Post-Lockdown Rebound? Chart 9China Will Need A Stimulus That Is Comparable To 2020 China Will Need A Stimulus That Is Comparable To 2020 China Will Need A Stimulus That Is Comparable To 2020 China’s economic growth and stock prices will unlikely repeat the quick and strong recovery registered following the early 2020 lockdown. Beijing has stepped up policy supports, but the challenges from both domestic conditions and the external environment are greater than in 2020. Thus, the country’s stimulus (measured by credit growth including local government bond issuance) will need to at least be similar to that of two years ago to shore up the economy (Chart 9). We are skeptical about both the magnitude and effectiveness of the stimulus in 2022, despite policymakers’ mounting efforts to support the economy. Therefore, we maintain a cautious view on Chinese risk assets (in both onshore and offshore markets).  Our view is based on the following: There may be more frequent shutdowns of business activity as China continues upholding its zero-COVID approach.  Even as we go to press, a few cities that recently recovered from COVID outbreaks have failed to resume their business and social activities. A flareup of COVID cases in the low double digits has dragged cities back to either mass COVID testing or partial city lockdowns. China’s COVID-containment measures escalated when the country’s business activity was already weak which was vastly different from prior to Q1 2020 when the economy was improving (Chart 10). Sentiment among the corporate and household sectors has been beaten down following two years of struggling with COVID, and the sectors’ propensities to invest or spend have been further dampened from last year’s harsh regulatory crackdowns (Chart 11).  Chart 10Business Cycle Was On A Downtrend When Omicron Hit... Business Cycle Was On A Downtrend When Omicron Hit... Business Cycle Was On A Downtrend When Omicron Hit... Chart 11...Sentiment Among Private Sector Has Been Downbeat ...Sentiment Among Private Sector Has Been Downbeat ...Sentiment Among Private Sector Has Been Downbeat Input costs are much higher now than two years ago, while demand is weaker (Chart 12). Global energy and commodity prices will remain elevated this year, while external demand for Chinese manufactured goods will dwindle (Chart 13). China’s exports as a share of the global total peaked in July last year; a strong RMB and frequent supply-chain disruptions will likely reduce competitiveness of Chinese exports. Chart 12Elevated Input Costs, Subdued Domestic Demand Elevated Input Costs, Subdued Domestic Demand Elevated Input Costs, Subdued Domestic Demand Chart 13Demand For Chinese Export Goods Will Likely Dwindle This Year Demand For Chinese Export Goods Will Likely Dwindle This Year Demand For Chinese Export Goods Will Likely Dwindle This Year Granted the Fed’s tightening, unless China is willing to tolerate meaningful currency depreciation, the PBoC has limited room to cut interest rates. The US Federal Reserve is expected to raise interest rates by 270bps over the coming 12 months, which will further tighten US dollar liquidity conditions and may exacerbate capital flows out of emerging economies. China’s 10-year government bond yield in nominal terms dropped below that of the US for the first time in a decade, prompting global investors to offload Chinese bonds at a record pace (Chart 14). The PBoC refrained from a policy rate cut last week. The move underwhelmed investors and was a sign that the central bank may be cautious in adopting a monetary policy stance that further diverges from the Fed.  Chart 14A Record Bond Market Outflow In Q1 This Year A Record Bond Market Outflow In Q1 This Year A Record Bond Market Outflow In Q1 This Year Chart 15Growth In Gov Revenue From Land Sales In Deep Contraction Growth In Gov Revenue From Land Sales In Deep Contraction Growth In Gov Revenue From Land Sales In Deep Contraction The room for further fiscal expansion is also more limited than two years ago as local governments are more constrained by funding. An expansionary fiscal policy in the past two years has pushed local governments’ debt ratios2 up by more than 20 percentage points to above the international standard of 100%, while the property market slump has led to a deep contraction in local government revenues from land sales (Chart 15). ​​​​​​​ Bottom Line: Business activity will likely rebound when restrictions are eventually lifted, and the existing and/or forthcoming stimulus will work their way into the economy. However, the above mentioned hurdles suggest that China has limited room to further loosen its monetary and fiscal policies compared with two years ago, and the effectiveness of policy easing on the economy will be more muted. Jing Sima China Strategist jings@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes   1     Recently the consumer and auto division head of Huawei Technologies warned that “If Shanghai cannot resume production by May, all of the tech and industrial players that have supply chains in the area will come to a complete halt, especially the automotive industry.” "China’s Auto Industry May Grind to a Halt Amid Shanghai Lockdown", Caixin Global 2     Measured by local governments’ total debt including general and special-purpose bonds, divided by their overall fiscal balance. ​​​​​​​ Strategic Themes Cyclical Recommendations

Listen to a short summary of this report.     Executive Summary The Currency And Interest Rates: On A Collision Course? The Currency And Interest Rates: On A Collision Course? The Currency And Interest Rates: On A Collision Course? The dip in the Swedish krona has priced in a recession in the domestic economy. If a contraction does indeed occur, the impact on the currency is already a fait accompli. If it does not, the currency is poised for a coiled spring rebound. Fundamentally, the krona is cheap, and there is a dearth of SEK bulls, which is positive from a contrarian perspective. The Riksbank’s mandate is price stability. Given inflationary pressures and a weak currency, the Riksbank will have no choice but to turn more hawkish or lose credibility (Feature chart). There is potential for a brewing demand boom in Sweden – via refugees from Ukraine and Russia – that would increase government outlays and strengthen the need for higher rates. Admittedly, catalysts for SEK weakness remain in place – geopolitical tensions, rising energy costs and a stampede into safe-haven assets, including the dollar. Our strategy therefore is to buy on dips. We could be on the precipice of a capitulation phase that will present investors with an opportunity to accumulate the SEK at a fire-sale price. RECOMMENDATIONS INCEPTION LEVEL inception date RETURN Short chf/sek 10.15 2022-04-14 0.27 Bottom Line: Sweden is a small, open economy, very sensitive to global economic conditions. A recession is already priced by weakness in the SEK. Investors willing to tolerate volatility should buy the SEK on any further weakness. Feature Chart 1The SEK Tracks The DXY The SEK Tracks The DXY The SEK Tracks The DXY The Riksbank has been one of the more dovish central banks, both within the G10 and globally. Policy rates in Sweden are still at the zero bound, while they are rising in many other countries. In the Riksbank’s latest monetary policy report, domestic inflationary pressures were characterized as transitory. As such, the repo rate would not be raised until the second half of 2024.  The consequence of the Riksbank’s dovishness has been weakness in the Swedish krona, and a steep rise in inflation expectations. Most central banks are admitting that emergency policy settings are no longer appropriate in the current environment, especially after unprecedented monetary and fiscal stimulus. Yet, Sweden remains in the dovish camp. In this report, we argue that the Riksbank will have to raise rates sooner rather than later to maintain credibility and fend off inflationary pressures. The result of the Riksbank’s easy monetary policy has been the proliferation of massive carry trades, as investors sell the SEK and buy the dollar and/or other higher yielding currencies (Chart 1). As a small open economy, this could potentially unanchor longer-term inflation expectations, via a weak currency. Why Should The Riksbank Hike Rates? Chart 2The SEK Has Priced A Swedish Recession The SEK Has Priced A Swedish Recession The SEK Has Priced A Swedish Recession Sweden is likely to experience a technical recession in the coming quarters. The new orders-to-inventories ratio has contracted sharply, underscoring that the manufacturing sector will deflate (Chart 2). As a small, open economy, the manufacturing sector holds the key to the business cycle. Despite this, our bias is that the Riksbank will overlook the temporary dip in economic activity for the following reasons: The currency has already acted as a relief valve, which should cushion further downside in manufacturing activity (Chart 3). This is especially beneficial in a world where purchasing managers’ indices are declining everywhere. By the same token, the incentive for a central bank to raise rates when inflation is rising and the currency is more compelling, compared to a regime where a stronger currency tightens monetary conditions. Chart 4 shows that is weak is krona has been a fluid conduit for higher inflation in Sweden. A stronger krona will cap rising inflation expectations. Chart 3SEK Weakness Has Been A Welcome Relief Valve SEK Weakness Has Been A Welcome Relief Valve SEK Weakness Has Been A Welcome Relief Valve Chart 4SEK Weakness = High Imported Inflation SEK Weakness Equals High Imported Inflation SEK Weakness Equals High Imported Inflation It is remarkable that the traditional relationship between the SEK and oil prices (which is positive) has broken down (Chart 5). This is because rising oil prices usually reflect strong global demand, which benefits Sweden. This time around, a weak SEK is a tax on the economy as energy prices soar. Chart 5The Energy Shock To Sweden Has Been Unusual The Energy Shock To Sweden Has Been Unusual The Energy Shock To Sweden Has Been Unusual The Chinese credit impulse has bottomed, which is historically a good sign that Swedish central bankers can tolerate a stronger currency (Chart 6). Sweden’s biggest trade surplus is with the US, which in turn has the biggest trade deficit with China (Chart 7). As such, the relationship between the Swedish krona and the Chinese credit impulse is tightly knit. China’s zero COVID-19 policy is generating huge supply bottlenecks that are affecting inter-oceanic supply chains, but the pent-up demand once that ends could be tectonic. Chart 6The SEK Tracks The Chinese Credit Impulse The SEK Tracks The Chinese Credit Impulse The SEK Tracks The Chinese Credit Impulse Chart 7Sweden Needs The US And China Sweden Needs The US And China Sweden Needs The US And China The Riksbank’s mandate is to manage inflation expectations. Inflation is at 6%. The Riksbank’s own measure of resource utilization is at a level that has typically been associated with a much higher repo rate. The output gap is closing, raising the risk of a wage inflation spiral (Chart 8). Simply put, the Riksbank would have to raise interest rates or engender a crisis of confidence in monetary policy. Chart 8A Taylor Rule Approach Suggests Interest Rates Are Too Low A Taylor Rule Approach Suggests Interest Rates Are Too Low A Taylor Rule Approach Suggests Interest Rates Are Too Low Finally, house prices are surging to record highs, on the back of very low mortgage rates and extremely accommodative monetary policy (Chart 9). Chart 9Low Rates Have Led To A Debt Binge And Housing Boom Low Rates Have Led To A Debt Binge And Housing Boom Low Rates Have Led To A Debt Binge And Housing Boom A Potential Demand Boom The unemployment rate in Sweden remains above pre-pandemic levels. More importantly, it might rise in the coming quarters, but that would not be particularly worrisome. The reason is a potential increase in the labor dividend in Sweden, as new entrants increase the size of the labor force. First, the employment component of the manufacturing PMI index suggests employment growth should remain around 2% or so. There has been a tight correlation between employment growth in Sweden and the purchasing managers’ survey of the employment outlook (Chart 10). In our view, there is good reason to expect employment growth to remain resilient and in turn, stimulate demand. Related Report  Foreign Exchange StrategyThe Unsung Case For The Euro Sweden has a long history of openness towards immigration compared to many other European countries. If we go back to the Syrian crisis several years ago, the number of asylum seekers skyrocketed to over 160,000 or circa 1.5% of the total population (Chart 11). This was a huge labor dividend. This time around, migrants from both Ukraine and Russia will add to the skilled pool of domestic workers. Some estimates suggest there could be as many as 200,000 immigrants, just from the current crisis. This said, it will also increase frictional unemployment, as new migrants integrate into the labor force and adopt a new language. Chart 10Employment Is Holding Up In Sweden Employment Is Holding Up In Sweden Employment Is Holding Up In Sweden Chart 11There Is Potential For A Huge Labor Dividend There Is Potential For A Huge Labor Dividend There Is Potential For A Huge Labor Dividend Foreign-born workers have been rising as a share of the Swedish labor force and now constitute about 20% of the total population (Chart 12). This growth dividend will be reaped for years to come. With the Social Democrats in power, upside surprises to immigration numbers are within a reasonable confidence interval of outcomes. In a nutshell, Sweden enjoys a relatively positive demographic outlook (Chart 13). Chart 12Foreign Workers Are Important Foreign Workers Are Important Foreign Workers Are Important Chart 13Sweden Has A Demographic Dividend Sweden Has A Demographic Dividend Sweden Has A Demographic Dividend The inflow of migrants has a mixed impact on inflation. While there is downward pressure on wages, due to an increase of lower-paying jobs, there is still upward pressure on housing and consumption, notwithstanding a fiscal boost as the government spends more on social services. Meanwhile, the unemployment rate among foreign-born people is around 16.2%. This means that the Phillips curve is flat for the first few years, before it starts to steepen. The Riksbank clearly understands these dynamics, which is why over the prior years, its stance has been dovish even when the Swedish economy has been holding up well. The difference this time is that inflation is surging, and the potential for cost-push pressures to translate into demand-pull inflation (via higher wages) is rising in Sweden. In our view, Governor Stefan Ingves will renormalize policy as quickly as possible, given that he is managing a small open economy with one of the cheapest currencies in the G10 universe, with a large footprint of imported inflation. Trading Strategy Chart 14The Riksbank Will Have To Raise Rates The Riksbank Will Have To Raise Rates The Riksbank Will Have To Raise Rates Our currency strategy is to buy the SEK on weakness. The recent dovish path by the ECB will mean that the Riksbank will tread very carefully in sounding too hawkish. However, every real-time indicator of its mandate suggests emergency policy settings are no longer necessary. Real rates are falling in Sweden relative to both the US and the euro area. As such, the SEK has not yet priced a shift in the Riksbank's policy setting. (Chart 14). This suggests that while the carry cost is high from being long the SEK at current levels, a capitulation phase will present investors with an opportunity to accumulate the SEK at a fire-sale price. As for Long EUR/SEK, the cross could overshoot, but will head lower on a 12–18-month horizon. Long SEK/CHF positions are also attractive.   Chester Ntonifor Foreign Exchange Strategist chestern@bcaresearch.com Trades & Forecasts Strategic View Cyclical Holdings (6-18 months) Tactical Holdings (0-6 months) Limit Orders Forecast Summary

Executive Summary The Ukraine war reinforces our key view that commodity producers will use their geopolitical leverage this year. The market is growing complacent again about Russian risks. Iran is part of the same dynamic. If US-Iran talks fail, as we expect, the Middle East will destabilize and add another energy supply risk on top of the Russian risk. The Ukraine war also interacts with our other two key views for 2022: China’s reversion to autocracy and the US’s policy insularity. Both add policy uncertainty and weigh on risk sentiment. The war also reinforces our strategic themes for the 2020s: Great Power Rivalry, Hypo-Globalization, and Populism/Nationalism. Stagflation Cometh Stagflation Cometh Stagflation Cometh Trade Recommendation Inception Date Return Cyclically Long Global Defensives Versus Cyclicals 2022-01-20 10.8% Bottom Line: Tactically stay long global defensives and large caps. Cyclically stay long gold, US equities, aerospace/defense, and cyber security. Feature In our annual outlook, “The Gathering Storm,” we argued that the post-pandemic world economy would destabilize due to intensifying rivalry among the leading nations. We argued that China’s reversion to autocracy, US domestic divisions, and Russia’s commodity leverage would produce a toxic brew for global investors in 2022. By January 27 it was clear to us that Russia would invade Ukraine, so the storm was arriving sooner than we thought, and we doubled down on our defensive and risk-averse market positioning. We derived these three key views from new cyclical trends and the way they interact with our underlying strategic themes – Great Power Rivalry, Hypo-Globalization, and Populism/Nationalism (Table 1). These themes are mutually reinforcing, rooted in solid evidence over many years, and will not change easily. Table 1Three Geopolitical Strategic Themes Second Quarter Outlook 2022: When It Rains, It Pours Second Quarter Outlook 2022: When It Rains, It Pours Related Report  Geopolitical Strategy2022 Key Views: The Gathering Storm The Ukraine war reinforces them: Russia took military action to increase its security relative to the US and NATO; the West imposed sanctions that reduce globalization with Russia and potentially other states; Russian aggression stemmed from nationalism and caused a spike in global prices that will spur more nationalism and populism going forward. In this report we examine how these trends will develop in the second quarter and beyond. We see stagflation taking shape and recommend investors prepare for it by continuing to favor defensive sectors, commodities, and value plays. Checking Up On Our Russia View For 2022 Our third key view for 2022 – that oil producers like Russia and Iran possessed immense geopolitical leverage and would most likely use it – is clearly the dominant geopolitical trend of the year, as manifested in the Russian invasion of Ukraine.1 Russia first invaded Ukraine in 2014 and curtailed operations after commodity prices crashed. It launched a new and larger invasion in 2022 when a new commodity cycle began (Chart 1). Facing tactical setbacks, Russia has begun withdrawing forces from around the Ukrainian capital Kyiv. But it will redouble its efforts to conquer the eastern Donbas region and the southern coastline. The coast is the most strategic territory at stake (Map 1). Chart 1Russia's Commodity-Enabled Aggression Russia's Commodity-Enabled Aggression Russia's Commodity-Enabled Aggression Map 1Russian Invasion Of Ukraine, 2022 Second Quarter Outlook 2022: When It Rains, It Pours Second Quarter Outlook 2022: When It Rains, It Pours The most decisive limitation on Russia’s military effort would come from a collapse of commodity exports or prices, which has not happened yet. Europe continues to buy Russian oil and natural gas, although it is debating a ban on the $4.4 billion worth of coal that it imports. With high energy prices making up for a drop in export volumes, Russian armed forces can still attempt a summer and fall campaign (Chart 2). The aim would be to conquer remaining portions of Donetsk and Luhansk, the “land bridge” to Crimea, and potentially the stretch of land between the Dnieper river and eastern Moldova, where Russian troops are already stationed. Chart 2Russia’s War Financing Second Quarter Outlook 2022: When It Rains, It Pours Second Quarter Outlook 2022: When It Rains, It Pours Ukraine’s military neutrality is the core Russian objective. Ukraine is offering neutrality in exchange for security guarantees in the current ceasefire talks. Hence a durable ceasefire is possible if the details of neutrality are agreed – Ukraine forswears joining NATO and hosting foreign military infrastructure while accepting limitations on military exercises and defense systems. The security guarantees that Ukraine demands are mostly symbolic, as the western powers that would be credible guarantors are already unwilling to use military force against Russia (e.g. the US, UK, NATO members). However, Russia’s withdrawal from Kyiv will embolden the Ukrainians, so we do not expect a durable ceasefire in the second quarter. Global investors will be mistaken if they ignore Ukraine in the second quarter, at least until core problems are resolved. What matters most is whether the war expands beyond Ukraine: The likelihood of a broader war is low but not negligible. So far the Russian regime is behaving somewhat rationally: Moscow attacked a non-NATO member to prevent it from joining NATO; it limited the size of the military commitment; and it is now accepting reality and withdrawing from Kyiv while negotiating on Ukrainian neutrality. But a major problem emerges if Russia’s military fails in the Donbas while Ukraine reneges on offers of neutrality. Any ceasefire could fall apart and the war could re-escalate. Russia could redouble its attacks on the country or conduct a limited attack outside of Ukraine to trigger a crisis in the western alliance. Moreover, if sanctions keep rising until Russia’s economy collapses, Moscow could become less rational. Finland and Sweden have seen a shift of public opinion in favor of joining NATO. Any intention to do so would trigger a belligerent reaction from Russia. These governments are well aware of the precarious balance that must be maintained to prevent war, so war is unlikely. But if their stance changes then Russia will threaten to attack. Russia would threaten to bomb these states since it cannot now credibly threaten invasion by land (Charts 3A & 3B). Chart 3ANordic States Joining NATO Would Trigger Larger War Second Quarter Outlook 2022: When It Rains, It Pours Second Quarter Outlook 2022: When It Rains, It Pours ​​​​​ Chart 3BNordic States Joining NATO Would Trigger Larger War Second Quarter Outlook 2022: When It Rains, It Pours Second Quarter Outlook 2022: When It Rains, It Pours ​​​​​​ The Black Sea is vulnerable to “Black Swan” events or military spillovers. Russia is re-concentrating its military efforts in the Donbas and land bridge to Crimea. Russia could expand its offensive to Odessa and the Moldovan border. Or Russia could attempt to create a new norm of naval dominance in the Black Sea. Or ships from third countries could hit mines or become casualties of war. For these and other reasons, investors should not take on additional risk in their portfolios on the basis that a durable ceasefire will be concluded quickly. Russia’s position is far too vulnerable to encourage risk-taking. Moscow could escalate tensions to try to save face. It is also critical to ensure that Russia and Europe maintain their energy trade: Neither side has an interest in total energy cutoff. Russia needs the revenue to finance its war and needs to discourage Europe from fulfilling its pledges to transition rapidly to other sources and substitutes. Europe needs the energy to avoid recession, maintain some tie with Russia, and enable its energy diversification strategy. So far natural gas flows are continuing (Chart 4). Chart 4Natural Gas Flows Continuing (So Far) Natural Gas Flows Continuing (So Far) Natural Gas Flows Continuing (So Far) ​​​​​​ Chart 5Global Oil Supply/Demand Balance Global Oil Supply/Demand Balance Global Oil Supply/Demand Balance ​​​​​​ However, risks to energy trade are rising. Russia is threatening to cut off energy exports if not paid in rubles, while the EU is beginning to entertain sanctions on energy. Russia can reduce oil or gas flows incrementally to keep prices high and prevent Europe from rebuilding stockpiles for fall and winter. Partial energy cutoff is possible. Europe’s diversification makes Russia’s predicament dire. Substantial sanction relief is highly unlikely, as western powers will want to prevent Russia from rebuilding its economy and military. Russia could try to impose significant pain on Europe to try to force a more favorable diplomatic solution. A third factor that matters is whether the US will expand its sanction enforcement to demand strict compliance from other nations, at pain of secondary sanctions: Secondary sanctions are likely in the case of China and other nations that stand at odds with the US and help Russia circumvent sanctions. In China’s case, the US is already interested in imposing sanctions on the financial or technology sector as part of its long-term containment strategy. While the Biden administration’s preference is to control the pace of escalation with China, and thus not to slap sanctions immediately, nevertheless substantial sanctions cannot be ruled out in the second quarter. Secondary sanctions will be limited in the case of US allies and partners, such as EU members, Turkey, and India. Countries that do business with Russia but are critical to US strategy will be given waivers or special treatment. Russia is not the only commodity producer that enjoys outsized geopolitical leverage amid a global commodity squeeze. Iran is the next most critical producer. Iran is also critical for the stability of the Middle East. In particular, the consequential US-Iran talks over whether to rejoin the 2015 nuclear deal are likely to come to a decision in the second quarter. Chart 6Failure Of US-Iran Talks Jeopardizes Middle East Oil Supply Failure Of US-Iran Talks Jeopardizes Middle East Oil Supply Failure Of US-Iran Talks Jeopardizes Middle East Oil Supply If the US and Iran agree to a strategic détente, then regional tensions will briefly subside, reducing global oil disruption risks and supply pressures. Iran could bring 1.3 million barrels per day of oil back online, adding to President Biden’s 1 million per day release of strategic petroleum reserves. The combination would amount to 2.3% of global demand and more than cover the projected quarterly average supply deficit, which ranges from 400k to 900k barrels per day for the rest of 2022 (Chart 5). If the US and Iran fail to agree, then the Middle East will suffer another round of instability, adding a Middle Eastern energy shock on top of the Russian shock. Not only would Iran’s 1.3 million barrels per day be jeopardized but so would Iraq’s 4.4 million, Saudi Arabia’s 10.3 million, the UAE’s 3.0 million, or the Strait of Hormuz’s combined 24 million per day (Chart 6). This gives Iran leverage to pursue nuclear weaponization prior to any change in US government that would strengthen Israel’s ability to stop Iran. We would not bet on an agreement – but we cannot rule it out. The Biden administration can reduce sanctions via executive action to prevent a greater oil shock, while the Iranians can accept sanction relief in exchange for easily reversible moves toward compliance with the 2015 nuclear deal. But this would be a short-term, stop-gap measure, not a long-term strategic détente. Conflict between Iran and its neighbors will revive sooner than expected after the deal is agreed, as Iran’s nuclear ambitions will persist. OPEC states are already producing more oil rapidly, suggesting no quick fix if the US-Iran deal falls apart. While core OPEC states have 3.5 million barrels per day in spare capacity to bring to bear, a serious escalation of tensions with Iran would jeopardize this solution. Finally, if commodity producers have geopolitical leverage, then commodity consumers are lacking in leverage. This is clear from Europe’s inability to prevent Russia’s attack or ban Russian energy. It is clear from the US’s apparent unwillingness to give up on a short-term deal with Iran. It is clear from China’s inability to provide sufficient monetary and fiscal stimulus as it struggles with Covid-19. Turkey, Egypt, and Pakistan are geopolitically significant importers of Russian and Ukrainian grain that are likely to face food insecurity and social unrest. We will address this issue below under our Populism/Nationalism theme. Bottom Line: Investors should not be complacent. Russia’s military standing in Ukraine is weak, but its ability to finance the war has not yet collapsed, which means that it will escalate the conflict to save face. What About Our Other Key Views For 2022? Our other two key views for 2022 are even more relevant in the wake of the Ukraine re-invasion. China’s reversion to autocracy is a factor in China’s domestic and foreign policy: Domestically China needs economic and social stability in the advance of the twentieth national party congress, when President Xi Jinping hopes to clinch 10 more years in power. In pursuit of this goal China is easing monetary and fiscal policy. However, with depressed animal spirits, a weakening property sector, and high debt levels, monetary policy is proving insufficient. Fiscal policy will have to step up. But even here, inflation is likely to impose a limitation on how much stimulus the authorities can utilize (Chart 7). Chart 7China Stimulus Impaired By Inflation China Stimulus Impaired By Inflation China Stimulus Impaired By Inflation ​​​​​​ Chart 8Chinese Supply Kinks To Persist Due To Covid-19 Chinese Supply Kinks To Persist Due To Covid-19 Chinese Supply Kinks To Persist Due To Covid-19 China is also trying but failing to maintain a “Covid Zero” policy. The more contagious Omicron variant of the virus is breaking out and slipping beyond the authorities’ ability to suppress cases of the virus to zero. Shanghai is on lockdown and other cities will follow suit. China will attempt to redouble its containment efforts before it will accept the reality that the virus cannot be contained. Chinese production and shipping will become delayed and obstructed as a result, putting another round of upward pressure on global prices (Chart 8). Stringent pandemic restrictions could trigger social unrest. China is ripe for social unrest, which is why it launched the “Common Prosperity” program last year to convince citizens that quality of life will improve. But this program is a long-term program that will not bring immediate relief. On the contrary, the economy is still suffering and the virus will spread more widely, as well as draconian social restrictions. The result is that the lead up to the national party congress will not be as smooth as the Xi administration had hoped. Global investors will remain pessimistic toward Chinese stocks. In foreign affairs, China’s reversion to autocracy is reinforced by Russia’s clash with the West and the need to coordinate more closely. Xi hosted Putin in Beijing on February 4, prior to the invasion, and the two declared that their strategic partnership ushers in a “new era” of “multipolarity” and that their cooperation has “no limits,” which really means that military cooperation is not forbidden. China agreed to purchase an additional 10 billion cubic meters of Russian natural gas over 30-years. While this amount would only replace 3% of Russian natural gas exports to Europe, it would mark a 26% increase in Russian exports to China. More importantly it acts as a symbol of Chinese willingness to substitute for Europe over time. There is a long way to go for China to replace Europe as a customer (Chart 9). But China knows it needs to convert its US dollar foreign exchange reserves, vulnerable to US sanctions, into hard investments in supply security within the Eurasian continent. Chart 9Long Way To Go For China NatGas Imports To Replace EU Second Quarter Outlook 2022: When It Rains, It Pours Second Quarter Outlook 2022: When It Rains, It Pours China is helping Russia circumvent sanctions. China’s chief interest is to minimize the shock to its domestic economy. This means keeping Russian energy and commodities flowing. China could also offer military equipment for Russia. The US has expressly warned China against taking such an action. China could mitigate the blowback by stipulating that the assistance cannot be used in Ukraine. This would be unenforceable but would provide diplomatic cover. While China is uncomfortable with the disturbance of the Ukraine war – it does not want foreign affairs to cause even larger supply shocks. At the same time, China does not want Russia to lose the war or Putin’s regime to fall from power. If Russia loses, Taiwan and its western allies would be emboldened, while Russia could pursue a détente with the West, leaving China isolated. Since China faces US containment policy regardless of what happens in Russia, it is better for China to have Putin making an example out of Ukraine and keeping the Americans and Europeans preoccupied. Chart 10China Strives To Preserve EU Trade Ties China Strives To Preserve EU Trade Ties China Strives To Preserve EU Trade Ties China must also preserve ties with Europe. Diplomacy will likely succeed in the short run since Europe has no interest or desire to expand sanctions to China. The Biden administration will defer to Europe on the pace of sanctions – it is not willing or able to force Europe to break with China suddenly. Eventually Europe and China may sever relations but not yet – China has a powerful incentive to preserve them (Chart 10). China will also court India and other powers in an attempt to hedge its bets on Russia while weakening any American containment. Beyond the party congress, China will be focused on securing the economic recovery and implementing the common prosperity agenda. The first step is to maintain easy monetary and fiscal policy. The second step is to “let 100 flowers bloom,” i.e. relaxing social and regulatory controls to try to revive entrepreneurship and animal spirits, which are heavily depressed. Xi will have the ability to do this after re-consolidating power. The third step will be to try to stabilize economic relations with Europe and others (conceivably even the US temporarily, though no serious détente is likely). The remaining key view for 2022 is that the Biden administration’s domestic focus will be defensive and will invite foreign policy challenges. The Ukraine war vindicates this view but the question now is whether Biden has or will change tack: The Biden administration is focused on the midterm elections and the huge risk to the Democratic Party’s standing. Biden has not received a boost in opinion polls from the war. He is polling even worse when it comes to handling of the economy (Chart 11). While he should be able to repackage his budget reconciliation bill as an energy security bill, his thin majorities in both houses make passage difficult. Chart 11Biden And Democrats Face Shellacking In Midterm Election Second Quarter Outlook 2022: When It Rains, It Pours Second Quarter Outlook 2022: When It Rains, It Pours Biden’s weak standing – with or without a midterm shellacking – raises the prospect that Republicans could take back the White House in 2024, which discourages foreign nations from making any significant concessions to the United States in their negotiations. They must assume that partisanship will continue to contaminate foreign policy and lead to abrupt policy reversals. In foreign policy, the US remains reactive in the face of Russian aggression. If Russia signs a ceasefire, the US will not sabotage it to prolong Russian difficulties. Moreover Biden continues to exempt Europe and other allies and partners from enforcing the US’s most severe sanctions for fear of a larger energy shock. Europe’s avoidance of an energy ban is critical and any change in US policy to try to force the EU to cut off Russian energy is unlikely. China will not agree to structural reform or deep concessions in its trade negotiations, knowing that former President Trump could come back. The Biden administration’s own trade policy toward China is limited in scope, as the US Trade Representative Katherine Tai admitted when she said that the US could no longer aim to change China’s behavior via trade talks. Biden’s only proactive foreign policy initiative, Iran, will not bring him public kudos if it is achieved. But American inconstancy is one of the reasons that Iran may walk away from the 2015 nuclear deal. Why should Iran’s hawkish leaders be expected to constrain their nuclear program and expose their economy to future US sanctions if they can circumvent US sanctions anyway, and Republicans have a fair chance of coming back into power as early as January 2025? Biden’s unprecedented release of strategic petroleum reserves will not be able to prevent gasoline prices from staying high given the underlying supply pressures at home and abroad. This is especially true if the Iran talks fail as we expect. Even if inflation abates before the election, it is unlikely to abate enough to save his party from a shellacking. That in turn will weaken the global impression of his administration’s staying power. Hence Biden will focus on maintaining US alliances, which means allowing Europe, India, and others to proceed at a more pragmatic and dovish pace in their relations with Russia and China. Bottom Line: China’s reversion to autocracy and America’s policy insularity suggest that global investors face considerable policy uncertainty this year even aside from the war in Europe. Checking Up On Our Strategic Themes For The 2020s Russia’s invasion strongly confirmed our three strategic themes of Great Power Rivalry, Hypo-Globalization, and Populism/Nationalism. These themes are mutually reinforcing: insecurity among the leading nation-states encourages regionalization rather than globalization, while populism and nationalism encourage nations to pursue economic and security interests at the expense of their neighbors. First, the Ukraine war confirms and exacerbates Great Power Rivalry: Chart 12China And Russia Both Need To Balance Against US Preponderance Second Quarter Outlook 2022: When It Rains, It Pours Second Quarter Outlook 2022: When It Rains, It Pours Russia’s action vindicates the “realist” school of international relations (in which we count ourselves) by forcing the world to wake up to the fact that nations still care primarily about national security defined in material ways, such as armies, resources, and territories. The paradox of realism is that if at least one of the great nations pursues its national self-interest and engages in competition for security, then all other nations will be forced to do the same. If a nation neglects its national security interests in pursuit of global economic engagement and cooperation, then it will suffer, since other nations will take advantage of it to enhance their security. Hence, as a result of Ukraine, nations will give a higher weight to national security relative to economic efficiency. The result will be an acceleration of decisions to use fiscal funds and guide the private economy in pursuit of national interests – i.e. the Return of Big Government. Since actions to increase deterrence will provoke counteractions for the same reason, overall insecurity will rise. For example, the US and China will take extra precautions in case of future sanctions and war. But these precautions will reduce trust and cooperation and increase the probability of war over the long run. For the same reason, China cannot reject Russia’s strategic overture – it cannot afford to alienate and isolate Russia. China and Russia have a shared interest in countering the United States because it is the only nation that could conceivably impose a global empire over all nations (Chart 12). The US could deprive Beijing and Moscow of the regional spheres of influence that they each need to improve their national security. This is true not only in Ukraine and Taiwan but in other peripheral areas such as Belarus, the Caucasus, Central Asia, and Southeast Asia. China has much to gain from Russia. Russia is offering China privileged overland access to Russian, Central Asian, and Middle Eastern resources and markets. This resource base is vital to China’s strategic needs, given its import dependency and vulnerability to US maritime power (Chart 13). Chart 13China’s Maritime Vulnerability Forces Eurasian Strategy, Russian Alliance Second Quarter Outlook 2022: When It Rains, It Pours Second Quarter Outlook 2022: When It Rains, It Pours Investors should understand Great Power Rivalry in a multipolar rather than bipolar sense. As Russia breaks from the West, investors are quick to move rapidly to the bipolar Cold War analogy because that is what they are familiar with. But the world today has multiple poles of political power, as it did for centuries prior to the twentieth. While the US is the preponderant power, it is not hegemonic. It faces not one but two revisionist challengers – Russia and China. Meanwhile Europe and India are independent poles of power that are not exclusively aligned with the US or China. For example, China and the EU need to maintain economic ties with each other for the sake of stability, and neither the US nor Russia can prevent them from doing so. The same goes for India and Russia. China will embrace Russia and Europe at the same time, while hardening its economy against US punitive measures. India will preserve ties with Russia and China, while avoiding conflict with the US and its allies (the maritime powers), whom it needs for its long-term strategic security in the Indian Ocean basin. Ultimately bipolarity may be the end-game – e.g. if China takes aggressive action to revise the global order like Russia has done – but the persistence of Sino-European ties and Russo-Indian ties suggest we are not there yet. Second, the Ukraine war reinforces Hypo-Globalization: Since the pandemic we have argued that trade would revive on the global economic snapback but that globalization – the deepening of trade integration – would ultimately fall short of its pre-2020 and pre-2008 trajectory. Instead we would inhabit a new world of “hypo-globalization,” in which trade flows fell short of potential. So far the data support this view (Chart 14). Chart 14Globalization Falling Short Of Potential Second Quarter Outlook 2022: When It Rains, It Pours Second Quarter Outlook 2022: When It Rains, It Pours The Ukraine war has strengthened this thesis not only by concretely reducing Russia’s trajectory of trade with the West – reversing decades of integration since the fall of the Soviet Union – but also by increasing the need for nations to guard against a future Chinese confrontation with the Western world. Trust between China and the West will further erode. China will need to guard against any future sanctions, and thus diversify away from the US dollar and assets, while the US will need to do a better job of deterring China against aggression in Asia, and will thus have to diversify away from Chinese manufacturing and critical resources like rare earths. While China and Europe need each other now, the US and China are firmly set on a long-term path of security competition in East Asia. Eventually either the US or China will take a more aggressive stance and Europe will be forced to react. Since Europe will still need US support against a decaying and aggressive Russia, it will likely be dragged into assisting the US against China. Third, the Ukraine war reflects and amplifies Populism/Nationalism: Populism and nationalism are not the same thing but they both stem from the slowing trend of global income growth, the rise of inequality, the corruption of the elite political establishments, and now the rise in inflation. Nations have to devote more resources to pacifying an angry populace, or distracting that populace through foreign adventures, or both. The Ukraine war reflects the rise in nationalism. First, the collapse of the Soviet Union ushered in a period in which Moscow lost control of its periphery, while the diverse peoples could pursue national self-determination and statehood. The independence and success of the Baltic states depended on economic and military cooperation with the West, which eroded Russian national security and provoked a nationalist backlash in the form of President Putin’s regime. Ukraine became the epicenter of this conflict. Ukraine’s successful military resistance is likely to provoke a dangerous backlash from Moscow until either policy changes or the regime changes. American nationalism has flared repeatedly since the fall of the Soviet Union, namely in the Iraq war. The American state has suffered economically and politically for that imperial overreach. But American nationalism is still a potent force and could trigger a more aggressive shift in US foreign policy in 2024 or beyond. European states have kept nationalism in check and tried to subsume their various nationalist sentiments into a liberal and internationalist project, the European Union. The wave of nationalist forces in the wake of the European debt crisis has subsided, with the exception of the United Kingdom, where it flowered in Brexit. The French election in the second quarter will likely continue this trend with the re-election of President Emmanuel Macron, but even if he should suffer a surprise upset to nationalist Marine Le Pen, Europe’s centripetal forces will prevent her from taking France out of the EU or euro or NATO (Chart 15). Over the coming decade, nationalist forces will revive and will present a new challenge to Europe’s ruling elites – but global great power competition strongly supports the EU’s continued evolution into a single geopolitical entity, since the independent states are extremely vulnerable to Russia, China, and even the US unless they unite and strengthen their superstructure. Chart 15Macron Favored, Le Pen Would Be Ineffective Macron Favored, Le Pen Would Be Ineffective Macron Favored, Le Pen Would Be Ineffective In fact the true base of global nationalism is migrating to Asia. Chinese and Indian nationalism are very potent forces under President Xi Jinping and Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Xi is on the verge of clinching another ten years in power while Modi is still favored for re-election in 2024, so there is no reason to anticipate a change anytime soon. The effects are various but what is most important for investors is to recognize that as China’s potential GDP has fallen over the past decade, the Communist Party has begun to utilize nationalism as a new source of legitimacy, and this is expressed through a more assertive foreign policy. President Xi is the emblem of this shift and it will not change, even if China pursues a lower profile over certain periods to avoid provoking the US and its allies into a more effective coalition to contain China. Chart 16Food Insecurity Will Promote Global Unrest, Populism Food Insecurity Will Promote Global Unrest, Populism Food Insecurity Will Promote Global Unrest, Populism The surge in global prices will destabilize regimes that lack food security and contribute to new bouts of populism and nationalism. Turkey is the most vulnerable due to a confluence of political, economic, and military risks that will unsettle the state. But Egypt is vulnerable to an Arab Spring 2.0 that would have negative security implications for Israel and add powder to the Middle Eastern powder keg. Pakistan is already witnessing political turmoil. Investors may overlook any Indonesian unrest due to its attractiveness in a world where Russia and China are scaring away western investment (Chart 16). All three of these strategic themes are mutually reinforcing – and they tend to be inflationary over the long run. Great powers that redouble the pursuit of national interest – through defense spending and energy security investments – while simultaneously being forced to expand their social safety nets to appease popular discontent, will drive up budget deficits, consume a lot of natural resources, and purchase a lot of capital equipment. They will also more frequently engage in economic or military conflicts that constrain supply (Chart 17). Chart 17War And Preparation For War Are Inflationary War And Preparation For War Are Inflationary War And Preparation For War Are Inflationary Bottom Line: The Ukraine war is a powerful confirmation of our three strategic themes. It is also a confirmation that these themes have inflationary macroeconomic implications. Investment Takeaways Chart 18Global Investors Still Flee To US For Safety Global Investors Still Flee To US For Safety Global Investors Still Flee To US For Safety Now that great power rivalry is intensifying immediately and rapidly, and yet China’s and Europe’s economies are encountering greater difficulties, we expect stagflation to arrive sooner rather than later. High headline and core inflation, the Ukraine war, tacit Chinese support for Russia, persistent Chinese supply kinks, US and EU sanctions, US midterm elections, and a potential US-Iran diplomatic breakdown will all weigh on risk sentiment in the second quarter. In Ukraine, Russia’s position is too weak to give comfort for investors, who should continue to favor defensive over cyclical equities and US stocks over global stocks. Russia’s break with the West, and the West’s use of sanctions to prevent Russia from accessing its foreign exchange reserves, has raised new questions about the global currency reserve system and the dollar’s status within that system. Over the coming years China will redouble the efforts it began in the wake of the Great Recession to reduce its dependency on US dollar assets within its reserve basket, while also recycling new current account surpluses into non-dollar assets. However, the evidence does not suggest that King Dollar will suffer a structural breakdown. First, the world lacks alternative safe-haven assets to US Treasuries – and net foreign purchases of US bonds rose in the face of the Ukraine war (Chart 18). Second, the return of war to Europe will weaken the perceived long-term security of European currency and government bonds relative to US counterparts. Even if the Ukraine war is contained in the short run, as we expect, Russia is in structural decline and will remain a disruptive player for some time. We are not at all bearish on the euro or European bonds but we do not see the Ukraine war as increasing their value proposition, to put it lightly. The same logic extends to Japanese bonds, since China, like Russia, is an autocratic and revisionist state that threatens to shake up the security order in its neighborhood. Japan is relatively secure as a nation and we are bullish on the yen, but China’s de facto alliance with Russia weakens Japan’s security outlook over the very long run, especially relative to the United States. Thus, on a cyclical basis the dollar can depreciate, but on a structural basis the US dollar will remain the dominant reserve currency. The US is not only the wealthiest and most secure country in the world but also the largest oil producer. Meanwhile Chinese potential growth, domestic political stability, and foreign relations are all worsening. The US-Iran talks are the most critical geopolitical dynamic in the second quarter aside from Russia’s clash with the West. The fate of the 2015 nuclear deal will be decided soon and will determine whether an even bigger energy shock begins to emanate from the Middle East. We would not bet on a new US-Iran deal but we cannot rule it out. Any deal would be a short-term, stop-gap deal but would prevent an immediate destabilization of the Middle East this year. As such it would reduce the risk of stagflation. Since we expect the deal to fail, we expect a new energy shock to emerge. We see stagflation as more likely than the BCA House View. It will be difficult to lift productivity in an environment of geopolitical and political uncertainty combined with slowing global growth, rising interest rates, and a worsening commodity shock (Chart 19). We will gladly revise this stance if Biden clinches an Iran deal, China relaxes its Covid Zero policy and stabilizes domestic demand, Russia and Europe maintain energy trade, and commodity prices fall to more sustainable levels for global demand. Chart 19Stagflation Cometh Stagflation Cometh Stagflation Cometh Strategically we remain long gold, overweight US equities, overweight UK equities, long British pound and Japanese yen, long aerospace/defense stocks and cyber security stocks. We remain short Chinese renminbi and Taiwanese dollar and short emerging European assets. Our short Chinese renminbi trade and our short Taiwanese versus Korean equity trade are our worst-performing recommendations. However, the above analysis should highlight – and the Ukraine war should underscore – that these two economies face a fundamentally negative geopolitical dynamic. Both Chinese and Taiwanese stocks have been underperforming global peers since 2021 and our short TWD-USD trade is in the money. While we do not expect war to break out in Taiwan this year, we do expect various crisis events to occur, particularly in the lead up to the crucial Taiwanese and American 2022 midterms and 2024 presidential election. We also expect China to depreciate the renminbi when inflation peaks and commodity prices subside. Cyclically we remain long North American and Latin American oil producers and short Middle Eastern producers, based on our pessimistic read of the Iran situation. The Americas are fundamentally better protected from geopolitical risks than other regions, although they continue to suffer from domestic political risks on a country-by-country basis. Cyclically we continue to take a defensive positioning, overweighting defensive sectors and large cap equities.   Matt Gertken Chief Geopolitical Strategist mattg@bcaresearch.com   Footnotes 1      That the Russian threat fell under our third key view for 2022 implies that we did not get our priorities straight. However, consider the timing: shortly after publishing our annual outlook on December 15, the Russians issued an ultimatum to the western powers demanding that NATO stop expanding toward Russia. Diplomats from Russia and the West met on January 12-13 but Russia’s demands were not met. We upgraded the odds that Russia would invade Ukraine from 50% to 75% on January 27. Shuttle diplomacy ensued but failed. Russia invaded on February 24. Strategic Themes Open Tactical Positions (0-6 Months) Open Cyclical Recommendations (6-18 Months) Regional Geopolitical Risk Matrix "Batting Average": Geopolitical Strategy Trades () Section II: Special (EDIT this Header) Section III: Geopolitical Calendar

Executive Summary Petrocurrencies Have Lagged Terms Of Trade Petrocurrencies Have Lagged Terms Of Trade Petrocurrencies Have Lagged Terms Of Trade  Petrocurrencies have lagged the surge in crude prices. This has been specific to the currency space since energy stocks have been in an epic bull market.Both cyclical and structural factors explain this conundrum.Cyclically, rising interest rate expectations in the US have dwarfed the terms-of-trade boost that the CAD, NOK, MXN, COP and even BRL typically enjoy (Feature Chart).Structurally, the US is now the biggest oil producer in the world (and a net exporter of natural gas). This has permanently shifted the relationship between the foreign exchange of traditional oil producers and the US dollar.Oil prices are overbought and vulnerable tactically to any resolution in the Russo-Ukrainian conflict. That said, they are likely to remain well bid over a medium-term horizon, ultimately supporting petrocurrencies.Petrocurrencies also offer a significant valuation cushion and carry relative to the US dollar, making them attractive for longer-term investors.Tactically, the currencies of oil producers relative to consumers could mean revert. It also suggests the Japanese yen, which is under pressure from rising energy imports, could find some footing, even as oil prices remain volatile.RECOMMENDATIONINCEPTION LEVELINCEPTION DATERETURNShort NOK/SEK1.112022-03-24-Bottom Line: Given our thesis of lower oil prices in the near term, but firmer prices in the medium term, we will be selling a basket of oil producers relative to oil consumers, with the aim of reversing that trade from lower levels.FeatureOil price volatility is once again dominating global market action. After hitting a low of close to $96/barrel on March 16th, Brent crude is once again at $120 as we go to press. Over the last two years, Brent crude has been as cheap as $16, and as expensive as $140. Energy stocks (and their respective bourses) have been the proximate winner from rising oil prices (Chart 1).Related ReportForeign Exchange StrategyWhat Next For The RMB?In foreign exchange markets, the currencies of commodity-producing countries have surprisingly lagged the improvement in oil prices (Chart 2). Historically, higher oil prices have had a profound impact on the external balance of oil producing versus consuming countries in general and petrocurrencies in particular. Chart 1Energy Stocks Have Tracked Forward Oil Prices Energy Stocks Have Tracked Forward Oil Prices Energy Stocks Have Tracked Forward Oil Prices   Chart 2Petrocurrencies Have Lagged Oil Prices Petrocurrencies Have Lagged Oil Prices Petrocurrencies Have Lagged Oil Prices  Based on the observation above, this report addresses three key questions:Are there cyclical factors depressing the performance of petrocurrencies?Are there structural factors that have changed the relationship of these currencies with the US dollar?What is the outlook for oil, and the impact on short term versus longer-term currency strategy?We will begin our discussion with the outlook for oil.Russia, Oil, And PetrocurrenciesA high-level forecast from our Commodity & Energy Strategy colleagues calls for oil prices to average $93 per barrel this year and next.1 The deduction from this forecast is that we could see spot prices head lower from current levels this year but remain firm in 2023. From our perspective, there are a few factors that support this view:Forward prices tend to move in tandem with the spot fixing (Chart 3), but recently have also been a fair predictor of where current prices will settle over the medium term. Forward oil prices are trading at a significant discount to spot, suggesting some measure of mean reversion (Chart 4). Chart 3Forward And Spot Oil Prices Move Together Forward And Spot Oil Prices Move Together Forward And Spot Oil Prices Move Together   Chart 4The Oil Curve And Spot Prices The Oil Curve And Spot Prices The Oil Curve And Spot Prices  There is a significant geopolitical risk premium embedded in oil prices. According to the New York Federal Reserve model, the demand/supply balance would have caused oil prices to fall between February 11 and February 25 this year. They however rose. This geopolitical risk premium has surely increased since then (Chart 5).Chart 5Oil Prices Embed A Significant Geopolitical Risk Premium The Oil-Petrocurrency Conundrum The Oil-Petrocurrency Conundrum  Russian crude is trading at a sizeable discount compared to other benchmarks. This means that the incentive for substitution has risen significantly. Our Chief Commodity expert, Robert Ryan, noted on BLU today that intake from India is rising. This is helping put a floor on the Russian URAL/Brent discount blend at around $30 (Chart 6). Oil is fungible, and seaborne crude can be rerouted from unwilling buyers to satiate demand in starved markets.A fortnight ago, we noted how the US sanctions on Russia could shift the foreign exchange landscape, especially vis-à-vis the RMB. Specifically, RMB-denominated trade in oil is likely to increase significantly going forward. China has massively increased the number of bilateral swap lines it has with foreign countries, while stabilizing the RMB versus the US dollar.2Finally, smaller open economies such as Canada, Norway and even Mexico are opening the oil spigots (Chart 7). While individually these countries cannot fill any potential gap in Russian production, collectively they could help in the redistribution of oil supplies. Chart 6Russian Oil Is Selling At A Discount Russian Oil Is Selling At A Discount Russian Oil Is Selling At A Discount   Chart 7Small Oil Producers Will Benefit From High Prices Small Oil Producers Will Benefit From High Prices Small Oil Producers Will Benefit From High Prices  The observations above suggest that the currencies of small oil-producing nations are likely to benefit in the medium term from a redistribution in oil demand. Remarkably, there has been little demand destruction yet from the rise in prices, according to the New York Fed. This suggests that as the global economy reopens, and the demand/supply balance tightens, longer-term oil prices will remain well bid.The key risk in the short term is the geopolitical risk premium embedded in oil prices fades, especially given the potential that Europe, China, and India continue to buy Russian supplies. We have been playing this very volatile theme via a short NOK/SEK position. We are stopped out this week for a modest profit and are reinitiating the trade if NOK/SEK hits 1.11.On The Underperformance Of Petrocurrencies? Chart 8Petrocurrencies Have Lagged Terms Of Trade Petrocurrencies Have Lagged Terms Of Trade Petrocurrencies Have Lagged Terms Of Trade  The more important question is why the currencies of oil producers like the CAD, NOK, MXN or even BRL have not kept pace with oil prices as they historically have. As our feature chart shows (Chart 8), petrocurrencies have severely lagged the improvement in their terms of trade. This has been driven by both cyclical and structural factors.Cyclically, the underlying driver of FX in recent quarters has been the nominal interest rate spread between the US and its G10 counterparts. We have written at length on this topic, and on why we think there is a big mispricing in market behavior in our report – “The Biggest Macro Question By FX Investors Could Potentially Be The Least Relevant.” In a nutshell, two-year yields in the G10 have been lagging US rates, despite other central banks being ahead of the curve in hiking interest rates. This means that rising interest rate expectations in the US have dwarfed the terms of trade boost that the CAD, NOK, MXN, COP and even BRL typically enjoy.Structurally, the US is now the biggest oil producer in the world (Chart 9). This means the CAD/USD and NOK/USD exchange rates are experiencing a tectonic shift on a terms-of-trade basis. In 2010, the US accounted for only about 6% of global crude output. Collectively, Canada, Norway, and Mexico shared about 10% of global oil production. The elephant in the room was OPEC, with a market share just north of 40%. Today, the US produces over 14%, with Russia and Saudi Arabia around 13% each, the US having grabbed market share from many other countries. Chart 9The US Dominates Oil Production The US Dominates Oil Production The US Dominates Oil Production   Chart 10The US Dollar Is Becoming Increasingly Correlated To Oil The US Dollar Is Becoming Increasingly Correlated To Oil The US Dollar Is Becoming Increasingly Correlated To Oil  As a result of this shift, the positive correlation between petrocurrencies and oil has gradually eroded. Measured statistically, the dollar had a near-perfect negative correlation with oil around the time US production was about to take off. Since then, that correlation has risen from around -0.9 to around -0.2 (Chart 10).A Few Trade IdeasThe analysis above suggests a few trade ideas are likely to generate alpha over the medium term:Long Oil Producers Versus Oil Consumers: This trade will suffer in the near term as oil prices correct but benefit from a relatively tighter market over a longer horizon. It will also benefit from the positive carry that many oil producers provide (Chart 11). We will go long a currency basket of the CAD, NOK, MXN, BRL, and COP versus the euro at 5% below current levels.Chart 11Real Rates Are High Amongst Petrocurrencies The Oil-Petrocurrency Conundrum The Oil-Petrocurrency Conundrum  Sell CAD/NOK As A Trade: Norway is at the epicenter of the likely redistribution that will occur with a Russian blockade of crude, while Canada is further away from it. Terms of trade in Norway are doing much better than a relative measure in Canada (Chart 12). The discount between Western Canadian Select crude oil and Brent has also widened, which has historically heralded a lower CAD/NOK exchange rate. Chart 12CAD/NOK And Terms Of Trade CAD/NOK And Terms Of Trade CAD/NOK And Terms Of Trade  Follow The Money: Oil now trades above the cash costs for many oil-producing countries. This means the incentive to boost production, especially when demand recovers, is quite high. This incentivizes players with strong balance sheets to keep the taps open. This could be a particular longer-term boon for the Canadian dollar which is seeing massive portfolio inflows (Chart 13). Chart 13Canadian Oil Export Boom And Portfolio Flows Canadian Oil Export Boom And Portfolio Flows Canadian Oil Export Boom And Portfolio Flows  On The Yen (And Euro): Rising oil prices have been a death knell for the yen which is trading in lockstep with spot prices. Ditto for the euro. However, the yen benefits from very cheap valuations and extremely depressed sentiment. Any temporary reversal in oil prices will boost the yen (Chart 14). In our trading book, we were stopped out of a short CHF/JPY position last Friday, and we will look to reinitiate this trade in the coming days.  Chart 14The Yen And Oil Prices The Yen And Oil Prices The Yen And Oil Prices   Chester NtoniforForeign Exchange Strategistchestern@bcaresearch.comFootnotes1 Please see Commodity & Energy Strategy Weekly Report, “Uncertainty Tightens Oil Supply”, dated March 17, 2022.2 Please see Foreign Exchange Strategy Special Report, “What Next For The RMB?”, dated March 11, 2022.Trades & ForecastsStrategic ViewTactical Holdings (0-6 months)Limit OrdersForecast Summary